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Full text of "Dalmatia, the Quarnero and Istria, with Cettigne in Montenegro and the island of Grado"

THE LIBRARY 

OF 

THE UNIVERSITY 

OF CALIFORNIA 

LOS ANGELES 



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^3/r 



1 V6ts 



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1"^ 



DALMATIA 

THE QUAEiSrEEO A^D ISTEIA 



JACKSON 



VOL. I. 



HENRY FROWDE 




Oxford University Press Warehouse 
Amen Corner, E.C. 



DALMATIA 



THE QUARNEKO AND ISTRIA 



CETTIGNE IN MONTENEGEO AND THE ISLAND OF GEADO 



BT 



T. G. JACKSON, M.A., F.S.A. 

HONORARY FELLOW OF WADHAM COLLEGE, OXFORD 

ARCHITECT 

AUTHOR OF 'modern GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE' 



IN THREE VOLUMES 
VOLUME I 



Oxford 

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 

1887 

\^All rights reserved'] 



Art 

Library 



TO 

MY WIFE 

THRICE MY COMPANION 

ON THE FARTHER SHORES OF ADRIA 

I DEDICATE 

THIS RESULT OF OUR TRAVELS 



129S'07'7 



PREFACE. 



It is not only now when Europe waits to know 
whether the war-cloud that threatens her will first 
burst in thunder on the Rhine or on the Danube, 
nor only in modern times since the Eastern question 
has arisen to vex politicians, that the attention of 
Englishmen has been engaged by the Balkan penin- 
sula and the eastern sea-board of the Adriatic. 
English travellers were the first to make these 
countries and the monuments of art which they con- 
tain known to western Europeans. George Wheler 
visited Spalato in 1675, and has left us the earliest 
description of the ruins of Diocletian's palace ; 
Robert Adam's account of that building, published 
in 1 764, is still the best ; the antiquities of Pola 
were explored by Stuart in 1750, and splendidly 
illustrated in the fourth volume of the great work 
that goes by his name ; Sir Gardner Wilkinson in 
1 848 published an excellent general account of Dal- 
matia Montenegro and part of Herzegovina ; Mr. 
Paton's book followed ; more recently Professor 



viii Preface. 

Freeman has published some brief sketches of the 
earlier architecture of some of the maritime towns ; 
while the well-known researches of Mr. Arthur 
Evans in the interior of Bosnia and Herzegovina 
have introduced us to a part of Europe till then im- 
known. Even foreigners who have written on these 
lands have found more readers in our country than 
their own, and Professor Eitelberger of Vienna tells 
us that the first edition of his book on the mediaeval 
art of Dalmatia was almost entirely bought up in 
England ^ 

Of all these South Slavonic countries none in 
the estimation of the artist and the historian can 
compare with Dalmatia, the narrow strip of rock 
and moorland between the mountains and the sea 
which fenced out the Turk from the Adriatic, and 
stayed the tide of Moslem conquest in the south. In 
Dalmatia arts and letters flourished and commerce 
sprang up with all her civilizing influences, while 
the Slavonic kingdoms of the interior remained in 
semi-barbarism, wasting their strength in inter- 
necine struggles, and paving the way for the west- 
ward progress of the Turkish hordes. This superiority 
of Dalmatia is due partly to her maritime position 

* He says, * Dalmatien tvar den Engldndern seit jeher ein inter- 
essantes Land, den meisten Oesterreichern hlieb es eine " Terra incog- 
nita." ' Kunstdenkmale Dalmatiens, Preface to 2nd edition, 1884. 



Preface. ix 

which brought her mto contact with Italy and the 
West, but still more to the survival along her coast 
of certain ancient Roman municipalities, which in 
the midst of a flood of barbarian colonization kept 
alive the traditions of civil order, settled law, and an 
ancient cultm-e. Throughout the middle ages they 
jealously maintained the civic liberties they in- 
herited from the Roman empire ; and while outside 
their boundaries all the world spoke Illyric, the 
citizens still used the language of their Roman fore- 
fathers till it passed into its modern form of Italian. 
To this day they cling to their ' coltiiva Latina ' 
with passionate affection ; and though the Croats, 
backed by the Austrian government, are fighting 
hard to Slavonize the cities and reduce them to the 
same rule as the rural districts, the issue of the 
struggle is still doubtful. The survival of these 
waifs and strays of the Roman emph-e is unique ; it 
is an historical phenomenon of almost unparalleled 
interest ; and one cannot contemplate without regret 
the possibility of its disappearance. 

The Roman antiquities of Dalmatia and Istria 
have been weU described and illustrated, but the 
rich stores of mediaeval art in which those countries 
abound have hitherto been but little noticed and have 
remained generally unknown. The only work of 
importance on this subject is that of Professor 



X Preface. 

Eitelberger, who describes with considerable minute- 
ness the Romanesque and Gothic architecture at Arbe 
Zara Trail Spalato and Ragusa, and in his second 
edition has added some brief notes on Sebenico and 
the valley of the Kerka. In another work he has 
described the churches of Parenzo and Grado. His 
premature death in 1885 prevented the visit he had 
proposed making to Cattaro in the company of 
Professor Gelcich of Ragusa. His work stops short 
of the renaissance, and leaves untouched not only 
Cattaro but all the islands, which are scarcely in- 
ferior in interest to the mainland. 

In the following pages I have endeavoured to give 
a tolerably complete description of all the archi- 
tectural monuments of importance on the mainland 
of Dalmatia, the islajids, the Croatian shore of the 
Quarnero, and the Litorale of Istria from Pola to 
Aquileja. To this I have added an account of the 
island of Grado, which though never like Aquileja 
part of Istria, is so intimately connected with 
Dalmatia as the metropolitan see of the Vene- 
tian dominion that it naturally belongs to my sub- 
ject. Grado is I believe unknown to English art 
students except by report, and many of the places 
I shall describe wiU be I am sure unknown to 
them even by report. Few persons have any idea 
of the beauty and extent of the art-treasures of 



Preface. xi 

these countries, which indeed so far as I know- 
have never before been explored from end to end 
by a professional student of architecture. 

The book is fully illustrated with plates and cuts. 
The illustrations are not confined to architectural 
subjects, but include several examples of church 
plate and silversmiths' work, in which Dalmatia is 
unusually rich, and also several general views of 
the towns which will give an idea of Dalmatian 
scenery. A few illustrations, chiefly plans of build- 
ings, are taken from other works, and these are in 
all cases acknowledged ; the rest are from original 
drawings of my own. 

The brief sketches of the history of Dalmatia and 
that of Istria which will be found in the first and 
last volumes are gathered from a variety of sources, 
some of which are not easily accessible, and they 
will therefore it is hoped have a certain value. I 
have also prefixed to each place a short sketch of 
the local history, derived in many cases from unpub- 
lished records. The materials for Dalmatian history 
can be collected only in the country ; the works of 
the local historians, of whom there are many, often 
exist only in MS., and even when printed are 
seldom found beyond the province. Many of them 
have been prepared with great care, and most of 
them contain valuable extracts from original docu- 



xii Preface. 

ments ; but the reader has to be on his guard how 
he accejDts the conclusions of a Latin or a Croat 
writer in a country where poHtics of creed and race 
run so high. 

Travelhng in Dahnatia is simple enough for those 
who are satisfied with the glimpse at the four or 
five principal towns which may be had by travelling 
down the coast in the Austrian Lloyd's steamers. To 
do more than this is not so easy, as may be gathered 
from several incidents of our travels recorded in the 
following pages, and ordinary tourists would do well 
to keep to the beaten track. But there are no 
difficulties to deter those who are strong and well, 
and enjoy exposure and exercise, and can put up 
with rustic fare and homely quarters, and speak the 
Italian language. In all my three visits to Dalmatia, 
in 1882, 1884, and 1885, my wife was with me, and 
we agreed that we had often fared worse nearer 
home. The trifling discomforts we encountered were 
more than compensated by the pleasure of explora- 
tion ; the keen delight of sailing away perhaps in 
early morning from some little mainland port to the 
unknown wonders of some island, ignorant what 
there might be to see there, no guide-book having 
robbed us of our discovery, but never except once 
failing to find beauties of art and nature exceeding 
our expectations. 



Preface. xiii 

My task has been a laborious one, and has occu- 
pied more time than I could well spare from my art : 
it would have been impossible but for the ready 
help afforded me on all occasions by the local 
authorities, and the antiquaries and others in the 
country interested in my work. To name all to 
whom I am indebted would be difficult ; but I must 
in particular express my obligations to the arch- 
bishop of Zara for leave to enter the Benedictine 
nunnery ; to Monsignor Bianchi, Professors Brunelli 
and Smirich, and Signor Artale, of Zara ; to Mon- 
signor Fosco, bishop of Sebenico, and Dr. Galvani of 
the same city ; to Professor Bulic of Spalato ; to 
Conte Fanfogna-Garagnin, podesta of Trail, and his 
sons Conte Gian Domenico and Conte Gian Luca ; 
to Canonico Don Andrea Alibranti and Professor 
Vid Vuletic Vukasovic of Curzola ; to the bishop 
of Pagusa for access to the treasury and the 
statuette of S. Biagio ; to Professor Giuseppe 
Gelcich of Pagusa, who accompanied me to Cattaro, 
his native place ; to Signor Hortis, the civic librarian 
of Trieste ; to Dr. Carlo Gregorutti of Fiumicello 
near Aquileja ; and to many others, from whom I 
have not only received much valuable information 
and help, but in many cases copies of their own 
publications, from which I have derived material 
assistance. I have also been indebted to Mr. Richard 



xiv Preface. 

Greenham and the late Mr. Grant Greenham of 
Trieste, and to Signer Simeone Salghetti-Drioli of 
Zara, for much hospitable attention and many useful 
introductions. I cannot say enough of the kindness 
and hospitality with which we were received every- 
where on our travels by those to whom we brought 
introductions, and not unfrequently by others to 
whom our only introduction was that we were 
strangers. The modern Dalmatians deserve to in- 
herit the character given by an ancient geographer 
to their predecessors the Illyrians of old : — 

Oeoae^ei^ S' avrovs ayav 
Koi aCpoSpa SiKatov^, (paal, Kai (piXo^evovs. 

T. G. J. 

II, Nottingham Place: 
March 4, 1887. 



IISTDEX TO THE ILLUSTEATIOl^S. 



Map of Dalmatia, Istria and Croatia at beginning of Vol. I. 



Almissa. 

View of town and castle Mirabella 
Aquileja. 

Duomo. Interior view 

Do. Capital in crypt 

Do. Patriarchal tlirone . . . 

Do. Ascent to choir 
Akbe. 

Palazzo Nimira 

Seal of Marc' Antonio de Dominis 

Campanile 

Do. Inscription on spire 
Duomo. Inscription in south wall 

Do. Capital in nave 

Do. Ciborio 

Do. Reliquary of S. Cristoforo 
S. Giovanni Battista, Plan. . . . 

Do. View of the apse 

Do. Inscription belonging 

now in S. Giustina 
View of the city 

BURNUM. 

Roman arches. Suplja Crkva 
Castelnuovo. 

General view ... 

Convent of Savina. Crosses 
treasury ... 
Do. Silver plate in do. 



Vol 
and 


ume 
page. 


Plate. 


... ii. 


i68 




... iii. 


396 


LXIV. 


... iii. 


397 




... iii. 


400 




. . . iii. 


402 


LXV 


... iii. 


208 




. .. iii. 


210 




... iii. 


210 


LVII. 


... iii. 


212 




... iii. 


216 




i. 


214 


i. Fig. 5. 


. .. iii. 


218 


liVIII. 


... iii. 


221 




. .. iii. 


226 




... iii. 

fn 


226 


LIX. 


. .. iii. 


233 




. .. iii. 


237 




... ii. 


194 




. .. iii. 

in 


19 




... iii. 


24 


Iii. 


... iii. 


28 


lill. 



Cut. 



52 



122 
123 



94 
95 

96 
97 



98 
99 



100 

lOI 

55 
73 



XVI 



Index to the Illustrations. 



C'attaro. 

Details of the duomo and other 

buildings 
The Duomo. Sacristy doorway 

Do. Inscrij)tion over sacristy 

doorway 
Do. Epitaph of Andreascio 

and Maiia Saracenis 
Do. Ciborio 

Do. Inscription to Bishop 

Deodati 
Plans of La Collegiata and S. Lnca ... 
Cettigne. 

View of convent and old tower 
Cherso. 

Street view ... 

CURZOLA. 

Seal of the Comune ... 
General view of town 
Duomo. "West front 

Do. Interior view 

Do. Capital in south nave arcade 

Do. Sacristy doorway in north 
aisle 

Do. Mason's marks on the apses 
Knocker on door of Palazzo Arneri ... 
Cloister of the Badia ... 
Epitaph in church of the Badia 
Dernis. 

Turkish minaret 

Capital of Turkish workmanship 

FlUME. 

Roman arch ... 

Epitaph in church of Tersatto 

GrRADO. 

View of the city from the lagune 
Duomo. Ground-plan 

Do. Inscription in mosaic floor... 

Do. Capital in nave 



Volume 
md page. 


Plate. 


iii. 38 


LIII. 


iii. 43 




iii. 43 




iii. 44 




iii. 45 




iii. 47 




iii. 50 




iii. 60 




iii. 115 





ii. 


237 




li. 


248 


xxxin. 


ii. 


250 


XXXIV, 


ii. 


252 


XXXV. 


ii. 


254 


XXXVI. 


ii. 


256 




ii. 


265 




ii. 


268 




ii. 


274 


XXXVII. 


ii. 


276 




ii. 


180 




ii. 


181 




iii. 


165 




iii. 


170 




iii. 


409 




iii. 


413 




iii. 


415 




iii. 


417 





Index to the Illnstrations. 



XVI 1 





N 

and 


lume 
page. 


Plate. 


Cut. 


Duomo. Pierced window slab 


iii. 


420 




128 


Do. Part of mosaic pavement, iu 
colour 


iii. 


422 


LXVI. 




Do. Patriarchal throne ... 


iii. 


427 




129 


Do. Details of do. 


iii 


428 




130 


Do. Pulpit 


iii. 


430 




131 


ISTEIA. 










Group of Istrian peasants 
Jak {in Hungar])). 

East end of church and various details 


iii. 


249 




102 


of its architecture 


ii. 


154 


XXV. 




AVest doorway of do. . . . 


ii. 


156 


XXVI. 




Lesina. 










View of the city with the tower of 










S. Marco 


ii. 


218 


XXVII. 




Porta Maggiore and Palazzo Eai- 










mondi 


ii. 


220 


XXVIII. 




The Loggia and Forte Spagnuolo 
The Duomo. Ambo and choir stalls... 


ii. 
ii. 


222 
224 


XXIX. 
XXX. 




Do. Pastorale of Bp. Patrizio 


ii. 


226 


XXXI. 




S.Francesco. Nave window... 


ii. 


229 




56 


Do. "West doorway 
Mezzo. 


ii. 


230 


XXXII. 




Chalice 

Window in chiesa matrice 


ii. 
ii. 


388 


L. 


71 


Tower of S. Domenico 


ii. 


394 




72 


Diagram of paintings in reredos of 
Franciscan church 

MUGGIA VECCHIA. 


ii. 


396 


... 


72a 


Ground- plan of church 


iii. 


372 




120 


Interior view ... 
Nona. 


iii. 


373 




121 


Views and plans of S. Croce and 










S. Nicolo 

Doorhead fi-om S. Croce 




342 
214 


XI. 

I. Fig. 2. 




S. Marcella. Capital from ... 
S. Ambrogio. Exterior view 

Do. Detail of window in do.... 




214 
349 

349 


I. Fig. 4. 


18 
19 



VOL. I. 



XV! 11 



Index to the Illustrations. 



Volume 
and page. 



NOVIGEAD, 

View of the castle 
Sculptured panel 

OSSEEO. 

General view ... 
Nave capital ... 

Ostensorio in treasury of duomo 
Episcopal throne 
Sketch-plan of ancient basilica 
Paeenzo. 

Duomo. Ground-plan 

Do. Inscription of Euphrasius on 

mosaics of apse , . . 
Do. Do. Do. on ciborio 

Do. The Atrium 

Do. Monogram of Bishop Eu- 
phrasius ... 
Nave capitals, &c. ... 
Interior of the apse 
Mosaic floor in chapel B ... 
Do. do. C ... 

Stalls in a side chapel 
View of front 
Window ... 
Inscription 



Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Canonica 
Do. 
Do. 

POLA. 

Inscription of Bp. Handegis on the 

duomo 
S. Michele in Monte. Ground-plan . . . 
S. Maria di Canneto. Fragment 
Rag USA. 

Old doorway on hill near the duomo... 

Panel from S. Stefano... 

Palace. View of the Piazza, with the 

Rector's i)alace, Dogana and 

Torre dell' Orologio 

Do. Geometrical details of the 

palace 
Do. ^sculapius capital ... 



1. 327 
i. 214 

iii. 100 
iii. loi 
iii. 102 
iii. 104 
iii. 106 

iii. 311 

iii. 312 

iii- 313 
iii. 316 

iii. 317 
iii. 318 
iii. 320 
iii. 3; 



iii. 326 
iii. 328 
iii. 330 

iii. 331 
iii. 332 



111. 295 
iii. 298 
iii. 301 

ii. 327 
i. 214 



11- 332 

ii- 333 
ii- 334 



Plate. 



I. Fii 



LX. 



LXI. 
LXII. 



LXIII. 



I. Fig. I. 



XXXVIII. 



XXXIX. 

XL. 



Cut. 



16 



82 

83 
84 

106 



Fig. 

Fi_^. 

I06b. 



108 
109 

IIO 

III 

112 



103 
104 

105 

62 



Index to the lUnstrations. 



XIX 



Ragusa {continued). 

Palace. Capital with amorini 

Do. Capital (B) and capital with 

judgment of Solomon 
Do. Cortile of Palace and that of 

the Sponza 
Do. Console with the figui'e of 

Justice 
Do, Capital with the Rector ad- 
ministering justice 
The reliquary of S. Biagio in the 

duomo 
The Sponza 

Dominican convent. The cloister 
Do. Trij)le arch at west end of 

church 
Franciscan convent. The cloister . , . 



do. Capitals in cloister 

do. do. 

do. do. 

Epitaph of Mag. Mycha 
Do. of Gino di Alexio . . . 
Do. of Mag. Kadun 
Silver statuette of the Saint 



Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 
S. Biagio 
Salona. 

Map of the city 
Basilica. Ground-plan 
Amphitheatre... 

S. LOKENZO IN PaSENATICO. 

Duomo. Ground-plan and section ... 

Do. Details of columns of do. . . . 

Do. Pierced stone window in do. 
Sebenico. 

View of town from the landing-place 
Duomo. Exterior, from the piazza ... 

Do. Ground-plan 

Do. The Lion doorway ... 

Do. Interior 

Do. Capital of north-west pier 
of lantern 

b2 



Volume 
and page. 


Plate. 


"• 335 




ii- 336 


XLI. 


ii. 342 


XLII. 


ii- 344 




ii- 344 


XLIII. 


ii- 350 


XXIV. 


ii- 358 


XLV. 


ii. 364 


XLVI. 


ii. 366 


XLVII. 


ii. 370 


XL VIII. 


ii. 370 




ii. 371 




ii. 372 


... 


ii- 373 


... 


ii- 373 


... 


ii- 373 


... 


ii- 374 


XLIX. 


ii. 87 




ii. 89 




ii. 98 




iii. 336 




iii- 337 


... 


iii- 338 




i. 376 




i-378 


XII. 


i. 382 




i-384 


XIII. 


i.386 




i. 388 


XIV. 



Cut. 
63 



64 



65 
66 
67 
68 
69 
70 



42 
43 
44 

"3 
114 

"5 
21 



22a 



XX 



Index to the Illustrations. 



Sebenico {continued). 

Duomo. Stringcourse over nave ar- 
cades 
Do. View of west end and cam- 
panile 
Do. Apse window 
Doorway of house belonging to Giorgio 

Orsini 
Costume of peasants ... 
Segxa. 

Castle of Nehaj 
Spalato. 

Plan of Diocletian's palace . . . 
Porta Aurea. Elevation and plan 
Temple of Jupiter {the duomo). Ground- 
plan 

Do. Section 
Interior 

Finial on roof... 
The pulpit 
Capital of pulj)it 
Panels of great doors ... ii. 
The choir stalls 

Elevation, plans and 



Do. 
The Duomo. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 

Do. 
The Campanile, 
details 

Do. Escutcheon on do. 

Treasur}". Cyjiher on a chalice 
The Baptistery {TemjiJe o/jEscidapius). 
Plan and section 

Do. Figure sculpture on 

font 
Epitaph of archbishop John ofEavenna 
Epitaph of archbishop Laurentius 
Epitaph of princesses Catharine and 

Margaret 
SS. Trinitk. Plan, section and ele- 
vation 
Staircase in cortile of a private house 
Trau 

General view from the sea 



Volume 
and page. 


Plate. 


i. 


390 




i. 


392 


XV. 


i. 


399 




i. 


406 




i. 


408 




iii. 


193 




ii. 


22 




ii. 


28 




ii. 


33 




ii. 


33 




ii. 


34 


XVI. 


ii. 


39 




ii. 


44 


XVII. 


ii. 


45 




ii. 


48 


XVIII. 


ii. 


50 


XIX. 


ii. 


54 


XX. 


ii. 


56 




ii. 


60 




ii. 


65 




ii. 


69 




ii. 


70 




ii. 


70 




ii. 


71 




ii. 


73 




ii. 


82 




ii. 


106 





Index to the Illustrations, 



XXI 



Ground-plan 
Capital of northern nave 
do. of southern apse 
lIonoe:ram of Cireneus 



Teau {continued). 

Duomo. Ground-plan 
Do. West doorway 
Do. Inscription on lintel of do, 
Do. Detail of sculpture on do. 
Do. East end, exterior view 
Do. Nave capital 
Do. Silver brocca in treasury 
Do. Inscription on campanile 
The Loggia. Capital of 
Do. View ... 

Tbieste. 
Duomo, 
Do. 
Do. 
Do. 
Ugliano. 

Ploughs used by Dalmatian peasantry 
Veglia. 

Duomo. Capital in nave ... 
Do. Capital in nave 
Do. Inscription on a column of 

nave 
Do. Interior. Nave column and 

ambo 
Do. Pala of silver gilt 
Do. Do. one of the figures 

in do. ... 
S. Quirino. East end 
S. Maria. Capital from 
Inscription on Torre dei Frangipani . 
View from the sea 
Vbana. 

View of castle 
Zaka. 

Duomo and S. Donato. Plans of 
S. Donato. Doorway of 
Do. Interior of 

S. Pietro Vecchio. Plan of . . . 
S. Lorenzo. Interior and plan of . 



Volume 
and page. 


Plate. 


ii. no 




ii. 112 


XXI. 


ii. 113 




ii. 118 


XXII. 


ii. 120 


XXIII. 


ii. 123 




ii. 126 




ii. 138 




ii. 141 




ii. 142 


XXIV. 


iii- 354 




iii. 358 




iii- 359 




iii. 361 




i- 337 




iii. 141 




i. 214 


I. Fig. 9. 


iii. 143 




iii. 144 




iii. 148 


LV. 


iii. 148 




iii. 152 


LVI. 


i. 214 


I. Fig. 7. 


iii- 153 




iii. 154 




i. 360 




i. 251 




i- 253 




i. 256 


u. 


i. 262 




i. 264 


in. 



Cut. 
46 

47 



48 
49 
50 
51 



116 

117 
118 
119 

17 

86 

87 
87a 

88 



89 
90 



XXll 



Index to the Illustrations. 



Zaka {continued). 


Volume 
and page. 


Plate. 


Cut. 


S. Lorenzo. Capital ... 


i. 214 


I. Fig. 6. 




S. Ox'sola 


Plan of 


i. 266 




4 


Duomo. 


Stringcourse over nave ar- 










cades 


i. 271 




5 


Do. 


Interior of choir ... 


i. 272 


IV. 




Do. 


Inscription on ciborio 


i. 274 




6 


Do. 


Choir stalls 


i. 275 




7 


Do. 


West front ... 


i. 278 


V. 




Do. 


Pastorale of archbishop Vala- 










resso 


i. 282 


VI. 




S. Gri&ogono. Ground-plan ... 


i. 289 




8 


Do. 


Eastern apses. Ex- 










terior 


i. 290 


VII. 




S. Maria. 


Campanile 


i. 300 


VIII. 




Do. 


Plans and sections of Sala 










Capitolare 


i. 302 




9 


Do. 


Stringcourse in do. 


i- 303 




10 


Do. 


Tomb of the abbess Ve- 










kenega 


i. 304 




II 


Do. 


Inscription on do. 


i- 305 




12 


Do. 


Capitals in chapel vindei 










tower ... 


i- 307 




13 


S. Francesco. Choir stalls ... 


i. 311 




14 


Da 


Chalices 


i. 312 


IX. 




Do. 


Old capital lying at . . . 


i. 214 


I. Fig. 8. 




S. Simeone. One end of the silvei 










ark ... 


i. 318 


X. 




"Window and balcony ... 


i. 320 




15 



CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THOSE INSCRIPTIONS 
WHICH ARE GIVEN IN FACSIMILE i. 



c. 530-540. Parenzo. lloman cbaractei's . . . 
571-580. Grado. Do, do. 



680. Spalato. 

c. 800-820. Cattaro. 

857. Pola. 

1099. Spalato. 



liii. 



Zara. 



1 190. 


Veglia. 


Do. 


c. 1200 1 


Arbe. 


Do. 


1240. 


Trail. 


Lombarc 


1242. 


Spalato. 


Do. 


I25I. 


Parenzo. 


Do. 


1254. 


Cattaro. 


Do. 


1287. 


Arbe. 


Do. 


c. 1317? 


Eagusa. 


Do. 


1332- 


Zara. 


Do. 


1363- 


Eagusa. 


Do. 


1422. 


Trail. 


Do. 


1428. 


Eagusa. 


Do. 


1430. 


Curzola. 


Do. 


c. 1439? 


Tersatto. 


Eoman 
viated 


1454- 


Arbe. 


Eoman 



Irregular Eoman, Square Os 

Fanciful Eoman. Square Os 

Do, do. Square Cs 

Eoman approaching Lom- 

bardics ... 

Do, do. do. 

much abbreviated 

do. do. 

do. do. 



fancifull}' 



abbre- 



Vol. 


Page. 


]II. 


312. 


III. 


415, Plate 




LXVI, 422 


II. 


70, Fig. 37 


III. 


43. 44- 


III. 


295- 



II. 



70, Fig. 38. 



I. 


305- 


III. 


143-153- 


III. 


212. 


II. 


113. 


II. 


71- 


III. 


332. 


IIT. 


47- 


III. 


216. 


11. 


373, Fig. 68 


I. 


274. 


II. 


373, Fig. 69 


II. 


138. 


II. 


373, Fig- 70 


II. 


276. 


III. 


170. 


III. 


233- 



^ This series gives the history of the character used from the sixth century to 
the renaissance. It will be observed that the Gothic or ' black letter' is absent. 
I can recall no instances of it in Dalmatia except those noted in vol. i. pp. 318, 
393, 397' ^^^^ even in those cases it is mixed with Lombardic or Roman letteriu',-. 



CO^TE^TS OF VOLUME I. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGE 

The History of Dai-matia ...... i 

First Period, Dalmatia under the Eomans, pp. i-io. 
Second Period, Dalmatia under the Byzantine empire, 
down to the ari'ival of the Hungarians, pp. 10-35. Third 
Period, Dalmatia contested by Venice and Hungary, 
pp. 36-141. Fourth Period, Dalmatia under Venice, 
pp. 141-164. Social condition under Venice, pp. 168- 
181. Mudern condition of Dalmatia, pp. 1 81-192. 
Table of Kings of Hungary, p. 193. 

CHAPTER II. 

Dalmatia .......... 195 

The country and the people, pp. 195-203. Sketch 
of the history of architecture in Dalmatia, pp. 203-226. 
List of principal buildings, with their dates, p. 226. 

CHAPTER III. 

Zara 230 

Description of the city, p. 230. History, p. 243. 
Roman remains, p. 246. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Zara 249 

S. Donato, p. 249. Other churches, pp. 261-267. 
The duomo, p. 267. Grisogono, p. 288. S. Maria, 
p. 296. S. Francesco, p. 309. S. Simeone, p. 312. 
Domestic architecture, p. 321. 



xxvi Contents. 

CHAPTER V. 

PACK 

NOVIGEAD 322 

CHAPTER VI. 
S. MicHELE d' Ugliano 332 

CHAPTER VII. 
Nona 338 

CHAPTER VIII. 
Veana 353 

CHAPTER IX. 

Sebenico 368 

History, p. 368. The city, p. 376. The duomo, 
p. 378. Other churches, p. 405. House of Giorgio 
Orsiui, p. 406. Costume, p. 407. The river Kerka, 
p, 409. Scardona, 411. The falls of the Kerka, 
p. 414. 

APPENDIX. 

Contract of Giorgio Orsini, Architect of the duomo of Sebenico 416 



EEEATA TO VOLUME I. 

P. 27, line 2, for them rtad the Narentines. 

P. 29, line 1 9, for Belgrade read, Belgrad. 

P. 33, line 9, and p. 153, line 25, for Illyrian read Ulyric. 

P. 39, line 27, for or Vranjica read of Vranjica. 

P. 41, line 2, for Tartar read Scythian. 

Pp, 43, 77, 229, 297, /or Ursini read Orsini. 

P. 61, line 2, for Mega Juppanus read Megajupanus, 

P. 178, line 9, for Titian read Tintoret. 

P. 195, for Diolcea read Dioclea. 

P. 196, note, line i, for Primorje read Prim one. 

P. 274, line 19, for Littorale read Litorale. 

P. 281, line 2-), for C'assione read S. Casaiano. 

!*• 325, add references to notes. 

P. 416, heading to Appendix, for p. 98 read p. 389. 



NOSA 



CHAPTER I. 

HiSTOEY OF DaLMATIA. 

First Period. — Dalmatia under the Eomans, and down to the 

fall of the Western empire, a.d, 476. 
Second. Period. — Dalmatia under the Byzantine empire, down 

to the arrival of the Hungarians, a.d. i 102. 
Third Period.- — Dalmatia contested by Hungary and Venice, 

down to the final Venetian occupation, a.d. 1409-1420. 
Fourth Period. — Dalmatia under the Venetians, down to the 
fall of the Republic, a.d. 1797. 

Review of the social condition of Dalmatia under Venetian 

rule from a.d. i 409-1 797. 
Present condition of the province. 
Chronological table of the Kings of Hungary down to 1526. 



FIRST PERIOD. 

Dalmatia under tJte Bomans. 
The early history of lUyria, like that of other Early in- 

- -J- habitants. 

countries, is lost in myths and legends. Its name 
is variously derived from Illyrius a son of the 
Cyclops Polyphemus and Galatea ^ or from Hyllus 
a son of Hercules who conquered it and founded a 
kingdom there ; the Argonauts find their way 
thither by ascending the Ister from the Euxine 
sea, and descending a mythical branch into the 
Adriatic near the peninsula which they name 
Istria in memory of their route ; and the Briseides 
insulae in the Quarnero are renamed after Ab- 

^ Appian. 
VOL. I. B 



2 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. T. 

syrtus, the brother of Medea, who there met his 
unhappy fate. After the Trojan war Idomeneus 
and Diomede and other roving Homeric heroes 
wander to the shores of Dahnatia, and the Li- 
burni, expelled from Asia, conquer the country, 
and settle there. 

When the page of veritable history opens we 
find the Liburni occupying the country as far 
south as the Titius or Kerka, a race of hardy 
mariners who afterwards played their part in the 
Celtic triumphs of the Roman navy. But in the seventh 
tion. century before Christ a Celtic element was infused 
into the population by the irruption of the Galli 
Senones who founded Senogallia in Italy, Tedastum 
(Modrussa) and Senia (Segna) in w^iat is now 
Croatia, and established a kingdom of lllyria, 
extending over Istria, Camia and the northern 
part of Macedonia, with Scodra or Scutari in 
Albania as its capital \ The Greeks, ever seeking 
to plant fresh colonies on the shores of the 
Mediterranean, did not overlook the natural ad- 
vantages of a coast so sheltered by islands and 
Greek indented by natural havens. A colony of Sicilian 
B.c°4o6! Greeks from Syracuse was settled by Dionysius 

^ Dr. Cubich traces some peculiarities of the dialect of the 
island of Veglia to a Celtic source (Notizie storiche sull' 
isola di Veglia). Frauceschi (L'Istria, ch. 4) gives a list of 
proper names of places and families in Istria which have a 
Celtic origin. Mr. Evans (Bosnia and Herzegovina) compai'es 
Arauso (Vrana) with Arausio (Orange), Andetrium (Clissa) 
with Anderida (Pevensey), Narbona or Narona with Narbonne. 
Corinium (Karin) is our English Cirencester. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 3 

on the island of Issa (Lissa), and one from the b.c. 385. 
island of Paros in the Aegean built a new Pares 
or Pharos on the island of Lesina ; DpThachium or 
Epidamnus, Epidaurus, where Eagusa Yecchia now 
stands, and Tragurium (Trail) were Greek colonies 
on the mainland, the last named being peopled 
by Syracusans from Issa, and inscriptions found 
on the island of Curzola prove that there were 
Greek settlements there also. 

In the third century before Christ Illyria was iiiyrian 
united under the powerful rule of Agron son ofofAgron. 
Pleuratus, and his widow Teuta, regent during 
the minority of her stepson Pineus, came into 
collision with the Romans, who now for the first 
time carried their arms across the Adriatic. The 
islanders of Lissa, unable to protect themselves 
against the attempts of the IlljTians on their 
liberties, appealed to the Pomans for protection, b.c. 232. 
It was the interval of twenty-two years between 
the first and second Punic wars ; the Pomans 
had leisure to listen to the appeal, and they had 
already received other complamts from Italian 
merchantmen of the frequent piracies of the 
Illyrians. Three ambassadors were sent to Queen 
Teuta to command her to desist from injuring the 
friends of the Republic, but the queen put two of 
the envoys to death and imprisoned the third \ 

' The murdered ambassadors were honoured with statues at 
Eome. ' Hoc a Romano populo tribui solebat injuria caesis, 
sicut et P. Junio, et Tito Coruncano qui ab Teuca Illyrioioira 
regina interfecti erant.' Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxiv. 6. 

B 2 



4 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. t. 

First The Romans at once sent into lUyria both consuls 
Cn. Fulvius Centumalus and L. Postumius Albinus 



war. 
B.C. 229 



with 20,000 infantry and 2000 cavalry. As usual 
they found allies in the enemies' ranks. Demetrius, 
a Greek who held Corcyra (Corfii) for Queen 
Teuta together with Pharos (Lesina) his native 
place, surrendered them both to Fulvius, and the 
queen was driven from one stronghold to another 
and finally shut up in Rhizon (Risano) in the 
Bocche di Cattaro, and compelled to sue for peace. 
Demetrius was rewarded with his native island 
Pharos and a share of the queen's dominions, and 
Teuta was compelled to pay tribute to Rome for 
the fourth part of her territory, which was all that 
was left to her. 
Second Dometrius however was faithless to his new 

Illyrian 

war. masters ; on the death of Teuta he married Tri- 

B.C. 219. 

teuta the mother of Pineus and repudiated wife 
of Agron, and making himself guardian of Pineus, 
who was still a minor, took advantage of the 
second Punic war to throw off his allegiance to 
the Romans. L. Aemilius Paullus was sent to 
chastise him, his stronghold Pharos was razed to 
the ground, and he himself driven to take refuge 
at the court of Macedon, where he continued for 
some time his intrigues against the Romans. 
istriare- The Illyrian kingdom began to fall to pieces 

volts from ,.. . 

iiiyria. after this time. The Istnans revolted and formed 
themselves into an independent state which main- 
tained its liberties till B.C. 178, when it fell under 
the power of Rome. The Dalmatians who first 



Ch. I.] History of Dahnatia. 5 

begin to be heard of in the second century B.C. are The Dai- 
said to have been Illyrians of the country between become in- 
the Narenta and the Cettina (Narona and Tilurus) bSTso." " 
who revolted against Gentius the last king of 
Illyria, and following the example of the Istrians, 
established an independent republic around the 
city of Dalmium or Delminium, in the interior, 
which though sometimes tributary to Rome con- 
tinued to exist for 200 years till finally absorbed 
into the Empire. Their territory was afterwards 
extended to the river Titius (Kerka) which thence- 
forward divided Dahnatia and Liburnia. 

The Illyrian kingdom itself came to an end in End of 
B.C. 168 when Gentius was involved m the rum of kingdom. 
Perseus, and Macedonia and Illyria were made 
provinces of Rome. The interference of the Dal- First Dai- 

•"■ _ niatian 

matians w^ith Roman allies brousrht upon them the war. 

. B.C. 156. 

chastisement of the Republic, and in the second second do. 
Dalmatian war Delminium was destroyed by Publ. ^'^^ ^^^' 
Scipio Nasica, after which the Dalmatians fixed 
their capital at Salona \ Salona was taken by L. 

^ Appian describes Delminium as ' egregie muuitum, et 
operum machinarumque labor propter altitudinem moenium 
inutilis videbatur,' de bell. Illyr. The site of Delminium has 
been much disputed and was long thought undiscoverable. 
Thomas Archid. (i 200-1 268) says ' sed ubi haec civitas Delmis 
in Dalmatiae partibus fuerit non satis patet,' ch. i, but he else- 
where mentions some old walls ' in superioribus partibus ' which 
were said to represent it. Modern antiquaries believe they 
have found Delminium at Dumno or Duvno, a village in the 
interior near Sign, though some with Mommsen place it at 
Gardun near Trilj in the same district ; vid. Bulletino di Storia 
Dalmata (Spalato, Mai-ch, 1885). 



6 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

Eoman CaGcilius Metellus ill 117, by surprise it is said, 
and was made a Roman colony, and in B.C. 78 a 
colony was planted at Jadera (Zara), a town 
already in alliance with Rome. 
Fifth Dal- Tlio Dalniatiaiis continually molested the Roman 
war. colonies and towns, and takmg advantage of the 

Sixth do ^^^ wars of Caesar and Pompey, for a time defied 
B.C. 48. ^^ power of Rome. One army sent by Caesar 
was destroyed, a second was driven back to Salona, 
and his lieutenant Vatinius, who was sent there 
in B.C. 45, held his ground with difficulty. Vatinius 
writes to Cicero from Narona that he had stormed 
six Dalmatian towns, and among them Narona 
the largest and strongest of them all, but had 
been unfairly obliged by the snow, cold and rain 
of a Dalmatian December to abandon his con- 
quests. Cicero replies ' may the Gods plague the 
Dalmatians for giving you so much trouble,' and 
adds that the conquest of so warlike a people 
would add lustre to his achievements ^ Vatinius 
however was not destined to reap any laurels 
Seventh do. there, for after the death of Caesar the Dalmatians 
' ' ^ ' attacked him and drove him with loss to Epi- 

damnus (Durazzo). 
Eighth do. Octavianus in person led an army against the 
'^' ''^' Dalmatians, B.C. 34, and recovered Promona, but he 
was wounded and did not subdue their resistance 
till his return in the following spring. In B.C. 29 
he celebrated his Dalmatian triumph, and it is 

^ Ep. Lib. V. 10. It was Cicero's policy just then to be civil 
to Vatinius. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 7 

said that one of the two figures on the shield of 
the famous statue of Augustus in the Capitol 
represents a vanquished Dalmatian. 

The final struggle of the Dalmatians for freedom Tenth 
was made a.d, 6, under Bato a Dalmatian general war. 
of courage and exjDerience, and another Bato who 
was a Pannonian. They defeated a Roman army 
imder Caecina and Tiberius, but were conquered 
by Germanicus, Tiberius, and Postumius ; their 
last stronghold Andetrium (Clissa) surrendered, Dalmatia 
Bato was carried prisoner to Rome, and Dalmatia subdued. 
became finally part of the province of Illyricum. " ' ^' 

Under the Roman Empire the maritime district 
of Dalmatia seems to have had a propraetor or 
legate of its own, and the whole province was 
divided into dioeceses or conventus each with a 
central city to which the inhabitants of the con- 
ventus resorted for public or private business, 
there being three such conventus in maritime 
Dalmatia, those of Scardona, Salona and Narona. 
Salona in time came to be looked upon as the 
capital of the province of Dalmatia and became a 
great and populous city, though Constantine Por- 
phyrogenitus exaggerated its dimensions grossly 
when he described it as having been half as large 
as Constantinople. 

Under the Empire Dalmatia probably flourished 
as it has never done since, though even then it 
seems to have met with something of the neglect 
that has at all times been its portion. Pliny 
apologises for detaining his readers with any 



8 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

mention of the people, or puzzling them with the 
uncouth names of their towns. And yet in every 
part of the province remains of Roman splendour 
are to be seen, affording evidence of wealth, culture, 
and considerable population in places that are now 
miserable villages like Nona Ossero Stobrez and 
Besca, or barren and unmhabited wildernesses like 
those where stand the two solitary arches of 
Bumum or the few shattered walls of vanished 
Promona \ 
A.p. 305. In A.D. 305 the Emperor Diocletian, a native of 
abdicates. Dioclca, near the lake of Scutari, abdicated and 
retired to a villa he had built for himself at 
Aspalathus near Salona, where he lived till 313, 
one year after the victory of Constantine at the 
Milvian bridge. 
A.D. 454. In the fifth century Marcellinus a general 
under Mar- attached to Actius escapcd after the murder of 
his patron by Valentinian III, and on the death 
of Majorian established himself in Dalmatia as an 
independent prince. Marcellinus adhered to the 
religion of ancient Rome in an age when the 
Empire generally had become Christian. During 
his reign occurred the great irruption into lUyria 
of Goths Alans Vandals and Huns, and the Suevi 
A.D. 461. succeeded in penetrating as far as Dalmatia but 
met with a vigorous resistance and were compelled 
A.D. 468. to retire. Marcellinus bequeathed his sovereignty 
Julius ^Q }-^jg nephew Julius Nepos who had married a 

^epos. ^ -i 

^ EvBo^oTtpov TQiv aWav icnrepicov defxaTcov to toiovtov dtfia eTvyxnvei/. 

Const. Porphyr. de adm. Imp. c. xxx. p. 141, ed. Bonn. 



Ch. L] History of Dalmatia. g 

niece of the Empress, and who succeeded his 
uncle ill 468, but was persuaded in 472 to ex- a.d. 472. 
change the security of his hereditary kingdom for 
the perils of the Imperial throne. Before however 
he was able to establish himself firmly in his new 
dignity, his authority was disputed by a rival ; 
Gundobald the Burgundian, who had succeeded to 
the influence of his uncle the Patrician Ricimer, 
invested an obscure soldier, Glycerins, with the Giycenus. 
purple ; but Glycerins was unsupported by any 
considerable party, and was allowed to resign his 
claims and exchange the Empire for the bishopric 
of Salona. 

Julius Nepos did not long survive his triumph, a.d. 475. 
The barbarian soldiery at Rome broke out into 
insurrection and under their leader Orestes marched 
upon Ravenna. The trembling Emperor did not 
await their approach, but shamefully abdicating 
his authority fled to the security of his Dalmatian 
principality. Here he lived for some five years 
' in a very ambiguous state between an Emperor 
and an exile,' until he was murdered at Salona in Murder 

of JullU8 

480 by his former rival Glycerins, who according Nepos. 
to one account was rewarded for his crime by 
translation to the Archbishopric of Milan. There 
seems, however, to be some doubt about the 
identity of the ex-Emperor and the Archbishop \ 
The Patrician Orestes, a Pannonian by birth, 
declined the Empire for himself, and conferred it 
on his son Augustulus in whom the line of 
^ Vid. Gibbon, ch. xxxvi. 



lO History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

End of Emperors of the western part of the E-oman world 

Western ^ . . ^ . 

Empire, was exthiguished by the victory of Odoacer. 

A.D. 481. After the murder of JuHus Nepos Dahnatia had 

Gothic remained for a year under the rule of Odiva one 

kingdom of ^ 

Dalmatia. of his murderers, but in 481 Odoacer attacked 
him and put him to death, and added Dalmatia to 

AD. 493- the kingdom of Italy, with which it passed a few 
years later to Theodoric. 



SECOND PERIOD. 

Dalmatia under the Byzantine Empire, a.d. ^'^^-1102. 

The province had already begun to feel the 
effects of barbarian inroads and to sink into 
poverty and desolation. Dalmatia and Pannonia 
' no longer exhibited the rich prospect of populous 
cities, well cultivated fields and convenient high- 
ways ; the reign of barbarism and desolation was 
restored,' and the Latin or provincial subjects of 
Kome were displaced by hordes of Bulgarians 
Gepidae Sarmatians and Slavonians. 

Of the latter race, and near the modern Sophia, 
was born in 482 Justinian, who was destined to 
recover Italy for the Empire by the genius and 
valour of another Slav Belisarius, who according 
to Procopius was born somewhere in Bosnia or 
Herzegovina ^ 

^ "SlpfjLrjTo Se 6 BeXto-apioy eK TepyLavlas, ij Qpancou re Ka\ iWvpimv 
fiera^v Kflrai. Procop. Vandal. Lib. i.e. 11, quoted by Gibbon, ch. xli, 
who declares himself unable to find any mention of a Thracian 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 1 1 

Dalmatia and Pannonia were taken from the a.d. 535. 
Goths m 535; but while Theodatus the weak ^.e^overed 
Gothic king was parleying with Justinian about Empire. 
the terms of his surrender, two Eoman generals 
who had advanced into Dalmatia were defeated 
and slain by Gothic troops. The feeble Theodatus 
was inspired to fresh resistance ; Belisarius led an 
army to the conquest of Rome, and in 539 Ravenna 
fell, and Vitiges, whom the Goths had raised to 
the throne in place of the unmanly Theodatus, was 
taken prisoner and sent to Constantinople. 

In the same year a dreadful inroad of Huns a.d. 539. 
Bulgarians and Slavonians swept over the whole ii^oad"^^ 
Balkan peninsula, and other visitations of the 
same kind in succeeding years, marked with every 
circumstance of cruelty and rapine, reduced those 
provinces to the extremity of misery. 

Durina: the Second Gothic war after the re- Second 
vival of the Gothic kingdom by Totila, Salona war. 
was the port from which Belisarius sailed for 
Italy. But he was ill-supported by his govern- 
ment, and finally recalled. Rome was retaken by 
the Goths, who crossed the Adriatic and carried 
the war into Dalmatia, where, however, they were 
defeated, and Narses, the new commander-in- 
chief, sailed from Salona to the re-conquest of 

Germania in the civil oi* ecclesiastical lists of the provinces and 
cities. The name of Justinian is a Latin translation of Upranda, 
upright ; his fatlier Istock and his mother Biglenzia were 
classicized into Sebatius and Vigilautia. Belisarius is said to be 
the Slavonic ' Velicar.' Vid. Gibbon, ch. xl ; also Introd. to 
Evans's ' Through Bosnia,' &c. 



12 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

AD- 552. Italy and final overthrow of the Gothic king- 
dom. 
A.D. 554- Dalmatia formed part of the exarchate of E,a- 

Dalmatia ^ ^ ^ 

under the vonna; but it is supposed that when the exarch 

Exarchate. , 

Longmus, who succeeded Narses, created the 
Italian duchies of Home, Venice, and Naples, he 
also created one of Dalmatia, subject like the 
others to the supremacy of the exarch, but pos- 
sessing a certain measure of administrative in- 
dependence. 

It was about this time that the Avars first 

came on the scene, a race akin to the Huns, who 

were driven forward from Central Asia by the 

The Avars growing power of the Turks. Justinian, dis- 

and Slavs. , . . , . 

semblmg his indignation at the arrogant tone 
assumed by their ambassadors, employed them 
to attack the Bulgarians and Slavonians in Po- 
land and Germany, whom they reduced to vassal- 

^■^- 559- age. But in the following year a Bulgarian and 
Slavonian horde under Zabergan crossed the 
frozen Danube, invaded Macedonia and Thrace, 
and advanced to within twenty miles of Constan- 
tinople, which was saved by the last victory of 
Belisarius. 

A.D. 566. On the accession of Justin another embassy of 
the Avars approached him, but, daunted by his 
firmness, returned to their chagan with a report 
that induced him to turn his arms against the 
Franks rather than against the Empire. Un- 
successful against this new enemy, the Avars 
found fresh employment for their arms in an 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 13 

alliance with Alboin King of the Lombards, with 
whom they joined in the overthrow of the Ge- a.d. 566. 
pidae, a tribe which since the invasion of Attila 
had been settled in Transylvania and was at this 
time in the pay of the Empire. The Lombards 
advanced to the conquest of Italy by way of 
Friuli and Aquileja, leaving the territory of the 
Gepidae to be occupied by the Avars. 

The Avars, thus reheved by the departure of a.d. 570. 
the Lombards and the ruin of the Gepidae, rapidly 
extended their conquests from the Alps to the 
Euxine, threatened Constantinople, and overran 
the provinces. But the Roman provincials were 
not the only sufferers by the ciTielties of the 
Avars; their vassal subjects were scarcely less op- 
pressed. The Slavonians were not only governed 
tyrannically at home, but in battle they were 
exposed to the first assault, 'and the swords 
of the enemy were blunted before they en- 
countered the native valour of the Avars \' The ^d- 624. 
Slavonians resolved to attempt their freedom ; their the Slavs 
Bohemian brethren seconded their resolution ; aws. ^ 
Samo, a Frank, put himself at the head of their 
insurrection ; the Avars were defeated, and the 
Slavonians once more became a free people. 

Heraclius at once offered them his support, a.d. 634. 
and invited the tribe of the ^p^^aroi, Chorvati segues the 
or Chorvates, Croats from Southern Poland and ^aimaSa, 
Gallicia, to drive the Avars out of Illyria and ^'^' 
occupy that province as vassals of the Empire. 
^ Gibbon, ch. xlvi. 



14 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

They accepted the invitation, and, advancing into 

Dahnatia, succeeded after a war of about five 

years in reducing the Avars to subjection. In 

the struggle that desolated the province the old 

Roman towns of the sea-coast did not escape. 

Driven from the country by the constant irruptions 

of one barbarian horde after another the old jDro- 

A. D. 639. vincials of the Empire had been collected within 

tion*or' ^^ walls of the cities ; and most, if not all, of 

Roman thesc now fell before the separate or united forces 

towns in J. 

Dalmatia q£ ^j^q Slavs or Avars, who were contending 

l)y Avars ' '-' 

and Slavs, foj- the mastcry of Dalmatian Salona was taken 

after scarcely any defence and entirely destroyed, 

the wretched inhabitants flying to the islands, 

where they lived in huts and wigwams, enduring 

every privation, and reduced to extremities by 

scarcity of water. Scardona, Narona, and most 

probably Jadera (Zara) shared the fate of Salona, 

as well as Epidaurus, the oldest Greek colony in 

Illyria, whose site is now occupied by the modern 

Kagusa Vecchia. About the same time the Serbs, 

or Servians, another Slavonic tribe, obtained leave 

from Heraclius to settle to the east of the Croats 

and in Southern Dalmatia, and the whole province 

^ Salona and Epidaurus are said to have been destroyed by 
Avars, but the early writers are very careless of ethnological 
distinctions. Constantine Porphyrogenitus says Epidaurus was 
destroyed irapa rSyv "EKXa^cov, but in another place he calls the 
Avars Slavs, and Attila ^acnXevs twu 'A^dpcov. Thomas Archidia- 
conus says that the destroyei's of Salona were called indifferently 
Goths or Slavs, and were the same as the Croatians. Most 
pi'obably the invading hordes were composed of Goths and 
Slavs as well as Avars. 



Ch. I.] History of Dahiatia. 15 

became thus peopled by Slavonians, the Croats 
occupying what we know as Hungarian and 
Turkish Croatia, and Northern Dalmatia as far 
as the River Cettina which falls into the sea at 
Almissa, while the Serbs occupied nearly the 
whole of modern Servia Bosnia Herzegovina and 
Montenegro, with the northern part of Albania, 
and the coast from the Cettina to Durazzo. 

The old Latin, or Roman, population, however Recovery 
sadly it was crushed and weakened by this irrup- Roman 
tion, did not disappear, nor did it lose its identity paiitios. 
and become merged in the ranks of the con- 
querors. When the first shock was over, the 
Romans either returned to their old towns or 
founded new ones, where they managed to live 
in a state between independence and vassalage 
till they became strong enough in time to take 
care of themselves. Zara soon rose again from 
its iTiin, the fugitives from Epidaurus settled on 
an isolated rock not far from their ancient home 
and founded the city of Ragusa, and the unhappy 
Salonitans, not daring to return as yet to the 
ruins of their old capital, crept back to the main- 
land in reduced numbers, and found a refuge 
within the impregnable walls of the deserted 
villa of Diocletian, which has grown into the 
modem Spalato. The fate of Trail on the main- 
land and of the island towns of Arbe Veglia 
and Ossero in the Quamero during this general 
catastrophe is obscure, but we find them in the 
tenth century still peopled by Roman citizens and 



i6 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

living under their old E-oman institutions ; and if 
they fell at first under the onslaught of the im- 
migrant Slavs, they at all events recovered them- 
selves like Zara and escaped being Slavonized 
like the rest of the province. It is, however, 
possible that their insular position saved them 
from injury by a people who had no maritime 
resources. These seven towns were the sole sur- 
vivors of the ancient Roman civilization in Dal- 
matia. A few old Roman cities like Aenona, 
Corinium and Scardona were inhabited by the 
conquering Slavs, but for the most part the 
ancient sites were abandoned and the buildings 
either destroyed or allowed to fall into ruin. 
The islands of Northern Dalmatia, except those 
above named, were uninhabited and their towns 
deserted even as late as the tenth century. But 
the larger islands of Southern Dalmatia — Lesina, 
Curzola, Meleda — were colonized by the Serbs of 
the Narenta, and in time Croatian immigrants oc- 
cupied the rural districts of those in the northern 
sea, for the Slavs of the sea- coast soon adapted 
themselves to their maritime position and became 
as formidable by water as they had been by land^ 

^ Constantine Porphyrogenitus de administrando Imperio, 
ch. xxix-xxxi. His account was written in the year 949, as he 
tells us in ch. xxix : Oi fie \onTOi 'Pafiavoi els TO. TTJs TrapaKias 
Kaa-rpa 8ie(ra>dr](Tav, Koi p-exP'- '''^^ ^^^ Kparovaiv avra' arivd elai rdde 
KciiTTpa, TO 'Paovaiv, to 'AcnraXadov, to Terpayyovpiv, to. Aidbcopa, 17 
"Ap^r), f] Be/cXa, Koi Ta"Oyj/apa' cov tivwu koi olKTjTOpts p^^XP'- ''"'^ "^^ °' 
'Pw/iSvot KuKovvTat. p. 128, ed. Bonn. Ta be \oiTrd KaaTpa Ta ovra 
fls TTjV ^rjpav Tov BifxaTOS Kai KpaTrjdepra ivapa Ta>v elprjpevav 2/fXa^coj/ 
do'iKrjTa Ka\ €prjp.a laravTai, firjdeuos KaToiKoiivTos ivaiiTols. ibid. p. 1 40. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 1 7 

The communal family organization of the Slavs Organiza- 
was not favourable to the formation of a compact siavs. 
and formidable nation. Each tribe or village ex- 
isted as a separate republic, and in the absence 
of any tendency to cohere and assert their general 
and national independence, they settled down 
readily as vassals or provincials of the Empire. 
Both Serbs and Croats acknowledged the do- 
minion of the Byzantine Court and at first sub- 
mitted to a Praetor from Constantinople, who 
collected tribute from them and sent it to the 
capital ; and it was not till the ninth or tenth 
century, when the decline of the Empire loosened 
its hold on the distant provinces, that the Dal- 
matian Slavs shook ofP the yoke which had long 
ceased to be more than nominal. 

This he to some extent contradicts afterwards, v. infra. Of the 
islands except Be/cXa (Veglia)/'Ap^r;, "Oyj/^apa (Ossero) and Aov^^pi- 
KQTOV (Vergada), the rest elalv doiKrjra, expvra eprjiioKaa-Tpa wu to. 
ovopara eicrii/ ovra, Karavrpf^fvcb ( '?), HiC^X (Sale), 2eX/3a> 

(Selve), 2Kep8d (Scherda), 'AXcoj^tt (Nun), iKipdaKia-aa (Pago), 
TlvpoTipa ( 1), MeXera (MeUda), 'Ecttiovvi]^ (Sestrum), koL 

erf pa TrafiiroXka S)V to ovopara ov voovvrai, ibid. p. 140. These are 
all in the Northern waters. Of the Southern islands he says 
the Serbs of Pagania (i. e. the valley of the Narenta) Kparova-i 

Koi ravras ras vrjaovs. Nijcro? peyiiXt] rj KovpKpa rjroi to KiKfp (Curzola), 
fv fj earl kol KiicrTpov. 'Nrjaos erepa peyaXi] to. MeXera (Meleda), ^Voi 
TO MaXo^eaTot. N^o-os eV/pa peyakrj to ^apa (Lesina), vrja-os €Tepa 
p,eyaXr] 6 BpaT^rjs (Brazza), ibid. p. 163, 4. Lagosta, t6 Aqoto^ov, and 
the islands Xoapa and "irjs, though near the Pagani, did not belong 
to them, ibid. p. 164. He mentions the following towns as in- 
habited by the jSaTTTiapevoi Xpco^aToi : Ndi'a (Nona), BeX6ypa8ov 
(Belgrad or Zara Vecchia), BeXirCeiv (Belinal), 2K6p8ova (Scardona), 
XXejSem (Chlebna), ^toXttov (Stulba), Ttirjv (Knin), Kopi (Kariu), 
KXa/3a»ca (Klapaz ?), ibid, p. 151. 

VOL. T. C 



1 8 History of Dalmatia. [Ch.i. 

It is more difficult to say what became of the 
ancient Dahnatian and Liburnian populations of 
the province. They probably shared to some 
extent the fortunes of the Roman colonists, with 
whom they had doubtless become a good deal 
intermingled, and it is supposed that their de- 
scendants may be found in the cities of the coast 
and on the islands. Lucio sees in the Morlacchi, 
who retired from the hill country into the plains 
as the Turks advanced towards the sea-coast in 
the sixteenth century, and who now form the 
peasantry of the northern part of continental 
Dalmatia, the descendants of the old Roman 
provincials who fled to the mountains and took 
to a pastoral life when the Slavs occupied the 
plains ^ Of the provincials themselves, many 
were already Slavs by descent and ready to 
be merged in the ranks of their conquerors, 
for a gradual infiltration of a Slavonic element 
had been going on among the population of the 
Balkan peninsula long before the irruption of the 
seventh century and the settlement of the Croats 
and Serbs by Heraclius. It is only in this way 
that the population can have become so tho- 
roughly Slavonized, for it is impossible to suppose 
that the whole district was entirely repeopled at 
the time of the Slavonic conquest. 
A.D. 752. Such was the condition of Dalmatia when Ra- 
exarchate. venna fcU beforc the Lombards, the exarchate 

^ De Eegno Dalm. et Croat, lib. vi. c. v. de Vlahis. ; vid. 
also note, page 149 infra. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmaiia. 19 

was extinguished, and the Imperial prefects of Byzantine 

1A1*' 11 1 ii»n dukes of 

the Adriatic removed themselves and their fleet Daimatia. 
to Zara, which became the capital of the province 
and the seat of the dukes of Daimatia. Side 
by side with their somewhat shadowy authority 
was the native organization of the Slavs, who 
were grouped into districts called zupys, each 
with a Zupan at its head. Over these were grand 
Zupans, or presidents of the federation, and now 
and then we read of a Ban, or personage of still 
more exalted authority. All these ' archons ' 
acknowledged and condescended to accept digni- 
ties and titles from the Empire, and, in name at all 
events, professed obedience to the representative 
of the Emperor. Side by side again with these 
organizations were the old Roman municipalities 
of the maritime towns, speaking the old Roman 
tongue, governed by the old Roman law, owning 
allegiance to none but the Roman Emperor and 
the Prior who represented him in each commu- 
nity, and looking to Constantinople for protection 
in their ancient municipal liberties against the 
Slavs, whose rule began beyond the narrow limits 
of the territory which each city claimed as its own. 
This was the begmning of that dual element in Distinction 

. 1-1 11 11 between 

Dalmatian history which must be thoroughly ap- Latin and 
predated before the after history of the country baima- 
can be understood, which has continued with 
comparatively little difference to our own days, 
and which is at this moment the key to the 

c 2 



20 History of Dahnatia, [Ch. I. 

proper intelligence of Dalmatian politics and the 

pivot on which they turn. 
Conversion If Christianity had not made material progress 
Slavs to among the Slavs before their descent into Dal- 

Christi- . , . • i i i • 

anity about matia ^, tlieu^ contact with the population of a 
province that dated its Christianity from apo- 
stolic times, and their residence under the sove- 
reignty of a Christian Empire, resulted in the 
speedy conversion of the greater part of them 
from paganism. Before 640 it is supposed that 
most of the Slavs had accepted Christianity, 
except the Serbs of Southern Dalmatia, in the 
district of the Narenta, who clung for a much 
longer time to their ancient faith. In the tenth 
century their country was known as Pagania, 
and is described under that name by Constantine 
Porphyrogenitus -. On the deserted site of Ro- 
man Narona the Slavonic conquerors had raised 

^ If Thomas Arcliid. ch. vii. may be trusted the conquerors 
of Saloua ' quamvis pravi essent et feroces, tamen Christian! 
erant sed rudes valde. Ariana etiam erant tabe infecti.' This 
would have been true of the Goths among them at all events. 

The ' Historia Salonitanorum Poutificum atque Spalatensium 
Thomae Archidiacoui Spalatensis ' will be frequently quoted. 
Thomas was born in 1200 and died in 1268, and his nai'rative 
of the events of his own time is of the greatest value. For his 
own personal history v. inf. chapter xi. 

^ Ot Se nayai/ot, ol Kai ttj 'Pcofiaiav diaXeKTO) ' ApfvTavoi KoKovfjifvoi, 
€is dva^drovs tottovs koi KprjuvaiSeis KureXei^drjaav d^dnTKTTOi' Koi yap 
Ilayavoi Kara tijv rav S/cXd/Swi' yXaacruv d/SaTrricTTOi epprjVivovTai, 
Mera Se tovto koL avToi dnoaTeiXavTes fls rbv dolhipov ^acrtkea f$;]Trj- 
aavro ^anricrdrjvai Koi avToi' koi dwoareiXas i^aTTTicre Koi avrovs. 
Const. Porphyr. de adm. Imp. ch. xxix. 

Basil I. the Macedonian reigned from 867 till 886. Farlati 
gives 872 as the date of the conversion of the Narentines. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 21 

a temple to their national god Viddo, whose name 
survives in the modern village of Vido, and when 
in the reign of Basil the Macedonian the Naren- 
tines were baptized into the new faith, Viddo 
himself shared in their conversion and became the 
S. Vito, the uneasy Saint Vitus, of the new 
mythology. As lately, however, as the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth century, in a visitation 
that was made of the churches of this district, 
ancient idols were found still preserved and still 
receiving the veneration of the people ^ I presume 
like S. Vito, under names in Christian hagiology 
most nearly corresponding to their Pagan titles. 



After Charlemagne had overthrown the king- a.d. 806. 
dom of the Lombards he extended his conquest con^er?d 
without difficulty over Istria, Liburnia, and Dal- lemagne' 
matia, and the dominion of 6 iJieya^ KdpovXo? was 
admitted, not only by the Slavonic population, 
but by the Latins, or as they began to call them- 
selves by distinction, Dalmatians, of the maritime 
cities, who are even said to have voluntarily 
thrown themselves on the protection of the new 
Emperor of the West to escape the tyranny of 
Nicephorus the reigning Emperor of the East. 
Whether their surrender was voluntary, or whether 
it is an invention of the vanity of the Dalmatians 
and they were conquered by force, it is certain 
that the cities of the coast were for the moment 

^ Vid. Schatzmayer, La Dalmazia. Trieste, 1877. 



2 2 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

actually detached from the Eastern Empire and 
attached to that of the West \ Nicephorus did 
not submit tamely, but sent a fleet into Dalma- 
tian waters, which, however, effected nothing ; 
and had the dispute come to the arbitration of 
arms the Byzantines would perhaps have made 
but a poor defence against the destroyer of the 
Eestora- Avars. It was not, however, the policy of 
maritime Charlemagne to break up the Empire of Eastern 
Eastern Rouie, and the maritime cities and islands which 
mpire. g^g^^ ^^ havo bccn overawed into submission to 
Nicephorus by a fresh naval demonstration in 809 
were allowed to remain subject to the Eastern 
Empire, while Istria and Croatia remained part 
of the new Empire of the West "-. These terms 
were embodied in a treaty, and the biographer of 
Charlemagne is careful to convey the impression 
that the concession to his Eastern brother was 
the effect, not of compulsion, but of generosity ^. 

^ Annates Regum Francorum, dcccvi : ' Statim post Natalem 
domini venerunt Wilharius {Obelerio) et Beatus Duces Veuetiae 
nee non et Paulus dux Jaderae atque Donatus ejusdem civitatis 
episcopus legati Dalmatarum ad praesentiam imperatoris cum 
magnis donis ; et facta est ibi ordiuatio ab imperatore de ducibus 
et populis tarn Venetiae quam Dalmatiae.' 

'^ ' De Dalmatia autem sicuti eam partem, quam Croati cum 
Liburnia occupaverant, simul cum reliqua Croatia Carolum 
subegisse censendum est, ita ilia excejjtio Civitatum marinarum 
de civitatibus coutineutis Dalmatiae, scilicet ladra, Tragurio, 
et Spalato Croatis conterminis quae cum insulis Dalmatiae 
nomen retinebant intelligenda est.' Lucio, de Eegn, Dalm. lib. 
I. XV. To these he aftei'wards adds Ragusa and Capodistria, 
ibid. ch. xvi. 

^' 'Exceptis maritimis civitatibus, quas ob amicitiam et junctum 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 23 

The Frank dominion in Dalmatia, however, was End of 
a mere episode in its history, and lasted too short dominion. 
a time to make any lasting impression. The 
truth seems to have been that the Byzantines, 
as masters of the sea, were able to retain their 
hold on the maritime towns, and that the Franks, 
being stronger by land, imposed their rule, though 
perhaps not very firmly, on the Slavs of the rest 
of Dalmatia, and of Istria and Croatia. This 
yoke was easily shaken off by the Croatian and 
Dalmatian Slavs after the death of Charlemagne, 
and the dukes of Croatia, being practically in- indepen- 
dependent of both Empires, rapidly advanced Croatia. 
their authority to a position that wanted nothing 
of royalty but the name. Even the maritime 
cities were obliged to yield them a qualified sub- 
jection. The cities were too weak to resist their 
Slavonic neighbours except with the aid of the 
Byzantine Empne, and as the Empire found it 
daily more and more difficult to extend its pro- 
tection over dependencies at such a distance, 
Basil the Macedonian advised them to purchase 
immunity by an annual tribute to the barbarians, 
reserving a nominal sum for the Empire as an 
acknowledgment of their continued fidelity ^ 

cum eo foedus Constantinopolitauo Imperatori habere permisit.' 
Egiuhart, Vita Carol, Magn. 

^ Const. Porphyr. de adm. Imp. ch. xxx. p. 147, ed. Bonn. : 
6 ovv doidifios (Kf2vos ^aaiXeis BaaiXetos 7rpo€rpe'\//-aro navra to. Sidofxeva 
TW aTpaTTjyat 8i8oadai Trap' avrav rois ^KXd^ois koI elprjviKas C^v per 
avTQ}V, Kai ^paxy n SiBoadai ra arparr^ya Iva povov 8fiKvvTai t] irpos tovs 
^aai\els TclJi/'Pco/xaiwj/ /cat Trpos rov (TTpaTr]y6v avriov vnoTayrj Kal^ovXaxns. 



24 History of Dalniaiia. [Ch. I. 

The homage which the dukes of Croatia still 
professed to yield to the Empire was only ren- 
dered occasionally and was little more than 
nominal, till finally it was dropped entirely, and 
in the eleventh century the duchy became the 
Kingdom of Croatia and Dalmatia. 
The Na- -pj-^g intricate channels amono; the Dalmatian 

rentmes. ^ 

islands, and the secret harbours and inland seas 
that indent the coast, have always disposed the 
people to piracy in barbarous times, and the Slavs 
had no sooner established themselves on the sea- 
board and taken to maritime pursuits than they 
did as their predecessors had done in the days 
of Queen Teuta. The still Pagan Narentines 
were powerful enough to impede the commerce 
of the Adriatic and harass the cities of the Dal- 
matian coast, and the Venetians were preparing 
an armament to check their piracies, when a more 
Saracen formidable enemy appeared on the scene. The 

piracies. . ., , a i • • 

A.D. 829. Saracens from Sicily entered the Adriatic, cap- 
tured Bari on the Apulian shore, ravaged Cattaro 
E/Osa and Budua on the Dalmatian side, and laid 
siege to Bagusa, which they invested for fifteen 
months. A fleet under the Doge Partecipazio 
was dispatched to co-operate with that of the 
Emperor Theophilus, but the cowardice of the 
Greeks involved the Venetians in a severe defeat 
off Taranto or Crotona. The siege of Bagusa was 
raised by the Emperor Basil I, the Macedonian, 
who sent a fleet of one hundred sail, and the 
Saracens retired to Bari. 'Their impartial de- 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 25 

predations provoked the resentment and con- 
ciliated the miion of the two Emperors. An 
offensive aUiance was concluded between Basil 
the Macedonian, the first of his race, and Lewis 
the great - grandson of Charlemagne \' Lewis 
furnished the land forces, and Basil the naval 
contingent. At his summons the Croats and 
Serbs and the Latins of the maritime cities, all of 
whom still formed nominally a part of his Em- 
pire, flocked to the rendezvous at Bagusa, whence 
they were transported in Bagiisan vessels to 
Bari 2. The siege lasted four years and was Siege of 
conducted by Lewis in person, and the fall of867-S7i. 
the Saracen citadel and the subsequent death of 
Lewis were followed by the establishment of the 
Byzantine theme of Apulia governed by a Cata- 
pan, with Bari for his capital, which lasted till 
subverted by the Norman conquest in 1040- 
1043. 

Of all the Dalmatians the Narentines alone 
had not been invited to join in the campaign 
against the Saracens, and they profited by the 
absence and occupation of the Venetian fleet at 
Bari, to strengthen their forces and prosecute 
their piracies. A fleet which the Venetians sent Narentine 
against them under the Doge Pietro Candiano Puntamica. 
was utterly defeated off Puntamica near Zara, 
and the Doge was killed. His body was found 
after the battle by the Croat ians who seem to 

' Gibbon, ch. Ivi. 

2 Const. Porphyr. ch. xxix. p. 88, ed. Bonn. 



26 History of Dahnatia. [Ch. I. 

have had at that time no sympathy with the 
Narentines, and was sent to Grade and buried in 
the atrium of the cathedrals 
Struggle The time had come when the question of the 

between 

Venice and future supremacv of the Adriatic seemed evenly 

the Naren- r J ^ J 

tines for balauccd betwoou the Venetians and the Slavs 
in the of Soutliem Dalmatia. Venice was still in her 
youth, and only beginning to be formidable, and 
the Narentines with their allies and dependencies 
were no unworthy antagonists in point of strength. 
They occupied the valley of the Narenta, the 
sea-coast from that river to the Cettina at 
Almissa, with the towns of Makarska, BeruUa, 
Ostrog, and Labinetza on the shore, other 
places in the interior, and the large islands of 
Curzola, Meleda, Lesma, and Brazza^. Envy 
and fear of the growing naval strength of Venice 
procured them the favour of the neighbouring 
powers ; their attacks on Venetian commerce were 
secretly or openly supported by the dukes of 
Croatia and by the Ragusans, some of whom even 
took service with the Narentine prince Muiis, and 
they were regarded not unfavourably even by the 
Byzantine Empire. 

In estimating the character of the Narentine 
pretensions it must be remembered that we have 

^ ' Croatos ergo tunc temporis ab infestatione maris se absti- 
nentes cum Venetis et Dalmatis Concordes navigasse, et sequuta 
inter Venetos et Narentanos prope suum promontorium pugna 
navali, amici occisi Ducis cadaver derelictum inventum Gradum 
ad sepeliendum tulisse dicendum est.' Luc. de Regn. ii. p. 65. 

^ Const. Porphyr.de adm. Imp. ch.xxx-xxxvi. v, sup. p. 17, note. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 27 

only the one-sided account of the Venetian his- 
torians, who represent them as simple corsairs 
levying black mail on the commerce of the 
Adriatic, and harassing the maritime towns of 
Dalmatia. It seems likely that they were not 
merely sea-robbers but had developed a con- 
siderable legitimate commerce with Italy, whither 
we hear that their merchants used to go to 
transact business. The narrative of a Narentine 
historian might have given a diflPerent aspect to 
the struggle, and shown it to have been not a 
mere crushing of a nest of pirates as the Venetian 
historians describe it, but rather a contest for 
supremacy between two young and growing naval 
powers, both of whom aspired to the mastery of 
the sea. 

At first the Narentines had decidedly the best Pietro 

^ , Orseolo II, 

of it : for a hundred and fifty years the Venetians Doge, A.n. 

., p 991-1008. 

had been compelled to pay them tribute lor 

liberty to navigate the Adriatic ; and it was not 

till the time of their great Doge Pietro Orseolo II 

that they felt themselves strong enough to refuse 

it themselves, and to forbid its payment by others. 

The cities of Dalmatia, afflicted by the constant 

attacks of both Croatians and Narentines, eagerly 

welcomed the prospect of a deliverer, and offered 

their allegiance to the Doge and his successors if 

he would relieve them from the oppression of the 

Slavs. As the Croatian dukes or kings had 

originally received their authority from the 

Eastern Empire permission was sought from the 



28 History of Dalmaiia. [Ch. I. 

EmjDerors Basil II. and Constantine IX. before the 

Republic acceded to the request of the suppliants, 

Conquest and assuHied the dominion of Dalmatia^. Per- 

of the Na- . . i i • i • i i f« 

rentines. mission was granted, and m the eighth year oi 
his dukedom, Pietro Orseolo set sail from Venice 
with a formidable fleet. At Grade he was met 
by the Patriarch Vitale at the head of the people 
and clergy ; at Parenzo, at the bishop's request, 
he visited the Euphrasian basilica, entering the 
city surrounded with a large military force ; at 

A.D. 998. S. Andrea, an island near Pola, he received the 
homage of the bishop and citizens of that place : 
sailing thence to Ossero he was welcomed not 
only by the citizens, but by the people from the 
neighbouring towns ' both Ronian and Slavonic^ 
who swore allegiance to him, and at the feast 
of Pentecost, which occurred during his stay, cele- 
brated him in the public ' lauds ^.' At Zara he 

^ ' Qua de causa Veneti ab illis evocati, cum permissione 
Basilii et Constantini Imperatorum Constantinopol. a quibus 
reges illi sceptrum antiquitus recognoverant, dominium Dal- 
matiae primitus acceperunt.' Dandolo, lib. ix. c. i. pars 15. 

^ Lucio devotes a chapter (lib. ii. cli. vi. de Laudibus) to an 
account of the ' Lauds,' sung in Dalmatian churches down even 
to his day. They were unknown except in the old Roman or 
'Dalmatian' cities. ' Hae autem laudes nunc canuntur in histan- 
tum civitatibus quae olim Romanorum vel Dalmatarum nomen 
retinuere, ut dictum est, quae Imperiales etiam dictae fuere ad 
differentiam Croaticarum quae Regales, suntque Ragusium, 
Spalatum, Tragurium, ladra, Arbum, Viglia. Sola Absarus ex 
Dalmaticis iis caret, quae cum jDene deserta sit civibus et 
magistratibus nunc Chersum habitantibus ob id forsan omissae 
fuere. Curzolae et Phari uti Narentanorum, Sibenici et Nonae 
uti Ci'oatorum neque olim cantatas ulla memoria reperitur neque 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 29 

was met by the prior, or representative of the a.d. 
Emperor, with the bishop of the city, and also by 
the priors and bishops of Vegha and Arbe, who 
all swore allegiance on the gospels and engaged 
that on festivals the name of the Doge should be 
celebrated in the public lauds after that of the 
Byzantme Emperor. An ambassador from the 
king of Croatia was received coldly, and his 
overtures were rejected ; the resources of the 
Narentines were carefully ascertained, and mea- 
sures were taken at once to put them to the 
proof A squadron of ten ships was sent to 
intercept forty Narentine nobles on their way 
home from Apulia, where they had been on affairs 
of business, who were captured at the island of 
Chaza, between Issa and Lagosta, and carried to 
Trail. The Doge was already moving southwards 
towards the same place, receiving on his way 
the submission of Belgrade, and the island Leni- 
grad which Lucio identifies either with Zuri or 
Morter. At Trati he found his victorious vanguard 
with their prisoners, and received the homage of 
the bishop and people, and also that of Surigna 
the brother and unsuccessful rival of Mucimir 
king or duke of Croatia, to whose son the Doge 
gave his daughter Hicela in marriage. By this 
alliance Lucio supposes the Doge ratified a treaty 
with the Croat ians which bound them to abstain 
from molesting the Dalmatians, and detached 

nunc canuntur.' Nor at Cattaro which for some time was sub- 
ject to Servia. They were sung also at Capodistria. 



30 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

them from the Narentines^ The Narentines thus 
left alone face to face with a superior force were 
glad enough to come to terms. The Doge had 
advanced to Spalato, and his fleet augmented 
by contingents from his new Dalmatian subjects 
was far more than a match for his opponents. 
Submis- Six of the Narentine captives were retained as 
Karen- hostages, and the rest were restored to liberty, 



and the Narentine prince in return bound himself 



tines. 
Venetian 

Dukedom ^q exact uo tolls in future on the commerce of the 

of Dal- 
matia. Adriatic, and not to molest any Venetian travellers. 

The islanders of Curzola and Lagosta- alone offered 

any resistance. The former were easily conquered, 

but the latter, relying on their impregnable cliffs 

and walls, made a stubborn fight, and were with 

difficulty overcome. As the Lagostans had been 

the worst corsairs in those seas, their city was 

destroyed. The Doge returned to the church of 

S. Maximus, which, with no doubt a convent 

attached to it, was situated on an islet near 

Curzola, and there received the bishop and clergy 

of E-agusa who came to tender their submission, 

after which he returned in triumph to Venice, 

revisiting on his way the several Dalmatian cities, 

and assuming with the general consent the title 

of Duke of Dalmatia. 

^ Luc. de Eegn. lib. ii. ch. iv. 

^ Danclolo calls the island Ladestina, and it has sometimes 
been mistaken for Lesina. Lucio, with more probability, identi- 
fies it with Lagosta. Yet Constantine Porphyrog. says that 
Lastobon (Lagosta) did not belong to the Narentines or Pagani, 
Yid. sup. note, p. 17. 



Ch. T.J Histoiy of Dalviatia. 31 

Cresimir II, king of Croatia, who harassed Zara a.d. 1018. 
and the maritime cities, was defeated by Doge 
Ottone Orseolo, to whom afterwards the priors 
and bishops of Vegha, Arbe, Albona, and Ossero 
renewed their oaths of fidehty, agreeing to pay an 
annual acknowledgment. That paid by the 
island of Arbe was ten pounds of silk, an inter- 
esting fact in connection with the introduction of 
silk into western Europe^. 

Once more in this century the power of the a.d. 1019. 
Byzantine Empire was re\T.ved in Dalmatia. Bylantine 
Basil II, ' Bulgaroktonos,' the destroyer of the ^^^''"^'="- 
Bulgarians, after crushing Samuel the successor 
of their great Czar Simeon in 10 14, is said to 
have subdued all Bosnia, Bascia, and Dalmatia, 
and to have established Governors, Protospathars 
and generals throughout these provinces ^ ; and till 
1076 the Croatian king held his crown as a 
dependent of the Emf)ire. The Venetians had 
always nominally respected the sovereignty of the 
Empire, and at this time were too much occupied 
by intestine disturbances to interfere, and the 
title of Duke of Dalmatia seems to have been 
dropped after the time of Orseolo till it w^as 
resumed by Yitale Faliero in 1084. The history 

' Luc. de Eegn. ii. ch. viii. See below, chap, xxviii, on history 
of Arbe. 

^ Luc. ii-ix. quotes in confirmation of this several documents 
in the archives of S. Grisogono at Zara, e. g. ' 1036. Indictione 
quarta die 13 Feb. Eomani imperii dignitatem Gubernante 
Serenissimo Michaele, Gregorio Protospatario et Stratico 
universae Dalmatiae.' 



32 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

of this time is, however, extremely obscure. In 
1067 we find amicably attending the court of 
Peter Cresimir king of Croatia and Dalmatia at 
Nona an imperial officer with the title of Pro- 
tospathar and Catipan of all Dalmatia, and the 
name of the reigning Emperor is prefixed to 
the royal acts^ Lucio conjectures that the 
Empire being too weak to restrain the Croatians 
by land, allowed their king to call himself King 
of Dalmatia, while he, having no navy to match 
that of the Empire, allowed the imperial rule 
to linger on in the maritime cities subject to such 
a tribute as they had paid with the consent of 
Basil I. 

The Byzantine Empire was daily losing ground. 
The Normans had robbed it of the theme of 
Apulia, and founded in its place a new kingdom 
of their own, and were preparing to cross the 
Adriatic and follow up their victory on its Eastern 
The Nor- side. Their fleets searched the Dalmatian coast, 
Dafmatia. and molcstcd the cities, but were driven off* by 
the Venetians, who were jealous of the inter- 
ference of a new power in the Adriatic. From 
the expression of Dandolo that the Venetians 

^ * A.D. 1067. Regnante D. Constantino Duce magno Impera- 
tore, Prioratum vero ladrae retinente D. Leone Imperiali 
Prothospatario et totius Dalmatiae Catipano . . . ego Cresimir, 
qui alio nomine vocor Petrus Croatorum Piex Dalmatinorumque " 
&c. Document cited by Luc. de Regn. lib. ii. c. viii. 

Thorn. Archid, says of the Kings of Croatia at this time, 
' recipiebant enim dignitatis insignia ab Imperatoribus Con- 
stantinopolitanis et dicebantur eorum Eparchi sive Patritii.' 
ch. xiii. 



A.D. 1073. 



mans m 
Dalmati 
A.D. 107.;;. 



Ch. L] History of Dalmatia. 33 

exacted fresh oaths of allegiance from the Dal- 
matians, together with a promise that they would 
not invite the Normans into Dalmatian it appears 
that the coming of the Normans was not a mere 
raid, but had been solicited by some of the 
cities. The whole mcident is extremely obscure. 

In the middle of this century occurred the Synod of 
synod at Spalato, which prohibited the use of 1059. 
the lUyrian Hturgy, and prescribed the use of 
only Greek or Latm m the church services. The 
s}Tiod was attended by bishops from the whole of 
Dalmatia and Croatia, but none even of the Slav 
bishops protested except Gregory the bishop of 
Nona. The Slav priests were struck with dismay, 
their churches were shut and the services inter- 
rupted. A delegacy to the Pope failed to obtain 
relief, and the delegate of the Croatian appellants 
was on his return degraded, beaten, branded, and 
imprisoned for twelve years, while Cededa, a 
Slavonic bishop ignorant of the Latm language, 
whom the recusant party had intruded into the 
see of Veglia, was ejected and excommunicated -. 
The acts of this synod illustrate the religious Eeiigious 
differences which accentuated those of race which between 
divided the Latin from the Slav. Throughout the siavs. 
middle ages the Latin cities were the strongholds 
of Koman orthodoxy, while the Slavonic kingdoms 
of the interior were more or less inclined to the 

^ Dandolo, lib. ix. c. viii. 

^ Thorn. Archid. c. xvi; vid. infra. History of Spalato, chap, x, 
and that of Yeglia, chap. xxvi. 

VOL. I. D 



34 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

doctrines of the Patarenes or to those of the Greek 
Church. 
A.D. 1087. On the death of Demetrius or Zuonimir the 
Croatian last regular king, whose wife was sister to Ladis- 
mg om. j^^^ ^ ^^ Hungary, the succession to the crown of 
Croatia was disputed, and Ladislaus was invited 
to contest it with Stephen II, who had been 
elected by one part of the nobility. Ladislaus 
Hungarian descended into Croatia with an army, but was 
of Croatia, recalled by an invasion of Tartars before he could 
establish himself firmly in his conquest ; and he 
recrossed the mountains, leaving his nephew 
Almus ^ as duke of Croatia to govern in his name. 
The Hungarians do not seem at this first in- 
cursion to have reached Dalmatia, but only to 
have annexed Croatia^, a country then divided 
by faction and easily conquered in detail. 
Venetians j^ jg j-^q^ without siOTiificancc that this was the 

revive their ^ 

claims to momcnt when the Venetians revived their dor- 

Dalmatia. 

mant claim to Dalmatia. The Byzantine Empire 
was at this time in the throes of its struggle with 

^ It seems doubtful which brother of Ladislaus, Geiza or 
Lampertus, was father to Almus. Otto Frising., Vita Herbordi, 
lib. i, and de Gest. Frid. lib. vii, calls Almus brother to Coloman 
who was son to Geiza, but he is corrected by his annotator (ed. 
Pertz), who says Almus was son to Lampertus. Vid. Table of 
Kings of Hungary, infra. 

^ Thorn. Archid. c. xvii : ' Ergo Vladislaus . . . transivit 
Alpes et coepit impugnare munitiones et castra, multaque 
proelia committere cum gentibus Croatiae, sed cum alter alteri 
non ferret auxilium essentque divisi ab invicem facilem victo- 
riam Eex potuit obtinere ; nee tamen usque ad maritimas 
regiones pervenit,' &c. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 35 

the Norman Robert Guiscard, and in the disast- 
rous campaign of Durazzo the Venetian fleet had 
rendered good service to the Emperor Alexius. 
The Emperor was alarmed by the disposition the 
Dalmatians had shown to appeal to the Normans, 
alarmed also at the progress of Hungary towards 
the sea-coast, and irritated because Zuonmiir the 
last king had sought investiture from the Pope 
and not from Constantinople ^. To prevent Dal- 
matia falling into the hands of either Hungarian 
or Norman, Alexius seems to have resorted to the 
expedient of conferring afresh on the Doge of 
Venice the title of Duke of Dalmatia, which had 
fallen into abeyance since the time of Pietro 
Orseolo II. Accordingly we find Vitale Faliero^ 
assuming the title ' Dalmatiae Dux,' at the very 
time when the Hungarians began to meditate the 
conquest of that country ; and thus began the 
struggle for the possession of Dalmatia which 
with varying fortune raged between these two 
powers for the next three hundred years, till 
Hungary, broken by Turkish conquest, was com- 
pelled to retire from the contest and leave Venice 
mistress of the field. 

^ Luc. ii. X. p. 85. 

2 Luc. de Regno, lib. iii. c. ii. Vitale Faliero was Doge 
from 1085 till 1096. 



D 2 



36 Histo7'y of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 



THIRD PERIOD. 

Contest of Venice and Hungary for the possession of Dalmatia, 
A.D. T 102-1420. 

Condition The coiiditioii of the country and the various 

of Dal- ... . 

matia at races that inhabited it at the opening of this new 

this time. . . , . 

chapter m its history may be gathered obscurely 
I. The from various sources. The Croatians had Q-radually 

Croatians. ^ '' 

become consolidated from a loose aggregate of 
semi-independent zupanies into a nation and a 
kingdom. Contact with and subjection to the 
courts of the two Empires had taught them to 
imitate the imperial offices and establishments of 
Constantinople and Aquisgranum. The zupans 
were latinized into counts, we find chamber- 
lains palatines chaplains and judges in attend- 
ance on the king in the various places where he 
held his court, and Latin was the official language 
in state documents, at least as far back as ^z^'^. 
There was no settled capital ; royal acts and 
privileges are dated from Bihac Knin Novigrad 
Belgrad (Zara Vecchia), sometimes ' a nostro 
cenaculo * at Nona, frequently from Sebenico, and 
often from some river or fountain or church in the 
open country. Nona seems to have been the 
principal seat of the court, and the bishop of that 
place had all Croatia for his diocese. The bishop 
of Knin was scarcely less favoured ; his see was 

^ Lucio, lib. ii. c. ii. p. 61, cites a privilege in Latin of Tirpi- 
mirus Dux Croatoruru in that year. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 37 

founded at the instance of the kings of Croatia, The 
who wished ' specialem habere pontificem,' and the 
bishop was the royal bishop and followed the 
royal court, of which he was one of the magnates ^. 
All the Croatian bishops were subject to the 
Metropolitan of Spalato, whose province extended 
as far as the borders of Istria and the shores of 
the Danube. 

The Croat ians remained, as to some extent 
they still remain, lovers of the open country and 
haters of towns, like our own Saxon forefathers. 
Their towns were few and small, and the scattered 
population was distributed in hamlets of a few 
houses clustered round a humble church on the 
shore of some stream or beside some spring. A 
glimpse of the condition of the people is given 
by William of Tyre in his account of the march of 
Raymond of Thoulouse on his way to the first a.d. 1095- 
crusade through Lombardy Aquileja Istria and 
Dalmatia. He distinguishes the civilized Latin 
inhabitants of the maritime cities from the Croa- 
tians, who, he says, are a most ferocious people, 
accustomed to robbery and murder, clad like 
barbarians, living by their flocks and herds, and 
little given to agriculture ^. ' The weather was 

^ Thorn. Archid. c. xv. For extent of kingdom of Croatia vid. 
his c. xiii. 

^ William of Tj're, lib. ii. c. 17: ' Exceptis paucis qui in oris 
maritimis habitant, qui ab aliis et moribus et lingua dissimiles 
Latinorum habent idioma, reliquis Sclavonico sermone utentibus 
et habitu Barbarorum.' He names Zara Spalato Antivari 
and Eagusa as the four ' Metropoles.' 



;^S History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

a perpetual fog, the land was mountainous and 
desolate, the natives were either fugitive or hos- 
tile : loose in their religion and government, they 
refused to furnish provisions and guides, murdered 
the stragglers, and exercised day and night the 
vigilance of the Count, who derived more security 
from the punishment of some captive robbers than 
from his interview with the prince of Scodra^.' 
2. State of Qj-^ ^j^g coast and some of the islands were the 

the Latins 

of Dal- q1(J Roman or, as they began to be called, Dalma- 
tian as distinct from Croatian towns ^, subject in 
name to the Empire of Eastern Rome, tributary in 
fact to the kings of Croatia, but in other resjDects 
independent, governing themselves by their own 
laws, talking their old Latin tongue, which was 
already in some phase of transition towards its 
modern Italian form, and maintaining something 
of the old Latin civilization in the midst of a 
semi-barbarous people ; ' moribus et lingua dissi- 
miles.' No charter of privileges from a Croatian 
king to a Dalmatian city is known, though there 
are many granted to churches and convents 
within the city walls ^, and it is probable that 



^ Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. Iviii. 

'^ ' Croatos in Dalmatia maiitima a Cetina flumine usque ad 
Istriam omnia occupasse praeter oppida maritima ladi'a, Tragn- 
rium et Spalato quae cum Insulis Dalmatarum vel Romanorum 
nomen retinuerunt, ut Porph. tradit, et quamvis eosdem aliquas 
etiam Insulas occupasse constet, tamen Croatos maris usum 
Dalmatis et Venetis invitis habere non potuisse ex supradictis 
apparet.' Luc. de regn. lib. ii. c. xiii. p. 89. 

^ Luc. ii, c. XV. p. 96. 



Ch. I.] History of Dabnatia. 39 

the king was satisfied with his tribute and The Latins 
exacted no further submission from the citizens, matians. 
They began to thrive commercially ; their con- 
tingent to the fleet of Pietro Orseolo had con- 
tributed in great measure to the downfall of the 
Narentines, and some of the island towns were 
quite able to protect themselves against the 
attacks of their semi-barbarous neighbours. Arts 
began to rise from the prostrate condition in 
which the barbarian conquests had left them, and 
if the buildings that have come dowm to us from 
the ages preceding the advent of the Hungarians 
are rude and for the most part humble, still they 
show the germs of future life ; and one among 
them, the church of S. Donato at Zara, is con- 
ceived on a scale and in a style that is not easily 
to be matched among the contemporary works of 
other countries. 

The three Dalmatian towns on the mainland 
within the kingdom of Croatia, Zara Trali and 
Spalato, had each a narrow territory attached to 
it, that of Zara bounded by the territories of the 
Croatian cities of Nona and Belgrad, that of Trail 
consisting only of the small plain to the north of 
the city with the hillsides enclosing it, and that 
of Spalato ceasing short of Salona and the pen- 
insula or Vraniica or ' Piccola Venezia^' The a.d. 1195- 

^ . 1 196. 

Romans of Ossero Arbe and Veglia, though the 

rural districts of their islands were peojDled by 
Croats, were more completely masters of the 

^ Luc. (le regn. lib. ii. c. xiii. p. 89. 



40 History of Dahnatia. [Ch. T. 

soil, for the Croatian king had no maritime re- 
sources and less power of interference with them 
than with their brethren on the mainland. 
g- '^^^'^^ ^^ The southern limit of the Croatian kinD;dom 

Southeni o 

Daimatia. ^yg^g \}^q river Cettiua which runs into the sea at 
Almissa. Beyond this lay the Serbs, the southern 
branch of the Slavonic family, among whom the 
ancient Latin culture was kept alive in the cities 
of Ragusa and Cattaro. Ragusa enjoyed a 
dubious independence, being under the nominal 
rule of the Eastern Empire which seldom inter- 
fered, and since the expedition of Orseolo under 
the more or less actively exercised influence of 
Venice. Cattaro was more directly exposed to 
Servian aggTession, and when the Empire was no 
longer in a condition to protect her in her ancient 
allegiance, she placed herself voluntarily under 

A.D. 1043. the protectorate of the Servian king, stipulating 
however that she should be allowed still to govern 
herself according to her ancient laws and customs. 
The remaining islands of the Dalmatian archi- 
pelago, Brazza Curzola Lesina Lagosta Meleda 
and the rest, were either deserted, or had become 
thoroughly Slavonized. 

4. The Such was the condition of Daimatia at the time 

Hun- 
garians when the Hungarians first made their appearance 

described. r\[' ^ 

on the scene. Of these new-comers and their 
degree of civilization we may form some notion 
from the account given of them by a contem- 
porary writer about half a century later ^ Their 

' Otto Frisingensis was a son of (Saint) Leopold, Marquis of 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 41 

low stature, dusky complexion, and sunken eyes The Hun- 
spoke of their Tartar descent, their manners were 
fierce, and their speech to German ears bar- 
barous. In summer-time they hved chiefly in 
tents, in winter in huts of reeds, among which 
were a few houses of wood, and a very few 
buildings of stone. They rivalled the Greeks in 
the length of their deliberations and the caution 
with which they approached any new enterprize 
of importance. Their obedience to their king was 
absolute ; and the nobles who came to attend the 
court, each bringing with him his own seat, were 
careful never to offend the royal ears by express- 
ing or even whispering anything in contradiction 
to the royal will. So completely was the king's 
authority recognised throughout the seventy 
counties of the realm that at the word of the 
meanest messenger from the royal court the 
highest noble would be seized in the midst of 
his own satellites, loaded with chains, and sub- 
jected to the severest tortures. The whole popu- 
lation was liable to military service, a few 
husbandmen only being left to till the ground. 
The king took the field encircled by the ' hospites ' 

Austria, and born about 1 1 1 1 or 1 1 14. He was made bishop of 
Frisinga in 1 137-8, and published his Gesta Friderici, &c. about 
1 1 56-8. The monasteries near Freising had been ravaged by- 
Hungarians, so that Otto had some personal exjoerience of them, 
and he evidently did not love them ; ' ut jure foiiuna culpanda, 
vel potius divina patientia admiranda sit, quae, ne dicam 
hominibus, sed talibus hominum monstiis tarn delectabilem 
exposuit terram.' Vid. Pertz, Mon. Germ. Hist. Script, vol. xx. 



42 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. l. 

or princes of his court who formed his bodyguard, 
and who imitated as well as they could the arms 
and accoutrements of the neighbouring Germans, 
while the rest of the soldiers were squalid in 
person and sordid in their equipment^. 

Before this formidable and compacted nation 
of warriors the disorganized Croats could make 
little stand. Though Ladislaus was unable to 
return to complete his conquest, Coloman, his 
nephew and successor, was so far master of Croatia 
that in 1097 we find him at the Croatian city of 
Belgrad (Zara Vecchia), where he received his 
bride Busita, the daughter of Roger the Norman 
Count of Sicily. The simplicity of the times is 
illustrated by the celebration of the nuptial festi- 
vities in tents and huts of green boughs, there 
being but scanty accommodation within the city 2. 
Coloman Xhc Croats rose once more in arms to recover 

conquers 

Dalmatia, their independence, but were finally crushed by a 
fresh invasion of the Hungarians, and in 1102 
Coloman was formally crowned at Belgrad king 
of Dalmatia and Croatia. His ambition extended 
to the conquest of the maritime towns which 
were then subject to Venice, but the moment was 
inopportune for a rupture with that power. The 
Venetian alliance was necessary to him in the 



^ Otto Fi isingensip, De Gestis Friderici I, lib. i. in vol. xx. of 
Peitz's collection. Thom. Arcbid. cb. xxiv. tells a story curiously- 
illustrative of tbe extraordinary veneiation of tbe Hungarians 
for tbe royal person in tbe time of Emeric, 11 96-1 204. 

2 Gaufridus Malaterra, lib. 4. c. 25, in Luc, p. iii. 



1102-5 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 43 

attack he meditated on the Normans of Apuha ; 
the Doge ^Yas assured of his friendship, and the 
neutrahty of the Venetians during his struggle 
with the rebeUious Croatians was secured by his 
promise to respect the rights of the Repubhc 
over the maritime towns. A joint armament of 
Venetians and Hungarians sailed to invade 
Apulia ; Brindisi and Monopoli were occupied, 
and the Normans were compelled to engage no 
lono-er to continue their incursions in the Adriatic \ 

o 

In the year 1 105 however, when the Venetians Coioman 
under their Doge Ordelafo Faliero were engaged the Dai- 
in the Holy Land, and the Dalmatian cities were dtie?. 
reduced in strength by the contingents they had 
furnished to the expedition, Coioman seized the 
opportunity to complete his scheme of conquest. 
Advancing into Dalmatia he laid siege to Zara, 
the principal city of the province, and assaulted 
it vigorously with a battering tram. The Zaratini 
were aided in their resistance by Giovanni Ursini 
bishop of Trail, whose skill as an engineer gained 
him the credit of having miraculously destroyed 
the Hungarian engines, and to whose diplomacy 
the Zaratini were indebted for the favourable 
terms they succeeded in obtaining when further a.d.i 104. 
resistance became hopeless. From Zara Coioman 
advanced to receive the submission of the other 
Dalmatian cities -. The Spalatini, according to 

^ Dandolo, lib. ix. c. x. pars 11. 

^ Thomas, c. xvii, says Coioman attacked Spalato first, then 
Trail, and lastly Zara. Lucio points out that he is mis- 



44 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. T. 

Thomas Archdiaconus, astonished at the appear- 
ance of an enemy of unknown race, were disposed 
to resist, but finding ' iJiat the men were Christians 
and that the king 2vas disposed to deal liherally 
ivith them,' they surrendered on condition that 
their ancient privileges should be confirmed ; and 
Trail afterwards submitted on the same terms. 
The tower of Sta. Maria at Zara, which was built 
by the orders of Coloman after his triumphal 
entry, remains as a monument of his piety and of 
his desire to ingratiate himself with his new 
Privileges subjects. Their ancient privileges were confirmed, 

of the . . . , 

'Daima- fresli chartors were granted, and their municipal 

/ia»' cities. . - ^^ ^^ i ■ 

liberties were, nominally at all events, secured to 
them. The Dalmatian cities were to pay no 
tribute, they were to choose their own count and 
bishop whom the king would confirm, and to pre- 
serve their own Roman law and appoint their 
own judge ; dues on foreign imports were ap- 
portioned between the king, the bishop, the count, 
and the municipality; no Hungarian or foreigner 
was to live within their walls against their will, 
and any one disliking Hungarian rule was free to 
depart with wife children servants and chattels \ 
Not always That thcsc charters should not always have 

respected. ^ ^ *^ 

been respected is natural, and Archidiaconus tells 
us how the Hungarian archbishop Manasses 

taken ; De regn. iii. iv. Dandolo also takes Colomau first to 
Spalato. 

' Vid. Statute of Trail; Luc. de regn. lib. iii. c. iv. p. 117; 
also vi. c. ii. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 45 

and the Hungarian garrison which Coloman had 
estabhshed at Spalato — itself an infringement of 
the privilege — tried to make themselves masters 
of the city, and were defeated by the promptness 
of the citizens and their count. But notwith- Vaiue of 

• 1 • p • IT *^® privi- 

standmg occasional mfringement here and else- leges. 
where the charters remained as the foundation 
of civil liberty, to which appeal could always be 
made, and which could always be put forward 
when the political situation made the alliance of 
the cities valuable to the sovereign and conces- 
sions were more readily obtained. 

The success of the Hungarians had been unop- Causes of 

. , . Hungarian 

posed by the Venetians, who were at that time, success. 
as has been already said, engaged in the first 
Crusade, where the Doge Ordelafo Faliero was 
present in person. The Venetians however ac- Eecovery 
cused Coloman of bad faith, and after his death matia by 
in I II 4 the Doge Ordelafo Faliero invaded Dal- Faiiero. 
matia, and not only recovered the principal cities^' ' "^* 
but took the Croatian towns of Belgrad Sebenico 
Nona and Novigrad which had never been 
Venetian before \ Arbe welcomed his arrival and 
volunteered her submission, Zara was taken 
except the castle, and Belgrad was occupied and 
garrisoned. In the following year, with the aid a.d. 1116. 

^ Luc. iii. c. V. p. 122. It is a significant fact that 
before engaging in this expedition the Venetians aj)pealecl to 
the Emperor Alexius, thus recognizing his nominal supremacy 
in Dalmatia, which the Hungarians ignored ; their conquest 
being in fact the final severance of the tie that bound that 
province to Constantinople. Vid. Dandolo. 



46 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

of Alexius and the Emperor Henry V, the Doge 

renewed the contest, defeated the Hungarian Ban, 

took the castle at Zara, captured and destroyed 

the Hmpregnahle stronghold of Sebenico, received 

the submission of Spalato and Trail, and returned 

A.D. II 17. in triumph to Venice. In the following year how- 

Ordeiafo cver he was slain in battle against a fresh in- 

* ^^^°' vasion of Hungarians, and a truce was agreed to 

for some years. 

While the Doge Domenico Michieli was engaged 
in the Holy Land and in hostilities with the 
Byzantine Empire, no longer friendly to Venice 
after the death of Alexius, Stephen II. recovered 
A.D. 1 1 27. Spalato and Trail ^; but on his return the Doge 
tionor' expelled the Hungarians from both cities, took 
Domenl? Belgrad, and entered Zara in triumph. Belgrad, 
Michieh. ^jjgj-Q Coloman had been crowned, which had 
been a favourite seat of the Croatians, and which 
the Hungarians had endeavoured to make a rival 
to Zara, had awakened the jealousy of the Vene- 
tians, who took this opportunity of wreaking their 
vengeance on it. Belgrad was utterly destroyed, 
the seat of the bishopric was removed to Scardona, 
Sebenico and many of the inhabitants settled at Sebenico, 
city. which, increased in population and wealth, and 
favoured by its natural advantages, began to grow 
in importance, and by the charter of Stephen HI. 
in 1 167 was placed on an equality with the 

^ Trail had been sacked and nearly destroyed in 11 23 by 
a Saracen fleet, and was in no condition to resist any as- 
sailant. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 47 

Dalmatian municipalities, and was thenceforth 
reckoned among the 'Dalmatian^ cities ^ 

During the succeeding reign of Bela II, ' the Hun- 
blmd^,' the Hungarians made no attempt on Dal- recover 
matia, but under that of his son Geiza II, whoA!D.n4i; 
conquered Bosnia and made it tributary to Hun- 
gary, Spalato and Trati voluntarily gave themselves ^^^ Trau, 
to the Hungarians and received from Geiza a 
confirmation of their privileges, while Sebenico, as ^-^^ "67. 
has been above mentioned, was raised by his son 
Stephen III. to the rank of a privileged and 
chartered town. 

It was at this time that the see of Zara was a.d. 1145. 
raised to metropolitan rank. Hitherto it had bisLpric 
been suffragan to the ancient see of Salona or founded. 
Spalato, but Spalato was now Hungarian, and it 
became of consequence to teach the Zaratini to 
look to Venice as the seat of sph-itual no less than 
secular jurisdiction. In 1145 Lampridio, who 
had been elected bishop of Zara by the influence 
of the Venetian count Petrana, obtained the 
pallium from Pope Anastasius, and the new archie- 
piscopal see was subjected to the Venetian primate, 
the Patriarch of Grade. The suffragan bishops 
of the new metropolitan were those of Ossero 
Veglia and Arbe, and an attempt was made to 
include the new see which was at this time founded 

^ Luc. iii. ch. viii. p. 127. 

^ Otto Frising. Vita Herbordi, lib. i : ' Bela qui a patvuo suo 
Colomanuo rege cum patre suo Almo duce diebus adolescentiae 
lumiuibus privatus/ &c. Almus however was not blinded by a 
brother s hand; vid. note above, page 34. 



48 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

at Lesina \ But the archbishop of Spalato suc- 
ceeded in maintaining his jurisdiction over that 
island. 
A.D. II 71. ^\\Q vast designs of the Emperor Manuel, who 
of the dreamed of chasing the German Emperor beyond 
Manuel, the Alps, and uniting the Roman world once more 
under a single sceptre, brought the Byzantines 
again, and for the last time, into Dalmatia. 
Milan was encouraged in her splendid resistance 
to Frederick by Greek gold, which enabled her to 
restore her demolished walls ; and Ancona was 
laden with benefits in order to secure so convenient 
an entrance into Italy. These favours to the 
Anconitans, whom they regarded as rivals, and of 
whose prosperity they were extremely jealous, 
offended the Venetians^, who sent a fleet and 
captured five galleys of Ancona. Reviving the 
obsolete claims of the Empire over Dalmatia 
Manuel sent a powerful fleet into the Adriatic, 
which overawed the resistance of the Venetians 
and received the submission of Spalato Trail and 
His con- Raffusa. Trail, still half in ruins from the Saracen 

quests m "-• 

Dalmatia. assault and capture, was in no condition to resist 
a siege and was speedily recovered by the Venetian 
fleet. Spalato remained subject to the Empire 
till the death of Manuel in 1 1 80. Ragusa, 

^ Thorn. Archid. c. xx. 

^ ' Quod Anconitani Graecum imperium nimio diligerent 
. . . Veueti special! odio Auconam oderint.' Vid. Gibbon, 
ch. Ivi. ' Hoc tempore Anconitaui Emanuelis obedientes im- 
perio Venetos ut sibi aemulos coeperuut habere.' Dandolo, 
ix. XV. 17. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 49 

according to the Venetian historians, was recovered 
by the Venetian fleet, and the imperial standards 
of Manuel were thrown down to make way for 
the banner of the republic. The wonted oaths of 
fidelity were exacted anew, a Venetian count was 
appointed, and the archbishop was compelled to 
accept the metropolitan of Grado as his spuitual 
superior \ But the Kagusan historians, jealous 
of theu" free traditions, dispute the accuracy of 
this account, as they do that of the submission to 
Pietro Orseolo. ' The war was terminated by an Peace 
agreement inglorious to the Empu-e, insufficient Venice and 
for the republic ; and a complete vengeance of ^^"^ " 
these and of fresh injuries was reserved for the 
succeeding generation^.' 

The security afforded them by the maritime Prosperity 
supremacy of Venice in the Adriatic on the one Dalmatian 
hand, and the overthrow of the Croatian kingdom 
by the Hungarians on the other, had been of 
service to the Dahnatian cities and enabled them 
to develop their resources without impediment. 
Zara in particular had been a gainer by these 
revolutions ; she stood foremost in wealth and 
population, she had emancipated herself from the 
ecclesiastical control of Spalato, and her territory 
had been increased since the destruction of Belgrad 
by a grant from the Venetians of the islands for- 
merly dependent on that city ^. 

^ Dandolo, 1. ix. c. xv. pars 24. 

^ Gibbon, vii. ch. Ivi. 

^ Thomas Ax'claicliaconus describes the Zaratini as ' divitiis 

VOL. I. E 



A.D. II' 



50 History of Dahiatia. [Ch. i. 

In 1 1 7 1 , in the time of Doge Vitale Michieli II, 
atZara^ ^ sedition occurred at Zara, about which there are 
^^^ ^ ■ several conflicting accounts. Lucio conjectures 
that it was connected with the election of the 
count, the privilege most jealously prized and 
guarded by a Dalmatian city. The Venetian 
count, Domenico Morosini, son of the preceding 
Doge, was expelled, and the countship conferred 
on Lampridio the archbishop, a native Zaratine. 
The disturbance was easily quelled and Morosini 
restored, but on the death of Lampridio fresh dis- 
sensions arose about the subjection of the arch- 
A.D. 1 1 78. bishopric to the patriarchate of Grado. The new 
submit archbishop was forbidden by the citizens to 
bishopric ackuowledgc the patriarchal authority, and an 
archateof appeal was made to Home ; but Alexander was 
'^^ '^' under obligations to Venice, and the appeal of the 
Zaratini was rejected. ' It is ours to teach the 
j^eople, not to obey them,' said the Pontiff in 
language that has the true ecclesiastical ring ; 
and the rebellious archbishoj) was enjoined to 
submit, and punished by deprivation of the pallium 
and of the right to consecrate his suffragans. The 
A.D. 1 1 80- Zaratini however forbad their prelate to obey this 
Firstrevoit sontence, threw off their allegiance to Venice, and 
the kun- offered it to Bela III. of Hungary, who placed a 
garrison within the walls and strengthened the 

affluentes . . . superbia tuinidi, potentia elati, de injuriis glori- 
autes, de malitiis exultantes, deiidebant inferiores, contemne- 
baut superiores, nullos sibi fore pares credebant.' This speaks 
for the prosperity of the Zaratini, and as to the rest it should 
be remembered that Thomas was a Spalatine. 



garians. 



Ch. 1,] History of Dahnatia. 5 1 

fortifications in anticipation of a Venetian attack. Eevoit of 
Spalato had already submitted to Hungary ; Trati cities. 
and the islands of Brazza and Lesina successively 
followed its example ; and the Venetians, crippled 
by their recent war with Manuel, were at first 
unable to take any serious steps to reassert their 
authority. Trail was for a short time occupied by ^.d. 1183. 
the Doge Orio Mastropiero, but on his deiDartinre 
the city returned again to the Hungarians. The 
eastern half of the island of Pago, which had in 
some manner passed from the possession of Nona 
to that of Zara, was occupied and made the seat of 
a Venetian count ; but an attempt on the city of 
Zara failed; the city was strong in its own resources 
and supported by the Hungarian alliance, and the 
Venetians were obliged to content themselves with 
holding the islands and impeding the commerce 
on which the prosperity of Zara depended. 

But Zara was regarded by the Venetians as the 
key to theh^ maritime supremacy in the Adriatic, 
and they never lost sight of the necessity of re- 
covering it. An opportunity at last occurred in 
the time of the Doge Emico Dandolo. After the 
death of Bela III. in 1 1 96 the kingdom of Hungary 
was torn by the struggle between his sons Emeric 
and Andrew 1, and Emeric after having success- 
fully overcome the opposition to his government 
was indisposed by illness for an active policy. At a.d. 1201. 
this juncture the fourth Crusade was proclaimed crusade! 
by Innocent III, and a deputation from the levies 
^ Thorn. Archid. c. xxiv. 
E 2 



52 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. l 

in France and Flanders, in which countries alone the 
enterprise had been warmly undertaken, arrived 
in Venice to arrange for the transport of the cru- 
saders to the Holy Land by sea. The Venetians 
listened to the exhortations of their blind and 
aged Doge, who with the ardour of a hero urged 
the conclusion of an ao-reement with the crusaders 
and the participation of the republic in the holy 
war. Venice was fixed as the rendezvous of the 
allies in the following year, the republic undertook 
to transport the entire force of 4500 knights and 
20,000 foot, to provision them for nine months, 
and to join the expedition with 50 galleys of their 
own ; while in return the pilgrims were to pay 
before their departure 85,000 marks of silver, and 
to engage that all conquests should be equally 
divided between the confederates. 
A.D. 1202. ^t the appointed time everything was ready 

Rendez- i f> i r> • r» 

vousof except the 85,000 marks of the foreigners, of 

Om S3; clears 

at Venice, which 34,ooo Were still wanting ; and while the 
French deplored the apparent fruitlessness of the 
toil and expense they had already incurred, the 
Venetians had to fear the loss of their extensive 
preparations and the spoiling of the provisions they 
Eeduction had storcd up. In this conjuncture the policy 
proposed, of the Doge proposed, and the necessities of the 
French accepted, as a way out of the difficulty, that 
the united forces should recover for the Venetians 
then- revolted city of Zara, and that the services 
of the French in this enterprise should be taken 
as an equivalent to the deficient 34,000 marks. 



Ch. L] History of Dalmatia. 53 

On Oct. 2, 1202, the allies set sail from Venice, a.d. 1202. 
A detachment touched at Trieste and alarmed that larabnhe 
city into an agreement to pay tribute to the Crusaders. 
republic, and the whole force then proceeded to 
Zara, which they reached on Nov. 10. The French 
troops were landed, the Venetian galleys burst 
the chain that closed the entrance of the harbour, 
and the Zaratini, finding no help was forthcoming 
from the Hungarians or Croatians, sent ambassa- 
dors to the Doge and offered to surrender on 
condition their lives were spared. 

The Doge did not think it proper to act without 
consulting his allies, but when, after obtaining 
their consent, he returned to his tent he found the 
ambassadors gone. During his absence some of 
the French who were unfavourable to the enter- 
prise had advised the envoys to withdraw their 
offer, and assured them that the pilgrims would 
not assault a Christian city. The envoys had ac- 
cordingly returned to then- countrymen and per- 
suaded them to continue their resistance ; and 
when the Doge called on his allies to aid him in 
taking Zara by force, the abbot of Vaux rose and 
forbad the soldiers of the cross to attack a Chris- 
tian city, and several of the barons refused to 
fulfil their engagement. 

The more politic counsels of those French leaders 
however prevailed who saw the necessity of 
carrying out their agreement with the Venetians, 
and a general assault on the city followed, the 
French attacking it by land and the Venetians by 



54 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

A.D. 1202. sea. After a resistance of five days, one of the 
Capture of ^^^ygj-g being: undermined by the Venetians, the 

Zara by the o •/ 

Crusaders, ga^-j-igon found themselves unable to make any 
further resistance, and surrendered on condition 
that their Hves should be spared. The Venetians 
destroyed the town walls and towers, and accord- 
ing to Thomas Archidiaconus levelled all the 
houses, leaving nothing standing but the churches \ 
This however is not confirmed by other writers, 
and is inconsistent with the fact that both Vene- 
tians and French wintered at Zara, and did not 
sail thence to the conquest of Constantinople till 

AD. 1203. the 7th of April in the following year. The 
destruction of the buildings may have been only 
partial, but the town was desolated, and the in- 
habitants mistrusting the clemency of the Doge 
fled in numbers to the Hungarian territory. 
Disputes broke out between the allies, in which 
the Venetians being numerically the weaker party 
sufiered most, and peace was restored with diffi- 
culty by the leaders. Universal disapproval fell 
on the crusaders who had sacked a Christian 
city. Among the French themselves as we have 
seen some acted against their inclination, and 
one of the most illustrious among them, Simon 
de Montfort, departed from the camp before the 
assault was given. Innocent III. showered his 
reproofs and excommunications on the ofienders, 
but though the French submitted and were 

^ Thom. Arcliid. c. xxv ; Villehardouin, ch. xlix. Vid. below, 
Chapter iii. on Zara. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 55 

absolved, the Venetians refused to acknowledge 
the riofht of a churchman to interfere in their 
temporal concerns. 

It was at Zara that the final treaty was made Treaty of 

.the Cru- 

with Alexius the fugitive prince from Constanti- saderswith 

, • 1 1 • Alexius. 

nople, and the enterprise of restonng him and his 
father to the imperial throne was due principally 
to the arguments of the Venetians, anxious to 
complete the imperfect satisfaction that had been 
made them for the injuries received from Manuel, 
and eager to embrace the opportunity of the 
presence of such powerful auxiliaries^. On April a.d. 1203. 

- . , 1 J •! 1 • Departure 

7, 1203, the united armament set sail, leaving of the 
Zara overwdielmed with a ruin scarcely less com- constanti- 
plete than that wdiich had for her sake been in- ^"^ ^' 
flicted on Belgrad some seventy-five years before. 
The exiled Zaratini lost no opportunity of 
revenging themselves on Venetian traders after 
the fleet and army had sailed, and to check their 
depredations the Venetians built a castle on an 
island opposite Zara, which was taken and 
destroyed by the Zaratini with the aid of ten 
galleys of Gaieta which were induced by the arch- 
bishop of Spalato to take the part of the exiles. 
The fugitive population began to return to then- Return of 
desolate city, to restore and inhabit the rumed tives to 
houses, and to repair their shattered walls, but submission 

to Venice, 

^ 'ExindeVeneti sperantesrefectionem daninorum abEnianuele 
olim promissam sed riondum solutam Francorum auxilio se 
confecturos simulque inopiae militum suppletum hi,' &c. Luc. 
1. iv. c. i. p. 155. 



56 History of Dabnatia. [Ch. I. 

hearing that a fleet was being equipped at Venice, 
and would be upon them before their defences 
were comjDlete, they finally resolved to make their 
submission. The Venetians had enough on their 
hands elsewhere, and were willing to come to 
terms. Domaldus the Hungarian count was dis- 
missed and a Venetian j)ut in his place, the 
Zaratini were bound to serve against the enemies 
of the republic, their possessions in the islands 
were restored to them in return for an annual 
tribute of 3000 rabbit skins, and it was agreed 
that their archbishop should acknowledge the 
patriarch of Grado for his spiritual superior, 
A.D. 1217. Andrew II, brother and successor of Emeric, 
' took the cross and gathered a powerful armament 
for the transport of which he was obliged to have 
recourse to the navies of Venice, Ancona, Zara, and 
other towns on the shores of the Adriatic, and in 
recompense for the friendly offices of the Venetians 
he ceded to them all claims the crown of Hungary 
might have on Zara^ The rendezvous was at 
Spalato, Avhither so vast a multitude assembled 
that they could not be collected within the city, 
but encamjDed in the surrounding country. The 
king was lodged ' sumptuously ' in a house called 
' Mata,' outside the north gate, the Porta aurea 
of Diocletian's palace ; ten thousand knights 
formed his immediate following and constituted 
the flower of the army, and the multitude of 

^ ' Ut jura quae Rex in Jadra se asserit habere in Veuetos 
transferrentur.' Dandolo, lib. x. c. iv. pars. 26. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 57 

infantry and followers appeared to the eyes of 
Thomas the Archdeacon innumerable. Ships 
could not be found sufficient to transport them 
all, and some had to return home and others to 
wait tni the following year\ 

Before departing from Spalato the grateful king 
offered the citizens the fortress of Clissa and the 
countship of the neighbouring islands ; and finding 
the Spalatines deficient in that public spirit which 
should have inspired them to accept at all events 
the fortress which stood in such dangerous 
proximity and commanded the passes to the 
interior^, he did the best he could for the interests 
of the city by entrusting Clissa not to one of his 
nobles but to the grand master of the Templars in 
Hungary, with a charge to change periodically the 
members of the brotherhood who garrisoned it. 

At this time while the Hungarians were occu- Aimissan 

^ ^ piracies. 

pied by troubles at home, and the Venetians en- 
gaged at Constantinople, the Almissans come first 
into notice as inheritors of the piratical traditions 
of the South Dalmatian Serbs. Their ranks were a.d. 1221. 
swelled by outlaws and political refugees from the 
cities, and by ruffians who wanted employment 
for their arms. Their attacks on Venetian com- 

^ Thorn. Ai'cliid. c. xxvi. Andrew was summoned home by 
disturbances in his kingdom of Hungary, which he reached after 
a series of romantic adventures. He had been offered the 
throne of Constantinople by the Latins, but declined it in 
favour of Peter of Courtenay. Yid. Gibbon, ch. Ixi. 

"^ ' Spalatenses suo more ad publica nimis tardi ad privata 
commoda singuli intendebant.' Thom. Arch. xxvi. 



58 History of Dalmatia. [Ch, I. 

merce were at first commanded or encouraged by 
the kings of Hungary, incapacitated at the time 
from taking any other revenge for the loss of 
Zara, but after the Hungarians and Venetians had 
come to terms by the treaty of Andrew II. in 1 2 1 7, 
the pirates continued their operations on their own 
account. 

Almissa at the mouth of the river Cetina, was 
protected towards the sea by the intricacy of the 
navigation, and towards the land by an impassable 
barrier of mountains ; and issuing from this secret 
lair the Almissans preyed indiscriminately on the 
commerce of the Adriatic, and even stopped and 
Mii?sion of pillaged pilgrims on their way to Palestine. So 
the legate, insccurc did the navigation of those seas become 
that Pope Honorius III. wrote to the Spalatini 
urging them to unite with the other Dalmatians 
in a crusade against the Almissans, and he sent a 
legate, the Subdeacon Aconcio, to ensure atten- 
tion to his mandates \ Spalato Trail Clissa and 
Aimissan Scbeuico United in a league against the corsairs ; a 
repressed, naval and equestrian force was collected, and the 
Almissans, finding themselves attacked both by 
land and sea and unable to sustain the contest, 
made their submission, burned their boats, and 
swore to keep the peace for the future. 
The Bogo- But the missiou of Aconcio was not only 
directed against the secular enormities of the 
Almissans : the taint of heresy which had long 

^ See Luc. de rcgn. lib. iv. c. iv. p. 162 for the letter of 
Honorius. 



Ch, I.] History of Dalmatia. 59 

infected the Serbs Croatians and Bulgarians of the 
interior had extended to the cities of the coast 
and caused serious alarm to the Papal court. 

The history of the Bogomiles^ or Paterenes 
among the Southern Slavs is extremely obscure 
and has yet to be explored and written. The 
accounts of Eoman Catholic historians are natur- 
ally coloured by prejudice, and even at the 
present day, though in Bosnia and Herzegovina 
there are thousands of Bogomiles who adhere with 
fidelity to the creed their forefathers have pro- 
fessed from time immemorial, and to which they 
have clung through trials of exile fire and blood 
not inferior to those of their noble brethren in 
the valleys of Piedmont, it is difficult to get any 
trustworthy account of their habits and opinions 
from their neighbours 2. Like the Vaudois they 
are poor and illiterate, and unlike them they 
have not been so fortunate as to obtain defenders 
and excite interest in Protestant countries. They 
have had no Milton to implore vengeance for their 
slaughtered saints, and no Cromwell to stay the 
hand of the oppressor in their extremity, and 
now that they are no longer persecuted their 

^ The ■word ' Bog ' in the Illjrian language means ' God.' 
* In Dalmatia I found current even among men of cultiva- 
tion stories about the Bogomiles of the same scandalous character 
as those that were spread about the Albigenses or Paulicians, 
and no doubt equally untrue. In the native ' Protestantism ' 
of these countries a wide and interesting subject awaits the 
industry of some one who has mastered the Servian language, 
and can be trusted to write without prejudice. 



6o History of Dalinatia. [Ch. I. 

very existence is almost forgotten. And yet at 
one time it seemed probable that their doctrines 
would have prevailed over those of Rome through- 
out the Balkan peninsula wherever the Slavs 
held rule, and at one time the Paterene bishop 
was on at least an equal footing with the Latin 
and Greek prelates at the courts of Servia and 
Bosnia. 
Early his- The historv of these two countries before the 

tory of "^ 

Bosnia. advent of the Hungarians is very obscured 
Their inhabitants belonged to the Serb branch 
of the Slavonic settlers whom Heraclius brought 
in to dispossess the Avars, and being more 
removed from the superior civilization of the 
coast and less brought into contact with the 
countries of western Europe than the Croatians, 
they were more backward in their national de- 
velopment. Bosnia at all events seems to have 
remained in a kind of dependence on the dukes 
and kings of Croatia till that kingdom was itself 
absorbed by Hungary in 1102, after which it 
enjoyed a brief independence till conquered by 
Geiza H. in 1141, when the Ban became a vassal 
of the Hungarian crown. 

Early his- Scrvia was better able to preserve her inde- 

tory of ■"■ 

Servia. pendcuce under her own princes of the Nemagna 
dynasty of whom the first was Dessan, duke of 
Chelmo or Chulm, who obtained the throne 
about 1 1 50 after a series of bloody revolu- 

^ A sketch of Bosnian history will be found in Mr. Evans's 
' Through Bosnia and Herzegovina.' 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 6i 

tions ^ Stephen Nemagiia, Lord of Servia or Rascia, 
about 1 2 1 7 exchanged his title of ' Mega Juppa- 
nus ' for that of King, with the consent of Pope 
Honorius III. who sent his legate to crowTi hini 
the first kmg of Servia -. 

At the courts both of Bosnia and Servia the Spread of 

Bogomil- 

Boscomile doctrmes were resrarded favourably, ism in the 
Not only did Culin the great Ban of Bosnia openly century. 
espouse them and protect those who professed 
them as his father Boric had done before him, 
but Daniel the Bosnian bishop declared himself 
an adherent, and Bosnia became the refuge of 
those whom persecution had driven out of other 
countries. The thunders of the Vatican rolled 
harmlessly over then' heads, and the commands 
of the King of Hungary were unheeded ; for 
Culin felt himself strong enough to resist any 
forcible interference, and the arguments of 

^ The duchy of Chulmia or Chelmo included the maritime 
district known as the Craina, between the Xarenta and the 
Cetina, together with some of the neighbouring islands. Luc. 
lib. iv. c. iv. p. 1 60 explains ' Slavo vocabulo Craiuam id est 
finitimam regiouem dictam.' He identifies Chelmo with the 
Zachlumia of Porphyrogenitus. 

^ He is generally distinguished by the historians as ' II 
primo coronato.' Yid. Thorn. Archid. c. xxvi. The Servian 
crown was however nominally dependent on that of Hungary. 
BelalV. in 1243 styles himself ' BelaD.G. Hungariae, Dalmatiae, 
Croatiae, Ramae, Serviae, Galiciae, Lodomeriaeque Rex.' Luc. 
p. 165. Lewis the Great in 1345 uses the same titles. Vid. 
Obsid. ladr. lib. ii. c. iii. Rama included Bosnia. The King 
of Servia called himself King of Rascia, one part of Servia, to 
avoid the title used by the King of Hungary. Vid. Luc. de 
regn. v. iii. p. 256. 



62 History of Dalniatia. [Ch. i. 

Aconcio during his mission into Bosnia produced 
little effect. The doctrines spread down to the 
coast ; they were generally embraced in the 
territory of Cattaro ; two successive counts of 
Spalato are described by the orthodox archdeacon 
as tainted with heresy ^ and the crowning sin for 
which he conceives Zara to have been visited 
with destruction in 1202 is her defection from 
the Catholic faith and her inclination to heretical 
opinions^. For there was according to him 
scarcely any man of importance at Zara who did 
Persecn- not ' rcccive heretics and cherish them,' After 
Bogoniiies. Culin's death a Catholic Ban Zibisclave was ap- 
pointed, but his influence was insufficient, and 
at last fire and sword were called to the aid of 
orthodoxy in Bosnia as they had been in Pro- 
vence. For centuries Bosnian history is filled 
with annals of persecution and bloodshed, but 
Bogomilism has never been extirpated, and the 
number of its adherents at the present day is 
probably far greater than is generally sujDposed; 

^ ' Buisenus . . . licet esset vir nobilis dives et potens, fautor 
tamen haereticorum erat.' 

' Erat autem idem Petrus vir potens et bellicosus, sed non sine 
infamia haereticae foeditatis.' Thorn. Arcbid. c. xxix. 

"^ ' Hoc eniin ad nequitiae suae cumulum addiderunt, ut 
Catliolicae fidei normam spernerent, et haeretica se permitterent 
tabe respergi. Nam pene omnes qui nobiliores et majores 
ladrae censebantur libenter recipiebant baereticos et fovebant.' 
Thorn. Arcbid. c. xxv. Yet if this were so one may be sur- 
prised at the abstention of Simon de Montfort, and the indigna- 
tion of Innocent III ; the head that planned and the band that 
executed the massacre of the unhappy Albigenses need not have 
been so scrupulous in this case. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 6 



a 



for it is said that during the insurrection of 1876 
there were among the refugees at Ragusa more 
than 2000 Bogomiles from the single district of 
Popovo in Herzegovina \ 

That the persecuted ' Protestants ' should oc- 
casionally have retaliated by deeds of violence 
is not to be wondered at, and we are told of 
three brothers who were killed for then* adher- 
ence to the Catholic faith near Cattaro-. But 
the tolerance of the ' heretical ' Servian kings 
contrasts favourably with the bigotry of the 
other party : we read of a Patarene bishop at- 
tending by order of Ourosh II. to witness the 
restoration of a relic by a Patarene who had 
stolen it, and at the court of Ourosh III. we find 
amicably seated at the same council table the 
bishops of the three rites, Greek, Patarene, and 
Latin ^. 



The piracies of the Almissans had only ceased for Renewed 

piracy of 

a tmie and they soon broke out agam, encouraged Almissans. 
by the loose government of the Hungarians, and 
the factious strife of the citizens of the Dalma- 
tian towns. Spalato, at last, tired of civil 
discord and disgusted with her Croatian counts, 
resolved, on the advice of Thomas the Archdeacon, 

^ Vid. Introduction to Mr. Evans's ' Through Bosnia and 
Herzegovina,' p. xliv. 

"^ Vid. History of Cattaro, infra, c. xxii. 

' Memorie storiche sulle bocche di Cattaro. G. Gelcich. 



64 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

our historian of these times, to choose a ' Latin ' 
podesta and to govern the city on the Latin or 
Italian model. Thomas himself and Micha Madii, 
were deputed to visit Ancona and ask that city 
to send one of her citizens to govern them for a 
A.D. 1239. year. The choice fell on Gargano degli Arsacidi, 
Podestir ^'^^ liis term of office, which was extended to a 
ofSpaiato. gg(3Qjj(j 2ccA third year, was marked by firm and 
judicious administration. In his second year of 
office he undertook to punish and repress the 
Almissans. Twelve hundred armed men repre- 
sented the military force of Spalato, to whom the 
Trallrini added reluctantly a small contingent, 
and with this force Gargano began the campaign 
by seizing the island of Brazza which with that 
of Lesina was held by Osor and Pribislav sons of 
Malduco, count of Almissa. Osor the count of 
Brazza was nearly surprised and captured, but 
' like a slimy eel ' he managed to slip through 
the fingers of his pursuers, and raising a large 
force of Almissans so harassed the Spalatines 
A.D 1240. that Gargano could with difficulty induce them 
theAi-'*^ to continue the war. Osor ravaged the island 
of Solta, violating churches, breaking the altars 
like a Pagan, scattering the relics, and throwing 
to the ground with daring hand the very 
Eucharist. But in a second foray on the island 
of Brazza the Almissans were surprised and 
worsted, Osor himself captured, and his whole 
force either slain or taken. The ca^Dtives lay in 
prison at Spalato for ten months before the 



missans. 



Ch. I ] History of Dalmatia. 65 

Almissans could be brought to surrender their 
fleet and swear to abstain from pii'acy^. 

The Dahnatians were no sooner rid of the a.d. 1241. 
Ahnissan piracies than a fresh and more frightful v^sio^n of" 
visitation befel them. The earlier part of the ^^"^^^^ 
thirteenth century was marked by the great out- 
burst of the Moguls or Tartars. Between 12 10 
and 1258 China, Persia, and the Caliphate fell 
before the arms of Zinghis and his sons. Be- 
tween 1235 and 1245 Baton, nephew of Octal 
and gTandson of Zinghis, overran Russia, burning 
Kieff and Moscow, and in 124 1 after penetrating 
into Poland as far as Lignitz, he invaded Hun- 
gary. Bela IV, son and successor of Andrew II, 
who had married Maria daughter of the Emperor 
Theodore Lascaris, was unpopular, and neither he 
nor his ministers seem to have made any serious 
preparations to resist the invasion which had for 
so many years been imminent. The Hungarians it 
is said had declined from their ancient martial 
character and become luxurious 2, and it was with 
some difficulty that an army was assembled to 
meet the invaders on the frontier. A disastrous Defeat of 

Bela IV. 

^ Thorn. Archid. c. xxxvi. His account of the affair is 
written with spirit. His heroes make orations to their troops 
in true classic style. 

^ ' Terra Ung. omnibus bonis locuples et faecunda causam 
praestabat suis filiis ex rerum copia immoderatis delitiis 
delectari. Quod enim aliud erat juvenilis aetatis studium nisi 
polire caesariem, cutem mundare, virilem habitum in muliebrem 
cultum mutare. Tota dies exquisitis conviviis aut moUibus 
expendebatur locis, nocturnes sopores vix bora diei tertia ter- 
minabat,' &c. Thom. Archid. c. xxxvii. 

VOL I F 



66 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

defeat in the first battle laid Hungary prostrate, 
and the victorious Tartars overran the whole 
country slaying and burning, their women and 
children vying with the men in cruelty and blood- 
shed. 

The country north of the Danube was lost in a 
single day. The cities were laid in ruins, the 
churches defiled and thrown down,, the Danube 
itself ran with blood, and the corpses were col- 
lected in ghastly heaps along its banks to terrify 
the fugitive and native Hungarians on the other 
side whose fate it was to be devoured next. The 
Hungarians of a later age now expiated the 
atrocities of their forefathers, and as in 924 the 
cry had gone up from the churches of Italy ' Oh 
save and deliver us from the arrows of the Hun- 
garians,' so now arose the doleful litany ' From 
the fury of the Tartars, good Lord, deliver us\' 
Advance Bela had sent his wife his childi'en and his 

of Tartars 

into Dal- troasurcs to the inaccessible rock of Clissa near 

matia. 

Spalato. He himself escaped from the battle into 

Austria, and thence to Zagabria (Agram) where 

he assembled around him the remains of his 

A.D. 1242. shattered forces. The hard frosts of January 

Bela IV. enabled the enemy to cross the Danube. Buda 

was burned, and Strigonium (Gran) shared the 

same fate, but Alba Kegalis (Stuhlweissenburg) 

was saved by her impassable marshes, and by the 

haste of the Tartar leader Caydan to overtake 

the king. The arrival of the invading hordes at 

^ Vid. Gibbon, chapters Iv. and Ixiv. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 67 

the Drave was the signal for the further flight of 
the Hungarians. Abandoning Zagabria to its 
fate Bela retreated with the flower of his army 
and numerous magnates and bishops of the reahn, 
and took refuge within the walls of Spalato, 
where he was hospitably received by the podesta 
Gargano and the archbishop and people. But 
even the stout walls of Diocletian behind which 
he had sheltered himself failed to give the trem- 
bling king any feeling of security : he urged the 
Spalatines to prepare him a galley for escape by 
sea, upbraided them for their slo\^aiess in com- 
pletmg it\ and hastily embarking with his wife 
and his treasures fled to Trait ; nor did he 
venture to rest even there, but hid himself in 
a neighbouring islet, still known as Kraglievab, 
tlie Icings abode, ofl" the end of the island of 
Bua. 

Meanwhile the Tartars were in hot pursuit. Tartar in- 
vasion of 
After a general massacre of their prisoners Daimatia. 

A.D. 1242. 

they descended into Croatia and appeared before 
the walls of Spalato. The inhabitants taking the 
first body of them to be Slavs, such as they were 
in the habit of encountering, prepared to go out 
and attack them, but when undeceived by the 
Hungarian refugees who had had experience of 
Tartars, a panic fell on the city. 

^ 'Fecerunt autem Spalat. omnia ad Regis placitum, hoc 
excepto quod ei quandam galeam minime potuere tarn celeriter 
preparare quantum Eex declinans Tartarorum rabiem expetebat. 
Quod factum non satis aequanimiter tulit Eegius animus.' 
Thorn. Archid. c. xxxix. 

F 2 



68 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

Taitarin- Oiily a few, however, of the Tartars turned 
A.D. 1242. aside to Spalato ; the king was the object of 
their pursuit, and after an ineffectual attack on 
Chssa, finding he was not there, they followed 
him to Trail. It was March, the weather was 
severe, and there was no grass for the horses ; and 
Caydan was only able to bring a part of his army 
with him. Unable to ford the deep muddy 
channel which isolates Trati from the mainland, 
and unprovided with boats for passing it, he 
challenged the citizens by a messenger in the 
Slavonic tongue to surrender the king, and not 
to involve themselves in the fate of one who was 
only a foreigner amongst them. The Traurini, 
however, stood firm, and the Tartars were 
obliged to give up the pursuit ^ During March 
they appeared five or six tunes before the cities, 
and then passed on through Bosnia and Servia 
to Upper Dalmatia. On Ragusa they could make 
no impression, but they burned Cattaro and 
sacked Suacia and Drivosto, putting the entire 

^ The channel is now a mere ditch, but was in ancient times 
much wider. Still it could not have been that which finally 
checked the Tartars, for we ai'e toldbyThomashimself (ch.xxxviii.) 
of their practice of making boats of osiers and skins when they 
came to rivers too deep to ford. The explanation of their 
retreat is probably to be found in their want of apparatus for a 
regular siege, and still more in the difficulty alluded to by 
Thom. Archid. of finding fodder for their horses ; their force 
consisted of cavalry, and there is but little pasturage in Dalma- 
tia. The narrative of the Tartar invasion by Thomas who was 
an eye-witness is extremely interesting. Vid. his chapters xxxvii. 
to xl. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 69 

population to the sword. Returning through Eetreat 
Servia and Bulgaria they massacred their re- Tartars. 
maining captives, and finally crossing the Danube ' ' ^ ' 
returned to the Volga and reheved Europe of 
then' frightful presence. Famine followed their 
steps, for the husbandmen had been unable to 
sow their crops, and it is estimated that the 
Tartars destroyed as many by the want and 
pestilence which they left behind them as they 
had actually slain in battle or in cold blood. It 
is no wonder that the world of those days read in 
this awfal visitation one of the signs premonitory 
of the advent of Antichrist. 

Bela, assured of his safety, emerged from his Retum of 

Bela IV. to 

hiding-place, and leaving his queen and his youth- Hungary. 
ful son Stephen at Clissa prepared to return to 
his capital. His two daughters Catharine and 
Margaret had died during the horrors of the 
invasion and were buried in a stone coffin 
over the door of the duomo of Spalato, and 
William, son of the Emperor Baldwin, who 
was betrothed to Margaret, died at the same 
time at Trail where he lies buried in the Ca- 
thedral. 

Bela arrived at the island of Yeglia, then 
governed by the Frangipani as feudatories of the 
Venetian republic. Policy and compassion both 
induced Bartolommeo the reigning count to help 
the Hungarian cause, and it is said the force 
which he raised at his own expense encountered 
and defeated a Tartar army on the plain of Grob- 



70 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

nico near Fiume^ However this may have been, 
it appears that the count raised 25,000 marks in 
coin and collected an amount of plate and other 
precious things which he bestowed on his royal 
guest, who in return granted to the counts Fede- 
rigo and Bartolommeo Frangipani in 1255 the 
feud of Segna in Croatia. Their acceptance of 
this gift brought upon them the suspicion of the 
Venetians, who deprived them of their feud of 
Veglia in consequence, and did not readmit them 
till 1260. 
A.D. 1242. Either iust before or at the time of the Tartar 

Second . , "^ . i i n i tt • 

revolt of invasion Zara again revolted from the Venetians, 

Zara from . ._, ^ . . __ 

Venetians, instigated by the Jiimperor Frederick ii, against 
whom the Venetians had allied themselves with 
the Pope. The Count Giov. Michieli was ex- 
pelled, the aid of the Hungarians implored, the 
Venetian residents imprisoned and their property 
seized, though both were afterwards released and 
restored. The Venetians assaulted the city with 
a powerful fleet from both sides having burst the 
chain that guarded the port, but the Zaratini 
held out till the Ban Dionysius whom Bela had 
sent to command them was wounded and left 



^ Vid. Cubich, Notizie natural! e storiche suU' Tsola di Veglia, 
part ii. p. 75, but he does not give his authority, and no mention 
of this battle or of the inci'edible slaughter of 65,000 Tartars 
occurs in Thorn. Archid. or in Lucio. Bela's deed of gift in 1255 
mentions the 25,000 marks and other presents but says nothing 
of the victory. Vid. inf History of Veglia, ch. xxvi. There is 
another Grobnica or Grobnico near Zara which, according to 
some, was the scene of this battle. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 71 

the city, when the whole population was seized 
with panic, and the Hungarians first, and then 
the citizens, made for the gates in order to escape. 
The Venetians, landing their troops, allowed the Zara re- 
fugitives to pass with impunity, and the city was a.d. 7243, 
recovered with scarcely any loss of life\ To en- 
sure the fidelity of Zara in the future the Vene- 
tians planted a colony of their own citizens in 
the half-deserted city, and for their protection 
against the expatriated Zaratini, who had taken 
refuge in Nona and other towns subject to the 
Hungarians, a defensive league was formed be- 
tween the new citizens and the islands of Arbe 
Cherso and Veglia, which were then feudatory 
counties held under the republic by the families 
of Morosini and Frangi^Dani. The expatriated Zara- 
tini, after for some time endeavouring to revenge 
themselves by reprisals on Venetian merchantmen, 
at last submitted themselves to the good pleasure 
of the Doge and were readmitted on liberal terms. 
The Venetians had enough to occupy themselves 
in the daily increasing perils and sinking fortunes 
of the Latin Empire of Constantinople, and the 
Pope, anxious to unite Europe for a fresh crusade, 
used his best endeavours to reconcile Venice and 
the King of Hungary. Peace was agreed to on a.d. 1344. 
the terms that the Hungarians should leave grrifted"^ 
Venice in undisturbed possession of Zara and the zLratlni, 

^ Thorn. Arcliid. says ' Tota civitas capta est ferme absque 
ulla strage alterutrius partis,' ch. xliii. Dandolo says ' absque 
notabili caede.' 



72 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

Division of neighbouring islands, and that the maritime 
be^treen^ to\\Tis bcjond the Kerka — Sebenico Trail and 
Hungary! Spalato — should remain subject to the Hungarian 
crown. An amnesty was granted to the fugitive 
Zaratini and they were allowed to return, but 
from being allies of the Bepublic they were re- 
duced to the condition of subjects. The liberty 
of electing their own count, enjoyed by all the 
other privileged towns of Dalmatia, was not re- 
stored to the rebellious citizens, but they were 
required to accept a count appointed by the 
Venetians, whose term of office was to be fixed 
by the pleasure of the Doge, and who was to 
be accompanied by two councillors, also appointed 
by the sovereign city\ A garrison was placed 
in the castle under a Venetian castellan, and the 
Zaratini were forbidden to rebuild their walls 
without the express permission of the Doge. 
They were to give hostages for five years, and 
to contribute a contingent of one man for each 
house to the Venetian armament in case of a levy 
of more than thirty galleys for service beyond 
Hagusa, and to pay a life pension of two hundred 
Venetian lire to the count Zuanne Michieli whom 
they had expelled. 
Relative By the terms of this settlement and by the 
of Venice effoct of previous circumstances Venice had now 
gary. obtained all, or nearly all, that she cared to have. 
A.D. 1244. rpj^^ possession of Zara and the islands was the 

^ The conditions are cited at length by Luc. lib. iv. c. vi. 
p. 168. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 73 

main object of her policy in Dalmatia, as the a.d. 1244. 

means to that dominion of the Adriatic which 

was necessary to her commercial and national 

greatness. For the security of her commerce she 

required the islands, for in those days of slow 

navigation by short stages her shipping required 

stations and arsenals at short distances, and it 

was indispensable that these should be in her 

own and not in foreign and possibly hostile hands. 

Her maritime supremacy to be sure placed the 

islands at all times within her grasp, but if Zara 

were in the possession of an enemy she was 

liable to lose them at any moment, whereas if 

Zara were hers it was of less importance who 

occupied the other maritime towns, and of little 

or no consequence to whom the country behind 

belonged ^. Zara with its narrow territory on the Venetian 

posses- 
mainland was now hers by the treaty of i244;8ions. 

the island of Ossero had always been Venetian 

since the days of Pietro Orseolo, and was now 

under the hereditary government of the Moro- 

sini as feudatories of the Republic ; the island 

of Veglia was held for her in the same [way by 

the Frangipani; Arbe had persisted in her loyalty 

since the reconquest of the island by Ordelafo 

■^ ' ladra enim ex situs opportunitate occidentalia Dalmatiae 
praecipua existebat, quam dum in potestate habuerunt Veneti, 
omnes quoque ejusdem partis Insulas ex consequenti facile 
retinuerunt, et sicuti Insulas terrestribus Ungarorum viribus 
destitutas facile acquirere poterant, ita earundem acquisitio 
absque ladra neque tuta neque diuturna esse poterat.' Luc. iii. 
V. p. 122. 



74 History of Dahnatia. [Ch. I. 

A.D. 1 244. Faliero in 1 1 1 7 and was governed by elective 
counts, chiefly of the families of Morosini and 
Michieli ; Lesina was to be sure still subject to 
the counts of Almissa, but she voluntarily sought 
the protection of the Republic a few years later ^, 
and Curzola was held as a Venetian fief by the 
family of Zorzi, who recovered it from the Hun- 
garians in 1 1 29, and whose authority had recently 
been confirmed. On the mainland the Venetian 

Hungarian territory ended at the Kerka, which falls into the 

posses- '' 

sions. sea at Sebenico, and that city, with Trail Spalato 
and the coast southwards, remained subject to 
Hungary ; but at Kagusa Venetian influence was 

Eagusa de- suprcmc, and whatever Hassan patriotism may 

pendent on ^ . . 

Venice, havc to Say for the previous independence of the 
republic of S. Biagio, there can be no doubt that 
from 1 22 1 till the time of Lewis the Great 
Ragusa was under the government of Venetian 
counts regularly appointed by the republic of 
S. Mark. Beyond the territory of Bagusa neither 
Hungary nor Venice had at present any matter 

Cattaro de- for disputc, for Cattaro and the Bocche acknow- 

pendent on '- 

Servia. Icdgcd the suprcmacy and lived under the protec- 
tion of the kings of Servia. 



Review of jf -^^g tum to Consider the internal condition 

state 01 

Daimatia. of Dalmatia at this period and compare it with 

c. 1250. ^ ^ 

that at the time of the first coming of the 
Hungarians, we find that during the century 

* In 1278. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 75 

and a half that divides the two eras the 
relative positions of the Latins and Croatians 
had been reversed. With the extinction of the 
kingdom of Croatia the Croats sank into the 
position of mere provincials of the Hungarian 
crown, and the maritime towns, from being then- 
tributaries, became their fellow-subjects, on equal 
or rather superior terms, for they retained their 
autonomy under Hungarian protection. Left in 
possession of their municipal liberties, and re- 
lieved from the jDiracies which hindered their 
commercial development before the Venetians 
made the seas safe, the maritime cities rapidly 
grew in wealth and consequence. They had no Military 
longer anything to fear from the Slavs of the the towns. 
neighbourhood, whom they were able to meet 
on equal terms, not only on sea, but on land, 
for they had now an organized militia well armed 
and disciplined, and we have seen that the Spala- 
tines under their podest^ Gargano were able to 
vanquish the Almissans and put an end to then- 
piracies without any aid from either Venetian 
or Hungarian. Among the other cities Zara was 
pre-eminent in wealth and power, and the his- 
torian of Spalato envies while he affects to deride 
the military ambition of the rival city and the 
forts and townships which she planted in her 
territory ^. 

^ ' Cum enim inter caeteros comprovinciales suos terra marique 
forent potentia et divitiis subliraati fastidio habere coeperunt 
nauticis lucris incumbere voluerunt militiae pompas inaniter 



'^(i History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

State of Concurrently with their civil development the 
Dalmatia. aits had flourishod within the walls of the Dal- 
° ■ matian cities, while among the Slavs without 
little or no progress was made in this respect. 
The architecture of the thirteenth century 
at Zara Trail and Spalato will bear compari- 
son in point both of design and execution 
with the contemporary work in Italy by which 
it was principally inspired, though, as we shall 
see hereafter when considering it more at length, 
it possesses also a distinctively national character. 
At Zara the new Duomo was approaching com- 
pletion, the beautiful basilican church of S. Griso- 
gono had been erected and adorned with precious 
mosaics, and the convent of Santa Maria had 
been constructed, of which the fine tower and 
chapter-house still remain to us ; at Trail the 
main fabric of the Duomo was well advanced and 
the two doorways were completed of which the 
western one is unsurpassed by any Romanesque 
portal in Europe ; at Spalato the cathedral in 
the temple or tomb-house of Diocletian was en- 
riched by the magnificent carved and gilded doors 
of Magister Guvina with their twenty-eight re- 
liefs of subjects from the life and passion of our 
Lord, by the curious semi - oriental stall -work, 
probably from the same hand, that still adorns 
the choir, and above all by the exquisite pulpit 
of carved and inlaid marble. Ragusa during the 

experiri. Constructis nempe villis et oppidis gaudebant 
militari equitatu volare.' Thorn. Arcliid. c. xliii. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 77 

same period had built her cathedral, with the state of 

the arts in 

gilts, perhaps, 01 our English King Kichard, a Dalmatia. 
building which, to judge from the description of 
those who saw it ^ must have been among the 
most interesting on the shores of the Adriatic, 
but of which the disastrous earthquake of 1667 
has left us only the memory. The minor arts 
were studied with equal care, and Lorenzo, a 
Dalmatian born, who ruled the church of Spalato 
from 1059 to 1099, was at the pains to send a 
servant of his to Antioch in order to perfect him- 
self in the goldsmiths' and silversmiths' art, who 
on his return was employed to make several 
candelabra, ewers, and chalices, a pastoral staff 
and cross, and other things in the style of the 
art of Antioch, which was probably the same 
as that of Byzantium. Nor was literature dis- state of 
regarded : in the time of the same Lorenzo c. 1250. 
a scholar of Paris, on his way to study Greek 
at Athens, was employed by the archbishop to 
translate the uncouth legends of S. Domnus into 
polished verse, and to compose several hymns in 
honour of the saint ; Giovanni Ursini, Bishop of 
Trail, was famous for bis literary and scientific 
acquirements, and Thomas the Archdeacon of 
Spalato has left us the earliest history of his 
country, written in a style of considerable liveli- 
ness and, in spite of the author's frequent pre- 
judices, with some historical power. 

^ Vid.Philippi de Diversis de Quartigianis Situa aedificiorum, 
&c. Kagusii. Ed. Brunelli. Zara, 1882. 



78 History of Dahnatia. [Ch. i. 

Temporary Y^Q Tartar iiivasioii and the temporary dis- 

independ- ■■■ *^ 

ence of orP'aiiization of the kin2:dom of Hungary threw 

Trail, Spa- => _ . ^ . . 

lato, and the maritime towns of Dahnatia on their own 

Sebenico, oi i • 

A.D. 1242. resources, and Trail Sebenico and Spalato for 
some time enjoyed complete independence as free 
repubhcs. Unfortunately one of the first results 
of their liberty was a petty war between the 
neighbouring cities of Trail and Spalato about 
a disputed territory that lay between them \ 

War be- Composcd at first by the influence of the Fran- 

tween Trail ■"■ '' 

and Spa- ciscau Ghcrardo, the quarrel broke out ao;ain after 
lato. . ' ^ & 

his departure, and a naval combat took place off 
Trail in which the advantage remained with the 
Traiirini, who followed it up by allying them- 
selves with the neighbouring Slavs and ravaging 
the territory of Spalato. The Spalatini invoked 
the aid of Ninosclav, Ban of Bosnia, and with his 
A.D. 1244. aid ravaged in return the lands of Trail ; but the 
Traiirini appealed to the king Bela IV, who sent 
Dionysius, Ban of all Slavonia and Dalmatia^, to 
put an end to the quarrel and punish the Spa- 
latini and Ninosclav. With the entry of these 
champions on either side there was of course an 
end of the short-lived independence of the two 
republics. 

Appearing before Spalato the Ban demanded 
hostages and a large sum of money, and when the 
citizens pleaded that this was an invasion of their 

^ Thorn. Archid. xliv-xlvii. 

^ After the peace of 1244 the king united all his Slavonian 
territory under a single Ban or viceroy. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalinatia. 79 

privileges he attacked the town in concert with 
the Tralirini, captured and burned the suburb, 
and compelled the Spalatini to release their 
prisoners, pay an indemnity, give hostages, and 
accept a Hungarian archbishop, Hugrinus or 
Ugolino Cesmen, a gay and mai-tial prelate, 
whom the king intended to be both pontiff and 
count of Spalato^ 

At this time the counts of Bribir of the family a.d. 1247. 
of Subich became prominent in Dalmatia. Ste- counts of 
phen Count of Lika and Bribir was created Ban "^^"^^ 
of all Slavonia and Dalmatia, and his successors 
under various titles held the same office till 1348. 
Stephen used his influence to pacify the province, 
and peace reigned among its various discordant 
elements as long as he lived. But the succeeding 
counts endeavoured to oppress the maritime cities, 
and fostered dissensions among them, and from 
hostility to Venice encouraged the piracies of the 
Almissans, which were always ready to break 
out when the peace of the country was disturbed. 

■^ At this period of the history we lose the help of Thomas 
the archdeacon of Spalato, who died in 1268, as appears by his 
tombstone still existing in the cloister of the Franciscan church 
at Spalato. His 'Historia Salonitanorum Pontificum atque 
Spalatensium ' breaks off abruptly at the year 1266. 

The ' Historia de gestis Komanorum Imperatorum et summ. 
Pontificum Pars secundae partis de anno Domini Mccxc' by 
Micha Madii de Barbazanis of Spalato carries the narrative of 
events down to the year 1330. 

Both authors were edited by Giov. Lucio, and their works are 
appended to the 2nd edition of his 'De regno Dalmatiae et 
Croatiae/ Amsterdam, 1668. 



So History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

A.D. 1268. In 1259 Spalato and Trail leagued themselves 
A^mlssan° against the Polizzani, neighbours and confederates 
piracies, ^f ^jjg Almissans ; in 1268, the Doge wrote to the 
commune of Spalato to procure the liberation of 
a Venetian citizen whom the Almissans had cap- 
tured ; in 1274 Charles of Anjou, King of Naples, 
allied himself with Spalato and Sebenico to 
repress the pirates of Almissa ; and in 1277 the 
Venetians besieged Almissa, and after some 
trouble captured and burned the borgo or suburb, 
liberated one of their captains and other Ve- 
netians whom the pirates had captured, and 
received the submission of the islands of Lesina 
A.D. 1 278. and Brazza, which had hitherto belonged to the 
counts of Almissa \ Notwithstanding this the 
piracies continued, for Almissa was difficult of 
approach, the roads outside the estuary of the 
Cetina were insecure for ships in winter time. 
Piracy pro- and the Couuts of Bribir who received a share of 
Counts of the spoil had no inclination to discourage the 
lawless enterprises by which they profited, and 
their natural enemies the Venetians were the 
principal sufferers 2. In 1287 an Italian podestk 
from Fermo, whom the Tratirini had elected to 
govern their city, was captured on his way by the 
Almissans in spite of the safe-conduct of their own 
count and him of Bribir, and the resentment of the 
Dalmatian towns at these and similar outrages 

^ Luc. lib. iv. c. ix. pp. 179-183. 

"^ ' Ex participatione praedae Comites Breberienses fautores 
habuisse arguunt ea quae ex scripturis eliciuntur.' Luc. Ibid. 



Bribir. 



Ch. I] History of Dalmatia. 8i 

made them listen to the overtures of the Ve- 
netians. The Republic contracted an offensive Dalmatian 
and defensive alliance with Trail and Spalato, with Ve- 
saving the honour of the Doge on one side and against the 
the King of Hungary on the other, and in 1292 a!^ 1 290. 
George, count of Bribir, was compelled to sign a.d. 1292. 
an agreement with the Doge, pledging himself 
and his subjects and the commune of Almissa to 
abstain from any hostilities and to make good any 
damage or injury of which the Venetians might 
have reason to complain. 

Ladislaus III, grandson of Bela IV, was mur- 
dered in 1290, and succeeded by Andrew III, 
' the Venetian,' son of Tomasina Morosini, during 
whose reign nothing was done to disturb the 
agreement between Hungary and Venice. After 
his death in 1301 the succession was disputed 
between Wenceslaus king of Bohemia, Otho 
duke of Bavaria, and Charles Bobert or Caro- Charles 
berto, grandson of Charles II, king of Naples, king of 
and Maria of Hungary, sister of the murdered a.d^isS'. 
Ladislaus, and it was not till 1308 that Charles 
Bobert succeeded in establishing himself on the 
throne to the exclusion of his rivals. The counts 
of Bribir had contributed to his success, and 
with his ultimate triumph their own position 
in Dalmatia was strengthened and their influence 
in the maritime towns increased. 

Paul, Count of Bribir and Ban of Croatia, had Discontent 
succeeded in getting himself elected count of the ratinL 
maritime towns of Trail Spalato and Sebenico ; 

VOL. I. G 



82 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

Zara alone remained independent of him, and he 
used his influence to excite the discontent of the 
citizens and induce them to throw off their al- 
legiance to Venice. The Zaratini had chafed 
under the hard terms imposed on them by the 
Republic in 1244 after their last rebellion, and 
they listened readily to the Ban's proposals. The 
moment was propitious, for the Venetians were 
involved in various domestic and foreign troubles; 
then- maritime power had received a severe shock 
by theii' defeat at the hands of the Genoese off 
Curzola in 1298^; the 'Serrata del gran Consigiio' 
in 1299 had roused the discontent of the people 
and provoked the consph^acies of Marino Bocconio 
and Bajamonte Tiepolo; the state was at war with 
the Pope about Ferrara; and the Pope, resorting 
to spiritual arms, had placed the Republic under 
an interdict, and in 1309 proclaimed a crusade 
against her m^ hich resulted in the defeat of her fleet 
and the interruption and ruin of her commerce^. 
Third The Papal bull releasino- all the subiects of the 

revolt of . ^ . ° , "^ 

Zara from Venetians from their allegiance gave the Zaratini 

Venice, 

March and the Hungarians the desired opportunity, and 



13"- 



^ It was in this battle that Marco Polo was made prisoner by 
the Genoese, and carried off to that captivity to which the 
woi'ld perhaps owes the account of his travels. The number of 
captives taken by the Genoese was 5000, among whom was the 
Venetian admiral Andrea Dandolo, who from shame and remoi'se 
dashed out his braius against the sides of the galley. 

^ '. . . obiuterdictumPaimleperproximascivitatesDalmaticas 
inquisitio fieret an post jprohibitioneni Domini Papae aliquid 
Venetis venderetur vel ah eisdem emeretvr.' Luc. iv-xii. p. 201. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 83 

in March 1 3 1 1 the city revolted, overpowered the 
garrison, and threw itself on the protection of 
Paul count of Bribir and ban of Croatia, whose 
son Mladin the citizens elected to govern them 
as their count \ The Venetian count Michele 
Morosini managed to make his escape m the 
disguise of a monk, but the two counciQors Zuane 
Giustiniani and Marco Dandolo were caught by 
the people and put in prison^. The King of 
Hungary accepted the proffered allegiance of the 
Zaratini, reinstated them in the enjoyment of 
then' ancient privileges, and wrote to warn the 
Kepublic not to molest them. 

But Venice had now come to terms with thcA.D. 1313. 
Pope and been relieved of the interdict, and was zar'k by 
free to turn her attention to the recovery of her 
revolted subjects. A fleet dispatched under Be- 
letto Giustiniani met with a somewhat ludicrous 
reverse, for under the cover of night and stormy 
weather the Zarathii managed to surprise the 
galley of the commander, who was iQ and asleep 
below deck, and to carry him with his crew to 
Zara, where he died in prison before the end of 
the war. The fleet was afterwards reinforced, June, 
and Dalmasio, a captain of Catalonian mercen- siege of 
aries, was sent with a thousand horse a thousand Venetian 
foot and a thousand archers to invest the city by diTry^Dai- 
land, while the fleet under Vitale Canal blockaded °^*^^°' 
the port. Dalmasio had scarcely entrenched his 

^ For a table of the counts of Bribir vid. Isthuanfy.de reb.Hung. 
^ Anonymous Venetian Chronicler cited Lucio, p. 200. 

G 2 



$4 History of Dalniatia. [Ch, t. 

Daimasio amiy rouiid the city before his camp was threat- 
besieged ened by Mladin, who had succeeded his father 
Miadin. Paul and was now Ban of Dalmatia and Slavonian 
and who with an army of Slavs and German 
mercenaries took up a position whence he could 
assault the camp of Daimasio in case the latter 
drew out his troops to attack the city. The 
summer was passed in a masterly inactivity by 
both sides, and the expense of maintaining an 
army in the field without any result began to 
press heavily on the Venetians. The three 
months for which Daimasio had been engaged 
and paid had elapsed, and the Venetians knowing 
that he could not retire without their transports, 
and was therefore in a manner in their power, 
offered him lower terms than he asked for a 
renewal of his services. The effect of this was 
that he began to traffic with the Ban who had 
learned the state of aifairs, and who was himself 
anxious to bring the war to an end being threat- 
ened in the rear by the advance of Ourosh II, 
king of Servia, then at war with Hungary, 
^f nfT ^Iladin had already made proposals to the 
and Dal- Venetians that they should receive the submission 

masio. .... 

of the Zaratini on condition of the restitution of 
their ancient privileges as a free city, but the 
pride of the Republic refused to listen to con- 

^ ' Tali titulo utebatur Mladinus Croatorum Banus, Comes 
ladrae, Princeps Dalmatiae, et Secundus Bosnensis Banus! 
Luc. lib. iv. c. xiii. p. 203. His complete title was 'comes 
- perpetuus ladrae.' Storia della Dalmazia, Zara 1878. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 85 

ditions from her revolted subjects \ Foiled in this 
attempt, Mladin now turned to Dalmasio and 
offered him 1000 gold florins, and the post of 
governor with an annual salary of the same 
amount if he would himself occupy the city, 
promising moreover that if he wished to leave 
the country he and his troops should be conveyed 
to Apulia at the expense of the Ban. To this 
Dalmasio agreed, a feigned attack was made on 
the city, the gates were opened by arrangement, 
Dalmasio with his forces entered without op- 
position, and the Venetians in alarm went on 
board their ships, and, anticipating an immediate 
attack, put out to sea. 

But Dalmasio meditated a second act of September, 
treachery, and having gained the city by be- Venetians 
traying the Venetians he now resolved to betray zara. 
the Ban and make terms with the Venetians 
for the surrender of the city to them. His 
envoys represented that he had been actuated 
by care for their interest in acquiring the city 
by stratagem after force had proved unavailing, 
and he induced the Zaratini to renew their offer 
of submission if their ancient privileges and im- 
munities were restored. This time the Venetians 
listened, envoys were sent, and terms arranged, 
but Dalmasio did not reaj) any fruits from his 
treachery, for finding himself suspected by both 

^ ' At Venetorum in Zadrenses Majestas solita cum subditis 
indignata pacisci nil oblatorum admisit, offensa raagis libertate 
petita.' Albertinus Mussatus de gest. Italic, lib.ii. ap. Luc. p. 198. 



86 History of Dalmatia, [Ch. i. 

sides, he claimed the promised safe-conduct and 
convoy of himself and his followers, and escaped 
to Apulia \ 

By the terms of the agreement the Zaratini 
regained the privilege of electing their own count 
subject to the confirmation of the Doge, the 
Venetians withdrew then- garrison and dis- 
mantled the castle, the citizens were allowed 
to govern themselves by their own laws and 
customs, and were placed on the footing of allies 
and not as on the last occasion that of subjects^. 
Their islands also were restored to them, a matter 
to which the Zaratini attached the greatest im- 
portance, their territory on the mainland being 
closely ch*cumscribed by the Croatians and con- 
stantly exposed to their invasion. 
Tyranny of Mladiii was uow all-powcrful in Dalmatia 

counts of ^ 

Bribir. Croatia and Bosnia ; the countship of Trail Spa- 
lato and Sebenico was held by his younger 
brother George, and the Venetians had been 
obliged to receive the Zaratini on terms which 
had been originally dictated by himself His 
power was exercised tyrannically ; he harassed 
the Bagusans, interfered even with the neigh- 
bouring Croatian counts of Corbavia, and op- 
pressed the maritune cities, fomenting civil discord 
among them, confiscating then* extramural terri- 

^ The whole transaction is obscm-ely told by Albertinus 
Miissatus. ' Dalmasius omnium vitandarum insidiarum astutia 
noctu lembum ingressus in Apuliam devectus est.' 

^ ' Veluti cum sociis aequo jure convenerunt.' Luc. iv-xii. p. 

201. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 87 

tory, and ill-treating the citizens ^ His brother a.d. 1315. 
George moreover openly encouraged the Almissan piracy of 
corsairs, granting them many immunities and ^i""^^^^- 
regulating the division of the expenses and spoils 
of their piracies by a special charter 2. 

The result of the oppressive government of Trau and 

. Till 1 • Sebenico 

the Croatian Ban and his brother was a revulsion revolt to 
of feeling in favour of Venetian rule. For a a.d. 1322. 
hundred and sixty years and more the Latin or 
Dalmatian cities of the coast to the south of the 
Kerka had been content to acknowledge the 
supremacy of the King of Hungary while their 
municipal autonomy and territorial rights had 
been respected, but no sooner were these uu- 
perilled than they at once looked round for 
another protector, and in January 1322 Trail a.d. 1322. 
and Sebenico invoked the protection of the Ve- 
netians. Mladin ravaged the lands of both 
cities but was summoned away to resist a re- 
bellion against his authority in Bosnia. Allying Defeat and 

captivity 
^ Micha Maclii, ch. xviii. The historian's indignation is °^ ^Hadin. 
inflamed by his suspicions of Mladin's orthodoxy ; ' Deum coli 
contemnebas et Eccles. Catholicam, quoniam ordinabas Epi- 
scopos, Abbates, et Abbatissas . . . solebas frequentare legendo 
Bibliam, sed non observabas verba Bibliae.' Here as usual the 
Patarene tendencies of the Slavs are contrasted with the Roman 
orthodoxy of the cities. 

'^ 'Item quod quando irent in cursum cum ligno 40 remorum 
et ultra, lignum sextam partem habeat expensarum et quintam 
partem lucri, et lignum a 24 remis usque ad 40 sextam partem 
lucri et sextam partem habeat expensarum, sed lignum x. 
remis usque ad 24 pro duobus hominibus partem recipiat, a 
decern autem remis infra de parte unius hominis contentetur.' 
Charter cited by Lucio, p. 204. 



88 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

himself with the Vlachs and PoHzzani he gave 
battle to the rebels, but was defeated and diiven 
to hide himself in the fastnesses of Poglizza, 
whence he escaped to the king Charles Bobert 
who was then at Knin, He was however ill- 
received, his loyalty was suspected, and the king 
carried him away with him a prisoner into Hun- 
gary \ Profiting by these disturbances among 
the Croatians, the men of Trali made an expe- 
dition ao'ainst Almissa, and those of Sebenico 
Victory of agaiust Scardona ; both were successful, the 
Sebenic"!)^ offeudiug towus werc spoiled and burned, and 
their pu-atical boats were carried off by the 
victors. 
April, Though Spalato had not offered allegiance to 

fea?of ^" the Venetians, her forces were united with those 
pa ato. ^^ Xratl in the capture of Almissa, and she seems 
to have garrisoned and retained the place. Count 
George in consequence invaded and ravaged the 
Spalatine territory, and defeated a force of 1200 
Spalatini which encountered him near Clissa with 
a loss of 150 men. In the following year he as- 
sembled another army meditating the conquest 
June, 1 324. of Spalato, and the recovery of Almissa, which 

Defeat and -, j i • j i i i j. 

captivity place was necessary to him as the head-quarters 

ofBribir! of the ylY2^q,j by whicli he profited 2, but he was 

encountered near Knin, and routed and taken 

^ Micha Madii, cli. xvii., xviii., xix. 

''■ ' Putabas destiuere Civ. Spal. et auferre Almissum, et 
habere ad velle vestrum, ubi asset cursus et locus piratarum,' 
Micha Madius, c. xxiii. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 89 

prisoner by Neliptio count of Cetina and Knin, 
and the voyvode George Mihovilich. In the 
followmg year the Zaratmi arbitrated between 
the contending parties, and peace M^as agreed to 
between the Spalatini and the countess of the 
imprisoned George, the captive Spalatini at 
Clissa bemg released on one hand and Almissa March, 
restored on the other \ 

The Spalatmi in 1327 resolved to follow the ^d- 1327. 
example of Trati and placed themselves under the submits to 
protection of Venice. The event of their late 
struggle with the Bribir family probably con- 
vinced them of their powerlessness to stand alone 
in the midst of so many warring elements, and 
they made their submission to the Doge on con- 
dition that their municipal autonomy should be 
respected, and ' saving the honour of the King of 
Hungary 2.' In the following year Nona, though a Also Nona, 
purely Croatian town, which had never before been January. ' 
subject to the Venetians, found herself obliged by 
the difficulties of the times, the disturbed state of 
affau^s and the weakness of the Hungarian go- 
vernment, to throw herself, like the other Dalma- 
tian towns, on the protection of the Republic^. 

^ Luc. iv. c. xiv. p. 210. 

"^ Micha Madii, c. xxviii. This appears to mean that his 
nominal sovereignty should be respected. The name of the 
king was to be retained on all legal writings, and to stand 
before that of the Doge. Lucio observes that even under the 
Venetian rule the King of Hungary confirmed or refused to 
confirm privileges in the cities. Lib. iv. c. xv. p. 220. 

* ' Anchor in questo tempo la Citade de Spalato e de Nona li 



90 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

Daimatia The tyranny of the family of Bribu' had thus 

once more 

Venetian, forced into the arms of the Venetians those cities 
of the sea coast which were not hers already ; 
and all maritime Dalmatia, including the islands, 
was now re-united under the banner of S. 
Mark for the first time since the days of Ordelafo 
Faliero. The policy of a commercial power like 
Venice was always directed towards peace, and 
her first endeavour was to reconcile the cities 
with one another and with the neighbouring 
Croatian counts. Though under her suzerainty — 
to use a word which modern politics has brought 
into fashion — the several cities were not her sub- 
jects, but retained their independence and had to 
Endea- bc treated with separately. A treaty of alliance was 
Venice to therefore arranged by the Venetians between the 
country/ communcs of Spalato Traii and Sebenico, with 
conditions for mutual defence and assistance in 
time of war, and for the peaceful adjustment of 
disputes by arbitration in place of the old system 
of reprisals. The boundaries of the territories 
of Trail and Sebenico were settled in this 
way, and the question between count George 
of Bribir and the city of Spalato was decided 

qual iera in estrema e chattiva condition per lo muodo clie de 
soura e ditto de Sebenico e de Traci vegendo le ditte Cittade 
sottomesse al Comun de Veniesia de chativa condition esser 
vegnude in bona condition, e in bi'ieve tempo, desse le do Cittade 
con le condition e patti delle altre do prenominade, e questo fo 
in 1327, che si de Spalatini in lo mese di Settembrio e foli 
mandado per so Conte f. Marco Fuscarini.' Ven. Chron. cited 
Luc. p. 210. 



Ch. I,] History of Dalmatia. 91 

by the arbitration of the Zaratini as has just 
been related. The Venetians succeeded also in 
composing the civil dissensions by which Trail 
had been torn on the question of surrendering the 
city to Venice, and which had resulted in the 
expulsion of the losing party \ The fuorusciti, 
as the Florentines would have called them, were 
recalled and reinstated in then- possessions, and 
the odious partisan distinction of 'ins an d 'outs' 
was terminated. 

The discordant state of the Croatians of the Disturbed 
interior enabled the Venetians to unite some of Dalmatian 
the feudal counts with the maritune cities on under 
terms of amity or alliance. During the troubled Robert, 
reig-n of Charles Eobert the authority of Hungary 
was but little able to make itself felt m Dalmatia, 
and the whole country was in disorder. The 
ambitious designs and oppressive arrogance of the 
counts of Bribh- had offended the neighbouring 
Croatian nobles as well as the Dalmatians ; and 
Mladin had been overthrown by a combination of 
Croatian counts under the Bosnian Ban Babonig. 
But Babonig himself next provoked the royal 
interference, and was defeated by the Great Ban 
Nicolas, whom the king had sent to pacify the 
country 2. The counts near the sea coast, in order 

^ 'Civibus in partes divisis praesertim Sebenici et Trag. mutuae 
caecles, familiarum expulsiones, bonorum publicationes, domorum 
destructiones perpetratae sunt, et extrinsecorum et intrinseco- 
rum odiosa nomina emersere.' Luc. lib. iv. xiv. p. 205. 

^ ^licha Madii, ch. xxii. The barren and inflated chronicle 



92 



History of Dalmatia. 



[Ch. I. 



Alliance 

between 

the cities 

and 

Croatian 

counts. 



A.n. 1337. 



A.D. 1343. 



A.D. 1342, 

Accession 
of Lewis 
the Great. 



to save themselves from a similar fate, formed an 
alliance with the maritime towns at the instance 
of the Venetians, and thus supported were able 
to command the respect of the next Ban Mihac, 
who abstained from meddling with them. Among 
these allied counts Neliptio, count of Knin, was 
the most important, and in alliance with Spalato 
Trail and Sebenico, which places furnished a con- 
tingent of 400 foot-soldiers \ he besieged Mladin 
III, son of George of Bribir, and now count of 
Scardona and Clissa, in his stronghold at the 
latter place. But Neliptio himself was guilty of 
aggressions on the territory of Sebenico, and the 
Venetians, profiting by the jealousy excited by his 
superior power, united Mladin and the counts of 
Ostrovizza and Corbavia in a league with the 
maritime towns, and caused Neliptio to pull 
down the fort he had erected and to sign con- 
ditions of peace. 

But a change came over the state of affah^s in 
Hungary which was speedily felt in Dalmatia. In 
1 342 Charles Bobert died and was succeeded by 
his son Lewis, then a youth only of sixteen years. 



of this author now fails us. Its value consists in the fact that 
Micha was an eyewitness of the events he narrates. 

^ By the conditions of the alliance in 1332 Neliptio was to 
defend the cities if attacked, and they were to supply when called 
upon a contingent of 400 men, 100 from Spalato, 140 from 
Trail, and 160 from Sebenico. Neliptio was to lead in j)erson, 
the object was to be approved by the towns, and no hostilities 
were to be committed against the King of Hungary ou one side, 
or the subjects of Venice on the other. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 93 

who soon gave promise of his future greatness. 
During his long reign of forty years he raised 
Hungary to a higher place among European 
powers than it had ever before occupied ; to his 
hereditary kingdom he added, in 1370, that of 
Poland which was settled on him by his maternal 
uncle Casimir III ; the princes of Moldavia, 
Wallachia, Bulgaria, and Bosnia were forced to 
submit to his arms ; the Venetians were driven 
out of Dalmatia ; and for a short time the king- 
dom of Naples, which he invaded to punish the 
murder of his brother Andrew, was at his feet, and 
governed by his officers. 

Charles Robert, disappointed by his uncle Alliance of 
Bobert I. in obtaining the kingdom of Naples for with 
himself, had married his second son Andrew^ to ^^^^" 
Giovanna, the grand-daughter of Bobert, and 
hen-ess to his throne. Bobert died in 1342, a few 
months after Charles Bobert of Hungary, and the 
youthful Giovanna succeeded at the age of six- 
teen, her husband being of the same age as 
herself. The first object of Lewis, who looked to 
his connexion with the kingdom of Naples for 
support in the vast schemes that were already 
working in his mind, was to obtain from the Pope, 
Naples being a fief of the church, the coronation 
and investiture of his brother Andrew not as 
consort of Giovanna but as heir of Carlo Martello 



^ In 1333, July. Vid. Giannone, lib. xxii. c. iii. The 
prince and pi'incess were both seven years old. 



94 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

his grandfather ^ and after long negotiations at 
the Papal court at Avignon his ambassadors 
succeeded in their object, though, according to 
Boccaccio, not without great difficulty. 

^ This object had at first occupied the attention 
of Lewis to the exclusion of the affairs of Dalmatia 
and Croatia, but his next care was to restore 
order and reestablish his authority in those pro- 
vinces. Neli]3tio was dead, but his fortress of 
Knin was held by his widow Vladislava for her 
infant son John, whom many of the Croatian 
counts encouraged to resist and defy the royal 
A.D. 1345. summons to surrender. Lewis however brought a 
vances into force iuto Dalmatia which overawed all opposition 
except on the part of those who were allied with 
the maritime cities and the Venetians, and with 
the exception of Paul count of Ostrovizza, and 
Mladin III count of Scardona and Clissa, all the 
other counts of Croatia and Dalmatia laid the 
keys of their castles at the king's feet ^. Having 
no fleet, Lewis was at present unable to attack 



^ Giannone, Historia di Napoli, lib. xxiii. Vid. Table of 
Kiugs of Hungary, infra. 

^ The local historians of the succeeding events are the authors 
of the ' Suvima Historiarum Tabula a Cutheis de gestis civium 
Spalatinorum,' &c., and of the ' Ohsidionis ladrensis lihri duo! 
Both are edited by Lucio and appended to his edition of 1668. 
Of the latter work he says it is a ' manuscripta historia a 
religioso quopiam viro qui interfuit conscripta, ut ex genere 
quo utitur orationis facile intelligi potest.' Its style is exe- 
crable and its matter often obscure. 

^ Obsid. ladr., lib. i. ch. vii. 



Ch, I.] History of Dalmatia, 95 

the cities of the coast or meddle with the Croa- 
tian counts whom they supported. 

The situation was one which caused the Vene- Alarm of 

Venice at 

tians grave anxiety. The alliance of Hungary and alliance 
Naples under the rule of two brothers, both Hungary 
young and ambitious ^ was the last political com- Naples, 
bination the Venetians would have desu*ed. Hun- 
gary was powerful, wealthy, and warlike, her land 
forces were superior to any the Venetians could 
oppose to them, her strength was shortly to be 
increased by the union of Poland under the same 
crown, the patriarch of Aquileja was her ally, and 
so were the Anconitans, the hated rivals of the 
Republic. Naples possessed a fleet in the Tyr- 
rhene sea ; should the two powers combine to 
attack Dalmatia by land and sea the Venetians 
could not defend it ; and with both shores of 
the Adriatic in the possession of her enemies 
the maritime dominion of Venice would pass 
into other hands. Everything now depended on 
the fidelity of the maritime towns, and in par- 
ticular of Zara, especially since by the terms of 
her ancient privileges, confirmed by the late com- a.d. 1345. 
pact, no Venetian garrison could be placed mthin 
the walls. About Spalato Trail and Sebenico 
the Venetians felt less anxiety, for they were sur- 
rounded by the territory of the counts of Bribir, 
who were still resisting the king and imploring 

^ So says Lucio, but in fact, if Giannone may be believed, 
Andrew had none of the sj^irit of bis elder brother, but was 
' dato air ozio.' 



96 History of Dalmatia, [Ch. t. 

A.D. 1345. the aid of the Venetians. But Nona and Zara 
were enclosed by the territory of the counts of 
Corbavia and Knin, who had made their submis- 
sion to Lewis, and they had to be carefully 
watched. Nona made no objection to receive a 
garrison, and was strongly fortified and well 
manned, but experience of the jealous temper of 
the Zaratini warned the Venetians that any pro- 
posal to place troops there would be resented as 
an invasion of the ancient privileges and probably 
provoke the very mischief that it was intended to 
avoid. 

Prosperous It might be thought that interest would have 

condition i i i • • • • i ^ c 

of Zara attached the maritune cities to the rule 01 a com- 
netianruie. lucrcial and highly civilized people speaking the 
same tongue and living by the same pursuits 
rather than that of a feudal monarch and an alien 
people in a lower grade of civilization than them- 
selves, especially since they had flourished under 
Venetian protection as they had never done since 
the days of the Roman emph-e. The Zaratini 
elected their own count, had the custody of their 
city without the presence of any foreign garrison, 
governed themselves by their owai laws and 
customs, and contracted alliances with the neigh- 
bouring Croatian counts, like the other maritime 
cities, with the approval of Venice ; they ex- 
tended their commerce into the Tyrrhene sea 
as far as Sardinia and Catalonia, two galleys 
lay in their arsenal, their harbour was thronged 
with craft of all sizes, and the numbers and 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 97 

wealth of their population were largely on the 
increase \ 

But the Zaratini had not forgotten or forgiven Reasons for 
the loss of the islands of Srimaz Zuri and Jarte of Zaratini 
which they had snatched from the Sebenzani in Venice. 
1323, when that people were at war with Trail, 
and which in 1324, after Sebenico like themselves 
had accepted the Venetian dominion, the Vene- 
tians had compelled them to restore ^. When the 
Venetians declared war against Neliptio the Za- 
ratini did the same, but refused to send troops 
across then* frontier ; when requested by Lewis to 
send galleys and boats to Segna to convey his 
mother the elder queen Elizabeth to Apulia, they 
did so without any previous communication with 
Venice ; and when he advanced with his army 
into the country they sent three envoys to meet 
him, who came back however without effecting 
their purpose, for one of the envoys was a 'tyrant- 
hater,' and delayed his companions, and while 
they were on the road the king departed for 
Hungary ^. 

The news of this abortive mission however September, 

A.D. 1345. 

^ Luc. lib. iv. c. XV. p. 217-218. 

^ Luc. iv. XV. p. 219. He gives the formal pleadings of 
the Zaratini when summoned to meet the plaintiffs in the 
chancery at Venice. They amount to a denial of the juris- 
diction of the Venetians, ' quod Commune ladrae debet habere 
unum Comitem qui sit de majori consilio Civitatis Ven. qui 
cum tribus ludicibus roget et judicet praedictos ladratinos ut 
in pactis plenius continetur, cujus rei causa ex pactorum forma 
non possumus nee debemus coram vobis ad judicium citari.' 

^ Obsid. ladr. lib. i. c. vii. 

VOL. I. H 



98 Histo7'y of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Fourth decided the Venetians to anticipate the open re- 
Zara from bellion of the Zaratini ; the port was blockaded 
A.D. 1345. by a fleet under Pietro di Canal, and the tem- 
porizing overtures of the citizens were met by a 
stern demand for unqualified submission. Petitions 
sent secretly from the citizens to imjDlore the aid 
of Lewis and that of his brother Andrew king of 
Naples were favourably entertained by both 
monarchs. Andrew received the envoys on the 
17th September^, and promised his support, and 
on the 8th of the same month letters arrived from 
Lewis announcing his approach with an army to 
their relief 
The Hun- But it was uot destined that any help should 

garians at 

Naples, reach them from Naples, for the day after his 
interview with their envoys Andrew was assassi- 
nated, and there was an end of the hopes and 
fears founded on the alliance of the two kingdoms 
of Hungary and Naples. 

When Charles Robert of Hungary had brought 
his son Andrew, then a child of seven years of age, 
to Naples to be married to Giovanna, he had left 
with him as his tutor and governor one Fra Roberto, 
a Hungarian monk, under whose charge the prince 
grew up, and whose influence over the easy temper 
of his pupil became absolute. At the time of 
their accession the queen and her consort were 
but sixteen years old, and Fra Roberto contrived 
to get all the power of the government into the 
hands of the Hungarian party which surrounded 
^ Obsid. ladr. lib, i. c. xix., xxiv. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 99 

the person of the kmg. One by one the ex- Discontent 
perienced councillors of E-obert I were dismissed tans with 
and their posts filled by Hungarians, and the garians. 
Neapolitans saw with growing discontent and 
repugnance that then- queen was queen merely in 
name, and in reality the prisoner of these ' harha- 
rians,' in whose hands her husband was as much 
a puppet as herself \ The insolence of the Hun- 
garians and the careless indifference of Andi-ew 
provoked some of the more ardent spirits among 
the discontented Neapolitans to form a conspiracy, 
and they were encouraged by Carlo duke of 
Durazzo, who had married the queen's sister and 
was next in order of succession to the throne. 
The news that Lewis had procured a bull for the 
coronation of Andrew not as consort but as legiti- 
mate king of Naples precipitated their plans, and 
on the night of September 18, while the Hun- Murder of 

. . , . . Andrew, 

garians were stupid with drink and buried in Sept. is, 

sleep, Andrew was waylaid as he left the queen's 

apartments in the castle of Aversa, a noose was 

^ With Costanzi and the Neapolitan historians the Hun- 
garians are always barbarians, and we hear enough of their 
insolence, drunkenness, and ' barbari costumi.' There is a letter 
of Petrarch extant describing his interview with Fra Eoberto. 
He says, ' Oh infamia del niondo, che mostro ! . . . un animale 
orrendo coi piedi scalzi, col capo scoverto, corto di persona, 
marcio di tempo, grosso di fianchi, coi panni logori e strac- 
ciati per mostrar a studio jmrte delle carne, non solo dis- 
prezzare le suppliche de' tuoi cittadini, ma con grandissima 
insolenza, come dalle torre della sua finta santita, non fare nullo 
conto della imbasciata d' un Papa.' All the rest of the Hun- 
garian ministry, he goes on to say, are like their chief, whom 
he calls a ' crudele ed atroce bestia.' 

H 2 



lOO History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i, 

A.D. 1345. thrown round his neck, and he was strangled and 
his body thrown out of the window. A few ob- 
scure victims were selected for punishment, but 
though a papal bull was launched against the 
principal offenders their rank and power pre- 
vented any measures being taken against them. 
Their impunity excited suspicion ; it was whis- 
pered that Giovanna herself had been privy to 
the crime, and Lewis wrote to her accusing her 
of her husband's death, and threatening speedy 
vengeance ^ , 

A.u. 1345- Meanwhile the sie2:e of Zara was pressed by 

Siege of . ^ ^ ... 

Zara by the the Venetians. Within the city opinion was 

Venetians. ^ . -, , , 

divided : the populace, who were sailors and sea- 
faring folk to whom Venetian rule was not un- 
welcome, were willing to come to terms, while the 
upper classes were inclined to the Hungarian 
alliance and determined to hold out ; but the 
stern demand of the Venetian commander that 
the city should be surrendered to his discretion 
and the walls thrown down united all classes in a 
policy of resistance ; they raised the royal stan- 
dard of Lewis their ' natural lord and master ' and 
exerted themselves to the utmost to put the city 
into a good state of defence. By sea the Venetian 
admiral Jacopo Ciurani blockaded them with a 
powerful fleet, in which were included galleys 

* Giannone, lib. xxiii. A contemporary account of the 
murder of Andrew is given by Domenico di Gravina, who 
writes as a partisan of the Hungarians and an enemy of the 
queen. Muratori, vol. xii. p. 560. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. loi 

from Ragusa Spalato Arbe and Trail, and 
smaller vessels from the other states according to 
then- ability ; the land forces, amounting to more 
than 16,000 men^, were commanded by Marco 
Ginstiniani, who entrenched himself within a 
stockade or bastide 200 paces long and 100 wide 
strengthened with thirty-four towers, leaning on 
the sea to the east of the city so as to communi- 
cate with the fleet, and commanding the isthmus 
which joins the city to the mainland. The object 
of this entrenchment was to resist the threatened 
attack of the king of Hungary, whose army was 
on its way to raise the siege. The winter was 
consumed in small engagements with varying 
success, and conducted with much bitterness on 
both sides, no quarter being given. In January January, 
the Venetians took the fort of St, Damiano on the 
island opposite Zara, and bursting the chain ^ 
forced their way into the harbour. In May they 
made an unsuccessful assault on the city, and in June, 1346. 
June Lewis with an army of 100,000 men of of Lewis to 
various nationalities ^ encamped at Semelnich Zara. 
seven miles from the city, A deputation of the 
citizens laid the keys at his feet, to whom he 
swore that he would either deliver them from the 

^ Obsid. ladr. lib. ii. c. xii, 

"^ The construction of the chain is described, Obsid, ladr. 
lib. i. c. xix, ' quamdam catheuam mirae grassitiei, ex tredecim 
tignis ad invicem ferro connexis ac confibulatis.' 

^ ' Ungari, Croati, Bognaschi, Phylistei, Cumani, Boemi, et 
Teutonici seu Alemanici, et alias plures gentes.' Obsid. ladr. 
lib, ii. c. xi. 



102 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Venetians or leave his bones at Zara^ While 
there remained an enemy on their territory he 
declined to enter the city, but with an escort of 
2000 men he approached within sight of the walls 
amid the ringing of bells and shouts of the popu- 
lace. 
July 1, Saturday, July 1 2, was fixed for an assault on 

Defeat of the Venetian bastide, and as the King had no 
garians. military engines he borrowed some from the city. 
But his army was better qualified to meet an 
enemy in the field than to attack a fortress, and 
there was not space for more than a small propor- 
tion of them to come into action. Some of his 
miscellaneous host, moreover, were suspected of 
friendly relations with the Venetians, and the 
Ban of Bosnia, with his forces, remained an in- 
active spectator of the fray^. The Venetians were 
entirely successful, the assault was repelled, the 
engines of the assailants were destroyed and 
burned, and the Zaratini, on whom the brunt of 
the conflict had fallen, were driven back to their 
walls exclaiming against the treachery of their 
allies. 

■^ 'Non semel imrao saepe et crebrius cum juramento affirmasse 
visus est potius suum velle corpus ladrae condere sacrofago 
quam constantissimos ladertinos velle desolates relinquere.' 
Obsid. ladr. ii c. ix. 

"^ Obsid. ladr. lib. ii. c. xii, 'die qui Saturn o est dedicatus.' 
Elsewhere the reverend author enlivens his narrative by 
such expressions as ' existente sole immediate subsequentis 
diei in medio polo,' or better still ' dum Titan tertiarum hora 
prosignabat.' 

' Obsid. ladr. lib. ii. c. xii. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 103 

On the following day Lewis burned his remain- July 3, 
ing engines, and the day after, July 3, broke up Retreat of 
his camp and beat a retreat, which the Venetian 
historians magnify into a flight, to Yrana and 
thence back into Hungary ^ 

The Zaratini, thus abandoned to their fate, un- 
plored the king at all events to make then* peace 
with the Venetians before forsaking them, but his 
proposals were naturally received by the Signory 
with contemj)t. Tumults arose in the city, the a.d. 1346. 

Distress 01 

populace being as before for surrender, the nobles the 
for resistance. Meanwhile the siege was vigor- ° 
ously pressed, and the castle of S. Michele on the 
island of Ugliano was taken or betrayed. A 
worse enemy soon began to make its impression 
on the resolution of the citizens ; twenty-eight 
thousand souls, natives and refugees from the sur- 
rounding territory, were cooped up within the 
walls, of whom only six thousand were capable 
of bearing arms, and the ravages of famine began 
to drive the populace to desperation. At last in 

^ Caresinus (Murat. xii.) says, ' multisque ex Hungaris vilis- 
sime interfectis.' I have found no authority for the defeat of 
Lewis with a loss of 6000 killed aud many more wounded, of 
which Sir Gardner "Wilkinson speaks, vol. ii. p. 272. The author of 
the Obsid. ladr. says the Zaratini were left unsupported while 
the Hungarian army stood and looked on, ' lucide consj)icit 
Eex, et tota ejus turba, nemini imperat ex suis illis fidelibus 
ladertinis guttam sufifragii praestare, speculatur universus exer- 
citus armis fulgidis decoratus,' lib. ii. c. xii. Lucio says that 
' Rex nullo Venetis illato damno, nullo subsidio Civitati prae- 
stito, multitudine sua gravatus, fugato similis intra biduum 
recesserit ; ita ut exinde Veneti Eegem fugisse scribant.' De 
Regn. lib. iv. c. xv. p. 225. 



I04 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

December it was decided to send an embassy to 
Venice, and kneeling before the Doge and Signory 
Surrender the envoys made their unconditional submission. 
Dec^^i', The gates were opened, the Venetian captains 
^^^ ' with their forces entered the city, and the stan- 
dard of S. Mark was raised in the place of that 
of the Hungarian king. 

The conditions imposed on the city were more 
favourable than might have been expected. With 
the death of Andrew and the rupture between 
Naples and Hungary one source of danger to the 
Republic had been removed, and as the Venetians 
might now hope to retain their hold on Dalmatia 
they no longer desired to dismantle the fortified 
Favour- towus. Zara therefore retained her walls, but the 
ditions citizcus wcre disarmed, and fifty of the nobles'* 
Venice. ^ wcre scut as hostages to Venice. A garrison of 400 
foot and 200 horse was placed in the castle, Marco 
Giustiniani was appointed count, with Marino 
Superanzio and Jacopo Delfin for his councillors, 
and the island of Pago was taken from the terri- 
tory of Zara, and made the seat of a Venetian 
count. In other respects the Zaratini were left 
in enjoyment of their ancient privileges. The siege 
had lasted sixteen months, and cost Venice from 
700,000 to 1 ,000,000 ducats ^ 

A variety of circumstances had combined to 

^ Chron. Venet. cited by Lucio, iv. c. xv. p. 224. ' Vojo clie se 
sapia che 11a dita Zara chostava al Chomun de V^. due. 40 fina 
60 millia al mexe,' &c. Cortusii says one million. Sir G. Wil- 
kinson says three millions, but gives no authority. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. T05 

reduce this formidable expedition of Lewis to a Eeasons 
mere military parade. The Venetian stockade of Hun- 
could only be taken by regular siege operations, ^^^^^^* 
and even then with difficulty, as the Venetians 
had command of the sea. But Lewis had neither 
navy nor siege train, and the Hungaiians were 
not expert in siege operations, while the Venetians 
were famous for their skill both in attacking and 
defending fortresses. Lewis had also to reckon with 
the disaffection of many of the Croatian counts ; 
he could not expect those whom he had subdued 
in 1 345 ^ to be very zealous adherents, and 
Paul count of Ostrovizza and Mladin count of 
Scardona and Clissa still held to their alliance 
with the Venetians, and had not joined his army 
•^t all. The abstention of the greater part of the 
royal army from taking part in the battle of 
July ist is ascribed by the author, who was an 
eye-witness of the siege, to the influence of the 
Croatian leaders, and especially that of the 
Voyvode Laccohovich 2, but it is possible that 
Lewis himself may have had his own reasons for 
not pressing it too vigorously. He was then Designs of 
meditating an expedition to Naples to avenge the Naples. 
murder of his brother and claim the kingdom for 
himself as the heir of Carlo Martello his grand- 

^ Vid. sup. p. 94. 

^ ' Et nisi hoc fraudulentum perdimentum tunc per illos Regis 
Barones et praecipue per Voyvodam Laccohovich exactum 
fuisset sexta quidem hora ipsius diei non consummasset quod 
ipsa bastida ac combusta esset et in manus hostium tradita.' 
Obsid. ladr. lib. ii. c. xii. 



io6 History of Dalmatia, [Ch. i. 

father, and it rested with the Venetians as masters 
of the sea to prevent or permit the passage of his 
army across the Adriatic. It was hinted to him 
that if the Venetians were not interfered with at 
Zara no opposition would be offered by them to 
the passage of his army into Apuha, and this 
possibly outweighed the obligations under which 
he lay towards the Zaratini ^. 
December, Lowis, howover, was unablo to persuade either 

A.D. 1347. 

the Genoese or the Sicilians to transport his army, 
and he finally invaded ' tlie Kingdom ' by land. 
Jan. 17, On Jan. 17, 1348, he reached Aversa where he 
Entry of' was met by the majority of the Neapolitan nobles. 
Naples. The queen, with her second husband, had fled to 
Avignon, and no resistance was offered by the 
people. Passing with his army before the castle 
where his brother had been murdered, he halted, 
and calling the duke of Durazzo before hun asked 
from which window his brother had been thrown. 
The duke denied all knowledge of the circum- 
stances, but his complicity was proved by the 
production of a fatal letter in his own handwriting, 
and he was immediately beheaded and his body 
thrown from the same window whence the un- 
happy Andrew had been precipitated 2. Summary 
justice thus performed, and an inconvenient rival 

^ So Caroldus, cited by Luc. iv. c. xv. p. 223. 

^ Carlo, Duke of Durazzo, had added to liis other offences 
that of marrying Maria, the sister of Giovanna, who had been 
destined for Stephen, a younger brother of Lewis. This mar- 
riage, in case Giovanna left no children, diverted the succession 
from the Hungarian line. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 107 

removed, Lewis advanced to Naples, which he 
entered wearing his hehnet, preceded by a black 
standard painted with the figure of a strangled 
king, and receiving in grim silence the addresses 
of the trembling citizens. Many of the barons 
were thrown into prison, the young prince Caro- 
berto, son of Andrew and Giovanna, was sent into 
Hungary to be educated by his grandmother, and 
Hungarian officers were appointed to the principal 
posts in the government. 

Lewis himself, after four months, embarked on May, 1348. 
a ' bireme ' at Barletta, and staying a few days at o/LewiT^ 
Vrana on his way northwards returned to Hun- Navies. 
gary. His departure was the signal for the re- 
vival of the party of Giovanna. The arguments 
of the queen, seconded by the donation or sale on 
easy terms to the chm^ch of the city of Avignon, 
had convinced the Pope that she was innocent of 
the murder of her first husband, and the barons 
of her kingdom, disg-usted with the rule of the 
Hungarians whom they regarded as barbarians, 
readily accepted the Papal verdict as sufficient 
authority for taking arms on her behalf. Giovanna Eetum of 

^^ - , , Giovanna. 

and her husband landed at Naples where they 
were received enthusiastically, and hostilities were 
at once begun. 

Meanwhile the Venetians had offered Lewis Aug. 5, 
terms of peace on condition that he resigned his Eight 
pretensions in Dalmatia. He had at first refused peace 
to listen, but the news 'that reached him from veSe and 
Naples, the necessity of reinforcing his army there, "°^^'^* 



io8 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

and the preparations of the Venetians to intercept 
his transports made him change his mind, and he 
consented to make peace for a term of eight years. 
In 1349 the young prince Caroberto died in Hun- 
gary. Lewis now hoped for his own investiture 
by the Pope, and as this was refused he continued 
the war and recovered all the kingdom except 
A.D. 1 35 1. Naples and Aversa. But when at last the latter 

Lewis re- ^ 

tires from place was Surrendered his forces were exhausted 

Naples. ■*■ 

and he was glad to treat for peace, and professing 
himself ready to accept the Pope's decision that 
Giovanna was innocent of his brother s death, he 
vacated the kingdom in 1 3 5 1 . 
A.D. 1348. The year in which peace was signed between 

The Great ^ ■^ \ ° 

Plague. Venice and Hungary is that of the great plague 
which swept across Europe desolating whole coun- 
tries and leaving famine and ruin in its track. 
Its approach was heralded by a dreadful earth- 
quake, and, if the historian of Spalato^ may be 
credited, by an eclipse, a comet, and divers portents 
such as the appearance of demons and even of the 
three furies Alecto Tisiphone and Megaera from 
the Stygian pool, at whose aspect men lost their 
tongues and ofttimes their wits, stories which 
serve to show the terror excited by the visitation. 
At Pagusa 1 1 ,000 died of it ; at Florence, where it 
found a historian in Boccaccio, the deaths amounted 
to 600 a day ; at Venice half the population was 
swept away ; and in England, whither the ' black 

* Hist, a Cutheis, c. i. The plague at Spalato burst out on 
Dec. 25, 1348. 



Ch. L] History of Dalmatia. 109 

death ' in time found its way, it destroyed in its 
repeated visitations more than half the population 
of the kingdom. 

During this awful calamity arms were by com- a.d. 1351. 
mon consent laid aside, but no sooner did it abate between 
than the smothered quarrel of the Genoese and Genoa. 
Venetians burst out into flame. Nicol5 Pisani, 
defeated in the Bosphorus, retrieved his laurels 
near Sardinia ; but the Genoese managed to equip a.d. 1353. 
a new fleet to replace that which Pisani had 
nearly destroyed, and, dexterously eluding the 
Venetian cruisers, their admiral Paganino Doria 
ravaged the coast of Dalmatia and Istria. The 
town of Lesina was sacked, Pola was nearly a.d. 1354. 

, , . Dalmatia 

reduced to rums, Parenzo was attacked and and istria 
plundered, and these reverses so afflicted Andrea by the 
Dandolo the Doge and chronicler of Venice as to 
cause his death. It was of importance to the 
Genoese to secure the alliance of the Hungarians 
that they might victual then* fleet from the 
Croatian shore, and they tried to induce Lewis to 
ally himself with them and attack the Venetians 
by land while they did so by sea. Lewis however 
confined himself to a demand for the restitution of 
the Dalmatian cities which the Venetians of 
course refused, but which formed a serious addi- 
tion to their difficulties. They strengthened their 
fortifications in Dalmatia, negotiated with the 
king of Servia for the j^urchase of Scardona and 
Clissa, which Lelca the widow of Mladin had given 
him to prevent their falling into the hands of the 



no History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

Hungarians, and induced the Emperor to dissuade 
the king of Hungary from breaking the peace he 
had aofreed to. The successor of Dandolo was 
Marino FaUero, and his accession was followed by 
the annihilation of the Venetian fleet under 
Nicolo Pisani by the Genoese under Paganino 
A-D. 1355- Doria. Disaster followed disaster ; the Republic 
was convulsed by the conspiracy and punishment 
of Marino Faliero, and the first object of the 
succeeding Doge, Giovanni Gradenigo, was to put 

June I, an end to the war. Fortunately he succeeded in 

1355. _ , *^ 

Peace coucluding a peace with the Genoese and the 

Venice and dukc of Milan their ally in 1355 before he had a 
fresh and still more formidable enemy on his 
hands. 

Eenewaiof The term of the eight years' peace with the 

war with _ • f» i 

Hungary. Hungarians was now at hand, and Lewis refused 
to listen to any proposals for its continuance. 
Allying himself with the patriarch of Aquileia and 
Francesco Carrara of Padua, both natural foes of 
the Republic, he invaded the marches of Treviso, 
while the Ban of Bosnia by his orders ravaged 
Dalmatia. The territories of Nona Zara and 
the other towns of Dalmatia and Istria were 
wasted, the peojDle were driven within the walls, 
all cultivation of the soil was prevented, the sea 
was infested by pirates, and the inhabitants were 

Aug. 26, reduced to the erreatest straits. A fresh em- 

1356. ° 

bassy from the Venetians oflered to restore Zara 

to her former liberty, to restore certain places in 
Slavonia to the Hungarians, to pay an annual 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 1 1 1 

tribute for the rest, and an indemnity for the 
expenses of the war. Lewis however would hsten 
neither to the Venetians nor to his own councillors 
who urged him to consent to these proposals. A 
third offer by the Venetians to surrender all the 
rest if Zara alone were left to them had the effect 
of causing Traii and Spalato to open their gates to 
the Hungarians in order to gain the credit of a 
voluntary surrender. On July 8, 1357, the a.d. 1357. 
Venetian garrison and count 01 bpalato were matian 
surprised in their sleep and disarmed, and the mit to 
soldiers shut up in various churches and crypts ; 
at Trail the citizens shut their gates on their 
podesta who had gone out to a neighbouring 
church, whereupon he made his way to Spalato 
only to find himself a prisoner with his colleague. 
Both counts were treated honourably, and con- 
veyed to Venice at the expense of the Spalatini, 
and the Ban was invited to take possession of the 
cities in the name of his master ^ 

The Venetians tried to rouse the remaining 
Dalmatians to join them in recovering the revolted 
cities, but the hardships they had suffered from 
the ravages of the enemy and the insolence of 
the Venetian soldiery ^ outweighed any other 

^ Tabula a Cutheis, ch. iii. 

^ ' Spalat. vero non valentes ulterius tanta mala et damna 
sustinere et pati a gente XJiigara . . . deliberaverunt inter se 
insimul cum Trag. ut declinarent a dominio Ven. et rever- 
terentur ad dominium naturals et pristinum Ung. . . . Postea 
per aliquot dies omnes Civ. Dalm. simili modo rebellaverunt 
a Ven. putantes quod non esset bonum statum ipsorum sub 



1 1 2 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

considerations. Sebenico sent envoys to make her 
submission to the Ban who was engaged in 
besieging Nona. The islanders of Brazza declared 
for Hungary; Lesina which held out for Venice 
was invaded and sacked by the men of Almissa 
Trail and Spalato in the fervour of their conver- 
sion to the Hungarian cause ; and the abbot of 

Sept. 17, g^ Michele treacherously opened the gates of Zara 
and admitted the German mercenaries of Lewis 
who after some severe fighting made themselves 
masters of all but the castle. Nona and Scardona 
still held out, but Nona was starved mto surrender 
after the besieged had eaten their last horse. 
Lewis himself came to Zara to press the siege of 
the citadel, but before it was taken the Venetians 
found it impossible to continue the contest, and a 
peace was agreed to by which Lewis gained every- 

Peaceof thing he had contended for. The Venetians 

Zara, Feb. . ini- t-vi ' c> ^ ^o 

18, 135S. resigned ail claun to Dalmatia irom hali-way up 
Dalmatia tlic Quariicro to Durazzo^ and ^ in jparticular the 
tians. ^ cities of No7ia Zcvva Scardona Sebenico Trail 
Spalato and Ragusa on the mainland, also these 
cities icith their adjacent territories, viz. Cher so 
Veglia Arhe Pago Brazza Lesina Curzola, ivith 
their islands,' and they agreed that the Doge 
should drop the title of Duke of Dalmatia, while 

dominio Venet. jam in fastidium effect! erant Dalmatinis 
Veneti propter ipsoruin stipeudiarios et Soldatos.' Tab. a 
Cutheis, c. iii. 

^ In the words of the treaty, ' reuunciamus . . . toti Dal- 
matiae a medietate scilicet guarnarii usque ad confines Duracii.' 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 113 

on the other hand the king was to restore to the 
Kepubhc his conquests in the Trevisan and Istria. 
An amnesty was to be proclaimed for the adhe- 
rents of either side, the respective territories were 
to be transferred within twenty-two days, and a 
special provision was made for the repression of 
piracy by both parties ^ Instructions were sent 
to the Venetian counts throughout Dalmatia to 
surrender their charge, and thus the Republic 
ceased to have a footing on the eastern side of 
the Adriatic^. 



Before pursuing the history of the fifty or sixty Reasons for 
years that elapsed before Dalmatia passed once tain aiie- 
more and finally out of the power of the Hun- fL Dai° 
garians into that of the Venetians, it will be 

^ The text of tlie treaty is given by Lucio, lib. iv. cb. xvii. 
p, 235. It will be observed by those who argue for the per- 
petual independence of Eagusa, that no distinction is made 
between that city and the others which were subject to Venice. 
But vid. History of Eagusa, infra, chapter xix. 

'^ ' • . . el castello de Zara in lo qual iera stado f Andrea Zane 
Cap. e mo jera Cap. Piero Badoer, e Scardona della qual se 
haveva dominio fo messa in le man del Ee de Ongaria, apresso 
fo scritto a f lacomo Corner Conte de Arbe, e f lacomo Ziuran 
Conte de Pago, e f Nicolo Corner Conte de Cherso e Ossero, 
e f Nicolo Corner Conte de Liesina, e a f . . . Zuzi Conte de 
Cursola, e a f Marco Sanudo Conte di Eagusi che de li detti 
luoghi se dovesse remover con tutta la famegia e vegnir k 
Venexia e de quelli plui non se impazar,' Chron. Ven. in 
Lucio, p. 235. 

Cattaro threw herself on the protection of Lewis in 1370, the 
Servian kingdom having sunk to so low an ebb as to be unable 
to protect her from the lords of Zenta. 

VOL. I. I 



114 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Policy of useful to pause and consider how these repeated 

the Dalma- 
tian cities, changes of master were regarded by the Dalmatian 

cities, and what occasioned the apparent fickleness 
with which they so readily transferred their alle- 
giance from one side to the other. The causes 
which led to the successive rebellions of the 
Zaratini, will throw light on the revolutions 
that occurred in the other cities as well. Their 
first revolt in 1 1 80 was provoked by the subjection 
of their archbishop to the Venetian primate ; the 
causes of the second in 1242 are obscure, but may 
no doubt be found in the close subjection in which 
they were held since the conquest of 1202 ; their 
third revolt in 1 3 1 1 was made at the instigation 
of the counts of Bribir, with the prospect of 
regaining under Hungarian rule those ancient 
privileges of which since their previous outbreaks 
the Venetians had deprived them ; and their 
fourth in 1345 was occasioned by uTitation at the 
loss of the islands which the Venetians compelled 
them to restore to the Sebenzani. In all these 
cases the offence was given by interference either 
with theii' municipal autonomy and independence, 
or with the territorial rights of the commune. 
Autonomy The real object of the policy of Zara and every 

their real 

desire. towu of the Dalmatian pale, was to be allowed to 
live under its own laws, to choose its own magis- 
trates, to govern itself on its ancient democratic 
basis, and to regulate its own internal affairs 
without interference from any superior authority. 
These privileges were secured to the citizens by 



Ch. I.] Histoiy of Dalmatia. 115 

the ancient charters, which were confirmed from Nature of 

, . , . . T , . , -, , their an- 

time to tmae by the successive rulers under whose cient privi- 
dominion they passed. They are all to the same ° 
effect ; the citizens were exempted from tribute ; 
they had leave to elect their own count and bishop^ 
whom the suzerain, Hungarian or Venetian, was 
to confirm ; they were to use then* ancient Roman 
laws, and to appoint their own judges ; no alien, 
even if he were of the ruling nation, was to reside 
within then* walls except at then* pleasure, a 
stipulation by which they were protected against 
the intrusion of a foreign garrison ; no castle or 
fort was to be built on their territory without 
then' leave ; they were not to be called upon to 
give hostages ; and no citizen could be cited to 
appear before any foreign tribunal or before any 
judges but those of his own city. So long as these 
privileges were respected and they were allowed 
to govern themselves in their own way the muni- 
cipalities of Dalmatia considered that they were 
free^, and it is in the prospect of better preserving 
their freedom and autonomy under the protection 
of one ruler or the other that we must seek the 
explanation of the readiness with which they 

^ M. Guizot remarks that it was the general characteristic 
of Eoman municipalities, — of cities properly so called, — that the 
clergy in concert with the people elected the bishop. Hist, of 
Civilization in France, Lect. xvii. 

^ ' Suis enim legibus vivere idem erat quod integra libertate 
frui, nam leges civibus modum vivendi statuentes a cujuslibet 
alterius jurisdictione cives eximebant.' Luc. de Regn. lib. iv. 
c. ii. p. 273. 

I 2 



ii6 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

turned from Venetian to Hungarian, and from 
Hungarian to Venetian, rather than in any prefer- 
ence for one over the other. 
Their need What the cities really desired was to be left 

of protec- "^ 

tion by a alouo and to have as little as possible to do with 

great 

power. either or any of their powerful and dangerous 
neighbours ; but unhappily theu^ weakness and 
isolation made them necessarily dependent on that 
neighbour who was for the thne being the most 
dangerous and powerful. For the cities of Dalma- 
tia had no cohesion among themselves ; had they 
been able to league themselves together like the 
free cities of Lombardy they might perhaps have 
defied Croatian, Venetian, and Hungarian ; but 
except now and then under the leadership of 
Venice the relations of city to city were seldom 
amicable and often hostile. Too small to stand 
alone they naturally sought the protection of the 
most powerful friend they could find, and so long 
as their internal autonomy was respected and their 
territorial rights were not infringed they were 
willing to serve as allies and to send a contingent 
of ships and men to the forces of the power whose 
flag they hoisted. 
Difficulty Xhe difficulty of the position of these maritime 
position, cities between the rival powers of Venice and 
Hungary was extreme. Their position on the 
sea coast, their conunercial pursuits by which 
they lived, and their possessions on the islands 
that lay off their shores placed them at the 
mercy of Venice in time of war, and it was to 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 1 1 7 

Venice that they had to look in time of peace for 
security against the piratical Slavs who infested 
those seas. On the other hand their territory on 
the mainland, surrounded by the feudal estates 
of Slavonic counts, or the lands of Croatian cities 
like Nona and Belgrad, was at any time exposed 
to be invaded by the Ban to whom they were 
seldom able to oppose any adequate resistance. 
Their allegiance to one side or the other was 
obviously a matter to be decided more by interest 
than by affection, and in time of war when 
neither party could protect them against the 
other except on his own element their case was 
pitiable. 

The instincts of race, and the ties of a common Their 
language and culture naturally inclined the Latin inciina- 
population of the cities towards Italy rather than towards 
towards Hungary. Between the Latins and the ^^' 
Croatians, in spite of the intermixture that natur- 
ally took place during the lapse of centuries, there 
was little sympathy. As the towns grew in 
wealth and importance, and developed the arts 
of civilisation in their midst, the Croatians seemed 
to them more and more left behind in compara- 
tive barbarism. The municipal governments were 
moulded on the model of the towns of Italy; 
the chief magistrate or podesta was generally an 
Italian ; at Spalato immediately after Coleman's 
conquest we find the rector was a Trevisan ; in 
1 200 the citizens made an Italian from Perugia 
their archbishop : they refused the rectorship of 



ii8 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

the city to Reles, duke of Croatia, because they 
spurned the idea of being governed by a Slavo- 
nian^, and in 1239 they invited a podesta from 
Ancona. It was the same in the other cities, and 
even under the tyranny of the Slavonic counts of 
Bribir the office of podesta was filled by Italians 
generally chosen from the march of Ancona^. 
Autocrati- Bctwecn the Latins and the Hungarians there 

cal govern- rv • i i 

ment of \vas evcn less affinity than between them and the 
Croatians. From both Latins and Croatians the 
Hungarians were aliens in race, language, and 
customs. The free democracies of the cities, whose 
acts were issued in the name of ' tlie count with 
the judge and the whole body of the 'peo'ple'^\ were 
unintelligible to them. Monarchical themselves 
they treated the Dalmatians autocratically, and 
the privileges which the Hungarian kings con- 
firmed were in effect often infringed. The Bans, 
subservient to the king themselves, loved to lord 
it in their turn over the provincials, and the 
privileges of the towns were a constant source of 
vexation to the Bans who could not oppress the 
citizens as they did the Croatians. 

^ 'Detestantes prorsus regimen viri Sclavigenae experiri.' 
Thom. Archid., c. xxi. 

^ ' Potestates autem, qui ex Marchia Anconitana ut plurimum 
voluntate tamen Comitis eligebantur,' &c. Lucio de Regn. 
lib. iv. c. xiv. p. 205. 

' A.D. 1 1 74. 'Ego Joannes Sjialatensis comes pariter cum 
Petro judice, et cum toto ejusdem Civitatis Populo pari volun- 
tate et communi consilio decrevimus,' &c. Luc. lib. iii. c. x. 
p. 132, and so passim. Vid. also quotations from statutes of 
Eagusa, infra, chapter xix. 



Ch. I.] Histojy of Dalmatia. 119 

The Venetians therefore might have been ex- Character 

^ Till ofVenetian 

pected to attract the sympathy and command govem- 
the allegiance of the Dalmatians more readily 
than the Hungarians. Under the rule of the 
Kepublic the provincials paid no tribute or taxes 
beyond the ' strena or strinna ' which perhaps 
represented the nominal acknowledgment re- 
tained to the Empne in the time of Basil I\ their 
ancient constitutions were respected, and they 
were treated as allies rather than as subjects^. 
The Venetians might have made sure of Dal- 
matia had their protection been as powerful by 
land as it was by sea. Lucio observes that there 
always had been, and were even in his own day, 
' two classes of men in the cities of Dalmatia, Twoparties 
especially those of the continent, one living by city. 
terrestrial pursuits and industries, the other by 
navigation and fisheries ; from which difference 
two parties grew up in each state, the landed 
party attaching itself to the Croats and Hun- 
garians, the maritime party to the Venetians, 
and the maritime party prevailed until as time 
went on the territory on the mainland increased 
in extent, when the landed party either equalled Reason of 
or overmatched the maritime^,' The landed party, influence. 
whose farms and estates were at the mercy of 
the Bans, naturally wished to keep on good terms 
with them and the Hungarians, and the frequent 

^ Yid. supra, p. 23, and Const. Porphyr. de adiu. Imp. 0. xxx. 
'^ Lucio, lib. vi. c. ii. p. 275-6. 
* Ibid. p. 227. 



1 20 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

and prolonged absences of many of the maritime 
party on trading exj^editions threw more power 
into the hands of those who were always at home. 
It required the t}T:'anny of the counts of Bribir 
to unite both parties in opposition to the Croats 
and Hungarians and to force them into the arms 
of Venice. 



A.D. 1358. The rule of Lewis did not give universal satis- 

Dalmatia p . • t^ i • t i • 

under lactiou HI Dalmatia, nor did it remove the 
Great. gricvanccs which had been felt under the govern- 
ment of Venice. Spalato Trail and Sebenico 
which had voluntarily surrendered to him re- 
ceived a confirmation of their privileges^ and 
liberties, but some jealousy was felt at the same 
favour being extended to the other places which 
had been taken by force or given up by the 
Venetians. The Zaratini alone were excluded 
Character from the kinff's liberality : the island of Pasro was 

of the rule i i • 

of Lewis in not restored to them, nor those of Srimaz and 

Dalmatia. . . . i n 1 

Zuri which were given to the bebenzani, nor 
were they remstated in their ancient privileges 
of which the Venetians had deprived them, nor 
was the castle pulled down as they had hoped it 
would have been, but on the contrary it was 
garrisoned with Hungarian troops. A new rule 
provided an appeal to the king from the decisions 
of the judges which was rightly felt to cut at the 

^ Vid. text of confirmation of those of Sebenico. Lucio, iv. 
xvii. p. 234. 



Ch. I.] History of Dahnatia. 121 

root of their autonomy ^ and the Queen-mother, 
Elizabeth ' the Elder,' whom Lewis sent into Dal- 
matia as regent with plenipotentiary powers, set 
herself to work with the barons who were as- 
sociated with her to clip and shape all the 
customs and privileges of the country to an 
uniform pattern, the object of the king being to 
obliterate the ancient distinctions of Dalmatian, 
Croat, and Serb, and to govern them all by the 
same code^. On one point he was forced to give 
way ; the jDossibility of having the decision of 
their municipal courts upset by appeal to the 
king made the other privileges worthless, and 
Lewis was at last obliged to listen to the remon- 
strances of the citizens and substitute for an 
appeal to himself one to four colleges in Italian 
states friendly to himself 

It was not only in these respects that the Abridg- 
liberties of the cities suffered under a king accus- privileges 
tomed to absolute rule. He interfered with the 
election of the counts, refusing to confirm those 
chosen by the citizens, and appointing others of 
his own choice ; he exempted certain citizens 
from the municipal jurisdiction, and imposed heavy 
dues, especially creating the state monopoly of 
salt, an abominable institution that has survived 
under various governments down to our own day^. 
From this monopoly he derived great profit, and 
he tried to export salt to Ferrara and Padua, 

^ Luc. vi. c. ii. p. 276. '^ Luc. v. c. i. p. 238. 

^ Luc. vi. c. vi. p. 276. 



122 History of Dahnatia. [Ch. I. 

but was prevented by the Venetians who had by 
treaty with those places a monopoly of their own 
in that article. 
A.D. 1378. In the deadly struggle between the republics 
Chioggia. of Venice and Genoa, which from its principal 
incident is known as the War of Chioggia, the 
Hungarians with the Carrara lords of Padua 
and the patriarch of Aquileia were allied with the 
Genoese. In the abasement of Venice and the 
destruction of her supremacy in the Adriatic 
Lewis saw his way to form a navy of his own, 
and to secure a safe and easy communication 
between his Dalmatian conquests and that king- 
dom of Naples which still eluded his grasp. This 
is not the place to follow the history of that six 
years' struggle in which Dalmatia played no part 
Daimatia but that of a sujfferer at the hands of the Venetian 
Venetians, admu^al Vittorc Pisani, who made havoc of the 
unhappy maritime cities which were now subjects 
of the Hungarian enemy. On Aug. 17, 1378, he 
sacked Cattaro but spared the citizens and re- 
stored the city to them, leaving a garrison in 
the castle ; on Oct. 1 7 he sacked and burned 
Sebenico, where he also left a garrison ; from 
Zara, which he watched with his main force, he 
sent on Nov. 7 a detachment to Arbe, whose 
citizens, now as always inclined to be loyal to 
the Venetians, delivered then- keys to the Captain 
Ludovico Loredano^ ; and on Nov, 17 Pisani with 

^ ' Confestim Arbenses clavibus exhibitis ad suum verum 
Ducale Dominium redierunt.' Caresinus in Muratori, vol. xii. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 123 

the whole fleet moved from Zara to Trail, where 
he found seventeen galleys of the Genoese but 
was unable either to cut them out or assault the 
town. 

After the surrender of the Genoese fleet, which a.d. 1380. 
from blockading Venice had itself become block- 
aded in the lagunes, Arbe was retaken by Maruffb, 
who commanded another squadi'on of the Genoese, 
and the Venetians sacked and burned Segna, 
recovered Veo-lia^ and burned Buccari. 

When peace was at last restored by the medi- Aug. 8, 
ation of the Duke of Savoy Dalmatia was once Peace of 
more ceded to the King of Hungary, and the 
reconquests which the Venetians had made were 
given back. The Hungarians were prohibited by 
the terms of the treaty from trading with ports 
north of a line drawn from the point of Istria to 
Rimini, and the Venetian triremes were forbidden 
to enter any royal port which was closed by a 
chain. Such chains were placed at the entrance 
of the harbour of Sebenico and many others, as 
for instance in the bocche di Cattaro, where the 
channel which it closed is still known as ' le 
Catene.' 

Lewis, in failing health and no longer young, Succession 

to crowns 

was obliged to leave to a more youthiul and of Naples 

^ ' Galeis inde recedentibus Yeglienses laesi fuerunt sed modice 
quia statim ad obedientiam devenerunt.' Caresinus. 

The islanders generally preferred Venetian rule, having less 
to fear from the Hungarian ban than the citizens of the con- 
tinental towns. 



124 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

and Hun- vigorous arm that conquest of the kingdom of 
Naples which had been the dream of his hfe, and 
to which the acquisition of Dalmatia had been a 
stepping stone. For a long while he had been 
childless, and had brought up at his court and 
destined as his heir the orphan nephew of that 
Carlo duke of Durazzo on whom he had wrought 
such summary vengeance at Aversa. Giovanna 
was also childless ; in case of her death her realm 
devolved on Lewis as direct heir of Carlo Martello, 
and the young Carlo della Pace as he was called 
was destined by him to inherit and unite the two 
kingdoms of Hungary and Naples. The birth of 
his daughter Maria caused Lewis to change his 
plans. The crown of Hungary was reserved for 
his daughter, and that of Naples for Carlo della 
Pace, who was forthwith married to his cousin 
Margarita, posthumous daughter of the duke of 
Durazzo, so as to unite her claims to the crown of 
Naples with his own. 

Charles III In 1 3 76, at the invitation of Urban VI, Lewis 

of Naples. n\ -\ ' 

sent Carlo into Italy to dispossess Giovanna, who 
had offended the Pope by siding with the anti- 
pope. The resistance of Otto her fourth husband 
was speedily overcome, and Giovanna surrendered 
to her rival, by whom she was imprisoned 
A.D. 1382. and shortly afterwards put to death. It is 
Giovanna. Said that Carlo wrote to Lewis to ask what 
he should do with her, and was answered that 
her end ought to be the same as that of her 
husband Andrew. She was smothered in the 



Ch. I.] Histoiy of Dalmatia. 125 

castle of Muro in the Basilicata, in the year 
1382^ Her murderer succeeded as Charles III 
of Naples. 

In the same year, on Sept. 12, Lewis died at Sept. 12, 
Ternova and was succeeded by his daughter Death of 
Maria, then scarcely twelve years old, who was 
crowned ' Mng ' on the 1 7th of the same month 
at Alba Regalis or Stuhlweissenburg^. Elizabeth, 
widow of Lewis, know^n in history as ' the Regency of 
younger,' to distinguish her from his mother the 
Elizabeth ' the elder,' had acted for her husband ^^^°^®^* 
during his last illness, and she continued to ad- 
minister the kingdom during the minority of her 
daughter. At first the reign of the two queens 
was undisturbed, but signs of discontent soon 
showed themselves. The warlike nobles of Hun- 
gary and Croatia despised the government of a 
woman, resented the influence of the Palatine 
Nicol5 Ban of Gara, and disliked the idea of 
subjection to Sigismund of Luxembourg, king of 
Bohemia and marquis of Brandenburg, the son 
of the Emperor Charles IV, to whom Maria was 
promised in marriage. A party was formed to 
revive the pretensions of Charles III of Naples, 
of which the leaders were Paul bishop of Zao^abria Conspiracy 

'- _ against 

or Agram, Stephen vaywode of Transylvania and Maria. 

^ Giannone, lib. xxiii. c. 5. 

^ '1382, 17 mens, praesentis D. Maria filia senior antedicti 
Eegis in Civ. praedicta coronata fuit in Regem.' Mem. Pauli 
de Paulo, Patricii Jadrensis. The reader will remember the 
' Moriamur pro rege nostro Maria Theresa ' of the Hungarians 
in 1 74 1. 



126 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

his brother, Giovanni PaHsna prior of the Knights 
Hospitallers at Vrana, and Horvat ban of Dal- 
matia. The suspicions of the queens were 
aroused; they went in person to Zara, Palisna 
and Horvat were removed from theu^ offices, and 
Vrana which had openly revolted was recovered. 
On Nov. 4 the queens visited Vrana and after- 
A.D. 1384. wards returned to Buda. In the following year 
the conspiracy continued to gain ground. Four 
persons whose treason had been discovered were 
beheaded in the piazza of Zara in July, fresh 
oaths of allegiance to the queens were exacted 
from the citizens, and Horvat was sent out of the 
way into Italy on pretence of supporting Charles 
in his struggle with Lewis of Anjou. This seems 
to have been injudicious, for Horvat abused his 
opportunity to persuade Charles to undertake the 
easy task of dispossessing the youthful queen and 
making himself kmg of Hungary. The bishop of 
Zagabria followed with the same request ; Charles 
listened eagerly to the proposal, and on Sep. 1 2, 
A.D. 1385. 1382 he sailed from Barletta in Apulia with only 
Charles III a Small body of adherents, anticipating a welcome 
'^- reception and little opposition. Zara was held by 
a Hungarian garrison, and the Dalmatians gener- 
ally I'emained faithful to Maria ; passing them by 
therefore, Charles made for Segna, whence he 
reached Zagabria six days after leaving Barletta. 
Here he stayed some days to issue his procla- 
mations, which were highly garnished with 
promises of immunities and privileges ; all Hun- 



gary. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 12'j 

gary and Croatia rallied to his standard, the 
queens were deserted by nearly everyone but the 
Palatine Nicolo, and on the arrival of Charles at 
Buda they were kept in an honourable captivity 
and obliged to affect submission and compliance. 

In one point they had been too quick for their Marriage 

,,,,. -, -, TIT* !• ^^ Maria to 

rival ; he had intended to marry Maria to his son Sigismund, 
Ladislaus, but on the news of his landing Sigis- 
mund had been summoned and his marriage with 
Maria celebrated before the Neapolitan party 
could prevent it, and as Charles approached Buda 
Sigismund retired before him into Bohemia. 

In the following year, however, by the con- a.d. 1386. 
trivance of the Ban Nicol5, Charles was waylaid Murder of 
and murdered in the apartments and presence of m. 
the two captive queens \ his Italian suite was 
dispersed, and the populace shouted for ' King 
Maria,' as loudly as they had a few days before 
shouted for her rival. 

The rebellion was however continued in Croatia 
by Horvat and Palisna, who collected a party to 
meet the queens as they were on their way 
southwards to reestablish their authority. The 
encounter took place ' prope Diacum ' ; the queens 
were accompanied apparently only by their ordi- 
nary suite ^ and were unprepared ; their followers 

^ For further particulars of this affair vid, infra, Novigrad, 
chapt. V. The story is given at length by Giannone, lib. xxiv. 
c. 2. 

^ Caresinus, ' Cum Nicolao magno Comite Palatino et aliqua 
Comitiva.' Lucio says, 'solitis Aulicis comitautibus,' lib. v. 
c. ii. p. 253. 



128 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

fought bravely, Nicolb of Gara and Blasio Forgac, 
by whose hand Charles had fallen, were killed, 
and the queens were taken prisoners and conveyed 
Jan. 1387. to the castle of Novigrad near Zara. Here 
Elizabeth. Elizabeth ended her days, though whether she 
of Maria, was drowucd in the Bozota, or dispatched by the 
sword, or whether, as some say, she died of grief 
remains shrouded in mystery. The heads of 
Nicol5 and Forgac were sent to feed the ven- 
geance of Margarita, the widowed Queen of 
Naples, and Maria was reserved to be sent after 
them, a living victim on whom a still sweeter 
revenge might be taken. 

Sigismund, who advanced from Bohemia to the 
rescue of his bride, was driven back by the 
Croat ians, and the case of Maria would have been 
desperate but for the assistance of the Venetians, 
who though they owed little to her family, saw 
probably that in her survival and marriage with 
Sigismund lay the strongest barrier against the 
union of Naples and Hungary. 
Coronation The ambassadors of the Republic persuaded 

ofSigis- . ^. . 

mund. the Hungarian barons to accept Sigismund for 

their king, and he was crowned at Alba Begalis 

on March 31, 1387. Meanwhile the Venetian 

admiral Giov. Barberigo, Captain of the Gulf, 

watched Novigrad to prevent the threatened 

June 4, abduction of Maria, and their land forces so 

1387- 

Release of presscd Palisna, the prior of Vrana, that he was 

obliged to release his captive. On June 4 Maria 

was brought to Nona, where she received dele- 



Ch. L] History of Dalmatia. 129 

gates from Zara, among whom was Paolo de Paoli, 
as he records in his journal^; on the 15th she 
reached Segna, a feudal possession of the Frangi- 
pani counts of Veglia, who were among her 
supporters, where she stayed till July i, and on 
the 4th of that month she rejoined her husband 
Sigismund at Zagabria. 

During these disputes the Dalmatian cities Attitude of 

, .,.,,. theDalma- 

remamed quiet, preservnig their allegiance to the tian cities. 
queen, so far at all events as to take no part with 
the Croatian insurrectionists. For the usual 
'Hegnante Regina Maria' at the head of their 
public acts, the Spalatini, in 1385, substituted 
' impedita Peg. Maria ^,' nor did they prefix the 
name of Sigismund after his coronation until 
he was formally associated with Maria on the 
throne. 

The rebellion however was not yet at an end ; The 

rebellion 

Sigismund sent a force to j^unish Horvat and the continued. 
prior Palisna, who invited the assistance of 
Tvartko King of Bosnia, and thus brought a new 
disputant into the field. Bosnia from being a 
banat of the Hungarian crown had, under the 
reign and by the permission of Lewis, been ad- 

^ '1387. Die. 4 men. Junii de mane Sereniss. Princeps et 
D, nostra naturalis D. Maria E. Ung. liberata fuit a captivitate, 
et exivit de Castro Novigrad in quo detinebatur et die Veneris 
sequentis ivi ad earn Nonam, et die crastiua die Sabbathi 
lociitus fui Majestati suae, et die lunae immediate recessi a Nona 
licentiatus ab ea/ &c. Memoriale Pauli de Paulo, Patritii 
Jadrensis. 

2 Lucio, p. 253. 

VOL. I. K 



130 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

vanced to the rank of a tributary kingdom \ 

The Ban Stephen Tvartko was cousin to Queen 

Elizabeth the younger, and enjoyed the royal 

Bosnian favour I and after he had been employed about 

kingdom 01 1 ./ 

Tvartko I. ^j^g year 1357 to humble the neighbouring king- 
dom of Servia or Rascia, he was allowed to 
assume the title of King of Rascia and Bosnia^. 
His ambition aspired to the dominion of the sea 
coast as well, and in the appeal made to him by 
the insurrectionary Croatians he saw an oppor- 
tunity to attain his object and to shake off what 
remained of the Hungarian yoke at the same 
time. Advancing into Dalmatia he made himself 
A.D. 1389. master of Cattaro Clissa and Almissa, and at- 
of^Dai-^^ tacked Bagusa and Spalato. Palisna had been 
Tvlrtk^o"^ driven back by the Zaratini with the aid of 
the count of Segna and Modrussa, and was be- 
leaguered in the stronghold of Vrana. Tvartko 
raised the siege, captured Nona and Ostrovizza, 
and again attacked Spalato Sebenico and Trail. 
A.D. 1390. Disappointed in their appeals for aid to Sigis- 
mund and Maria, the citizens consented to treat 
with the Bosnian king, stipulating only that 
time should be allowed for the return of their 
messengers from Hungary that they might save 
their reputation for fidelity. The time elapsed, 

^ Lucio de Eegu. lib. v. p, 256. The assumption of royalty 
by Stephen Tvartko was about 1376. 

^ He was the first Bosnian prince since Culin (d. 12 16) who 
coined money, and his reign marks the high tide of Bosnian 
history. That country had never been so great before, and 
its decline set in immediately afterwards. 



Ch. I.] 



History of Dalmatia. 



i^i 



no help was forthcoming from their Hege lords, 
and the three cities made their submission to 
Tvartko, stipulating, as usual, for a confirmation 
of their privileges. The islands of Lesina Brazza 
and Curzola admitted his lieutenants, the sea 
coast of the ancient duchy of Chelmo was his 
by conquest, and Tvartko could now style himself 
D. G. Rasciae, Bosniae, Maritimaeque Rex. His ad. 1391. 
forces under Palisna repulsed an army of Sigis- 
mund which attacked the fortress of Knin, and 
Zara and Ragusa alone defied his arms. 

In the succeeding year, however, Palisna died ^•°- ^39i- 

Death of 

(Feb. 16, 1391) ; Tvartko himself died a month Tvartko 

ii-T\i 'I'l n M • and decline 

later, and his Dalmatian kingdom lell to pieces as of Bosnia. 
rapidly as it had been formed. His successor, 
Stephen Dabiscia\ had to contest his throne with 

^ The succession of the Bosnian kings is very obscure. The 

list given by Nic. Isthuanfy {de reb. Ungar) is incorrect. The 

following table is I hope accurate ; it has been collected from 

various sources. 

Stephen, Ban of Bosnia, d. 13 10. 
i 



Stephen 

Cotroman, 

Ban. d. 1357. 

I 
Elizabeth, 

wife of Lewis 

the Great 

of Hangary. 



r 

"VVladislav. 

Steph. Tvartko I, 

King of Bascia and Bosnia, 

1376. d. 1391. 

I 
Steph. Tvartko II, 

illegitimate, disputes throne 

with Ostoya, 139 6- 1435. 

Beigns alone 1435. d. 1443. 



\ I 
Ninoslav. 

I 
Steph. Dabiscia, 

1391. d. 1396. 



Steph. Ostoya Keistic, 

disputes throne with 

Tvartko II. d. 1435. 



Catharine, dr. of 
Steph. Cosaccia. 



= Steph. Thomas Kristic, 
1443. Murdered, 1461, by 



Stephen Tomasovic, his illegitimate son, who was flayed 

alive by Mahomet II, 1463. 

K 2 



132 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

a rival, and when this difficulty was overcome 

he had enough to do to keep his kingdom against 

the Turks, and he resigned the reversion of his 

rights in Croatia and Dalmatia to Sigismund 

without a struggle, reserving for himself only a 

life possession. 

A.D. 1395. \^ ^]-^Q same year died Maria queen of Hun- 
Death of "^ , 111 
Maria. gary. The question now arose whether the 

Disputes . 1 • 1 o\' • 

about the succcssion was vcstod m her consort bigismund, 
or whether it did not pass to Hedwig or Edviga, 
queen of Poland, the surviving daughter and sole 
descendant of Lewis ; and for a time the acts of 
Spalato Sebenico and Trail contain no royal 
name at then" head, but are issued in the name 
solely of the Rectors and Judges ^ But Edviga 
and Sigismund were not the only claunants of the 
throne ; a thu-d pretender was put forward by the 

Croatian insurp-cut Croatiaus, whose resistance to the au- 

disaiiec- ^ 

*ioii- thority of Sigismund had never been overcome. 
Their revolt had obviously less to do with the 
question of succession than with that of the 
dependence or liberty of Croatia. In the rivalry 
of Maria and Carlo III the Croat leaders had seen 
an ojDportunity of freeing themselves from the 
Hungarians, and by their alliance with Tvartko 
and his conquest of Dalmatia they had partially 
succeeded. When the Bosnian power declined 

^ '1394, Aug. 14. Spalatenses autem decreverant quod a 
Tnorte Tuertichi Regis citra non fiat meniio de aliquo Rege nee 
de aliquo alio nisi solummodo de Reciorihus et Judicibus,' &c. 
Luc. V, iii. p. 258. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 133 

the Croatian leaders looked around for another Preten- 
ally, and fixed their eyes on the young Ladislaus LadisUus 
of Naples, son and successor of Charles III, whom put S-^^ 
they invited to revive his father's claims. But thTcr^oats. 
while Ladislaus hesitated^, Sigismund acted with 
promptitude ; his Ban Nicolo Gara defeated and 
slew Horvat, the leader of the rebellious party 
since the death of Palisna, and recovered the 
maritime cities, and for the next few years Ladis- 
laus was too much occupied by domestic dis- 
turbances to think of the Hung-arian succession. 



It is time to turn our eyes to a new power that the turks 
was steadily making its way towards the Dal- 
matian seaboard, and a new danger that threat- 
ened not only Hungary but Christendom itself A.n. 1299. 
A century had nearly elapsed since Othman con- 
quered Prusa, and the Ottoman Turks first made 
their appearance in history. Orchan the son of 
Othman achieved the conquest of the Asiatic 
provinces of the Empire and the ruin or subjection 
of the seven Apostolic churches. The Turks owed 
their first introduction into Europe to the same 
discord among the Christians by which their emph^e a.d. 131 2. 
was in after times cemented, and the Emperor 
John Cantacuzene inflicted on the Empire ' its 
deep and deadly wound' by inviting the aid of 
the Ottomans against his ward and rival John 

^ * Sed juvenis, paternae necis memor, accedere verebatur.' 
Luc. V. iv. p. 259. 



134 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Palaeologus. Once established in Europe they 
speedily overran Thrace, and Amurath I. (Murad) 
A.D. 1360. fixed his capital at Adrianople. Postponing the 
fate of Constantinople he attacked the kingdoms 
of Bulgaria, Servia, Bosnia, and Albania, and from 
the hardy youths of those countries whom he 
captured and reared in the Moslem faith he 
formed the invincible corps of Janizaries. The 
crisis, which decided the fate of Christendom in 
June 15, the Balkan peninsula, was reached in 1389, when 
Battle of Lazarus Grebelianovich, king of Servia, combined 
his forces with those of the kings of Bosnia and 
Bulgaria, and encountered Amurath at Kossovo. 
Treachery and discord as usual ruined the 
Christian cause ; the allied forces were disas- 
trously routed ; and though Amurath himself fell 
by the hand of a desperate Servian after the 
battle was over, the knell of Servian and Bul- 
garian liberty was sounded on the fatal field of 
Kossovo. Zenta or Montenegro preserved a 
doubtful and obscure independence among her 
mountams, and from this day her separate history 
begins. The Bosnian forces alone escaped the 
rout ; they retired in good order from the field. 
Defeat of and Tvartko was able again to meet the Turks 
Tvartkof and to wipc out his defeat by a victory which for 
1389.^°' the time saved his kingdom ^ From this time 

^ He reports this triumph to his subjects at Trail on Aug. i, 
1389, 'iuito cum eis hello die 20 Mensis Junii proxime prae- 
teriti, Dei dextera adjutrice et nobis propitia assistente, obtento 
penitus cum triumpho campo confliximus, devicimus, et humi 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 135 

Servia and Bulgaria sank gradually into the 
condition of Turkish provinces ; but it was not 
the policy of the Turks to reduce their conquests 
instantly to slavery ; Servia was for a time gov- 
erned by despots appointed by the Sultan, and 
it was not till 1459 that it was reduced to a mere 
province of the Turkish Empire. 

After the death of Tvartko a fresh advance of ^.d- 139^- 

Crusade 

the Turks on Bosnia alarmed and united the against the 

TT ' n\ 1 T-i 1 1 Turks. 

Hungarians Germans and trench by a sense of 
their common danger. A crusade was preached, 
and an army of 100,000 soldiers of the cross as- 
sembled under the leadership of Sigismund to 
meet Bajazet Bderim at Nicopol on the Danube. Sept. 18, 
The day was lost by the rashness of the French Battle of 
chivalry, the crusaders were disastrously defeated, ^^"^"^^ ' 
and Sigismund with difficulty escaped by a small 
boat down the Danube to the Black Sea, whence 
he reached Constantinople, and was conveyed by 
the Venetians to Ragusa. He passed the winter 
at Knin to which place he granted a ' privilege,' 
and reached Hungary in the following spring. a.d. 1397. 

The invasion of Timour, the defeat of Bajazet 
at Angora in 1402, and his captivity and death, 
interrupted the victorious career of the Ottomans 
and gave Europe a short breathing space. The 
sons of Bajazet were occupied by civil wars, and 
the Ottoman Empire was not reunited till the 
reign of Amurath II. (1421-1451). 

prostravimus interemptos, paucis demum ex ipsis superstitibus 
remanentibus.' Luc. v. iii. p. 257. 



136 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

Preten- Meanwhile the Croats continued their re- 

Ladisiaus sistanco to Sigismund, and their invitations to 
apes. j^g^(^-g2g^^g of Naples. Ostoya the new king of 
Bosnia and the Voyvode Hervoye were drawn 
into the same cause, and the cities were divided 
by factions, some favouring Sigismund and some 
the Neapolitan pretender. Sigismund had be- 
come an alien in Hungary since his wife's death, 
and his reputation had been ruined by the defeat 
of Nicopol. Many of the Hungarian nobles were 
favourably disposed towards his rival, and for a 
short time he was a prisoner in the hands of an 
insurrectionary party. In Dalmatia his excessive 
taxation had disgusted the cities, especially 
Spalato, and Zara had not forgiven him for de- 
priving her of her territory on the island of Pago, 
to which he had conceded the same liberties which 
were enjoyed by the other cities of Dalmatia. 
A.D. 1400. Ladislaus had now finally triumphed over Lewis 
invades"^ of Anjou, his rival for the throne of Naples, 
amatia. ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Hstcn to the ovortures of the 

Croats. Hervoye was constituted his lieutenant 
and in his name confirmed the privileges of the 
A.D. 1401. Dalmatian cities. His admiral Aloysio Alde- 
marisco arrived with a fleet at Zara, the citizens 
were won over by the promise of the restitution 
of Pago, on Aug. 27 his standard was hoisted 
in the piazza, and the example of the Zaratini 
was speedily followed by the other towns and 
islands. The Ban of Croatia, who was ap- 
proaching to supj)ort the cause of Sigismund, was 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 137 

defeated near Bihac ; Vrana was taken by Her- 
voye, and with the exception of Kagusa and 
Cattaro the whole of Dahnatia and its islands 
accepted the dominion of Ladislaus. His pre- a.d. 1403. 

Ladislaus 

tensions were supported by the Pope, and a crowned at 
legate was sent to meet him at Zara where he 
was solemnly crowned King of Hungary, Dal- 
matia, and Croatia. He confirmed the privileges 
of the various towns, and yielded to the objec- 
tions made by the Tralirini and Sebenzani to the 
construction of a castle within their cities as a 
violation of their liberties. Hervoye was con- 
stituted his viceroy and voyvode, and was made 
count of Spalato, and of the islands of Curzola, 
Lesina, Lissa, and Brazza ; and, leaving his new 
kingdom in his lieutenant's charge, the king re- 
turned to Naples in November. 

His departure revived the sinking cause of Reaction 

i-iiyri .-.in favour of 

Sigismund. Veglia begna and Modrussa received sigismund. 
back their Count Nicolo Frangipani who sup- 
ported Sigismund, and under his guidance Arbe 
was recovered, but soon after lost again to the 
NeajDolitan admiral Giovanni di Lusignan. But 
Ladislaus was occupied with another war in Italy 
and could send no troops to Dalmatia, Bosnia was 
torn by a struggle for the succession to the throne, 
and was powerless, and the party of Sigismund 
gained adherents every day. Finally Hervoye a.d. 1408. 
himself made his peace with Sigismund and trans- of^Hervoye 
ferred his support to that side, and soon there tSus.^ 
remained to Ladislaus of all his acquisitions in 



1 38 History of Dalniatia. [Ch. i. 

Dalmatia only the city of Zara, the castles of 
Vrana and Novigrad, and the island of Pago. To 
save himself from absolute discomfiture he re- 
solved not to wait till these places fell into the 
hands of the Hungarians, but to sell them to the 
Venetians, and thus, though driven off the field 
by his rival, he could feel that he left his sting 

June 9, behind ^. A hundred thousand ducats was the 

H09- ... 

Venetians pricc whicli the Venetians were glad to give to 

&cf ^^^' recover once more a footing in Dalmatia ; a fleet 
was sent to take possession of Zara, the indigna- 

A.D. 1409. tion of the Neapolitan soldiery was appeased after 

covered by somo disturbance, a garrison was introduced, and 
the defences of the city were strengthened by 
cutting through the isthmus which joined it to 
the mainland. Pago was placed as before under 
the separate government of a Venetian count. 

Sigismund did not remain passive ; his armies in- 
vaded Friuli and Dalmatia, but without any success. 

A.D. 141 1. The Venetians opposed his journey to Rome to 
receive the Imperial crown, and allied themselves 
against him with the Duke of Milan, and finally 
compelled him to conclude a truce for five years. 
At Sebenico the city was rent by factions : the 
nobles favoured the Venetians and were expelled 
by the populace, who were for Hungary; but 

^ Luc. V. V. p. 262 lias preserved the deed of sale. 'Ladis- 
laus, &c. . . . et ex aliis causis justis moventibus mentem suam 
Eegiam vendei-e et alienare Civitatem ladrae . . . cum et sub 
specificatione Novigradus Insulae Pagi et aliorum districtuum 
ipsius nee non terram Lauranae cum fortalicio et castro . . . 
pi'o ducatis centum millibus.' 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 139 

finally, in 141 2, weary of internal dissension, the a.d. 141 2. 
exiles were recalled and the city handed over to recovered 
the Venetians. At Spalato Hervoye, who was ''^ ^^'''''^' 
convicted of intriguing with the Turks, was dis- 
graced and expelled ^ and retired to Cattaro, 
where he died in 141 5. In 1420 the islands of 
Lesina Brazza and Curzola gave themselves to 
the Venetians, Trail was bombarded and captured ^•^- H20. 
by their admiral Pietro Loredano, Spalato sur- Spaiato, 
rendered to avoid a like fate, and Cattaro, which Slnds^^re- 
had for long implored the protection of the Ke- vJnii. ^ 
public against the Balsa of Zenta, was for the first 
time in its history admitted to the dominion of 
Venice. 

The whole of maritime Dalmatia was now in 
the possession of Venice except Bagusa, Almissa, 
and Veglia. Almissa gave herself to the Bepublic 
in 1 444 ; Veglia continued independent under her 
counts of the Frangipani line, subject to the pro- 
tection of Venice, till 1480, when the tyranny of 
the last count Giovanni or Ivan caused his depo- 
sition, after which the island was governed, like 
the other Dalmatian states, by a Venetian count. 
Although the Em^^eror did not formally cede his Peace of 
rights till the peace of 1437, ^® never succeeded ju'iy 29, 
in recovering any of the maritime cities ; and by 
the terms of that peace, while the towns of the Final re- 
interior, Knin Verlicca Sign Scardona Clissa and Dalmatia 
others were left to the Hungarians, Novigrad ^ 

^ ' Vafritiem Demetrii Pharii imitatus Ducatum Spalati cou- 
secutus.' Lucio, p. 267. 



140 



History of Dalmatia. 



[Ch. L 



Ragnsa 
becomes 
indepen- 
dent. 



Nona Zara Sebenico Trail Spalato with their 
respective territories, and all the islands except 
those which belonged to Ragusa, were recognized 
as Venetian. 

Ragusa alone had no share in these changes. 
Of all the cities of Dalmatia she alone was pos- 
sessed of resources sufficient to qualify her for 
independence. Till 1358 she had acknowledged 
the dominion of Venice and received a Venetian 
count ; since that time she had lived under the 
protection of Hungary, and accepted a count from 
the king. But now that Hungary was in no 
condition to interfere, the Ragusans, while care- 
fully maintaining the useful shadow of Hungarian 
protection, gradually advanced to complete prac- 
tical independence, and formed their state into a 
miniature republic on the model of Venice. As 
such it survived almost to our own time, protected 
first by the kings of Hungary and aftei'wards by 
the Empire, and its interesting independence 
might have continued even to the present day 
but for the whim of Napoleon who, in 1808, 
thought fit to declare that the Republic of Ragusa 
had ceased to exist. 
Venetian ' Thus,' says Lucio at the end of his great 
barrier to history, ' whatever is included by the name of the 
conquest. Dalmatian kingdom \ except Ragusa, by the good 



^ Lucio here as elsewhere limits the ' Dalmatian kingdom ' 
to the old Roman cities, and the more recently chartered towns 
like Sebenico, which being put on the same footing he considers 
as placed within the Dalmatian pale. 



Ch. L] History of Dalmatia. 141 

fortune of Dalmatia, passed into the hands of the 
Venetians. For the Turks spreading their Empire 
wider every day, having taken Constantinople, 
seized the kingdom of Bosnia and its dependencies 
after the murder of Stephen, the illegitimate son 
of King Thomas Ostoya, and occupied the greater 
part of Hungary and Croatia, and day by day 
wasting the territories of the maritime cities them- 
selves, acted over again the period of the occupa- 
tion of Dalmatia by the Slavs, except that this 
time things were better in one respect, namely 
that through the precautions of the Venetians the 
Turks occupied none of the islands, nor were they 
allowed to practise piracy ; so that the Dalmatians 
lead a more tolerable existence, and form a barrier 
against the jDassage of the Turks to the neighbour- 
ing shores of Italy, the country which they declare 
it is their principal aim and desu-e to conquer ^' 



FOURTH PERIOD. 



From the final accfiiisitioti of Dalmatia hy the Venetians in 
1430 to the doionfall of the Reimhlic in 1798. 

By the establishment of Venetian rule through- 
out Dalmatia an end was put to the civil dissen- 
sions which had agitated the maritime cities since 

^ Luc. cle Regn. lib. v. c. v. p. 270. This was wi'itten about 
the middle of the seventeenth century, while the Venetians 
were still occupied in driving the Turks back from Dalmatia 
into Bosnia. 



Venetian 
acquisi- 
tion. 



142 History of Dahnatia. [Ch. T. 

Unsettled the death of Lewis m 1382 ^. For nearly thirty 
Daimatia years they had been tossed to and fro from one 
trt'he"^ master to another, and whatever the shortcomings 
of Venetian rule may have been — and they were 
not few nor unimportant — it was at all events 
something gained for the provincials to know 
who was their master. The pretensions of Charles 
III of Naples to the throne of Hungary, the 
captivity of Queen Maria, and the outbreak of 
the national movement of the Croats towards 
independence had shaken the reliance of the Dal- 
matians on the protection of Hungary, and left 
them uncertain to which side it would be most 
politic to attach themselves. In 1390 they sub- 
mitted to the Bosnian king Tvartko ; five years 
later they returned to Sigismund, but only to 
doubt whether the death of Maria did not deter- 
mine their allegiance to her husband ; five years 
later again the whole country embraced with 
something like enthusiasm the cause of Ladislaus 
of Naples, only to find it had grasped at a shadow. 
Civil The result of these strug-gles and chanp-es was to 

factions in _ _ ^ _ . . , 

tte cities, divide the citizens into hostile factions which 
favoured difiei'ent sides and plotted and intrigued 
against one another with all the animosity that 
civil discord alone can inspire. Most of the towns 
had their extrinseci and intrinseci, the weaker 

^ Farlati remarks of the end of the fourteenth century, 
' lucredibile dictu est quanta in conversione rerum et pertur- 
batione in temporibus illis turn Dalmatae omnes turn vero 
Arbenses versarentur, sic prorsus ut inter paucos annos ex aliia 
ad alios Dominos et transierint et redierint.' Tom. v. p. 248. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 143 

of the two parties being driven into exile, and 
ever watching from beyond the border for an 
opportunity of return and vengeance on the 
triumphant faction. Theirs is the old story of 
the banished citizens of the Greek common- 
wealths, the fuorusciti of the Italian republics, 
the emigres of revolutionary France, who were 
more formidable in exile than they would have 
been at home, always intriguing with the neigh- 
bouring powers and ready to sacrifice their 
country to their own political objects. All Padfica- 
this was now at an end, and in spite of the prosperity 
terror of Turkish invasion which from this time province 
forward hung like a cloud over the country till v'^enice. 
the Turkish power itself began to decline, Dal- 
matia under the settled government of a great 
commercial power advanced rapidly in wealth and 
prosperity. The arts flourished, noble buildings 
sprang up, the treasuries were enriched with 
beautiful work of the goldsmith or silversmith, 
and while artists from the other shore of the 
Adriatic were invited into the country, the native 
Dalmatians proved themselves by no means de- 
ficient in power both of design and execution, and 
some among them attained celebrity and eminence 
among the artists of Italy herself 

From this time till the eighteenth century the 
history of Dalmatia is simply a narrative of re- 
sistance to the westward progress of Turkish 
conquest. To the policy no less than the resolu- 
tion of the Republic of S. Mark, and the stub- 



144 History of Dahnatia. [Ch. i. 

born valour of her Dalmatian subjects, Europe is 
indebted for the safety of Italy, the country for 
which the Turk ever hungered, but on which, 
except for a moment at Otranto, he never set 
foot. 

The Ottoman power soon recovered the shock 
of Angora ; ' the massy trunk ivas bent to the 
ground, hut no sooner did the hurricane pass aivay 
than it rose again ivith fresh vigour and moi^e 
lively vegetation'^' The empire of Bajazet, torn 
by the civil wars of his sons, w^as reunited by 
Amurath II in 142 1 ; in the next year he assailed 
Constantinople ; in 1 444 he defeated Ladislaus IV 
and his general John Corvinus Huniades on the 
fatal and perjured field of Varna; and in 1453 
A.D. 1453. Mahomet 11, son of Amurath, took Constantinople 

Constant!- 

nopietaken and extinguished the last feeble spark of the 

by the ® . ^ 

Turks. Koman Empire. 

A.D. 1428. Servia meanwhile had regained a brief inde- 
pendence. But the country was agitated by dis- 
putes about the succession to the throne, and 
when Lazzaro II, Brancovich, the fourth Despot 
of Servia, died in 1458, his widow Helena obtained 
from the Pope the investiture of the kingdom as 

A.D. 1459. a fief of the Church. Enraged at this concession 

Servian to the Bomisli Church, which they detested, the 
Servians appealed to the Sultan Mahomet II ; 
the Turkish armies crossed the frontier, and in 
1459 Servia and Bascia lost their last traces of 
independence and sank into the condition of a 
^ Gibbon, chap. Ixv. 



kincrdom. 



Ch. I,] History of Dalmatia. 145 

province of the Ottoman Empire. Helena escaped 
into Hungary, and thence retired to Ancona, 
Ragusa, and Venice, where she died m exile. 

Bosnia also was torn by dissensions about the End of the 

kingdom of 

succession to the throne between Ostoya and Bosnia, 
Tvartko II. Tvartko invited the Turks to his aid 
and Ostoya the Hungarians, and though the 
former succeeded in triumphing over Ostoya, it 
was at the expense of allowing the Turks to obtain 
a footing in the kingdom. In 1443, after the 
death of both rivals, Stephen Thomas Kristic, son 
of Ostoya, was elected king, but he was obliged 
to purchase the acquiescence of the Turks by an 
annual tribute to Amurath of 25,000 ducats. His 
illegitimate son Stephen Thomasovic, who mur- 
dered him and succeeded to the throne in 1 46 1 , 
having refused to pay the tribute, was flayed alive 
by Mahomet II, and the kingdom of Bosnia be- 
came, like Servia, a Turkish provmce. 

One Slavonic principality still remained to be End of 
swallowed up. In 1 440 the Emperor Frederick III Herzego- 
had made Stephen Kosac, known to the Italians a.d. '1465. 
as Cosaccia, Herzog or Duke of S. Saba, the 
modern Herzegovina \ which at that time in- 
cluded within its boundaries the highland republic 
of Poglizza, and the Craina or sea-coast from the 
Cetina to the Narenta. Almissa was induced to a.d. 1465. 

^ ' Herzegovina received its name from the title of Herzog, 

Duke, or Voivoda It was also called the duchy of 

Santo Saba, from the tomb of that saint.' Sir G. Wilkinson, 
ii. p. 96; vid. also Lucio, lib. v. c. v. 

VOL. I. L 



146 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

submit to the Venetians in 1 444, and the republic 
of Poghzza, while retainmg its autonomy, ac- 
cepted the protection of the Republic, agreeing 
to pay a small annual tribute by way of acknow- 
ledgment, and to supply recruits for the Venetian 
garrisons of Spalato Trati and the other maritime 
cities. The rest of the duchy was overrun by 
the Turks in 1465-6, and Cosaccia finding him- 
self unable to defend the Craina, made it over 
to the safer keeping of the Venetians ^ In 1475 
his son Ladislaus gave them the fortress of Vissech 
on the Cetina about tlu^ee miles above Almissa, to 
prevent its falling into the hands of the Turks ^, 
and with these exceptions the duchy of Herzego- 
vina shared the fate of Servia and Bosnia. 
Keasons Xhc casc witli wliicli the Slavonic principali- 

for ease 

of conquest ties wcro conouered by the Mahometans is to be 

by Turks. ■, • i , -r, • • n i i 

explamed by two causes. JPrmcipaliy, no doubt, 

it was due to their internal dissensions, in all of 

which the Turks took care to mix themselves 

I. Dissen- up, and out of which they never failed to reap ad- 

among the vantage. Another reason that has been given is 

Christians. . . . p •■ -, 

a religious one. ihe majority 01 the people were 
Bogomiles or Patarenes, who had been persecuted 
with fire and sword by the king the nobles and 
the clergy, and who were driven in despair to 
look to the Turks as deliverers ^. We have seen 

^ Sir Gard. WilkiDson, vol. ii. p. 196. Storia della Dalmazia 
(Zara, 1878), p. 200, 209. 

^ Luc. de Eegn. lib. v. c. v. p. 270. 

^ Vid. Introd. to Mr. A. Evans's ' Through Bosnia,' &c. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 147 

how in Servia, where the people were attached 2. Persecu- 
te the Greek Church, they voluntarily called in Bogomiies 
Mahomet II to defend them against the preten- kings. 
sions of the Church of Home ; and in Bosnia 
it is laid to the charge of the Romish propaganda 
and its system of persecution that the people to 
so great an extent became, and still remain, 
Mahometan. In 1459, while his kingdom was 
tottering to its fall, Stephen Thomas Kristic, who 
had himself renegaded from Bogomilism, and 
whom the gTateful Catholics have rewarded with 
the title of ' the Pious,' expelled 40,000 mnocent 
Bogomiies, who took refuge with the Herzog of 
S. Saba their co-religionist. Already in 1450 Bogomiies 
the Bogomiies had turned to the Turks for pro- to seek 
tection and invited them to enter the country, FronTthe^ 
and it was then that the tribute of 25,000 ducats ^ ^' 
had been imposed as a condition of peace ; and 
now on the final invasion of Mahomet II the 
people offered no resistance. Radic, the Patarene 
governor at Jajcze, persuaded the parricide king 
to surrender himself, the ' Manichean' governor 
of Bohovac gave up the keys, seventy strong 
places and cities opened then- gates without a a.d. 1462- 
struggle, and m a week the whole of Bosnia 
passed into the hands of Mahomet II. 

Of the Christian population, both Latin, Greek, 
and Patarene, a large portion preserved their 
faith and have kej)t it to the present day ; but Bosnian 

r> 1 -r» • • n pi • nobility 

many of the Bosnians, especially 01 the aristo- not Turk- 

-. . - ish but 

cracy, renegaded to Islam, m order to preserve siav. 

L 2 



148 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

their ascendancy, retain their feuds, and triumph 
over their ancient CathoUc foes. It must not be 
forgotten in considering the history of Dalmatia 
from this time that the Moslem population of 
Bosnia and Herzegovina are for the most part 
not Turkish intruders but descendants of these 
renegade Slavs, speaking the same language 
and belonging to the same race as then- Christian 
neighbours; and it is said the begs, or feudal 
nobles, of Bosnia have all along kept with reve- 
rent care their old title-deeds and pedigrees in 
readiness for the return of Christian supremacy \ 
Advance of Bv the fall of those ultramontane kine'doms, 

Turks into "^ . . . 

Dalmatia. the outworks of Christian Europe, Dalmatia was 
left exposed to the immediate attack of the 
Turks, who advanced wreaking every kind of 
cruelty on the unhappy people. In 1467 they 
penetrated so far as to threaten Segna and ravage 
the territory of Sebenico and Zara, and the Tralirini 
to protect their coast built the succession of castles 
along the shore of the Sea of Salona, which gave it 

The the name of the Biviera dei Castelli. Numbers of 

Morlacchi. 

refugees from Bosnia and Croatia flocked into the 

^ It used to be said (vid. Mr. Evans's ' Through Bosnia,' &c.) 
that the Begs would become Christian again if Bosnia passed to 
a Christian power. This condition has now come to pass, but 
hitherto at all events no such conversion has followed. On 
the contrary, something like an exodus is taking place. When 
I was in Dalmatia in 1884 and 1885 the steamers were crowded 
with Mahometan Bosnians with their wives children and sub- 
stance on their way to Trieste, whence they go to Asia Minor 
where the Sultan gives them a settlement and grant of land. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 149 

Venetian territory, tlie ancestors of the Morlacchi 
who constitute the peasantry of Northern Dal- 
matia, an agricultural and pastoral race, hardy 
and warlike, deadly foes of the Turks, and in- 
valuable recruits for the armies of the Kepublic \ 
Watch-towers and beacons were planted on every 
point of observation, on mountain-top or high- 
land pass, and on the approach of the marauding 
infidels the alarm was given by smoke in the day- 
time or fire by night, so that the people might 
take refuge in the fortresses or cities or arm 
themselves for defence. 

Matthias Corvinus, son of Huniades, who had a.d. 1465. 
been elected King of Hungary in 1458, recovered recovery of 

^ The origin of the name Morlacco is ohscure. Luc. lib. 
vi. c. V. believes the Morlacchi who at this time descended into 
the plains retiring as the Turks advanced, to be Vlahi, Vlachs, 
or Wallachs, descendants of the population which preceded the 
Slavonic conquest in the seventh century. Vlah, he says, will be 
found among all the Slavs to mean Eoman, Latin, Italian, names 
which became terms of contempt and reproach with the victorious 
Slavs. He quotes the Presbyter Diocleas who, writing before 1 200, 
says the Bulgarians conquered ' post haec totam Provinciara 
Latinorum qui illo tempore Eomani vocabantur modo vero 
Moroulachi hoc est nigri Latini.' He adds that Moldavia was 
in later times called by the Greeks Maurolahia. The Morlacchi 
however, if they ever were Piomans, have not preserved their 
Latin language like the Roumanians, but speak lUyrian, and it 
remains to be exj)lained why they should have been called 
hlack. Others derive the name from Mor^ ' sea,' and Vlah, 
inhabitant, ' dwellers along the sea ' ; not however the 
Adriatic, but the Black sea, whence they originally came. Vid. 
Sir G. Wilkinson, ii. 295. This seems far-fetched in every 
sense of the word. There are various other derivations of the 
name besides these. Fortis devotes a chapter to the subject. 



150 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Bosnia by a large part of Bosnia in 1465, almost as rapidly 
as it had been lost, and the Banat of Bosnia 
maintained itself in dependence on Hungary- 
till 1527. 

The condition of Dalmatia was deplorable ; the 

raids of the Turks across the frontier were 

continued even during the time of peace ; 

Ladislaus of Hungary, who received an annual 

subsidy of 30,000 ducats from the Venetians to 

enable him to protect the frontier, was unable 

to fulfil his engagements; his bans and viceroys 

vied with the Turks in ravaging the Venetian 

A.D. 1508- territory in Dalmatia and Istria; and finally the 

League of Isaguo of Cambrai, which reduced the Bepublic 

Cambrai. ^^ ^j^^ ^^g^ extremity, caused the recall of all the 

Venetian forces in Dalmatia for service at home, 

thus leaving the defence of the province to its 

own unassisted resources. 

By the time that the Republic emerged from 
these perils which had well-nigh swamped her, 
and found herself once more in smooth water 
though with shattered forces and half-ruined 
commerce, it was no wonder that the Dalmatians 
had begun to look for help elsewhere, and that 
a Hungarian party had been formed in several of 
the cities. Envoys from Zara and Trati had been 
sent to Buda, and commotions had taken place in 
those cities, and also at Sebenico and Lesina ; but 
severe measures were taken against the leaders of 
disaffection, and the authority of the Bepublic was 
re-established. 



Oh. I.] History of Dalmatia. 151 

Meanwhile the incursions of the Turks con- a.d. 1515. 
tinned. Clissa and the PoHzzani were compelled ^Jirkis? °^ 
in 1 5 1 5 to pay tribute ; the mvaders burned the «o°^^est. 
suburbs of Knin, besieged Jajcze, and captured 
Karin, and, though often driven back with severe 
loss, returned with undiminished ardour to the 
attack. Even the Montenegrins in their inac- a.d. 1516, 
cessible fastnesses could scarcely maintain their negro^" 
doubtful independence, and the last of the Tzer- to^pay 
noievich dynasty, desjDairing of further resistance, *"^^*®- 
abandoned his country and retired to Venice with 
his wife, who was of the family of Mocenigo, and 
sank into obscurity as a Venetian patrician. The 
defence of his princij)ality was boldly taken up 
by the bishop, or Vladika, of Cetinje, the first The 
01 the nne 01 episcopal and princely heroes who 
have so gallantly maintained then- independence 
to our own day. At this time however they were 
obliged to pay an annual tribute to the Porte, 
and a century elapsed before they were strong 
enough to refuse it. 

The condition of the Croatians and Bosnians Croats 
was desperate. They could obtain no aid from themselves 
the Hungarians, then- own forces were exhausted, 
and their Ban Berisclavic had been slain. The 
Croats turned their eyes towards Venice and 
proposed to place themselves under the protec- 
tion of the Republic, but Venice was occupied a.d. 1522. 
by the war of Cyprus, and was obliged to decline scardona 
even to take over the fortresses of Scardona and by^the^ 
Clissa which were offered her. Knin, the prin- ''^^^^' 



152 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

cipal Croatian fortress in Dalmatia, surrendered 
to the pacha of Bosnia in 1522, and the inhabit- 
ants of Scardona fled to Sebenico abandoning 
their city to the enemy, but the Croatian garrison 
still held out in Clissa, though hardly pressed by 
the besiegers. 

A.D. 1526. Hungary was at this time torn by the sti*uggle 

M^ohacz° fc)i' ^^ throne between Lewis II and John Za- 
polya the Voivode of Transylvania, and the Sul- 
tan Solyman thought the moment had arrived 
for finally conquering the country which had so 
long barred his way. Invading Hungary with an 
enormous army he was met by Lewis with a very 
inferior force at Mohacz on the Danube. The 
Hungarians were routed, Lewis himself was 
among the slain, Buda was obliged to open her 
gates, and the whole country along the Danube 
was ravaged before the conqueror returned to 
Belgrad. Ferdinand of Austria, brother of 
Charles V, who was elected to succeed Lewis II, 
had enough to do to secure his throne against 
the party of Zapolya, and he was in no condition 
to send any assistance to Dalmatia or Bosnia. 
Zapolya who had been crowned by his own 
party at Alba Kegalis allied himself with Soly- 

A.D. 1529 man, to whom he offered to make his kingdom 
tributary, and the Turkish armies advanced as 
far as Vienna before they were compelled to 
reth-e. 

A.D. 1527. Meanwhile Jaicze had been surrendered to the 

Bosnia 

recovered Turks in 1 52 7, and with it the whole of Bosnia 



Ch. I.] History of Dahnatia. 153 

passed once more, and irretrievably, into the power by the 
of the Sultan. Sign Verlicca and Nucak in Dal- 
matia were betrayed by their commandants, who 
had been won by Turkish gold, and in 1536, 
after their heroic commandant Peter Krusic had a.d. 1536. 
fallen, the garrison of Clissa were compelled to conquests 
surrender that place to the pacha of Bosnia. The tL. ^ ^^' 
castles of Yrana and Nadin were surrendered in 
1538, and though the Venetians captured and 
destroyed Scardona, and with the aid of the fleet 
of Charles V took Castelnuovo in the Bocche di 
Cattaro, the latter place was recovered du^ectly 
by Haneddin Barbarossa, who put the Spanish 
garrison to the sword. When peace was con- 
cluded between the Kepublic and the Sultan in Peace of 
1540, no part of continental Dalmatia was left Daimatia 
to the Venetians except the cities ; while the cities 
rest of Dalmatia was made a Turkish province the Turks. 
under a Sangiac who fixed his residence at 
Clissa. 

An illustrious modern writer on Dalmatian 
history^ attributes to the crowding of the cities 
at this time with refugees who left the open 
country from fear of the Turks the introduction 
of the Illyrian language within the walls, where it 
has since remained the tongue of the populace, 
Italian being the language only of the upper 
classes, except at Zara and Spalato which have 
retained a thoroughly Italian character dowai to 
our OAATi times. 

^ Storia della Dalmazia. Zara, 1878, p. 243. 



154 History of Dabnatia. [Ch. i. 

Tie Uscocs "WiQ garrisoii expelled from Clissa was comjDosed 
in great part of 'Uscocs,' or refugees from the 
countries in the interior, who on the surrender 
of the fortress retired to Segna on the Croatian 
shore of the gulf of Quarnero, where Ferdinand 
readily gave them a settlement on the understand- 
ing that they were to defend the frontier against 
the Turks. Active mountaineers, and well ac- 
quainted with the country, they formed very 
effective guerilla troops, and their forays across 
the border kept the Turks in a constant state 
of alarm. But they were a wild race, accustomed 
to eke out the poor livelihood derived from a 
barren and miserable country by deeds of robbery 
and violence, and being unused to control or 
discipline they were almost as formidable to their 

TheUscoc8£j,^gj-^(jg ^^^ allics as to their enemies \ Once 

become 

pirates, settled at Segna they became no less expert by 
sea than they had been on the mountains, and 
their constant attacks on the shipping and mari- 
time possessions of the Turks exposed the Vene- 
tians, who were responsible for the safety of the 
seas, to complaints and recriminations which 
threatened to disturb the peace. Venice com- 
plained in her turn to Ferdinand, Segna being 
in Croatia and therefore within his dominions, 



^ Vid. Palladius Fuscus Patavinus, a. d. 1540. ' Incolae uno 
omnes vocabulo Morlachi vocantur qui ferinum potius quam 
humanum aspectum prae se ferentes lacte caseoque victitant, et 
prope vias abditi viatores alienigenas adoriuntur atque dispo- 
liant, denique summam laudem esse putant ex rapto vivei'C.' 



Ch. T.] History of Dalmatia. 155 

but her remonstrances met with Httle attention, 
and the Uscocs, finding their movements watched 
and impeded by the Venetians, extended their 
depredations to the property and territory of the 
Repubhc, and rapidly degenerated into mere 
bloodthirsty corsairs whose name has become 
infamous in Dalmatian history. The piracies of a.d. 1570. 
the Uscocs gave occasion to Selim II, who had opened 
succeeded his father Solyman the Magnificent vg^tians 
in 1567, to break the peace with Venice, and ^^'^ ^"'^ ^' 
reopen the war in Cyprus and Dalmatia. Ze- 
monico near Zara was taken by his troops and 
Novigrad assaulted, and the renegade Uliz-Ali 
king of Algiers entered the Adriatic with a 
powerful fleet. After ravaging the islands of 
Zante and Cefalonia, he invaded Albania, took 
Dulcigno Budua and Antivari, unsuccessfully 
assaulted Curzola where he was daunted by the 
courage of a slender garrison aided by the heroism 
of the women, and landing at Lesina gave a great 
part of the city to the flames. 

Meanwhile Cyprus was invaded by an over- a.d. 1570. 
whelming force of Turks ; Famagosta and Nicosia conquered 
fell after a heroic defence, and the whole island ^^^*^'g® 
passed into the possession of the enemy on the 
4th of August, 1 5 7 1 . 

On the 7th of October however the sinking a.d. 157 i. 
fortunes of Christendom were retrieved by theLepanto. 
victory of Lepanto, when the united squadrons 
of Spain Venice and the Pope, under the com- 
mand of Don John of Austria, utterly defeated 



156 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. 1. 

the Turkish fleet and sank eighty of their galleys. 
Uliz-Ali with about thirty galleys forced his 
way through the enemy's lines and made his 
escape, but otherwise the success of the Chris- 
tians was complete and decisive. The Dalmatian 
contingents had then- share in the honours of 
the day, and in the churches of Veglia and 
Arbe may still be read the epitaphs of the 
captains who commanded the triremes of those 
islands \ 
Diary of Sir Gardner Wilkinson gives extracts at con- 
ag^ente^^ sidcrablc length from the diary and reports of 
I57I-4- Venetian agents at Sj)alato and elsewhere in 
Dalmatia during the years 1 571-4, which are 
extremely interesting and throw much light on 
the nature of the harassing and desultory warfare 
of that time. They show that although the Turks 
were guilty of great cruelties to the peasantry, 
yet the hostilities between the regular combat- 
ants were marked with something of chivalry 
and courtesy. There are challenges to single 
combat ; joustings between Captain Giorgio and 
the E,ed Turk. Captain Giorgio complains that 
his foe has killed his horse contrary to knightly 
usage, and the Red Turk promises to give him 
another, after which they embrace and part. In 
tlie middle of all this comes the news of the vic- 
tory of Andrea Doria and Don John at Lepanto, 
and great rejoicings are made at Spalato, Zara, 
and Trail, much to the perplexity of the Turks 

^ Yid. infra, Veglia, chapt. xxvi, and Arbe, chapt. xxviii. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 157 

outside, who send a cavalier into Zara to enquire Diary of 
what has happened. Six cavaHers of the Turks agents, 
challenge six Christians to tilt. They kiss each ^°'^"'*" 
other first on the forehead. There are love affau-s 
between the two sides ; a Turk recjuests leave to 
enter the churches and hear mass, but is refused 
because he is suspected of being enamoured of 
the Marquis's daughter. 

From these and similar stories we erather that character 
the Turks, though rude and overbearing, were not Turks, 
without generosity. As the Venetian agent says, 
' no nation are all evil alike, seeing how some of 
them are without conscience, laws, or honour, 
while others are true and loyal cavaliers.' The 
Turks respected a foe who showed a bold front, 
and always gave him fair play. ' Whenever any 
of our Dalmatians before turning his back to fly 
like his neighbours wheels round upon his adver- 
sary and gives him a sound drubbing, using his 
fists and heels lustily, they always stand round 
and allow him a fair fight. Moreover they always 
remember the names of such individuals and re- 
late then- prowess among themselves, and these 
men can always go with impunity among the 
Turks even unarmed, because the respect which 
they have inspired renders them inviolate ^' 

Peace was signed between Venice and the Porte a.d. 1573. 
in 1573, each party regaining what it had lost geH^ n**' 
during the war, except that the Turks retained 

^ Sir G. Wilkiuson, vol. ii. p. 344. Sir G. W. says that this 
description applies to the Turks of the present day also. 



158 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

iJscoc Zemonico. For the next seventy- two years no direct 

piracies , „. . , , 

counte- hostilities occuiTed between the two powers, but 
Austria, the irregular warfare carried on by the Uscocs was 
continually on the verge of embroiling them, for 
though the Venetians used every means to re- 
strain the Uscocs by force, and induce the 
emperor to remove them from the sea coast, 
they were unable to succeed in either case, and 
the Turks accused them of complicity with their 
tormentors. The position of the Venetians was a 
very difficult one ; their gTeat object was to main- 
tain peace with the Turk, but the Uscocs could 
not be crushed without invading Croatia, which 
would have involved hostilities with the emperor. 
A.D. 1596. In 1596 a party of Uscocs and Poglizzans sur- 
attack on prised CHssa, but the Turks speedily recovered it, 
and routed the Croatians with the loss of many 
of their number, among whom was Antonio de 
Dominis, bishop of Segna. This gave occasion to 
the Porte for fresh complaints against the Vene- 
tians who punished those who had taken part in 
the affair, and renewed their remonstrances with 
The Uscocs the empcror and his archduke of Styria, in whose 
Venice and province Croatia was included. Matters grew 
worse, and at last the murder of a Venetian 
officer by the Uscocs with cu-cumstances of the 
most brutal atrocity brought matters to a crisis. 
The Venetians attacked and destroyed Novi on the 
Croatian coast, and war broke out between them 
and the Austrians which raged for three years in 
Friuli till terminated through the mediation of 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 159 

France in 161 7 by the peace of Madidd. The a.d. 1617. 
Uscocs were removed in the following year to Madrid. 
Carlstadt in the interior of Croatia, then- fleet 
was destroyed, and Segna was garrisoned by 
German troops ^ 

War again broke out between the Venetians a.d. 1645. 
and Turks, and the pasha of Bosnia invaded Turir' 
Dalmatia with a large army. Novigrad was sur- ^^^^^^ • 
rendered by the Governor Conte Soardo after a 
brief bombardment, and Sebenico was besieofed 
by the pasha, but without success. Leonardo 
Foscolo, who was sent into Dalmatia as Provve- 
ditore, recovered Novigrad, took and destroyed 
Scardona, and captured Zemonico after a des- 
perate resistance by the Sangiac Ali-beg of Yrana. 
Fresh forces under Tekely, the new pasha of a.d. 1647. 
Bosnia, advanced to besiege Sebenico, the com- of Leonar- 
mand of which place w^as entrusted by Foscolo "^ °^°° °' 
to Degenfelt, who repelled the Turks with a loss 
of 4000 killed. Disease had incapacitated 5000 
more, and the pasha was obliged to retreat to 
Dernis, and thence into Bosnia. In the following a.d. 1648. 
year, at the head of 6000 Morlacchi and 700 
horse, Foscolo assaulted and took Dernis, ad- 
vanced to Knin which he found abandoned by 
the enemy, and captured Verlicca. His proposal 
to rebuild and fortify Knin was unwisely rejected 
by the Senate, and they had reason before long 
to regret their decision. Clissa still held out, 

^ A more detailed account of the Uscocs will be given with 
the description of Segna. Yid. below, chapter xxvii. 



i6o History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

and an attempt to relieve it was made by Tekely 
Pasha, but he was defeated, and the garrison 
surrendered on condition that they should be 

A.D. 1649. allowed to depart without arms. In the following 
year Foscolo attacked the Turks in the Bocche di 
Cattaro and took and destroyed Risano. 

The war continued several years with varying 
success ; Knin, which had been reoccupied by the 
Turks, was unsuccessfully assaulted, but the Mor- 
lacchi under Smiglianich gained several brilliant 
victories over the enemies of then" race, till then- 
leader fell in 1654. Had the defence of the 
province been confided more to the natives and 
less to the Italian mercenaries, it is probable that 
the Turks would have done far less mischief. 
The Venetian agent at Spalato in 1574 wrote to 

Gallantry the Siguory that ' the principal defence of their 

native Dal- 0W71 coimtry ought to he committed to those 
brave people who verily have no care for their 
lives against the Turks, hut set on them like mad 
hulls; and truth compels me to say (albeit ivith 
grief) that ive have been vanquished in more than 
one important skirmish through the coivar^dice of 
the Italian infantry'^.' The Provveditore Andrea 
Corner in 1660 had the same opinion of the 

A.D. 1660. native militia, and declared to the Senate that 
the peasants were the principal defenders of the 
province^ ; but the Venetians seem to have in- 
herited from the Byzantine empire the jealous 

^ Cited Sir G. Wilkinson, vol. ii. p. 344. 
2 Storia della Dalmazia, Zara, 1878, p. 265. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. i6i 

mistrust which refused to the provincials the 
defence of their own frontier. 

The history of Ragusa since 1420 is so distinct a.d. 1667. 
from the general history of Dalmatia that it is ea^rttquake 
reserved for a special chapter. It is impossible, ^'^ ^^s^^*- 
however, not to notice in its chronological j^lace 
the fearful earthquake by which 5000 Bagusan 
citizens, including the Rector Ghetaldi, were 
buried in the ruins of their houses, and many of 
the principal buildings of the city were thrown 
down. The earthquake was felt as far as Cattaro, 
where great damage was done to the cathedral 
and other buildings. 

Peace was at last arranged between the Porte a.d. 1669. 
and Venice ; Candia, which after a defence of J^^^^gg^ 
twenty-nine years had been forced to capitulate, ^^^^irks 
was yielded to the Sultan, but the Venetians 
were secured in the possession of Clissa and the 
forts they had occupied in Dalmatia. Disputes 
arose as to the possession of the forts which the 
Venetians had destroyed but not occupied, and 
the Turks claimed and retained under this head 
the castles of Zemonico Vrana Ostrovizza Der- 
nis Knin and Douare. Hostilities again broke a.d. 1683. 
out with Kara Mustapha, the Grand Vizir, but his vSia^ 
defeat by Sobieski before Vienna, and his subse- gX^^s^^ 
quent disgrace and execution, relieved Dalmatia 
of a dangerous enemy. The Venetians took 
advantage of the Turkish reverses, and in the 
following year they had recovered Ostrovizza a.d. 1684- 
Plavno Perusic Bencovaz Scardona Obbravazzo 

VOL. I. M 



i62 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Venetian and Demis, and the only places still held 
inDaima- by the Turks were Sign and Knin. Their fate 



tia. 



was however only deferred, for Sign was taken 
in 1686 and the garrison put to the sword, and 
Knin and Verlicca were obliged to surrender in 
1688. 

The tide of Turkish conquest had turned. 
Buda was taken by the Christian forces in 1686, 
after having been 145 years in the possession 
of the Moslem, and the soil of Hungary was 
once more cleared of the invader. In 1690 the 
Venetians completed the conquest of the Morea, 
and having driven the Turk back from the sea- 
board of Dalmatia, they pursued their successes 
A.D. 1699. in Herzegovina and Bosnia. The war was closed 
Cariovitz. by the peace of Carlovitz between the Emperor 
Dalmatia the Bopublic and the Sultan, by the terms of 
Venice. ° which the Venetians gave up then' conquests be- 
yond the frontiers of Dalmatia, but were confirmed 
in the possession of all Dalmatia except the terri- 
tory and city of Bagusa, which remained inde- 
pendent under the nominal protection of the 
Empire, and the more real defence of the Turks, 
to whom the Bagusans paid a tribute. 
A.D. 1714. The Turks were not disposed to rest long under 
renewed, terms SO disadvantageous to them, and they de- 
clared war again against Venice in 17 14 on the 
ground that the BejDublic had allowed piracy and 
favoured the Vladika of Montenegro theu^ enemy. 
A.D. 1717. The Emperor offered his alliance to the Bepublic, 
Belgrade, and Briiice Eugene advanced into the Banat and 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 163 

besieo'ed and took Belorade, a success which 
partly compensated Christendom for the loss of 
the Morea, which was regained by the Turks in 
1 71 5. The peace of Passarovitz confii'med the ^d. 1718. 
Republic in the possession of the whole of Dal- passa- 
matia, excepting as before the territory of Ragusa Venetian 
which extended from KJek on the Canale della ^f p^bna^ 
Narenta to Sutorina in the Bocche di Cattaro. ^^^] 
At these two points Ragusan jealousy of the Vene- 
tians, whom the little Republic feared more than 
the Turks, had stipulated that a narrow slip of 
territory should be conceded to the Turks to 
divide her by an impassable barrier from the dan- 
gerous proximity of the Venetians. Beyond 
Sutorina the Venetian territory began again 
\\T.th Castelnuovo, and the province of Vene- 
tian Albania, as it was called, extended from 
this pomt southwards, beyond Cattaro and 
Budua. 

Dalmatia from the mountains to the sea was Turkish 
thus finally united under the government of the finally 
Republic, and the Turks never again invaded 
it. From this time till the fall of the Venetian 
Republic there is little or nothing to record. The 
policy of the State was to preserve its neutrality 
and avoid occasion of quarrel with its more power- 
ful neighbours, and to prevent any excitement or 
outbreak in its provinces, and the Dalmatians 
were involved in the political and moral stupor Venetian 

rule in 

that gradually paralysed the Venetian common- Dalmatia, 
wealth. 

M 2 



164 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Fall of the On the fall of the Bepublic of Venice the 

Republic , 

of Venice. Dalmatian troops were sent home, disDanded, and 
Dalmatia distributed among their families without any dis- 
Austria. turbauce. Dalmatia was ceded to Austria by the 
treaty of Campo Formio, together with the rest 
of the Venetian territory. Some disturbances fol- 
lowed at Spalato and Trait, where the Garagnin 
palace was sacked by the mob, and also at Sebe- 
nico Lesina and Macarsca, but the arrival of the 
Austrian officials and troops put an end to all 
idea of resistance, and order was re-established 
without difficulty. 



Peace of The remainder of the history of Dalmatia may 

Fresburg, "^ "^ 

Dec. 26, be briefly dismissed. After Austerlitz, Dalmatia 
Dalmatia was by the temis of the peace of Presburg- ceded 

ceded to *^ ^ ° . 

France, to France, but before the French could arrive to 
occupy it the Russians had seized the Bocche di 
Cattaro, garrisoned Castelnuovo, and induced the 
Montenegrins to rise in arms to support them. 
The French under Molitor reached Knin on Feb. 
A.D. 1806. 12, 1806, occupied Zara and Sign, and advanced 
Frencb and towards the Bocchc by way of Trail, Spalato, 
ussians, ]y[g^(.^pgQg^^ g^j^(j ^jjQ Narenta. The small independ- 
ent state of Bagusa unhappily lay in their path, 
and as the two combatants could only get at one 
another by traversing Bagusan territory the 
government of that state was unable to remain 
neutral. To allow the French to pass would bring 
on the Bagusans the vengeance of Bussia, to 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 165 

refuse would cause an instant rupture with France. Danger 
It was a dilemma in which either alternative despair of 
meant ruin ; the despair of the citizens was ex- ^^^^" 
treme, and Count Caboga proposed that the 
Kepublic should beg from the Sultan, their pro- 
tector, some island in the Aegean whither they 
might migrate and where they might continue to 
live under their ot\^i laws as heretofore. These 
councils of despair were not heeded ; the French 
were allowed to enter, and in consequence the 
EagTisans found their commerce laid under an 
embargo in the ports of every European country 
which was at war with France. The Russians 
and Montenegrins ravaged their territory, and 
theu" delicious suburbs with the gardens and villas 
of their aristocracy were reduced to a wilderness. 
A report that the French were advancing in force 
caused the Russians and Montenegfrins to retire, 

CD ' 

but the ruin of Ragusa was effectually accom- 
plished. 

In the following year the Russians took Curzola, a.d. 1807. 
but were repulsed by the French in an attempt J?on*of°' 
on Lesina. The little peasant republic of Poglizza ff poSlL, 
in the fastnesses of Mount Mossor rose in arms, 
but the French made short work of its rustic 
militia ; those who could not escape to the Russian 
ships had to witness the destruction of their homes 
and the massacre of their kindred in cold blood 
by the brutal French soldiery, who marched 
through then' country for three days destroying 
the villages and putting the inhabitants to the 



1 66 History of Dalniatia. [Ch. i, 

sword. A price was set on the head of the Great 
Count and the other officials, and the Repubhc of 
PogHzza 'ceased to exist.' 
Peace of The Fronch administration of Dalmatia after 

Tilsit, 

July, 1S07. the peace of Tilsit, when they were left in posses- 
sion of the country, was tyrannical and severe, and 
the prisons were crowded with political offenders 
who were afterwards transported to France where 
they languished in captivity till the downfall of 
the Empire. 

A.D. 1808. In 1808 it was decreed by Napoleon that the 

Eepubiic Hcpublic of E,agusa, which had been ruined in his 

of Kagusa. ggj.yj(3g^ \^q^^ ' ceased to exist.' 

At this time our own countrymen contribute a 
chapter to Dalmatian history. England had sent 
a detachment of her fleet under Captain Hoste 
into the Adriatic, which made its princij^al station 
at Lissa, the outermost island of the Dalmatian 
The Eng- archipelago. Under the protection of the British 

lish at • Ti 1 • p -r» • • 1 

Lissa. flag Lissa rapidly became an empormm for British 
commerce, and the goods of Manchester, Leeds, 
and Birmingham, prohibited in every port under 
French control, were smuggled across the Dalma- 
tian frontier and so through Bosnia into Germany. 
The population of the island rose between 1808 
and 18 II from 4000 to 12,000, and the profits 
made both by Lissans and Dalmatians were im- 
mense. In the temporary absence of the English 
squadron a French fleet under Dubordieu sailed 
from Ancona, and entering Lissa under English 
colours landed a body of troops unopposed and 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 167 

burned sixty-four merchantmen with their cargoes. 
A rumour of the return of the Enghsh fleet caused 
the French to make a hasty retreat, and they 
sailed ao^ain the same niffht for Ancona. In the Battle of 

^ ° Lissa, 

spring the French fleet was strengthened and a March 13, 
resolute attempt was made to expel the English 
from Lissa. Dubordieu's force consisted of four 
frigates of forty-four guns, two corvettes of thirty- 
two guns, a sixteen-gun brig, a schooner, two gun- 
boats, and a xebec, carrying in all 284 guns, and 
a body of infantry destined to occupy the island. 
The English fleet, under Captain Hoste, consisted 
of four ships, the Amphion Active Cerberus and 
Volage, mounting altogether 156 guns. The 
numbers were 880 men on the English side against 
2500 French and Italians, but notwithstanding 
the odds against them the English obtained a 
complete victory. Three frigates and one corvette 
of the enemy struck their colours, and the French 
admiral Dubordieu was among the slain. 

In the following year Lissa, and in 1 8 1 3 Curzola, a.d. 1812- 
were regularly occupied by the English, who English 

occupation 

appointed a governor and established a system of the 
of administration under native officials in each 
island, which continued till July 15, 181 5, at the 
end of the war, when both islands, together with 
Lagosta, which had also been occupied by the 
English, were handed over to the Austrians. 

In 1809, the French troops having been with- 
drawn from Dalmatia, the Austrians re-entered ; 
but by the treaty of Vienna, Oct. 14, 1809, the 



1 68 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Severity of proviiice was restored to France and united to the 
govern- lUyrian kingdom. A military commission sat at 
Dalmatia. Scbenico wliicli tried, shot, and imprisoned those 
who had been imphcated in bringing back the 
Austrians, and the fort S. Nicol5 at the entrance 
of the harbour was crowded with pohtical prisoners. 
The clemency of Marmont, who commanded in 
the province, is in agreeable contrast to the severity 
of the French government which he served, and 
it was owing to his humanity that the town of 
Scardona was spared the destruction to which it 
had been condemned for a demonstration in favour 
of Austria. 
A.D. 1814. After the Russian campaign, and the other 
disasters that befel the French arms, the combined 
efforts of Austria and England drove the French 
from Dalmatia, which has since remained under 
the rule of the Austrian Emperor, and so, as it 
were by accident, has once more returned to the 
dominion of a Hungarian king. 



Condition From a review of the character of Venetian 
matia dominion in Dalmatia since the final occupation of 
Venedans, the couutry by the Republic, and of its effect on 
ij'97-^'^°^~ the condition of the people, it may be gathered 
that however little the Venetians desired to pro- 
mote the interests of their subjects, and however 
badly they may have governed them in some 
respects, the province, and more especially the 
cities, made on the whole a rapid advance in 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 169 

material prosperity under the settled government Daimatia 
of the Republic, and that arts and letters flourished Venetians, 
in spite of the absence of any encouragement from 1797. 
the State. The worst feature of Venetian govern- 
ment was its jealous hatred of any political vitality 
in its subjects, and the terrorism of the secret 
police by which it guarded itself against popular Terror of 
combinations. So great was the moral terror police. 
inspired by the secret machinery of the State that 
it is said one or two sbirri were enough to carry 
out any sentence of the law, and that a man con- 
demned to the pillory would sit out the term of 
his punishment without any guard being necessary 
to prevent his escape. 

The government agents kept the Senate informed 
of everything that took place, and of everything 
that was said ; those who had gone far enough to 
be dangerous disappeared, and their fate was 
wrapped in mystery which added terror to its 
warning for others ; young men of family who had 
travelled and imbibed liberal notions at Padua, 
Oxford, Brussels, or Rotterdam, and had been 
overheard indiscreetly drawing unfavourable com- 
parisons between their own government and that 
of other countries, were sent for to Venice and 
appointed to some post or employment ' ivhich 
ivoidd hee'p them away from the firel and the 
local authorities of the various towns were warned 
not to hesitate ' to cut aivay certain poiso^ied 
members toj)reserve the sound part from infection'^.' 

^ Documenti Storici, published by Solitro from the Records 



1 70 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Daimatia The voutlis of Dalmatia and Istria were withdrawn 

under the „ , . • i 1 

Venetians, froHi then* own country where they might have 
1797. been dangerous, and drafted into the forces of the 
RepubHc serving in Italy, while Dalmatia was 
defended by Italian troops, who, as we have seen, 
made a much weaker barrier against the Turks 
than would have been opposed by those whose 
state con- liearths and homes Were threatened \ The Church 
theChuich. itself was made to feel the restraining hand of the 
State ; it was allowed no secular power, the 
patronage of benefices and even bishoprics was 
virtually possessed by the government, the repre- 
sentative of the Republic was enthroned in the 
cathedral in a position of equal dignity with the 
archbishop or bishop - ; and when at last the Senate 
was induced to allow the establishment of the 
' Holy Inquisition ' within its dominion, the per- 
mission was accompanied by the condition that 
lay assessors appointed by the State should sit 
with the inquisitors, and that the sentences should 
be revised and confirmed by the Council of Ten^. 

in the Library of S. Mark, class. 7, cod. ccx. quoted by Sir G. 
Wilkinson, vol. ii. p. 344. 

^ The Dulmatiau levies amounted to 12,000 men out of a 
population of 250,000. Stor. della Dalra. p. 280. 

"^ Cubich, Veglia, part ii. p. 116. See also below, description 
of duomo of Zara, chapt. iv. 

^ Eomanin, Stor. di Ven. v. c. 6. The i-esult was that very few 
cases of capital punishment for heresy occur in the annals of 
Venice. ' La saggia Venezia voleva frenare il soverchio zelo ed 
eventuale fanatismo degl' inquisitori e raccommandava mitezza 
nelle pene ; sicche rarissimi furono i casi di condanne a morte 
che altrove abbondavano.' Franceschi, L' Istria, p. 291. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 171 

At the final re-entry of Venice into Dalmatia the Dalmatia 

"^ under the 

ancient privileo^es of the cities seem to have been Venetians, 

1 1 TT_ pA.D. 1409- 

confirmecl in most respects, but the liberty ol 1797. 
electing: the count was not restored to them, the 
appointment being thenceforth vested in the State. 
The Gran Consigiio also, originally a democratical 
assembly in each little commonwealth, as it had 
been in Venice before 1 299, was now as in the 
ruling state a close aristocratical body, to which 
the people had no access, and which served the 
central government as an obedient instrument for 
carrying out its ends. In other respects the 
municipal hberties seem to have been maintained, 
and justice on the whole fahly administered 
between rich and poor ; but the distance from the 
central government threw too much power into Excessive 

. . , . , . power of 

the hands of the Proweditori, who durmg then' thegovem- 
thirty-two months of ofiice were almost absolute 
rulers, especially on the islands, and who some- 
times exercised then- authority in an arbitrary and 
despotic manner. The taxes were onerous, and 
as the object of the government was to keep the 
country poor and dependent the burden was so 
arranged as to press heavily on the few native 
industries it possessed. The monopoly of salt The salt 

. . monopoly. 

placed, as it still does under the Austrian govern- 
ment, insuperable difficulties in the way of the 
fisheries, which if properly developed would be a 
mine of wealth for the maritime Dalmatians, 
especially the islanders. Nowhere is there a more 
abundant supply of fish than at Lissa, and yet for 



172 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Daimatia political reasons no magazine of salt was allowed on 
Venetians, that island, SO that when the fishermen had a 
ir97-^°^~ great take offish they were obliged to row thirty 
or forty miles to Lesina to get salt ; and if con- 
trary winds or bad weather prevented their going 
thither, fifty or a hundred thousand fish would 
sometimes have to be thrown into the sea and 
wasted^. 
Industry In some instances the government attempted to 

repressed. pi 

destroy the resources of the country by more 
direct means. The silkworm had been cultivated 
in Dalmatia from early times ^, and silk and olive 
oil had been among the chief products of the 
country. An iniquitous decree of the Senate 
ordered that all the mulberry trees and olives 
should be cut down, and a great number of the 
former had been destroyed when it was found that 
the people were determined to resist a measure 
which meant nothing less than ruin to them, and 
the olive trees which are scarcely less important 
to the Dalmatian farmer than his vines were 
saved. 
Education Educatiou, if uot prohibited, was discouraged, 

discourag- • i • i 

ed. and no public schools existed m the province 

except one seminary at Spalato which was founded 
in 1700 by archbishop Stefano Cosmi Comasco, 
and endowed with the funds of two religious 
establishments at Trail ^. The youths of the higher 

^ Fortis, Viaggio in Dalm. 

^ E.g. at Arbe ; vid. sup. p. 31, and infra, cbapt. xxviii. 

^ Storia della Dalmazia, p. 408. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 173 

classes had to go to Italy to study in the univer- Dalmatia 
sities of Padua, Pavia, or Bologna, or else to con- Venetians, 
tent themselves with the teaching of the clergy at 1797. '^°^ 
home, while the peasantry were left m the lowest 
depths of ignorance and barbarism. It will 
scarcely be believed that the printing press was 
not introduced at Zara till 1 796, when the Re- 
public was on its deathbed. 

The country swarmed with ecclesiastics, and the Excessive 
number of conventual establishments almost ex- ecciesias- 
ceeds belief. The island of Arbe, with a popula- 
tion of some 3000 souls, had at the time of Abbate 
Fortis's visit no fewer than three convents of 
friars, and as many of nuns, besides sixty priests 
who were poorly endowed, and whose sustenance 
fell on the ah-eady impoverished islanders. Out 
of 3000 inhabitants of Cherso at the same period 
there were 120 ecclesiastics, including- a convent 
of friars, and a monastery of nuns, ' an excessive 
number to say the truth in a 2)^ctce ivhere arms 
are so precious.' At Pago Fortis found no fewer 
than two convents for men and one for women 
within the walls, and at a short distance another 
for Franciscan friars, ' a race of men who under 
various names and disguises infest every place 
where credulous ignorance can he persuaded to 
maintain the idle and superstitious^.' 

Of the condition of the Morlacchi at the time Social state 
of his visit he gives a very interesting account, stition of 
He found them honest, generous, simple, and con- lacchi. 
^ Abbate Fortis, Description of island of Pago. 



174 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I. 

Daiinatia fidiiig, and easilj imposed on by the Italians. 

Venetians, There woro no beggars among them poor as they 

1797- ^°^ were, and they were never wanting in hospitahty 
to strangers. Their superstition was abject, and 
the mendicant clergy were either as ignorant and 
superstitious as their flock or else traded on the 
ignorance of the people for their own profit. The 
Morlacchi both of the Greek and the Latin church 
believed in witches, fahies, enchantments, noc- 
turnal apparitions, and vamj^ires^ or spirits of 
dead persons who suck the blood of infants. 
When any dead person was suspected of becoming 
a vampire the body was ham-strung and pierced 
with pins which prevented its wandering, and 
many jDorsons on their deathbed, afraid of becom- 
ing vampires, implored their relatives to serve 
them in this way after death. Morlacca girls 

Treatment wero Carried off by their suitors with then' own 

of women . • r^ i 

among consent, m order to escape the attentions of those 
they intended to reject. Before marriage Fortis 
says the girls were neat, but when married they 
neglected their persons and became filthy and 
repulsive. Women were treated as inferiors ; if 
the husband possessed a bedstead the wife lay on 
the floor ; and a man never spoke of his wife 
without an apologetic ' by your leave,' or ' begging 

Their cot- your pardou.' Their cottages were seldom roofed 

" ' with anything but thatch or shingles ; beds were 

rare, the people generally lay on the ground 

wrapped in goat's hair blankets, or in summer out 

^ Called Yukodlah ; or in the island of Cberso B'dsi. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 175 

of doors the better to escape the attacks of Dalmatia 

. , under the 

vermm. The walls of the huts were built with- Venetians, 
out mortar, the door was the only opening, and 1797. 
the smoke had to find its way out without a 
chimney. The interior was varnished black and 
loathsome with smoke, the savour of which per- 
vaded everything, hanging about the persons and 
clothes of the inhabitants and flavouring the 
milk and everything they ate or drank. The 
only point about which they were nice was that 
of sanitary cleanliness, as to which they seem to 
have been scrupulously exact, but they were con- 
tent to share their houses with the beasts, and a 
slight wattled partition plastered with clay or 
dung was all that separated the human inmates 
from their pigs and oxen and horses. They had 

an extreme abhorrence of snakes, founded on Pagan Supersti- 
tion ofivior- 
traditions. In the beginning they say there were lacchi con- 

cerning 

three suns, the heat of which being excessive the snakes. 
serpent resolved on getting rid of them. He 
succeeded in absorbing two and a half, but the 
remaining half sun, whose light we now enjoy, 
proving too much for him, the serpent, unable to 
bear the hght, hid himself among the rocks. The 
sun incensed at the attack that had been made 
on him applauded every one who killed one of the 
serpent race, and threatened to punish him who 
failed to do so when he had the chance. When 
Fortis was ascending Monte Biocovo above Almissa 
a viper crossed the path of his guides. * They both 
ran furiously to kill it ivith stones ; our interces- 



1 76 History of Dabnatia. [Ch. i. 

Daimatia sioii to let it ciloue had no effect; they said it was 
Venetians, « malejick demoii disguised in that form, and 
1797-^°^ eve?i turned in horrour from the ivay they thought 
it might have touched.' His companion Signor 
Bajamonte having taken it up in his hand and 
approached them to show them it was dead, they 
presented then* muskets at him and hade him 
stand off at the peril of his hfe. 
Supersti- Still moro curious were the superstitions about 
teredby tcuipests and the mode of averting them. At 
Paofo one of the Dominican friars was in Fortis's 
time elected by the people to the office of exor- 
cising storms, and keeping the island clear of the 
summer rains which damaged the salt works, and 
of hail which destroyed the vines. At Novaglia 
also the clergy were expected to exorcise the evil 
spirits and the Vukodlaci or witches who raised 
the storms, and they had to stand in their sacer- 
dotal dress with the holy water in their hand 
exposed to wind and rain. ' 27ie im^oostors,' he 
says, ' apjy eared to act this scene very seriously, 
making a thousand m,otions and grimaces and 
leaping from one side to the other as if pursuing 
some Vuhodlak. I hneiu one of them, tvho ran 
after the devil into the sea up to the middle, ayid 
in that strange position continued his crosses, 
aspersions, and conjurations. The islanders, 
while the priest mutters his prayers, discharge 
their pieces towards the place pointed at hy him 
as if to kill the tcitches or p>ut them to fight. 
Wliat sillier customs can there he among the 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 177 

Lapioonians ! ' At Verbenico on the island of Daimatia 
Veglia the priests 'are obliged to sleep under ct Venetians, 
lodge open on cdl sides and contiguous to the 1^97/°^" 
steeple from St. Georges Day to Michaelmas, that 
they 7)iay be ready at any time to drive away 
the storms of hail by ringing the bells, and if the 
storm continues it is their duty to go out into 
the open air bareheaded to conjure it.' The 
Abbate goes on to enlarge on the shameful ignor- 
ance and superstition of the priesthood in the 
rural districts. At Castelmuschio he was shown 
two pieces of willow and told they were parts of 
Moses' rod, and two links of a chain which were 
said to have bound S. Peter. The samts were 
represented by frightful images scarcely resem- 
bling anything human, to which the people were 
so devoted that it would have been dangerous to 
attempt to deprive them of them\ 

The degree of cultivation among the upper cuitiva- 
classes, less dependent on local conditions than upper 
that of the peasantry, was not inferior to that of^^^®^' 
Italy or the rest of Europe, and a very creditable 
list may be made out of Dalmatians who distin- 
guished themselves in arts and letters durmg the 
fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 
Sebenico, the youngest of 'Dalmatian' towns, 
produced more illustrious sons than any except 
perhaps Eagusa, and Fortis declares that m the 
sixteenth century the arts and sciences flourished 

^ I saw a frightful but highly venerated image of S. Gau- 
denzio at Ossero in 1884. 

VOL. I. N 



1 78 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. t. 

Daimatia there Hiore than in any other town of Dahnatia. 

under the , . . i /> -vt • • r> i 

Venetians, From this City Sprang the four Veranzii, 01 whom 
1 797. the eldest Antonio (b. 1 504 f 1 5 73), rose to the dig- 
Daim™*^^ nity of Archbishop of Gran, Primate of Hungary, 
tians. g^j^^j Viceroy of the kingdom, and left behind him 
valuable materials for the history of his country ; 
the Illyrian poet Difnico and the historian Tomco 
Marnavich were also Sebenzani, and so were 
Schiavone the painter, whom Titian condescended 
to imitate, and Martino Rota the engraver. 
Giorgio Orsini also, the architect of the wondrous 
vaults of the cathedral, was an inhabitant of 
Sebenico, though probably a native of Zara, and 
he may be claimed as a naturalized Dalmatian 
though descended from a Roman stock. The 
island of Cherso produced Francesco Patrizzi or 
Patrizio, the first to unfold the military system of 
Pome, from whom Lipsius is accused by Scaliger 
of plagiarizing^ ; Arbe gave bu*th to Nimira an 
accomplished though self-taught mathematician, 
and the famous Marc Antonio de Dominis the 
first to explain the solar spectrum, whose theo- 
logical wanderings have almost made the world 
forget his achievements in the field of natural 
science; Zara alone has no illustrious progeny to 
boast of unless, as seems probable, the architect 
Giorgio Orsini was born there. Spalato during 
this period can only point to the name of Marco 

^ Vicl. Hallam, History of Literature, vol. i. p. 526, vol. ii. pp. 
6, 371, and Fortis, Saggio d' osservazioni sopra 1' isola de Cherso 
ed Osero. Patrizio was born in 1529, and died in 1597. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 179 

Marulo the historian, but Trail may glory in Dalmatia 
having given bu'th to Giovanni Lucio, the father Venetians, 
of Dalmatian history, whose great work is as 1797.'^^ 
remarkable for critical sagacity as for the industry 
and research which have gone to produce it. 

Kagusa, whose independence dates from the Eagusan 
period when the rest of Dalmatia passed finally 
under the dominion of Venice, has a still more 
brilliant roll of worthies to display. Elio Lam- 
pridio Cervo, the poet laureate, and Ludovico 
(Tubero) Cerva of the same family, the historian 
of his own times, flourished in the fifteenth and 
earlier part of the sixteenth century : Gian. Fran- 
cesco Gondola (b. 1588 f 1638) achieved the great 
literary triumph of the lUyric language by his 
epic poem of the Osmanide, in which the subject 
is taken from contemporary history, and the hero is 
a sultan of those Turks whose friendship strangely 
enough was the bulwark of E,agusan independence 
at the time that they were generally regarded as 
the natural foes of Christendom. At the same 
time Marino Ghetaldi was pursuing those experi- 
ments in natural science which gained him an 
European reputation, while the Kagusan peasantry 
thought him an enchanter and dreaded to ap- 
proach the cave which served him for a laboratory ; 
and in the eighteenth century the achievements 
of E,uggiero Giuseppe Boscovich as a mathema- 
tician and natural philosopher shed lustre on his 
native city^ 

^ Both Ghetaldi and Boscovich travelled to England, and the 
N 2 



i8o History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Daimatia That 111 poiiit of material prosperity the maritime 
Venetians. towHS and islands of Dalmatia flourished under 
i797-^^°^~ the dominion of Venice is proved beyond a doubt 
Material by the public and private buildings which began 
fihown by to Spring up ou all sides as soon as the political 

architec- , . /y> i r? 

turai acti- transition was effected. Zara completed her 
1420. cathedral and the basilica of S. Grisogono ; 
Sebenico began her new cathedi^al and raised it 
nearly to the cupola ; Curzola completed her 
duomo and raised the campanile, and built the 
Badia with its graceful cloister which is one of 
the gems of Dalmatian art ; a new cathedral was 
begun at Ossero ; and the cathedi^al at Traii was 
enlarged and adorned by its western tower and 
by the sumptuous sacristy baptistery and chapels 
that render it the most magnificent church in 
Dalmatia. Throughout the province the churches 
and convents were fitted with handsome stalls, 
and the treasuries furnished with beautiful plate 
and embroideries, reflecting the taste of the ruling 
city and probably generally the handiwork of 
Venetian artists. Palaces and public buildings 
that remind one by their architecture of the 
Grand Canal sprang up in the streets of every 
seaport to^vn of the mainland or islands ; the 
streets and squares were paved, and the walls 

latter was made a fellow of our Eoyal Society. Boswell men- 
tions him more than once ; he met Dr. Johnson at dinner at 
the houses of Sir Joshua EejTiolds and Dr. Douglas, afterwards 
Bishop of Salisbury, where ' that celebrated foreigner expressed 
his astonishment at Johnson's Latin conversation,' ch. li. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. i8i 

and gates rebuilt or strengthened ; the harbours 
were improved, arsenals were established, and the 
dockyards were crowded with shipping in course of 
repah" or construction. In the principal f)iazza of 
each city was erected the loggia or tribunal, whei'e 
sat the judges, and where the principal public 
business of the place was transacted ; in front of 
it a pillar supported the flag-post from which 
floated the banner of the Republic, while the Lion 
of St. Mark, in marble or stone, looked do^Am from 
every gateway, bastion, and public building, sig- 
nificant of the watchful argus-eyed government 
seated on the distant laoTines whose vio;ilance 
nothing could escape. 

As the commercial greatness of Venice declined Decline of 

Venice felt 

towards the end of her career, the prosperity of her in Daima- 
dependencies naturally passed away at the same 
time. Decay and torpor set in, ship-building de- 
clined, the ports were deserted and the trade came 
nearly to a standstill. The arts were neglected, 
and the series of architectural works was closed, 
except at Ragusa, which still preserved its liberties 
and some remains of its former prosperity. The 
palaces of the rich Venetian and native merchants 
were deserted or neglected, and many of them 
fell into the ruin which now meets the eye at 
every turn. 

Such was the state of Dalmatia when the pro- Dalmatia 
vince came into the hands of the Austrians, and Austria. 
such to a great extent it remains to the present 
day. Something has undoubtedly been done by 



l82 



History of Dalmatia. 



[Ch. I. 



Dalmatia the preseiit government, and it is no light benefit 
tria. to the province that a perfect system of pohce has 

been established, that the Haiduks or bandits have 
been suppressed, and that notwithstanding the 
vicinity of the Turkish provinces the traveller 
may move about in the remotest corners of Dal- 
matia as freely as he would in England, and with 
a security that is unknown in the south of Italy 
or Spain. Blood feuds among the Morlacchi have 
also been repressed, and the practice of carrying 
arms put under control, and above all a regular 
system of education in all its grades, both elemen- 
tary and advanced, except that of the University, 
has been introduced into every part of the country. 
For all this Dalmatia may well feel grateful to 
her present masters ; but there is still much that 
she may fairly ask to be done for her. Her trade 
and productions are hampered by vexatious cus- 
toms and monopolies, and the peasants still plough 
the land with instruments compared to which the 
Virgilian plough was a masterpiece of ingenuity. 
' Ah, Signore,' said a Dalmatian tradesman to me, 
' it is a wretched country you have come to visit ; 
the Venetians made a Morlaccheria of it, and 
though the present government has done a little 
for us of late years, things are not much changed 
for the better,' In the interior of the country the 
Morlacchi still inhabit the huts described by Fortis 
a hundred years ago, without window or chhnney, 
black with smoke, and serving as in Ireland for 
cottage and pig-stye in one, men women and 



Present 
condition 
of the po- 
pulation. 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 183 

beasts occupying the same tenement, with scarcely Modem 
any partition to divide them. The belief in "vyitch- 
craft and fau-ies is as strong as ever, brides are 
still carried off by the favoured suitor and brought 
home again after an interval to be formally es- 
poused, and firearms are still supposed to be 
efiicacious against the demon of the storm. The 
abuse against which Fortis declaims of an extra- 
vagant number of ecclesiastics and convents still 
exists, and the number of the latter is scarcely 
diminished since his time. Of the adult popula- 
tion of the country not less than 33 per cent, are 
non-productive, consisting of priests, monks, nuns, 
idlers, mendicants, and rogues \ and consequently 
it is no wonder that more than half the cultivable 
land of the province should be lost to agriculture, 
serving merely to afibrd scanty pasturage to sheep 
and goats, and that Dalmatia should be the most 
backward and the poorest province of the Austro- 
Hungarian dominions. 

During the past two years a fresh movement Distinc- 
has taken place in Dalmatia which is driving the Latins and 
most intelligent and cultivated of its inhabitants moderiT 
to something like despair. In the preceding pages *^™^^' 
the dual element in the population of the country 

^ Schatzmeyer, La Dalmazia. Trieste, 1877. He divides 
the adult population of Dalmatia thus : — Agriculturists, 50V0 > 
industrials, 3-75°/oJ commercialists and mariners, 2-50°/^; 
proprietors and government employes, 2-50°/^ ; servants, 
7-50°/ ; and ' i restanti, vale a dire ^:>Mt di 33°/o '^* t'^^t''' 9^^ 
ahitanti rappresentano una j^opulazione improduttiva, che con- 
siste di preti monaci e monache oziosi mendicanti malviventi,' &c. 



184 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

which has existed since the seventh century, and 
has survived all changes of government down to 
our own days has been put forward as the 
key to the proper understanding of Dalmatian 
history. Side by side through all the alterna- 
tions of Venetian and Hungarian rule the Latin 
and the Slav have remained as two distinct 
elements, mixing at the edges as it were, but 
never fusing into one another. In the old Koman 
cities the old Roman traditions, and no doubt the 
old Roman stock survived the shock of Slavonic 
conquest, and though the Croat was lord outside 
the city walls and beyond the narrow territory 
claimed by the citizens, within the gates the 
Dalmatian people retained their old Roman 
customs, governed themselves by the old Roman 
law, and spoke the old Latin tongue, which they 
still speak at the present day in its modern form. 
Erroneous Thosc who havc uot acquainted themselves with 

idea as to 

origin of Dalmatian history are apt to think that the Latin 

thisdis- . , 

tinction. fringe which borders the Slavonic province has 
derived its language and customs from Venice, to 
which it was so long subject. Nothing can be 
farther from the truth ; Zara Spalato Trail and 
Ragusa were Latin cities when as yet Venice was 
not existent, and they remained Latin cities 
throughout the middle ages, with very little help 
from her influence untd the fifteenth century. 
The Italian spoken in Dalmatia before that time 
was not the Venetian dialect ; in some parts it 
had a distinct form of its own, in others it re- 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 185 

sembled the form into which Latin had passed in 
the south of Italy or Umbria, and it was only 
after 1420 that it began to assimilate itself 
to the Italian of Lombardy and Venetian At 
Ragnsa it never became Venetian at all, and 
to this day resembles rather the Tuscan dialect 
than any other, while the patois of the com- 
mon people is a curious medley of Italian and 
Illyric, with traces of rustic Latin, Ylach or 
Rouman. 

It is to the Latins of Dalmatia that we must Dalmatian 
look for evidences of culture and intellectual pro- the Middle 
gress, and not to the Slavs. Those Croatian towns fiSToThe 
that, like Sebenico, emerged from semi-barbarism ^ "^' 
did so by being gathered within the Dalmatian Adherence 

.... of the Bal- 

pale, and by copymg the mstitutions and customs matian 
and adopting the language of the older cities of Latin tra- 
Latin descent. Ragusa, the Dalmatian Athens, 
has sometimes been held up as an example of 
Slavonic culture, but this is only partially the 
case, for the history of Ragusa is uniformly that 
of a Latin rather than a Slavonic city. The public 
acts were recorded either in Latin or Itahan, never 
in Illyric, except in case of correspondence with a 
Slavonic power ; Italian appears as the language 
of the records and laws as early as the fourteenth 
century ^ ; the pleadings in the law-courts in the 
fifteenth century were not in Illyric but in a 

^ Yid. Luc. lib. vi. c. ii. 

^ Vid. Statutes of the Dogana of Kagusa in Eitelberger's 
Dalmatien, p. 374, ed. 1884. 



1 86 Histoiy of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Bouman or debased Latin dialect^ ; the rules of 
the lay confraternities of goldsmiths carjjenters 
and other trades are drawn up in Italian at least 
as far back as the year 1306, an incontestable 
proof that Italian was then the vernacular lan- 
guage of the working classes ^ ; and when, in 1435, 
the little republic set an example which many 
greater states might worthily have imitated, and 
instituted public schools, it was from Italy that 
she invited her professors. Cattaro, the remotest 
of Dalmatian cities, which lived till the fifteenth 
century under the shadow and protection of the 
kings of Servia, preserved her Latin traditions as 
jealously as the rest ; it was from Italy that she 
invited her public teachers ever since the thir- 
teenth century, and it was to the colleges of 
Rome Padua or Bologna, and not to the court of 
Rascia, that an appeal was provided from her 
municipal tribunal. 
Venetian Xhis Lcitin — it would bc iucorrcct to call it 

rule 

favourable Italian — element which the Venetians at their 

to the 

Latins. advciit fouiid already existing in Dalmatia natu- 
rally became preponderant over the Slavonic 
element when both parties passed under the rule 
of an Italian power. Under the Venetian govern- 
ment Italian was the ofiicial language throughout 
the enth'e province, from the sea-shore to the 

^ DeDiversis, ed. Brunelli, p. 70. Zara, 1882 ; vid. also infra, 
History of Ragusa, cliaj)ter xis. 

^ Le confraternite laiclie in Dalmazia. G. Gelcich, Ragusa, 
1885, p. 30, &c. 



Ch. I.] History of Dahnatia. 187 

crests of the Vellebich mountains ; Italian officials 
were appointed to every office in both urban and • 
rural districts, and the lUyric language was left to 
boors and husbandmen. And when the Austrians 
came in and established a system of public in- 
struction throughout the country it was given in 
Italian, even in places where the population was 
entirely Slavonic and the Italian language under- 
stood by only a minority. This was clearly unjust, 
and could not be expected to outlast the period of 
Slavonic depression and servitude. AU this is Prepon- 
now changed : the achievement of independence siavs in 
by Servia and Bulgaria, the successful revolt of times. 
Bosnia and Herzegovina from the Turks, and the 
virtual incorporation of those provinces into the 
Austro-Hungarian Empire, have given an impetus 
to the Slavs of Croatia and Dahnatia, and they 
too have begun to dream of forming an independent 
state, federally attached to the Austrian Empire, 
but enjoying the same kind of autonomy as Hun- 
gary. The Croats are agitating for the separation 
of that tie which has bound them to the Hun- 
garian monarchy since the days of King Coloman, 
and among the Dalmatians a party has sprung up 
which clamours for union with Croatia and a 
share in her anticipated ' Home Bule.' 

Unfortunately the fervour of their new-born Present 
national life has brought the Croats of Dalmatia nism of 
into violent collision with the Latins. The Croat Croatian 
party insists on the thorough Slavonizing of the 
whole province, whether rural or urban ; they 



1 88 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. I, 

Demands demand that Illyric shall be the official language, 

of the -I ' -\ p ni • • 1 •• 

Croat and the vehicle for all education, in the cities as 
well as m the country, even m the higher grade 
schools, and in the case of those whose mother- 
tongue is Italian. 

These demands of the Croat party probably 
partake of the nature of a rebound from former 
depression. It is hard to say what Dalmatia is 
to gain by the extinction of her ancient Latin 
culture, and the suppression of a native language 
which is understood by most educated men in 
western Europe, and which makes her merchants 
and sailors at home in every port of the Mediter- 
ranean. It is not as if the Illyric language were 
not understood in the cities, and had to be in- 
troduced there ; every educated person in Dal- 
matia is bilingual, and though he may generally 
talk Italian in his own family, he has also talked 
Illyric from his cradle. The double language 
places no barrier between the citizen and the 
countryman, for both can talk Illyric, though 
both may not be able to talk Italian. So far 
as a common language goes there is nothing to 
prevent the Latin and Slav from combining to 
form a Dalmatian nation, and to a foreigner it 
appears absurd that politics should have been 
dragged into a social and educational question. 
For there is no question in Dalmatia of ' Italia 
irredenta,' as there is in Istria ; the Latin element 
numbers only ten per cent, of the population, and 
the merest visionary could hardly dream of an- 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 189 

nexation to Italy. All that the Latin population Demand 
desire is that Italian should be retained as the Latin 
language of school instruction for those who ^^^ ^' 
desire it and in those towns where Italian is 
spoken by everybody, while in the rural schools 
the instruction might be given if preferred in 
Illyric ; and in this demand it is difficult for an 
outsider to see anything unreasonable ^ 

The educational question touches the Latins views of 
alone, but the political question touches one branch party, 
of the Slavs also. For the Dalmatian Slavs them- 
selves are not of one family, nor at present of one 
mind. Northern Dalmatia is peopled by Croats, 
and Southern Dalmatia by Serbs, the division 
between them being the river Cettina as it was 
in the times of Heraclius and Porphyrogenitus ; 
these two branches of the Slavonic race speak a 
slightly different dialect of their common Illyric 
language, and have different political aspirations, 
for while the majority of the Croats are Boman 
Catholics and are agitating for the annexation of 
Dalmatia to Croatia, in order to form a single 
powerful Slavonic province with an independent 
constitution like that of Hungary, the majority of 
the Serbs belong to the Greek Church, and are 
bitterly opposed to the idea of sinking their nation- 
ality in that of the Croats, and incline rather 
towards union with Servia and Montenegro. The 

^ It should be observed that by the Austrian law private 
schools are rendered practically impossible, and children have 
no alternative but home education or the state school. 



iQO History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Tiieaw- common danger has for the present united the 
party!""* Serbs and Latins in opposition to the Croats, and 
they form what is kno^vn as the autonomous party 
whose primary object is to defeat the union of 
Dahnatia and Croatia and maintain their separate 
national existence. 
Eecent The Government however is fighting the battle 

tionai laws of the Croats, by suppressing hostile municipal 
ofthe°" boards and appointing others, and by manipu- 
^^^" lating the elections as a paternal government well 
knows how. It is the policy of Austria, which 
seems preparing for itself a retreat from Germany 
into the Slavonic lands of the Balkan peninsula, 
to ingratiate itself with the Croats, and the Croats 
have had theu^ way in this and every question 
between them and the Latins. Except in Zara, 
a place which is so thorouglily Italian that the 
change has been found impracticable, and one or 
two places like Trau, where the Latin element was 
strong enough to insist on the change being op- 
tional with the parents of the children, the whole 
education of the country is now conducted through 
the Illyric language. Even in the Ginnasi or 
schools immediately below the grade of the Uni- 
versity it is the same, and those who wish to 
study Italian literature must do so through the 
medium of Illyric, even though Italian be their 
mother-tongue. Slavonic literature there is next 
to none ; it is a matter of the future ; it consists 
at present of little more than one epic and a 
mass of lyric poems and national songs, and is in- 



Ch. I.] History of Dalmatia. 191 

ferior in interest to the ancient literature of Wales. 
The most ardent Croat can hardly wish to substi- 
tute this for the 'Divina Commedia,' and it is 
scarcely possible to take him seriously when he 
replies to the objection by telling you that the 
Italian poets will still be read through the medium 
of excellent translations into lUyric. It remains 
to be seen what will be the outcome of this mode 
of education at second hand ; meanwhile it is 
difficult for a foreigner to view without regret 
a needless attempt to extinguish an ancient cul- 
ture and to silence an ancient language which can 
boast an uninterrupted descent from the days of 
the Roman Empire ^ 

The political future of Dalmatia is necessarily 
and inevitably Slavonic ; Dalmatia is the natural 
sea-board of the great Slavonic populations behind 
her ; but there is no reason why the regeneration 
of the Slav should mean the extinction of the 

^ The violent measures by which the Government was obliged 
to introduce this and similar changes favoui'ing the Croat party, 
make one suppose that they were unwelcome not only to the 
Latins, but to the majority of the Dalmatians. I never talked 
with a seafaring man who did not speak with bitterness of 
the change, and dilate on the hardship of his children not 
being taught Italian, a language in which a sailor can make 
himself understood throughout the Levant, and in almost every 
port of the Mediterranean. Indeed, when talking with gentle- 
men who were extreme partizans on the side of the Croats, I 
never found one who did not admit that the extinction of the 
Italian language would be a loss to the country, although in 
their public and collective capacity they are doing all they can 
to bring about that of which in private they deplore the con- 
tingency. 



192 History of Dalmatia. [Ch. i. 

Latin. The best hope for the formation of a 
Dalmatian nation lies in a policy of conciliation, 
and not in the vain attempt to turn the Latins 
into Croats. The race distinctions of Latin and 
Croat will probably never be effaced, but there 
is no reason why if they mutually respect one 
another they should not live as contentedly 
under one government as the various races of 
England Scotland and Wales. 



TABLE OF 



THE KINGS OF HUNGARY 



DOWX TO THE TIME OF 



THE AUSTRIAN DYNASTY 



VOL. L 



TABLE OF THE KINGS OF HUNGAKY, 

DOWN TO THE TIME OF THE AUSTRIAN DYNASTY. 

Arpad, settled on Danube, c- 887. 

Zoltan, 907-961 (?). 

I 

Toxun, 058-971. 



OEIZA, 971-997, baptized 9S9. 



1. STEPHEN I, 997-103S, 

crowned first King of Hungary 

1000, canonized 1083. 



Oisela. 

I 



Xiadialaus the Bald, d. 1 



2. PETEB, 1038, 
deposed 1041, 

restored 1043, Sophias 

deposed and daughter of 

blinded J047. Emp. Henry III. 



3. ANDHEW I, 1047-1 

I 
5. SALOMON, 1 



4. BEI>A I, 1061-3 (?) 



6. OEIZA. I, 'the Great, 

I 
8. COLOMAN, 

I 
0. STEPHEN II, 



7. LADISLAUS I, 1077-95. 



095- : 



Lampert (?) 

QU8, ace. Lucio, and others, ei 
I 
10. BELAII, 'the Blind,' 



11. GEIZAII, 1141-61. 



12. STEPHEN III, 
dethroned 1161, 



13. BELA III (Alexius), 1173-96. 



14. EMEBIC, 



Gertrudis =f= 16. ANDREW II, r 304-35 ^ Beatrice d'Este- 



15. LADISLAUS II, 



r of =f 17. BELA IV, 1234-70. 



led M Stephen V). An: 



Slisabeth ^ Hei 



Charles I 
opposed I 
died at ] 



Bobert, Kioj 
of Naplea, 
l309-,>34^- 



John, Duke of 



Stephen, Ban of 



Ladislaus, Stephe 
Ban of Biiu 

Bosnia. 1 



Stephen 

Tvartko I. 

King of 



Caaimir. Casimirlll, 'theGreat,' Eliaabeth'the: 
' — I of Poland, d. 1370. Elder,' d. 1380. 

Cotroman, ^ Elizabeth. 



Elizabeth 'the Younger,' ^24. LEWIS I, 'theGreat,' Andrew, 
murdered or died in I King of Hungary 1342, mar. Sept 
prison at Novigrad King of Poland 1370, 



Joanna I, Quee 
of Naples, de- 
posed and mur- 
murdered I dered by CharleJ 
111,1383. 



Sept. 1345. 



Maria ^ Charles, Duke Louis, Count 

jt to death died at 

1348 by 



Charh 

ated 1 38S, alone 

1395, Emperor I4I1, 

died 1437. 



John Huniades, died 145' 



= 25. MABIA, 1383, Hedwig^ Jagellon, Grand Duke 
married 1385, I of Lithuania, elected 

died Sept. 1395, s. p. King of Poland 1386 

i= and wife, Barbe de Cilley. as Ladielaus V. 



Naples in 13; 

prison 1363. 

Margarita, =1= 26. CHARLES III, King o 
d. I413. Naples, crowned King of 

Hungary 1385, murdered by 
Elizabeth 1386. 



.BETH, =f £ 



fell at battle of Van 



34. PEBDINAND I of AuBtria, = A 
brother of Charles V, elected 
King of Hungary and Bohemia 1526, 
King of the Bouiaus 1531, Emperor 1558. 
luks continued in 



Elizabeth =r Casimir IV of Poland. 

I 

32. LADISLAUS VI, 1490, 

King of Bohemia 1471, 

died 1 5 16. 



. LADISLAUS V. i44.'i-5; 



throne of Hungary with 

Sigismund. Crowned at 

Zara 1403, retired 1409, 

died 1 41 4. 



38. LEWIS II, King of Hungary and Bohemia i;i6, 
fell at battle of Mohacz io»6- 



CHAPTEE 11. 
Dalmatia. 

The Country, the People, and the Architecture, with a chrono- 
logical list of the principal buildings. 

Dalmatia though nominally a kingdom has never 
had any independent national existence. It has 
never since its first appearance on the stage of 
history been the home of a single united nation, and 
it is not so much a distinct country as a convenient 
geographical expression. Even its geographical 
boundaries have been differently fixed by different 
writers and at different times ; for while Pliny ^ gives 
to Liburnia the coast from the Piver Arsia in Istria 
round the head of the Quarnero as far as the Titius 
or Kerka at Sebenico, and to Dalmatia the coast 
southwards to Lissus on the Macedonian frontier, 
Constantine Porphyrogenitus^ in the tenth century 

^ ' Nunc finis Italiae fluvius Arsia,' lib. iii. c. xix. ' Liburniae 
finis et initium Dalmatiae Scardona in amne eo.' v. c. xxii. 
^ De admo. Impo. c. xxx. He divides the theme as follows : — 
(i) Diolcea, from Dyrrhachium and Antivari to Decatera (Cat- 
taro), and inland to Servia. 

(2) Terhunia, from Cattaro to Ragusa and inland to Servia, 
corresponding to the district of Canali. 

(3) Zachlurnia (Za= behind, Chlum the name of a certain moun- 
tain), from Eagusa to the Narenta ; afterward the Serb duchy of 

O 2 



196 Boundaries of Dalmatia. [Oh. ii. 

confined the theme of Dahnatia to the coast south 
of the Cettina, which enters the sea at Ahnissa. 
In the middle ages after the uTuption of the Croats 
and Serbs the name Dalmatian was for a long time 
confined to the Latin inhabitants of a few maritime 
to^wais and islands, the whole of the country beyond 
then- narrow territory bemg considered Croatian ^ 
In modern times Dalmatia is the strip of lowland 
or sub-mountainous country between the Alps and 
the sea, as well as the whole archij)elago of islands 
that lie off its shores, reaching from Albania on the 
south to the ojDening of the gulf of Quarnero on the 
north, and including the islands of Pao-o and Arbe 
within that gulf For this length of nearly 300 
miles it has an average width of some twenty or 
twenty-five miles, varying from barely a mile at 
Cattaro to not quite forty miles at Knm. It is 
divided from Croatia Bosnia Herzeo'ovma and 
Montenegro by the high range of the Dinaric Alps 

Chulm or Chelmo, known also as the Primorje (or sea-coast) of 
Stagno. 

(4) Pagania, from the Narenta to the Cettina at Almissa, 
known afterwards as the Craina, or the Primorie par excellence, the 
country of the Pagan ISTarentines, to which belonged the islands 
of Melita, Curzola, Brazza and Lesina, nearly deserted then, but 
used as pastures. 

(5) Croatia, northwards from the Cettina round the Quarnei'o, 
as far as Albona in Istria. 

Pliny's Dalmatia included the first four of these divisions and 
part of the fifth, as far as Sebenico. The rest of Porphyrogenitus' 
Croatia is Pliny's Liburnia. 

•^ ' ladra, Tragurium, et Spalato quae, cum insulis, Dalmatarum 
vel Eomanorum nomeu retinueruut.' Luc. de Eegn, lib, ii. c. siii. 
p. 89, et passim. 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Scenery. 197 

which go by various names in various parts of theii- 
extent, between which and the Adriatic the land 
lies in a succession of ridges running parallel to the 
mountains and the sea with intervening valleys and 
plains. As the general level falls westwards the 
sea enters between the last parallel ridges, and the 
result is that strange shoal of long narrow islands, 
the crests of half sunken mountains, which frrngfes 
the coast of Dalmatia, and which we knew so well 
in our school atlas. 

The natural scenery of Dalmatia is as smgular 
as its geographical formation, and is in the strongest 
contrast to that of the opposite shores of Italy. 
The luxuriantly wooded mountains of Umbria, and 
the lacrunes and marshes of Romao-na and Venetia, 
are confronted in Dalmatia by stony deserts and 
mountains of an arid whiteness which at the first 
view seem covered with new fallen snow ; while 
the muddy sea that beats on the flat shores and 
harbourless coast of Italy is exchanged on the 
opposite side for sapphh^e depths of crystal clear- 
ness which interlace an intricate network of natural 
breakwaters and penetrate into countless havens 
of matchless security. To the traveller from 
central and western Europe the sterility and 
barrenness of Dalmatia suggest the deserts of 
Arabia rather than any part of his own con- 
tinent. It is true that there is some appearance 
of fertility in some of the islands, on the Riviera 
of Trail, and at the entrance of the Bocche, but 
still the general unpression which the country leaves 



198 Dalmatian Scenery. [Ch. 11. 

on the mind is one of bare white mountains, and 
fields covered with loose splintered rocks which the 
land ' grows ' faster than they can be picked off it, 
although the great heaps that divide field from field 
cover more gromid than they leave exposed for 
cultivation. In those parts of the interior where 
the mountains recede from the coast there are 
extensive peaty moors and unwholesome swamps, 
seed-beds of agues and fevers which are extremely 
prevalent throughout the province. These moors 
and swamps are due to the curious conformation of 
the surface, which is honeycombed with pits punch- 
bowls or basins of all sizes, some so small that you 
may jump over them, and others many miles in 
diameter, which are known by the various names 
of foibe, doline, or polje. Into these basins the rain 
washes down all the vegetable earth, and forms an 
alluvial stratum which is the cultivable soil of 
Dalmatia. At the bottom of each little crater is 
a potato bed or a patch of corn land, and the large 
plains which form the floor of the greater punch- 
bowls are the best pasture lands. From these 
hollows there is often no natural outlet, or none 
that is sufficient to carry off the drainage, and 
violent or long continued rain often reduces them 
to the condition of a lake. With the return of dry 
weather they become dry land again, and the damp 
effluvium from the mud and decaying vegetation is 
extremely pestilential ^ But the malaria is not 

' These singular hollows in the soil of Dalmatia and Istria have 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Scenery. 199 

confined to the interior : many of the maritime 
towns enjoy an equally bad reputation. Sebenico is 
said not to be free from malaria, nor TraiA either, 
though the air there is more wholesome than it 
used to be ; but Scardona Nona and Ossero are 
regular hot-beds of ague and tertian fevers, and till 
a few years ago Pola and Parenzo in Istria were no 
better. It is curious that all these places are old 
Roman towns, which once sujDported large and 
flourishing communities, and which it may be pre- 
sumed were in ancient times wholesome to live 
in. Pola has become so once more since the 
establishment of the arsenal there and the enormous 
increase of its population with corresponding at- 
tention to sanitation ; and at the other places I 
have named the cause of malaria is patent enough 
and so is the remedy ; for behind or around their 
walls lie festering in the sun filthy deposits of mud 
and sewage, half sea and half marsh, that exhale 
deadly mists at sunrise and sunset to which no 
stranger can expose himself with impunity, and of 
which the effect may be seen in the ghastly com- 
plexions and lack-lustre eyes of the natives. 

The absence of running water lends another 
element of strangeness to the landscape. There 
are some few rivers of considerable size, and after 
rain there are mischievous torrents that wash away 
the scanty soil and run dry in a few hours, but 
there are no brooks or springs, and most of the 

never been satisfactorily accounted for. Vid. Reclus, Nouvelle 
Geographic Univ. vol. iii. p. 216, &c. 



200 Dalmatia : Agriculture. [Ch. II. 

people have no water to drink but such as falls 
from the skies and is collected in cisterns. The 
limestone rock of which the country is composed, 
honeycombed with chasms and fissures, swallows up 
the rainfall, and streams plunge into Kara^oOpa as 
they do in Greece, continuing underground for many 
miles and bursting forth again into daylight at a great 
distance off with the volume of a full-grown river. 

From so unpromising a soil it might seem hopeless 
to expect much return, and yet Dalmatia is literally 
a land of oil and wine. The oil may be compared 
favourably with that of Lucca, and however poorly 
the traveller may fare otherwise he will never have 
reason to complain of the wine. An immense 
quantity is exported annually from Spalato and 
elsewhere into France, and Englishmen would be 
surprised to learn how much Dalmatian wine they 
have drunk under the name of claret since the 
partial failure of the Bordeaux vintage. When 
the results achieved by Dalmatian farmers with 
their present appliances are considered, there seems 
no reason to doubt the capabilities of the soil under 
better conditions, for their plough is a simjDler in- 
strument than that described by Virgil, and pro- 
bably the same as that employed by the ancient 
Illyrians in the time of king Agron before the 
Romans first crossed the Adriatic ^. 

In the maritime cities of the mainland, and on 
most of the islands the traveller may well imagine 
himself in Italy ; for the language, architecture, 
^ Vid. illustration, Fig. 17, in ch. vi. 



Ch. II.] The Dalmatians: Latin and Slav. 201 

manners and dress of the citizens are the same as 
on the other side of the Adriatic, It is not among 
the Latins that he will find anything of that 
brilliant and picturesque costume for which Dal- 
matia is famous. It is the Slav who arrays himself 
in broidered garments and blazes with silver and 
gilded ornaments, and preserves in his attune the 
magiiificence and bizarrerie of the middle ao^es. In 
some parts of South Dalmatia, especially on the 
bocche di Cattaro, the national costume is worn 
by aU classes just as it is in Montenegro where 
the Prince and Princess and their family wear it 
habitually ; and in some parts of Northern Dal- 
matia, on the island of Pago for instance, the 
fashion has set in for the upper classes to give up 
the dress of the ' borghese ' and wear the national 
garb, which in point of appearance certainly carries 
the day over the humdrum coat waistcoat and 
trousers of Western Europe. Interesting costume, 
however, is confined to the mainland and to the 
country districts, except on market days when the 
country folk come into the towns to sell their 
poultry, eggs, and other farm produce, and make 
their purchases of necessaries or finery in the gay 
little shops that line the narrow streets. On the 
islands there is little or no costume to be seen, for 
though, mth the exception of Veglia Ossero and 
Arbe, they were repeopled by Slavs, and have no 
Latin descent to boast of, their long subjection to 
Venice and the sea-faring life led by most of their 
male population, Avhich brings them into constant 



202 The Dalmatians : Latin and Slav. [Ch. ii. 

contact with Italy, has pretty thoroughly Italianized 
them in manner, costume, and language^. Of aU 
the towns in Dalmatia none will make the visitor 
fancy himself in Italy more completely than Lesina, 
a place which was entirely repeopled by Slavs who 
occupied the deserted site of an ancient Greek 
colony, but which, nevertheless, seems less Slavonic 
than many towns of Latin origin. Of all the 
Dalmatians the islanders have the reputation of 
being the most intelligent, industrious, and pro- 
sperous, and the standard of civilization is certainly 
higher among them than among the peasantry of 
the mainland. One never sees on the islands the 
rags and dirt that are common among the Morlacchi 
of the interior ; on the contrary, there is a general 
air of comfort and respectability, and though no 
doubt poverty exists there as it does everywhere, 
it does not seem to exist in an extreme form. 
Though the soil is probably worse on the islands 
than on the continent it is better cultivated, and 
the people have the sea to help them to a livelihood 
as well as the land. Many of the islands have 
a considerable trade in ship-building ; Curzola is 
unrivalled in the make of small craft, while at 
Lussin-piccolo large vessels of 1200 or 1300 tons 
are constructed, and indeed in the number and 
tonnage of the ships launched annually from her 
yards Lussino is inferior to Trieste and Fiume alone 
among the ports of Austro-Hungary. 

^ In the remoter villages and districts of the islands, however, we 
found Italian was only understood by the men, and not by all of them. 



Ch. II.] The Dalmatians : Latin and Slav. 203 

As one turns one's back on the sea-coast and 
advances into the interior towards the old Turkish 
frontier, both country and people become ruder and 
less cultivated. In the few miserable towns of in- 
land Dalmatia there are no doubt a certain number 
of residents of a better class, ' impiegati ' and others, 
among whom the traveller will find accomplished 
and highly educated gentlemen, but they seem lost 
amid the semi-barbarism that surrounds them. The 
huts in which the Morlacchi live are the same as 
those described by Fortis; the women are strange 
half-savage looking creatures, with elf locks hanging 
over their weather-beaten faces, dressed in thick 
embroidered leggings that give them the appearance 
of Indian squaws, and among the men are to be 
seen rags and tatters, and sometimes half-naked 
figures with nothing but a blanket to shield them 
from the weather as they tend their flocks on the 
bleak highland moors. Yet, poor as they are, most 
of them appear on festival days with silver coins 
beads and buttons hung so thickly over their 
wretched rags that as they journey on their little 
asses or ponies over the mountains to the fair, they 
blaze in the sunshine like a troop of cuirassiers. 
The contrast between this idle wealth and the 
misery of the tatters below serves but to give a 
deeper tinge to their barbarism. 



The architecture of Dalmatia has so much in it 
that is peculiar and distinctive that it is entitled to 
rank as a style by itself among the various national 



204 Dalmatian Architecture, [Ch. II. 

styles of mediaeval Europe. It is entirely urban, 
and confined to the maritime cities, for the sea 
has in all ages been the parent of Dalmatian 
civilization ; the history of the country is in fact the 
history of the maritmie towns, and it was in them 
alone that art and letters found a congenial soil and 
took root. The Slavonic conquerors came in as 
barbarians with everything to learn and nothing to 
teach ; they gradually received the religion and in a 
rude way unitated the art of the Byzantine Empire 
to which they paid a nominal subjection, but they 
never developed an art of their own, and the silver- 
smith's work which has been produced in purely 
Slavonic districts in modern times is but little re- 
moved from the Byzantine art of the eighth and 
ninth century \ The Dalmatians of the maritime 
cities on the contrary were brought into contact with 
the nations of western Europe, and above all with 
Italy, and though their architecture bears traces of 
Byzantine influence as late as the twelfth century, 
they developed after that period a native art of 
their own, and have left us a series of architectural 
monuments not inferior in interest to those of any 
country of Europe. Their style is principally based 
on that of Italy — it is only natural that it should be 
so — but nevertheless it has about it something dis- 
tinctive that is not altogether Italian, shewing that 
the Dalmatians were not mere coj)yists. Something 
there is about it that reminds one of Northern 

^ E. g. tlie silver i^late in tlie convent of Savina ; vicl. infra, 
ch. xxiii. 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture. 205 

Gothic, which may be due to the influence of Hun- 
garian rule, for though the Hungarians were not an 
artistic people themselves they employed artists 
from France and Germany, and some masters of 
those nations may have followed the track of Hun- 
garian conquest in Dalmatia. It is said that among 
the various ' maestri ' whom the Dalmatian cities or 
the various confraternities of artizans from time to 
time invited from other countries, the painters 
carvers masons and master architects were com- 
monly brought from Hungary and Austria ^ Other 
elements there are that may be traced to the in- 
fluence of Slav or Albanian ; for though the Slav 
developed no art of his own, he no sooner came 
down to the coast and mixed with the Latins either 
as a settler within their walls, or by imitating, as 
at Sebenico, their municipal constitutions, and 
gaining for his Croatian city admission to the 
Dalmatian pale, than he shewed a capacity for art 
which proved his backwardness to be due only 
to the want of good example. Many of the 
Dalmatian artists whose names have come down 
to us seem by their names to have been Slavs, 
and others were Albanians, of that still more 
ancient stock in which it is supposed the old lUy- 

^ ' I salariati {maestri) sono per lo piu cliiamati cV Italia ; i notari 
perb, i trombettieri eel i musici assai piu spesso d'Ungheria, 
6 qualclie volta anche dalle provincie dell' Austria ceutrale. I 
doratori, i fabbro-ferrai, i pittori e gli intagliatori dall' Ungheria, 
8 dall' Austria, donde s' ebbero anclie degli scalpellini e dei maestri 
arcbitetti.' Le Confraternite laicbe in Dalmazia, p. 25. G. Gelcich. 
Eagusa, 1885. 



2o6 Dalmatian Architecture. [Ch.ii. 

rian race survives. Of these the work of the 
Albanian is the most singular ; that of the Slav 
is fresh and vigorous but not especially character- 
istic, his talent being for adopting and imitating 
rather than for originating ; that of the Northerner, 
be he Hungarian, Teuton or Gaul, is tempered by 
southern influences till only a faint flavour of pe- 
culiarity remains ; and the work of one and all is 
practically based on that of Italy, the country to 
which the Dalmatian cities looked ever for support 
and instruction, and from which they often invited 
artists to come among them as they did their 
podesta or then- schoolmaster even during the 
period of Hungarian dominion. 

The history of Dalmatian architecture is an 
epitome of that of southern Europe. In the palace 
of Diocletian at Spalato we have one of the earliest, 
perhaps the earliest, step towards that new depar- 
ture in architecture which resulted in the devel- 
opment of the styles of modern Europe. Here 
we see the first relaxation of the strict rules of 
ancient classic art ; the proportions of the different 
members of the order are varied and arbitrary ; some 
members are omitted entirely ; new forms of orna- 
ment, such as the zigzag, which was to play so large 
a part in Norman architecture, make their first 
appearance ; and the arches are made to spring 
immediately from the capitals without an inter- 
vening entablature. Other irregularities occur in 
this building which shew the decline of the age 
towards barbarism, and for perhaps the first time in 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture. 207 

classic architecture columns and fragments of older 
buildings are adapted and used up second-hand in 
the new one^ It is impossible to overrate the 
interest of this building to the student either of 
ancient or modern art. To the one it will be the 
last effort of the dying art of antiquity, still ma- 
jestic in its proportions, still dwarfing into insig- 
nificance by its huge masonry the puny works of 
later ages, which are already crumbling into ruin 
while it seems destined to stand for eternity, but 
at the same time fallen from the perfection of the 
classic age, and stamped with the seal of returning 
barbarism. To the other it will seem the new birth 
of that rational and unconventional mode of build- 
ing in which the restless and eager spuit of the 
regenerated and repeopled Roman world has found 
free scope for its fancy and invention ; which places 
fitness before abstract beauty, delights to find 
harmony in variety, and recognizes grace in more 
than one code of proportions. Both will be right ; 
the jDalace of Spalato marks the era when the old 
art died in giving birth to the new. 

The date of Diocletian's building is from 284 
to 305. Of the architecture of the next five cen- 
turies Dalmatia has not a smgle perfect example 
remaining. In Istria and Friuli, however, the 
continuity of examples is better preserved, the 
irruptions of the barbarians having been less dis- 
astrously destructive there than on the eastern side of 

^ This seems to me obviously the case ; I do not know whether 
it has been observed before. Vid. infra, ch. xi. 



2o8 Dalmatian Architecture. [Ch. ii. 

the Adriatic. At Parenzo still stands the magnificent 
basilica of Euphrasius, built between 535 and 543. 
At Grado the duomo of Elias was completed be- 
tween 571 and 586, and we may still admu-e the 
wondrous pavements and grieve over the shattered 
capitals of the original building. The magnificent 
basilica of S. Maria di Canneto at Pola has un- 
happily disappeared, and its rich columns of marble 
and oriental alabaster must be looked for at Venice, 
but at Trieste there are still some remains of early 
Byzantine architecture in the apse of the church of 
S. Giusto. 

It is a wide bound from the architecture of Spal- 
ato to that of these examples, so wide indeed that 
in the interval a new art had time to arise and 
perfect itself The church of Euphrasius is a 
specimen of the Byzantine style at its best. 
Classic tradition survives in the basilican plan, 
the long drawn ranks of serried marble columns, 
and in the horizontal direction of the leading lines. 
But the capitals with their crisply raffled foliage, 
emphasized by dark holes pierced with a drill 
which recall the fragility and brilliancy of the shell 
of the sea echinus, belong to a new school of 
sculpture, and the massive basket capitals which 
are found among them, as well as the second 
capital or impost block which surmounts them all, 
were novelties in architecture at the time of their 
erection. These buildings belong to the best school 
of Byzantine art, and were erected at the same 
period as those at Ravenna and Constantinople, 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture. 209 

which they resemble in every detail ; and in the 
church of Parenzo especially one might imagine 
oneself in the ancient capital of the exarchs. 

Dalmatia, as I have said, has nothing to shew 
that belongs to this period. There must have been 
buildings in this style of equal importance with 
those just mentioned, and the half-excavated basilica 
of Salona seems to have been worthy to rank with 
those of Istria and the lagunes. But in the seventh 
century the province was swept by barbarian hordes, 
the cities were depopulated and laid in ruin, and 
when the trembling Latins ventured once more to 
return and inhabit their desolated homes they found 
their ancient monuments prostrate, and had to 
reconstruct them little by little as well as their 
poverty and weakness enabled them. 

The series of Dalmatian examples begins at the 
opening of the ninth century with a remarkable 
class of buildings of which the church of S. Donate 
at Zai^a is the most important. From Parenzo and 
Grado to S. Donato is a wider bound than the last, 
and the change is proportionately greater. We 
find ourselves now landed in a much ruder age ; 
the traditions not only of good architectural design 
but even of good building construction are for- 
gotten ; the buildings are generally small and the 
masonry of the roughest. It was beyond the 
humble powers of the builder to make capitals or 
columns for hunself, and his only resource was to 
pilfer them from the surrounding ruins of which 
there was then no lack. The columns were used 

VOL. I. P 



2IO Dalmatian Architecture. [Ch. ii. 

just as they came to hand ; some were longer and 
some thicker than the others, and they were crowned 
with capitals that never belonged to them, and were 
often much too small to fit them. If the supply 
of caj)itals ran short a fragment of a cornice or a 
moulded base upside down was made to serve 
instead, and in at least one instance the architect 
has not hesitated to place the square capital of an 
ancient pilaster upon a cylindi^cal column, with the 
sublimest indifference to the grotesqueness of the 
effect. 

In the plan of their churches and such simple 
bits of original detail as the builders of the period 
trusted themselves to execute we find the influence 
of Byzantine art still governing them. The Eastern 
Empire was still nominally supreme in Dalmatia, 
and remained so till the twelfth century ; from time 
to time its power was still felt in the Adriatic, and 
Venice herself at this period professed submission to 
the ' King of the Romans,' and borrowed her art 
from Constantinople. In a rude way and generally 
on a miniature scale the two classes of Byzantine 
churches, the domed church and the basilica, are 
represented in the buildings of Dalmatia erected 
during the remainder of the Byzantine period from 
the ninth to the twelfth century. Of the basilican 
type are the churches of S. Pietro vecchio S. Lor- 
enzo and S. Domenica at Zara, S. Barbara at Trati, 
S. Stefano and S. Giacomo in Feline at Ragusa, to 
which may be added that of Muggia vecchia near 
Trieste. The churches at Ragusa consist of simple 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture. 211 

naves ; S. Pietro vecchio at Zara has the peculiarity 
of a double nave divided by a central arcade ; and 
the others have a nave with two side aisles. They 
are generally covered with waggon vaults strength- 
ened by flat ribs of stone at each column, and the 
vaults are finished with a semidome at the east 
end. The ground plan, nevertheless, is not apsidal 
but square, and the corners are filled up at the 
springing level of the semidome with little squinches 
which bring the square plan to a semicircle from 
which the semidome rises. This is a peculiarity I 
have observed in no other country, and the Dal- 
matians were so fond of it that the aisles of 
S. Lorenzo at Zara are vaulted with a succession 
of semidomes constructed in this way facing side- 
ways to the central nave. The largest basilican 
church (i/ao? SpojULCKos) of this period of which any 
traces remain in Dalmatia is the duomo of Zara, 
S. Anastasia, which is described by Porphyrogenitus 
as decorated with painting and paved with mosaic, 
and constructed with columns of white marble and 
cipoUino, which were no doubt the spoils of ancient 
buildings. If, as seems likely, the apse and the 
eastern part of the cryj)t of the present duomo are 
parts of this basilica, and have survived the re- 
building of the greater part in the thirteenth 
century, the older church probably dated from the 
ninth or tenth century, for the work is too rude 
to be attributed to the palmy days of Byzantine 
art in the sixth or seventh. Other examples of 
basilicas of this period are to be seen in Istria, at 

p 2 



212 Dalmatian Architechire. [Ch. II. 

S. Lorenzo in Pasenatico, and in the duomo of 
Trieste. 

Of domed churches there are several varieties. 
At Nona the churches of S. Nicolo and S. Croce are 
small cruciform buildings, barrel vaulted, apsidal, 
and with a central cupola rudely carried on pen- 
dentives, the invention of which feature is the 
crowning triumph of Byzantine art, and the middle 
of the church is carried up so as to form a kind 
of central tower which conceals the exterior of the 
cupola. The size of these buildings is generally 
insignificant ; S. Croce was the cathedi-al of Nona, 
but its dome is only about eight feet in diameter, 
and each arm of the cross is only about eight feet 
long. At Cattaro the two churches of S. Maria and 
S. Luca, which though rebuilt in later times probably 
retain their original plan, have cupolas rising from 
the centre of an elongated nave which finishes with 
an eastern apse. 

The ancient baptistery of Zara and the churches 
of S. Trinita at Spalato, and S. Orsola at Zara of 
which only the foundation exists, are still more 
curious in plan; they consist of a circular central 
space or nave covered with a cupola, which is sur- 
rounded by six apses applied to the external drum, 
and opening to the central space by round arches. 
At S. Orsola one of these apses is interrupted to 
form a short nave ending with a campanile. I cannot 
but think that the singular plan of these churches is 
derived from that of the duomo of Spalato, and 
affords one instance among many of the influence ex- 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture. 213 

ercised on Dalmatian art from first to last by the 
buildings of Diocletian's palace. The baptistery at 
Zara is polygonal externally like the temple, from 
which it differs only by being hexagonal instead of 
octagonal, and havmg all the niches round instead of 
round and square alternately (comp. Figs, i and 29). 

Of the date of these buildings all that can be said 
with certainty is that they were built at some time 
between the year 800 and the year 1 1 00. Dming 
this long period architecture stood still here as it 
did pretty well throughout all Europe. Some of 
the buildings are ruder than the rest and contain no 
original details, and these may be attributed to the 
earlier part of this dark period ; to this class S. 
Pietro vecchio may certainly be joined. Others 
contain not only fragments from old Roman build- 
ings, but also capitals and cornices carved originally 
for their place, the first thnid efforts of native Dal- 
matian art, and these may safely be placed towards 
the end of the period ; of this class S. Domenica at 
Zara is the best example. But it would be dan- 
gerous to attempt to fix the date of each building 
more precisely. 

Fortunately the finest church of this period 
that has descended to us is also the one about 
whose date there is least doubt. The grand round 
church of S. Donato at Zara was undoubtedly 
built about the year 810 by Donato bishop of 
Zara, and in its rugged sunplicity and elephan- 
tine proportions it supplies an admirable illustra- 
tion both of the rudeness and the promise of 



214 Dalmatian ArchitecHire. [Ch. ii. 

that age. It will be fully described in the next 
chapter. 

With the opening of the twelfth century new 
political factors began to operate in Dalmatia; the 
last tie which bound that country to Byzantium 
was severed, Venice and Hungary were left to con- 
tend for possession of it, and its architecture was 
for the future based on the styles of Italy or Ger- 
many instead of that of Constantinople. Venetian 
art, it is true, still continued to cling to Byzantine ex- 
ample, but it was Byzantine with a difference, while 
the art of France and Germany which had been 
adopted by the Hungarians, and that of Lombardy 
also, belonged to the other branch of round-arched 
architecture, the Romanesque. The influence of 
Venice was predominant at Bagusa and in the 
islands, where her j)ossession was seldom disturbed 
during the twelfth, thu^teenth, and first half of the 
fourteenth centuries, and it is in precisely those parts 
of the province that the impress of Byzantine feeling 
remained longest, though even there Bomanesque 
details began from an early date to make their way. 
The transition from pure Byzantine work towards 
the round-arched styles of Lombardy or Germany, 
m other words from the eastern to the western form 
of Bomanesque architecture, may be observed in the 
interesting church of S. Giovanni Battista at Arbe. 
There we have the old basilican nave and aisles with 
closely set columns and with the impost block or 
second capital above the first, but the apse with its 
semi-circular ambulatory, and the narrow arches 



Examples of 
Early Dalmatian Work 



Plate r 



Ft'e- "i- Nona . SG'oce. 




TG.J. 



^truffaeAC Phcto-htno London 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture. 215 

opening into it, with their coarsely carved capitals, 
have nothing about them that can be referred to the 
art of Constantinople, and remind one rather of the 
Komanesque art of France or England. 

In Plate I. I have collected a number of examples 
to illustrate the progress of Dalmatian art from 
the end of the seventh century to the end of the 
twelfth. The panel from Ragusa, Fig. i, has a 
thoroughly Byzantine character, which disapj)ears 
gradually in the succeeding examples, though there 
are traces of it in Fig. 7, which is probably coeval 
with Fig. 9, and if so dates from 1 180-1 190. 

Of the part played by Hungary in the modifica- 
tion of Dalmatian art it is difficult to speak very 
precisely. At the tune of their first coming into 
the country the Hungarians were a much ruder 
people than the Dahnatians of the cities, among 
whom the arts and letters had already beg-un to re- 
cover themselves : they were perhaps even ruder 
than the Croatians, living as they did in huts in 
winter and tents in summer, and possessing scarcely 
any buildings of more durable materials^. To the 
Latin races the Hungarians seemed barbarians down 
to a much later day : their unpolished manners and 
overbearing conduct, their drunkenness and ' harhari 
costumi made them odious to the Neapolitans of 
the fourteenth century 2. On the capital of the 

^ Yid. supra, p. 40, the account of Otto Frisingensis who describes 
the Hungarians of his own day, c. 11 56-8, half a century' after 
their arrival in Dalmatia. 

"^ Vid. supra, p. 99 note, extract from letter by Petrarch. 



2i6 Dalmatiaii Architeciure. [Ch. il. 

ducal palace at Venice, of which the jDoles are 
occupied by the Greek and Latin, the Hungarian 
figures vrith. his tall cap and untrimmed locks among 
Turks Tartars Goths Egyptians and Persians ; and 
to the Ragusan Ludovico Tubero, writing about 
the year 1500, the Hungarians are still a Scythian 
race, to whose overbearing pretensions it is safer to 
oppose a bold front than to make concessions \ 
Such a people as the Hungarians were at the time 
of their conquest of Dalmatia in 1102 were not 
likely to bring with them new artistic ideas to 
influence the art of a people who were superior to 
themselves in the arts of civilized life : and though 
their luxury and extravagant living of which we hear 
in the middle of the thirteenth century ^ may imply 
some advance towards refinement of manners, we 
find them after their country had been desolated by 
the Tartars dependent on artists from France and 
Germany for the reconstruction of their principal 
buildings. Villars de Honnecourt, architect of the 
cathedi^l of Cambrai, was in Hungary directly after 
the retreat of the Tartars, and is supposed to have 
built the cathedrals of Gran and Kaschau and the 
church of S. Elizabeth at Marburg^. French in- 

' ' Quandoquidem Hungaris tutius est vel pervicaciter obluctari 
quam eorum cedere coutumaciae. Quoniam naturae ut plerique 
Scjiiharum magis ferocis quam fortis animi sunt.' Lud. Cervarius. 
Tubero, vol. i. p. 180. 

^ Thomas Archid. vid. supra, p. 65. 

' He tells us on one leaf of his sketch-book, 'when I was 
drawing this, I was sent for into Hungary, and therefore I like 
it all the better;' and on another page containing a sketch of 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture. 217 

fluence may be detected in several other churches of 
Hungary, and the west portal, as well as sundry 
details of the, curious church of Jak, has a look of 
French design about it. Elsewhere throughout 
Hungary the influence of German Romanesque is 
plainly seen in the earlier architecture, and that of 
German Gothic in the later, and it is difficult to 
trace any of the artistic ideas of Hungarian archi- 
tecture to a distinctly Hungarian source ^ 

But, if the Hungarians were not an artistic people 
themselves, they gave abundant employment to 
artists from other countries, and it is probably to 
the influence of these foreigners, from whatever 
country they came, that the peculiarities of Dalma- 
tian architecture should be attributed when they 
cannot be traced to Italian sources. One pecu- 
liarity, however, must be accounted for by the con- 
ditions and sentiment of the Dalmatians themselves, 
and that is their persistence in the Romanesque 
style long after it had passed into Gothic in most 
parts of Europe. In France and England round- 
arched gave way to pointed architecture at the end 
of the twelfth century ; in Germany the new ideas 
took root more slowly, but Gothic architecture 

a pavement, lie says, *I was once in Hungary, and remained there 
many a day. There I saw a church pavement made in such a 
manner as this.' Sketch Book of Villars de Honnecourt, plates 
19, 29, &c. 

^ Elaborate drawings of several Hungarian churches may be 
seen in the Mittelalteliche Kunstdenkmale des Osten-eichischen 
Kaiserstaates, by Heider, Eitelberger, and Hieser. Stuttgardt, 
1858. As to Hungarian architecture vid. chapter xiv, infra. 



2i8 Dalmatian Architecture. [Ch. ii. 

began to supersede Romanesque about 1 230 or 1 240 ; 
in Italy churches arose between 1220 and 1300 at 
Assisi, Venice, Verona, Siena, Orvieto, and Florence, 
in which Italian Gothic reached its fullest develop- 
ment ; but in Dalmatia we find the people con- 
tentedly working on at Romanesque architecture 
through the whole of the thirteenth and well into 
the fourteenth century before any signs of transition 
to the pointed style begin to manifest themselves. 
This singular unchangeableness may be due to 
several causes, among which it is natural to place 
first the backwardness of a remote and poor country, 
hemmed in on one side by semi-barbarous kingdoms, 
and subject to distant powers, which, whether Vene- 
tian or Hungarian, never showed any disposition to 
encourage and promote the well-being of the pro- 
vincials for their own sake. Something also may be 
put down to the influence of Italy, a country in 
which the round arch was never entirely abandoned, 
especially in the brick buildings of Lombardy. 
Nearly half a century after the Gothic west front 
of Siena was completed the campanile of St. Got- 
tardo at Milan was erected in a round-arched style, 
diflering but little from the earlier Romanesque. 
But the principal reason was no doubt the actual 
preference of the Dalmatians for the earlier style, 
and the influence which never failed to impress 
them of Diocletian's mighty building at Spalato. 
Down to the last they built their doorways with 
the straight lintel below a semicircular arch and 
tympanum, of which the Porta Aurea and the Porta 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture. 219 

Ferrea furnished the prototypes, and they never 
tired of imitating with various alterations and 
modifications the round waggon roof of the temple 
of ^sculapius. 

From this it may be gathered how difficult it is 
to gTiess with anything like certainty the date of 
any Romanesque buildmg in Dalmatia, and how 
largely the evidence of the building itself, which in 
other countries is a better guide even than docu- 
mentary evidence, requires in this to be fortified 
and confirmed by records. Fortunately Dalmatian 
architects have been tolerably liberal in the matter 
of inscriptions and shields with armorial bearings ; 
and as the heraldry of the country has been well 
studied and illustrated, a clue is often obtained in 
that way to a date which is surprisingly different 
from what the building itself would have suggested : 
but even this is sometimes wanting, and nothing 
but vague traditions exist to help the puzzled anti- 
quary out of his difficulties. 

The Romanesque architecture of Dalmatia bursts 
suddenly into life with the splendid campanile and 
chapter-house of the convent of S. Maria at Zara, 
the work of King Coloman and his repudiated wife 
the abbess Vekenega between 1 102 and mi. They 
correspond in style with the contemporary Roman- 
esque of Lombardy and Germany. The church of 
S. Grisogono at Zara, which, though its date is 
disputed, seems to belong to the latter part of this 
century and to have been consecrated in 11 75, is a 
very refined and highly finished piece of Lombard 



2 20 Dalmatian Architecture. [Ch.ii. 

architecture resembling the churches at Lucca. At 
the end of the twelfth century we have the magni- 
ficent campanile of Arbe, with the three other steeples 
its satellites in the same style, a triumph of 
Romanesque architecture. Contemporary with this 
are the duomo and other buildings at Veglia, in 
which Byzantine feeling is still perceptible. The 
duomo of Zara, which belongs to the thirteenth 
century, has an archaic look that would mislead the 
unwary to attribute it to the eleventh or twelfth ; 
and the cathedral of Trail, with its superb portals 
and sombre nave, which was building at the same 
time as that of Zara, is round-arched and Roman- 
esque, though in beauty of design and technical 
merit it does not lag behind the Gothic work of its 
age. I shall have occasion to point out the corre- 
spondence of this building with examples of archi- 
tecture in Hungary (vid. chapter xiv). 

The great work of the fourteenth century is the 
campanile of Spalato, which was begun probably 
soon after 1300, and was not finished when the 
century expired, the work having been interrupted 
for a long time after the death of Maria of Hungary, 
the widow of Charles II of Naples. This wonderful 
tower, begun some thirty years later than the angel 
choir at Lincoln, and barely finished before Brunel- 
leschi started upon his dome at Florence, is through- 
out of good honest Romanesque work that might 
have been put together in the twelfth century, with 
columns carried on the backs of lions, Corinthianiz- 
ing capitals, billet moulds, and acanthus foliage, as 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture, 221 

if the architect had never heard of any other style. 
It is remarkable also how many of the ornamental 
details are copied from those of Diocletian's work, 
in the midst of which the tower stands. 

Contemporaneously with this round-arched work 
the pointed arch begins to appear occasionally ^ and 
with the beginning of the fifteenth century came the 
final Venetian occupation of Dalmatia, and Roman- 
esque architecture finally melted away and made 
room for the contemporary art of the mistress city. 
The upper central parts of the fronts of the duomo 
and S. Grisogono at Zara are probably the latest 
instances of the expiring round-arched style, which 
actually prolonged its existence into the fifteenth 
century, when on the other side of the Adriatic 
the Italian Kenaissance had fairly set in, and 
round-arched architecture had once more come into 
fashion. Venice, however, did not accept the Re- 
naissance so soon as central Italy, and the archi- 
tecture which she brought with her into Dalmatia 
was that form of Gothic which she had in- 
vented and refined, and which as a domestic style 
has never been surpassed. The streets of every 
Dalmatian town on the sea-board or islands are 
filled with the same graceful semi-oriental ogee 
windows and the same lovely balconies that meet 
the eye at every turn in the mistress city, the 
churches are fitted with rich tabernacle work that 

^ It should be observed that the earliest buildings in Dalmatia 
in which the Gothic style was thoroughly developed are the con- 
vents of the mendicant orders. 



222 Dalmatian Architecture. [Ch .ii, 

recalls the choir of the great church of the Frari, 
and it does not need the ever-present symbol of the 
Evangelist to remind us that we are treading the 
soil of an ancient Venetian province. It is, how- 
ever, chiefly in private buildings that Gothic archi- 
tecture prevailed in Dalmatia ; besides the earlier 
part of the duomo of Sebenico (1430) there are but 
few churches in that style, and the most important 
public building is the palace of the Kectors of the 
Bepublic of Ragusa, which was begun in 1435 ^7 ^ 
Neapolitan and not a Venetian architect. The 
sculpture in this palace is of a very high order, and 
will be fully described and illustrated in its proper 
place. 

Gothic architecture, however, had but a short 
reign in Dalmatia ; it was adopted very late, and 
abandoned very early for the Renaissance, a style 
for which the Dalmatians showed a natural and 
almost precocious liking. Its introduction is due 
to Giorgio Orsini, or Giorgio Dalmatico as his ad- 
miring countrymen like to style him, the scion of 
a Zaratine family which claimed descent from the 
princely Roman house, and an architect of original 
genius who may fairly be styled the Brunelleschi of 
Dalmatia. 

In 1 44 1 he was entrusted with the completion 
of the duomo of Sebenico, which had been begun by 
another architect in a style of very good Italian 
Gothic. Giorgio at once threw over the plans of 
his predecessor, and built the eastern part of the 
church in a picturesque variety of the early style 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian ArchitecUtre. 223 

of the Renaissance, which he treated with great 
originahty. Thorns and brambles, as he might 
have said, of the old Gothic art clung to him, and 
among his classic columns and in his windows and 
vaults is to be found tracery-work that belongs 
rather to the style he had abandoned than that 
he adopted. But in spite of these incongruities 
Giorgio has produced a masterly design, and no 
one who has seen his church will easily forget it. 
His greatest triumph was achieved by the roofs, 
which consist of waggon vaults of stone, visible 
outside as well as inside ; an idea perhaps sug- 
gested by the semicircular vault of the little temple 
at Spalato which was in the same way visible ex- 
ternally, but which when carried out as it is at 
Sebenico, on so vast a scale, at so great a height, 
and with such comparatively slender materials, may 
fairly be considered original, and cannot fail to 
excite surprise and admiration^. 

The handiwork of Giorgio will be met with else- 
where in Dalmatia, and notably at Kagusa, where 
in 1 464 he repau^ed the front of the Kector's palace, 
placing the round arches of the present arcade with 
their festoons of leaves and ribbons upon the old 
colonnade of Onofrio de la Cava. He was highly 
honoured by his fellow-citizens and entrusted by 
them with an embassy to Kome, and in the old 
quarter of Sebenico may still be seen the doorway 

^ I assume here that the idea of roofing the church in this way 
is to be attributed to Giorgio, although he did not live to see the 
vaulting completed ; vid. infra, Sebenico, chapter ix. 



2 24 Dalmatian Architecture. [Ch. il. 

of the house he built for himself, with the bear of 
Orsini on the lintel, and the mallet and chisel of his 
sculptor's craft on the door-posts surrounded by- 
clusters of flowers. 

Contemporary with Giorgio was another Dalma- 
tian architect, whose fame attracted the attention 
of one of the leading princes of Italy. In 1468 
Federigo da Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino, set about 
building that palace in his capital which is one of 
the gems of Renaissance architecture; and having 
searched Italy, and in particular Tuscany ' the 
source of architects,' for an artist worthy of the 
occasion, he finally selected Messer Lutiano of Lau- 
rana or Vrana, in the territory of Zara, to whom 
the work was entrusted and by whom the oldest 
remaining part of the palace was designed and 
erected. I am not cognizant of any work by Lu- 
ciano di Laurana in his native country. He settled 
at Urbino and died at Pesaro about 1481^ 

When we observe that Giorgio's ' Benaissance ' 
work at Sebenico in 1441 preceded that of Leo Bat- 
tista Alberti at Bimini by nine years, and was contem- 
porary with the Gothic Porta della Carta at Venice, 
we shaU be struck with the willing reception of the 
new art in Dalmatia, and with the prominent posi- 
tion to which Giorgio is entitled as a leader of the 
new movement. The early Benaissance work of 
Pietro Lombardo on the Chiesa dei Miracoli at 
Venice is forty years later, and the Cancelleria at 
Borne, which marks the turning-point of the Be- 
^ Vid. infra, under descriptio.n of Vrana, chapter viii. 



Ch. II.] Dalmatian Architecture. 225 

naissance from its semi-Gothic to its purely classic 
phase, was not built till sixty years afterwards in 
1 500. In France the Renaissance did not begin to 
affect the current Gothic art till about 1508, nor 
in England till about 1520, while the castle of 
Heidelberg, in the Renaissance style of Germany, 
was not built till 1556. 

Once established in Dalmatia the new style soon 
prevailed over the older Gothic art for all buildings 
of importance, though it would seem that private 
houses were still built in Venetian Gothic. An 
Albanian architect, Andrea Alecxi of Durazzo, was 
employed at Trail Spalato and Arbe, and the 
names of a few Italian architects from Venice or 
Florence, and occasionally of a German, have come 
down to us. It is singular, however, that though 
the Dalmatians adopted the style of the Renaissance 
almost as soon as it appeared, they did not advance 
it like the Italians to pure PaUadianism. Of the 
cold severe formal architecture of that school 
Dalmatia hardly contams an example ; the pic- 
turesque freedom of Gothic which continued to 
inspu-e the earlier phases of Renaissance art, and 
which give it its life and charm, never forsook the 
style in Dalmatia till the seventeenth century was 
well advanced, when the art suddenly sank into the 
slough of the ' Barocco,' in which it was fatally en- 
gulphed. 

The following chronological list of the principal 
buildings in Dalmatia of which I have been able to 
ascertain the dates, or to conjecture them with 

VOL. I. Q 



226 



Dalmatian A rchitecture. 



[Ch. it. 



anything like certainty, will I hope be of use to 
the student of the architecture of the country. I 
have added a few Istrian buildings to complete the 
regular sequence of examples. 



A.D. 

284-305. 

Fourtli or 
fifth century. 



EOMAN PERIOD. 



Spalato. Palace of Diocletian. 

Salona. Basilica and Bap- 
tistery. Destroyed 639. 



Irregular classic. Old columns, 

&c. used up secondhand. 
Classic passing into Byzantine. 



BYZANTINE PERIOD, 535-1102. 



535-543- 
546. 

571-586. 



c. do. 

c. do. 



857- 

Ninth to 
eleventh 
century. 



Parenzo. Duomo. 

Pola. S. Maria di Canneto 

consecrated (now destroyed) . 
Grado. Duomo of patriarch 

Elias. 

Cattaro. Original duomo of 
Andreasci. 

Cattaro. La Collegiata (since 

rebuilt). 
Zara. S. Donato. 



Pola. Duomo of Handegis 

(since rebuilt). 
Zara. S. Pietro vecchio. 



Nona. S. Nicol6. 



do. S. Croce. 
S. Lorenzo in Pasenatico, 

duomo. 
Trieste. Duomo (southern part 

perhaps older). 
Zara. S. Lorenzo. 

do. Baptistery. 

do. S. Orsola. 
Spalato. S. Trinitk. 



Pure Byzantine as at Ravenna, 
do. do. do. 

do. do. do. 

but some fi-agments of old 
buildings used secondhand. 

Only fragments remain. Inter- 
lacing knots and barbarous 
animals. 

Original plan probably re- 
tained. Byzantine. 

Grand but rude domed church 
with old fragments em- 
ployed. 

Fragments remain of Byzan- 
tine design. 

Barbarous. Made up of frag- 
ments of older buildings. 

Plain and rude. In plan By- 
zantine. Small cruciform 
church with cupola. 

do. do. do. 

do. Details original.' 

Basilican in plan. 

do. do. do. 

do. A few original 

details. 
Byzantine. Cupola surrounded 
by apses. 

do. do. do. 

do. do. do. 



' By this I mean that the sculpture was designed and worked 
originally for the biiilding, not used up secondhand from older 
buildings. 



ch. ir.] 



Dalmatian Architecture. 



227 



A.D. 

Ninth to 
eleventh, 
century. 



1026-31. 



Zara. Apse and crypt of 
Duomo. (Eest rebuilt.) 

Ragusa. S. Stefano. 

do. S. Giacomo in Feline. 
Trati. S. Barbara. 



Zara. S. Domenica. 

Arbe. Baldacchino in duomo. 



Muggia vecchia. 

Arbe. S. Giovanni Battista. 

Aquileia. Poppo's rebuilding. 



Plain rude work, 
certain.) 



(Date un- 



do. Scale very small, 

do. do. do. 

Byzantine. More original in 
details, showing an advance 
in art. 
do. do. do. 

Byzantine. Knotwork and 
animal grotesques approach- 
ing Romanesque. 

Building rude. Knotwork, &c. 
in screens approaching Ro- 
manesque. 

Basilican nave, but Roman- 
esque apse and ambulatory, 
showing transition. 

Byzantine passing into Ro- 
manesque. Capitals finely 
executed. 



VENETIAN AND HUNGARIAN PERIOD, 1 102-1409 
1 105 

and Sala Capitolare 

Tomb of 



II II. do. do. 

Vekenega. 
1 1 23-1 166. Cattaro. Duomo rebuilt. 



1175. Zara. Apse and south wall of 

S. Grisogono 
11S6-90. Veglia. Duomo. 

c. 1 200. Arbe. Great campanile. 

1 21 3. Trail. South doorway finished 
and probably nave of Cathe- 
dral generally. 

1 214. Spalato. West doors (wooden) 
of Duomo by Guvina. Stalls 
of same date and probably 
by the same hand. Also 
the marble pulpit. 

1240. Trail. West portal finished 

by Radovan. 
c. 1250? Zara. Nave of Duomo (con^ 
secrated 1285) 



1 251. I Parenzo. Canonica. 

1277. do. Baldacchino in du- 

omo. 
1287. Arbe. Duomo mostly rebuilt. 

Q 2 



Lombard or German Roma- 
nesque, well designed and 
executed. 

do. do. 



Clustered or articulated piers 
alternating with columns. 
Romanesque, rude. 

Lombard Romanesque, highly 
finished. 

Byzantine passing into Roma- 
nesque. 

Romanesque, excellent work- 
manship. 

do. do. 



Transitional or refined Roma- 
nesque, highly finished. 



Transitional Romanesque, ex- 
quisitely finished. 

Ruder than the above. Old 
capitals occasionally used up. 
Piers and columns alter- 
nately. 

Lombard Romanesque. 

Arches bluntly pointed. Capi- 
tals Byzantine. 

Byzantine in character. Plain. 



228 



Dalmatian Architechire. 



[Ch. It 



A.D. 

c. 1300-23. 

1306. 

c. 1312O) 
c. 1317- 

1324. 

1330-1385- 

1332- 

c. 1348. 
I360-I4I6. 

1365- 
1380. 

1394-95' 
c. 1407. 



1420-50. 



1422. 

1427. 
1430. 

1435- 

1437- 

1438-65- 

1441. 



Spalato. Two lower stages of 

campanile. 
Eagusa. Dominican church, 
do. Sponza, two lower 

storeys of court, 
do. Franciscan cloister 

by Mycha di Antivari. 
Zara west front (upper central 

part is still later). 
Trieste. Central nave of 

duomo. 
Zara. Baldacchino in duomo. 

Kagusa. Dominican cloister 
and convent. 



Spalato. Upper part of campa- 
nile by NicolS Tverdoj. 

Aquileia. Duomo remodelled 
by patriarch Marquard 
after earthquake. 

Zara. Silver ark of S. Simeone. 
By Trancesco di Milano. 

Zara. Stalls in S. Francesco. 
By Giov. di Borg. S. Sepolcro. 

Zara. Central upper parts of 
west fronts of duomo and 
S. Grisogono. 



Romanesque. 

Italian Gothic. 

Plain early pointed work. 

Transitional Romanesque. 

Romanesque. 

Italian Gothic. 

Pointed arches, but capitals 
Romanesque. 

Romanesque mixed with Ita- 
lian Gothic. Details later 
in character than general 
design. 

Romanesque like the lower 
part. 

Pointed arches of Italian 
Gothic. Venetian foliage. 
Poppo's capitals retained. 

Italian Gothic. 

Venetian Gothic. 

Romanesque, but attenuated 
and meagre. 



VENETIAN PERIOD, 1 409-1 797. 



Zara. Choir stalls in duomo. 
To the same style and period 
belong the stalls at Cherso 
Lesina, Parenzo, Mezzo, S. 
Maria in Zara, Trau, and 
Ai'be. The last-named is 
dated 1445. 

Trati. Campanile above portico 
byMatteoandStefano. (Top 
part later.) 

Spalato. Altar of S. Doimo 
by Bonino of Milan. 

Sebenico. Earlier part of nave 
with the arcades, aisle 
vaults, and two principal 
doors by Antonio di Paolo. 

Ragusa. Palazzo Rettorale re- 
built by Onofrio de la Cava. 
A great deal remains. 

Ragusa. Public fountains by 
Onofrio de la Cava. 

Curzola. Campanile. 

Sebenico. Eastern part, upper 
vaults, and cupola begun by 
Giorgio Orsini. 



Venetian Gothic, resembling 
that of the woodwork in the 
Frari at Venice. 



Good Italian Gothic, well- 
moulded and elaborated. 

Italian Gothic of excellent 

workmanship. 
Fine Italian Gothic. Giottesque 

in character. 



Fine Italian Gothic. Sculp- 
ture of a very high order. 



Round arched below. Elabo- 
rate Gothic belvedere above. 

Renaissance of an early type, 
but mixed with Gothic 
details. 



Ch. II.] 



Dalmatian Architecture. 



229 



A. D. 
1447. 
1448. 



1452. 

1457- 
1460. 

1464. 



1465-98. 

1467. 

1468. 

1477- 

1490. 
1520-36. 

1543- 
c. 1540-50. 

1571-4- 

1600. 

1643-59. 



1642-59 

1667. 

1671-1713. 

1699-1715. 

1715- 



Trail. Sacristy. 
Spalato duomo. Altar of S. 
Auastasio by Giorgio Orsini. 



Sebenico. Sacristy by Giorgio 

Orsini. 
Eagusa. Chiesa delle Dan6e. 
Zara. Silver pastoral staflf 

of archbishop Valeresso. 
Eagusa. New arches to front 

of Rector's palace by Mi- 

chelozzo and Giorgio Orsini. 
Ossero. New duomo (? by 

Giorg. Orsini). 
Trail. Baptistery by Andrea 

Alecxi of Durazzo. 

Trail. Chapel of S. Giovanni 
Ursini by Andrea Alecxi. 

Curzola. Cloister of Badia. 

Arbe. Duomo, west door. 
Ragusa. San Salvatore. 

Zara. Porta di Terra firma by 
Sammichieli. 

Lesina. Loggia by Sammi- 
chieli. 

Lesina. Three campanili and 
restoration of churches. 

Zara. Facade (unfinished) of 
S. Rocco. 

Savina. Church plate in Greek 
convent, brought from Bos- 
nia. 



Ragusa. 
Cattaro. 
Ragusa. 

do. 

do. 



Chiesa del Rosario. 
Western towers. 
New duomo. 
Chiesa dei Gesuiti. 
S. Biagio. 



Italian Gothic. 

Italian Gothic, but Giorgio 
was directed to make the 
altar like that of S. Doimo, 
V. sup. 1427. 

Renaissance of an early type. 

Italian Gothic, 
do. do. 

Renaissance of an early type. 



Renaissance of an early type. 

Renaissance. Early in cha- 
racter with 'pointed barrel 
vault. 

Renaissance. With round 
vault, rich in figure sculp- 
ture. 

Venetian Gothic, passing into 
Renaissance. 

Renaissance. 

do., but mixed with Gothic 
features. 

Classic renaissance fully de- 
veloped. 

do. do. but treated with 
freedom. 

Renaissance, but mixed with 
some Gothic features. 

Classic fully developed. 

Byzantine ; resembling but for 

a few suspicious details the 
work of the sixth or seventh 
century. 
Barocco. 
do. 
do. 
do. 
do. 



CHAPTER III. 
Zara. 

Description of the city. History. Eoman remains. 

Zara is naturally the place where the traveller 
will first touch Dalmatian soil, and first be intro- 
duced to the people, the scenery, and the arts of 
South-Eastern Europe. Though it may be reached 
either from Ancona or Fiume the more usual route 
is by way of Trieste and Pola, and the exigencies of 
the time-table generally bring the steamer into port 
early in the morning, so that the traveller begins his 
new experiences just as the day is breaking and the 
sleeping city awaking to fresh life. And no lack of 
new experiences will be felt by those who have 
never before crossed the Adriatic and trodden the 
border lands of European civilization. It excites a 
thrill of interest to find oneself for the first time 
within reach of the Turk, at whose dread coming 
four centuries ago Christendom trembled, kingdoms 
fell, and the last fragment of the Roman Empire 
crumbled into ruin. Though driven out of Dal- 
matia he has left his mark on many a ruined castle 
and half-deserted town ; and as the steamer ploughs 



Ch. III.] Zara, 231 

her way in the morning stillness along the Canale 
di Zara, and the dawn brightens over the jagged 
crests of the Velebic mountains, the thought rises 
that behind that rugged barrier is the land where 
the Turk still bears rule in name, and where it was 
but yesterday that the despised Christian obtained 
equal rights with his Moslem conqueror. 

The Turk it is true will not often be met with in 
Dalmatia now-a-days, but a stranger will find 
enough in the Christian population to surprise and 
perplex him. The first sounds of the Illyi'ic tongue, 
the first glimpse of the gorgeous costume of those 
who speak it, the appearance of the Eastern form of 
Christianity on an equality with the Latin branch, 
and in southern Dalmatia almost on a superior 
footing, tell hun of a very different land from the 
well-known countries of western Europe. He will 
wonder at the extremes of civilization he encounters, 
ranging from high culture to something lower 
than semi-barbarism ; and, above all, he will be per- 
plexed by the existence, unaccountable to those who 
have not studied Dalmatian history, of the two 
elements in the jDopulation, — Latin and Slavonic, — 
which for twelve centuries have lived on side by 
side without losing their difference, and which are 
now forced more sharply asunder than ever by the 
policy of the present rulers of the country. 

It was with the pleasant sensation of having 
realized a day-dream of many years that I woke one 
morning to find myself steaming down the Canale di 
Zara, a channel perhaps three miles wide, with the 



2'?2 



Zara. [Ch. hi. 



low irregular coast of the mainland backed up in the 
distance by the Velebic mountains on the left hand, 
and the mountainous island of Ugliano on the right. 
Straight before us lay Zara, where we were to make 
our first acquaintance with a Dalmatian to^vn, and 
our curiosity was I confess mixed T\T.th some anxiety 
as to the sort of accommodation we should find ; for 
there are no Dalmatian guide-books, and the reports 
that had vaguely reached us of Dalmatian inns were 
not encouragfino;. Zara makes little show from a 
distance, and, before we well knew we were there, 
we were entering the historic harbour where the 
French and Venetians landed after the galleys of St. 
Mark had burst the chain that closed the entrance. 
We saw nothing indeed of the mighty walls whose 
strength made the crusaders wonder at their own 
success, for they were long ago removed to make 
way for the more modern fortifications of the Vene- 
tian engineer Sammichieli, and these in their turn 
have on the sea front of the town been demolished 
to form the handsome promenade of the Riva nuova, 
much to the advantage of the city in point of 
airiness. Toward the harbour however the bastions 
and curtains of Sammichieli remain standing, with a 
wide quay, at which the steamers are able to lie 
close to the shore in deep water. 

We entered the town by the Porta San Grisogono, 
above which the Lion of St. Mark still keeps guard, 
though the town is his to guard no longer. The 
streets along which we followed our porters were 
narrow and smoothly flagged for foot traffic like 



Ch. III.] Zara. 233 

those at Venice, and might very well have been on 
the island of the Rialto ; a church we passed was in 
the familiar Romanesque style of Italy; and many a 
window met the eye with the well-known ogee arch 
and billet moulding of Venetian architecture. At 
first sight the town itself is thoroughly Italian, and 
one is inclined to be disappointed to find so little 
novelty m it ; but the crowds that throng the busy 
little streets are strange enough to Western eyes 
and soon bring home the fact that the Adriatic lies 
between Zara and the shores of Italy. The native 
Zaratini to be sure are Italian in language, garb, and 
habits, but the country people of whom the to^^Ti 
was full when we first saw it, just at vintage-time, 
show plainly in all three particulars that they belong 
to a different race, which has not yet lost the pictu- 
resqueness of the Middle Ages in the humdrum of 
the nineteenth century. The splendour of their em- 
broidered garments, and the wealth of silver orna- 
ments and coins displayed on their persons, may 
perhaps smack slightly of semi-barbarism, but they 
are not the less interesting on that account to those 
who like to see civilization in the making ; and 
though the native Dalmatians of the Latin stock 
object to these gay costumes being considered 
national, a foreigner may enjoy their picturesqueness, 
in which point it must be admitted the advantage is 
aU on the side of the Croatians. The men wear 
trousers of blue cloth gaily worked at the pockets, 
tight to the leg and often fastened up the back of 
the calf by a row of silver hooks and eyes ; and they 



2 34 Zava. [Ch. hi. 

are shod with the opanka, a kmd of sandal well 
adapted to the sharp rocks they have to encounter, 
made of a sole of thick leather turned up and 
stitched to form a toe, and laced over the instep 
with knotted and twisted thongs of leather. In the 
markets and bazaars the peasants may be seen bar- 
gaining for the sole leathers, which are cut for them 
then and there from the hide and sold by weight ^. 
Above the opanka they wear a kind of spat of gay 
embroidery reaching a little above the ankle. The 
waistcoat is buttoned across on one side, and has a 
wide border of braid or needle- work, and the jacket 
has stripes of bright colour on the lappets, and an 
abundance of knots and tassels of coloured wools. 
The true Morlacco fashion is to have the hair plaited 
behind into a pigtail, and to wear the shirt outside 
the trousers, but this is less commonly to be seen 
in the towns now than formerly ^. On gala days 
the jacket of the true Morlacco is still more splendid, 
made of scarlet or blue cloth richly worked with 
birds and flowers in coloured threads at the seams 
and shoulders, in the same place as the uniform of 
our hussars or horse-artillerymen, which is but a 

^ Wheler gives a di'awing of a Morlacco or Dalmatian peasant 
from which it seems that the costume has changed a good deal 
since 1675. But the opanka was the same then as now; '^for 
shoes they have only a 2>iece of Leather or sometimes of a dried 
Skin fitted to, and hy thongs, or strings, going crossways over the 
back of the feet, are tyed fast to their soles' Wheler's Journey 
into Greece, p. 9. 

^ The ' gamins ' of Zara amuse themselves hy shouting ' izvadi 
kosulj'a,' ' out with your shirt,' after those gentlemen who are 
known to be partisans of the Croat movement. 



€h. III.] Zara. 235 

distant and vulgarized copy of the national garb of 
the Slav. A jaunty and becoming little scarlet cap 
with a bluntly pointed crown and a tuft of black 
fringe over one ear completes the costume. Both 
jacket and waistcoat are thickly hung with silver 
ornaments ; zwantzigers of Maria Theresa and her 
husband dangling at the end of a link, buttons of 
filagree work or plam metal ranging from the size of 
a nut to that of a small hen's q^^, and smaller studs 
sewn thickly together and several rows deep. The 
women wear a smock of homespun linen fastened at 
the throat with a filagTee button, and embroidered 
in front and at the shoulders and wrists ; a waistcoat 
of blue cloth open in front ; a short petticoat of the 
same ; and an apron worked in coloured wools so 
solidly as to be as stiff as a piece of carpet ; and they 
have opankas and embroidered spats like the men, 
the latter often continued as leggings half way to 
the knee, and having the effect of trousers. The un- 
married girls wear a scarlet cap like that of the men, 
but covered with embroidery and spangles, and on 
festivals hung round with a fringe of pendent coins. 
Married women change this for a large white hand- 
kerchief of homespun linen beautifully worked at 
the corners and edg-es, which covers the head, is 
tied under the chin, and hangs over the back and 
shoulders. The women are not behind the men in 
the profusion of their silver ornaments, and round 
their waists they often wear several coils of a leather 
band thickly studded with bright metal knobs, and 
sometimes with coarse stones set in brass. They 



236 Zara. [Ch. iii. 

wear large golden or silver gilt earrings, and on their 
fingers large rings of filagree, and on grand occasions 
their heads are thickly set with pretty filagree- 
headed pins. They would rather go without bread 
than part with their jewelry, and consequently it 
is not often that any of it comes into the market. 
Those among them who are too poor to afibrd silver 
ornaments have imitations of them in tin and brass, 
and some are reduced to deck themselves with 
cowrie-shells instead of studs and buttons, which 
they sew thickly over their ragged garments for 
want of something finer. Among the crowd were 
many figures so ragged, unkempt, and filthy, as to 
seem more than half-way to savagery. 

Zara occupies a level peninsula, slightly raised 
above the sea, lying parallel to the mainland, and 
embracing a natural harbour of deep water with its 
entrance towards the north-west. Sites of this kind, 
convenient for maritime pursuits and easily secured 
against attacks from the landward side, abound on 
the coasts of Istria and Dalmatia, and were eagerly 
seized upon by the early colonists. Of all the Dal- 
matian ports however none were found to combine 
so many advantages as that of Zara, and none were 
so jealously guarded by the Venetians or thought so 
necessary to the security of their marine. Cattaro, 
in the innermost recesses of her winding ' bocche,' 
was a secure haven for her friends, and difiicult of 
attack by her enemies, but she was inconvenient of 
access ; the harbour of Ragusa was small, and lay 
within the city walls ; that of Spalato was not safe 



Ch. III.] Zara. 237 

diu-ing the storms of winter ; that of Trail, though 
both safe and spacious, would be untenable if an 
enemy occupied the island that enclosed it ; the 
magnificent haven of Sebenico was inadequately 
defended by fortifications ; but that of Zara, lying 
between the mainland and the long peninsula of the 
city, was capacious, though the mouth was not too 
large to be closed by a chain, and was nearer to 
Venice than the rest, more roomy than most of 
them, and more easily defended ^ A possession so 
valuable has always been strongly fortified. The 
Crusaders of 1202 speak with astonishment of the 
prodigious walls and towers that they were asked to 
attack-; and Lucio, who saw fragments of these de- 
fences, describes them as resembling the Koman 
walls of Spalato, and supposes that Zara was at the 
tune of the siege still enclosed by the curtains and 
bastions of Roman Jadera, which were destroyed by 
the Crusaders after their capture of the city ^. Of 
the mediaeval fortifications which succeeded to these 
one noble tower remains, the torre ' Bovo d' Antona ' 
near the public gardens, a picturesque pentagon with 
a salient angle towards what was once the open 
country but is now enclosed within the later lines. 

^ Their relative advantages are thus summarised by Lucio, de 
Eegn. V. i. p. 240. 

^ * Si virent la cit6 fermee de haus murs et de grans tours, et 
pour noient demandissi^s plus bele cit6 n6 plus fort : et quant li 
pelerin la virent si s'en esmaierent moult et distrent li uns a I'autre 
" Comment porroit estre tele cit6 prise, se nostre Sires meisme ne 
le faisoif?'" Villehardouin, ch. xliv. 

' De Kegno, iv. p. 155. 



238 Zara. [Ch. III. 

The existing fortifications were designed by Sammi- 
chieli, and were constructed between 1543 and 1570 
when Zara was considered to be in danger from the 
Turks. They consist of earthworks faced with 
masonry, and were protected by a ditch cut across 
the peninsula in 1409 when the Venetians for the 
last time recovered the city ^ One gate alone com- 
municated with the terra-firma, and this gave Sam- 
michieli an opportunity of showing himself an archi- 
tect as well as an engineer. It is a grand piece of 
simple architecture, with a spacious central arch 
and two lateral doorways of rusticated Doric ; but 
its effect has been seriously injured by the filling up 
of the ditch which formerly washed the walls. The 
lower part, which is now hidden, was of fine masonry 
bevelled and raised in diamonds, forming a solid 
basement to the upper part, which now seems 
deficient in this respect. I am told by those who 
remember the gate in its original state that at least 
one third of its height is concealed. It used to be 
reached by a long bridge of wooden beams on stone 
piers which approached it obliquely, and not like 
the present road directly ; and it is said the archi- 
tectural effect has suffered by this change of ap- 
proach. Over the arch is the Lion of St. Mark, and 
an inscription records the erection of the gateway in 

1543'- 

^ * Isthmum, quamvis e saxo, perfodere, marique immisso Civi- 
tatem in Insulam redigere decreverunt.' Lucio, 1. v. c. v. p. 263. 

^ Michele San Michele was born at Verona in 1484, and was 
much employed by the Venetians and their General the duke of 



ch. III.] Zara. 239 

By these fortifications Zara remained enclosed 
till a few years ago, when their inutility under 
the altered conditions of modern warfare became 
evident ; those towards the sea have now been 
entirely removed, and those toward the port laid 
out as a public garden, which affords one of the 
most agreeable lounges in Dalmatia. The town 
which was formerly very close and airless, a network 
of narrow streets hemmed in on all sides by earth- 
works that overtopped most of the private buildings, 
has benefited very greatly by the change. 

Two main thoroughfares intersect the town, the 
Calle larga, leading from the Porta di Terra firma 
to the Piazza dell' Erbe, and the Corso parallel 
to it, leading from the Piazza dei Signori to the 
duomo. As in all ancient municipalities the piazza 
is the heart of the city and the centre of its life. 
Here are the public clock tower, the Communal 
palace, not now architecturally remarkable, and 
the loggia where the judges used to sit, and where 
the public acts were ratified. The latter is a 
dignified building of classical architecture, once 
open on two sides with a series of lofty arches, 

Urbino as a military engineer. After repairing and renewing 
their forts on the Italian side, he was sent to do the same with 
those in Dalmatia Cyprus and Caudia, and being unable to do all 
himself he left the execution of his plans to his nephew Giov. 
Girolamo, who, according to Vasari, carried out the work at Zara. 
The nephew died in Cyprus in 1558 or 1559, perhaps by poison, 
and was buried at Famaj^jsta, and the uncle died in 1559 of grief 
at the extinction of his family, according to Vasari. Yita di San 
Micheli. 



240 Zara. [Ch. hi. 

but now enclosed with glazed sashes and turned 
into a town library, endowed by the munificence 
of a citizen of Zara, and named after him the 
Bibblioteca Paravia^ In the interior may still be 
seen the stone bench and table of the Venetian 
judges with the Lion of St. Mark on the wall 
above. In this piazza is the principal caffe, with 
two rows of tables in front under an awning, 
between which flows the full tide of the life of 
Zara. Morlacco peasants with hand trucks and 
wine skins and sometimes even carts, Austrian 
officers in full uniform, contadini gay with em- 
broidery and silver ornaments, civilians of Zara, 
ladies and gentlemen, in ordinary European garb, 
rural police in scarlet jackets like the peasants, 
but laden to an incredible extent with buttons 
and even balls of massive silver, priests of the 
Latin Church in black, Franciscan friars in brown, 
Greek priests with wide blue sashes round their 
cassocks, shovel hats, and flowing beards, all pass 
in a never-ending procession through the two lines 
of guests who sit breakfasting or drinking coffee 
in front of the Calie agli Specchi, and form a 
never-failing source of interest and amusement to 
the traveller who takes his place among them. 

The military bands play at night in the piazza, 
which is then crowded with the townsfolk, while 

^ I must express my sense of the obligations I am under to the 
authorities of the Bibblioteca Paravia for the liberal use allowed me 
of their collection, which contains many books rarely to be found 
beyond the limits of Dalmatia. 



Ch. III.] Zara. 241 

perhaps the moon lights up one-half of the square 
and falls brilliantly on the Torre dell' Orologio, and 
one may sit and listen and be reminded of Florian 
and the arcades of the Procuratie of St. Mark. 

A short way eastward from the Piazza is 
the Campo di San Simeone with a single Koman 
column standing in the open space, and beyond 
that are the public gardens, and the cinque pozzi 
which supply the city with water. They were 
constructed by Sammichieli, and are supplied with 
water from sources outside the city which passes 
through an elaborate system of filtering beds before 
reaching the wells from which it is drawn ^ Branches 
are led from this supply to other parts of the town, 
but for the most part I believe the inhabitants 
depend on the water that runs from then- own roofs. 
The sky is the only source from which fresh water 
is obtained in the smaller towns of Dalmatia, and 
especially on the islands, where there are neither 
springs nor streams ; and as even in this dry 
country the supply rarely fails, one may believe 
what has been said of the sufficiency of the water 
from our own roofs in England for all our domestic 
wants. In the courtyards of the houses and in 
the cloisters of the convents the whole area is 
excavated to form an immense cistern ; a wall is 
built round it, and the bottom and sides are pud- 
dled with clay ; a cylinder of dry masonry or 

^ Sammicliieli's plans have been engraved, and the contrivance 
they show of filtering beds and subterranean channels is curious, 
A copy is in the possession of an architect living at Zara. 

VOL. I. R 



242 Zara. [Ch. hi. 

brickwork is raised in the middle as high as the 
ground level ; and the area of the cistern round 
the cylinder and within the puddled walls is filled 
with sand which is wetted repeatedly till it has 
sunk to the utmost. The yard is then paved over, 
and holes are left in the paving to allow the water 
from the surrounding roofs to soak into the sand, 
through which it finds its way, filtered from all 
impurities, into the central cylinder, which is in 
fact the well from which it is drawn. On the 
top of this well is set the well-known Venetian 
^ j^ozzo ' of marble or Istrian stone, which adorns 
the centre of every campo and the cortile of every 
house in Dalmatia as it does in Venice, where the 
same mode of constructing cisterns and filtering 
the rain water has prevailed for centuries \ It 
is only necessary to change the sand periodically 
in order to ensure a supply of water which is 
probably safer and purer than any derived from 
springs or rivers, although the latter are not ex- 
posed to contamination as they are with us, for 
in Dalmatia so far as I have observed there are 
no house drains. 

Following the Corso westward we arrived at the 
Duomo, a building which in point of design and 
execution need not fear comparison with the 
Lombard churches of Italy which it resembles, 
and which as the first great church we saw in 
Dalmatia raised our expectations of the architecture 

^ Wheler describes the construction of cisterns on this plan at 
Venice in his time. Journey into Greece, p. 13. 



Ch. III.] Zara. 243 

of the province. Near it is the other great square, 
the Piazza dell' Erbe or vegetable market, the 
best place in Zara to see the Croatians and Mor- 
lacchi in their picturesque costume. Here there 
is another isolated Roman column with a tablet 
and cross of Byzantine workmanship attached to 
the front of it, beside which dangle some chains 
with hinged rings to clip the neck hands or feet 
of culprits condemned to the ' herlina ' or pillory, 
who sat here in the fetters of the Law with the 
Gospel cross over their heads. These grim in- 
struments have swung in the wind so long that 
the arcs they describe at the end of then- chains 
are graven deeply in the marble of the column. 

From the Piazza dell' Erbe the outer or seaward 
shore of the peninsula is now reached directly, 
all the fortifications having been removed on this 
side. In their place vast many storied-buildings 
are rapidly rising, such as are to be seen in the 
new quarters of any Italian town. A really magni- 
ficent promenade with rows of acacias is being 
formed along this shore, which when finished will 
be a very agTeeable addition to the resources of 
the place. The channel of the sea which it borders 
is here perhaps three or four miles wide, and the 
opposite shore is formed by the long narrow island 
of Ugliano, which rises into a chain of miniature 
mountains, one of which is crowned by the ruins 
of the castle of S. Michele, which played an import- 
ant j)art in the history of Zara. 

The history of Zara is in fact the history of 

R 2 



244 Zara : History. [Ch. hi. 

Dalmatia, for Zara was throughout the middle 
ages the most important city of the province, and 
the principal object of dispute between the Venetians 
and the Hungarians. It is, therefore, unnecessary 
to do more than recapitulate briefly the principal 
events and revolutions of which Zara was the scene, 
referring for details to the general history of the 
country already given. 

Jadera, already in alliance with Rome, received 
a Boman colony in the year 78 B.C. Its prosperity 
under the Emph-e may be conjectured from the 
remains of splendid buildings that are still to be 
seen there, but it was probably eclipsed by the 
older capital Salona. It may be safely conjectured 
that Jadera did not escape the Avars, but perished 
like the other cities of the coast ; and the conjecture 
is supported by the story of Archidiaconus that 
some refugees from Salona found their way to the 
harbour of an ancient but ruined town which they 
inhabited and named ladria after their own river 
lader, whose delicious waters bathed the walls of 
their deserted Salona \ 

Zara, however, recovered from her ruin, and 
received again the Latin population that had fled 
to the islands, and in 752, when the Lombards 
took Ravenna, the Byzantine fleet was removed 

^ Thomas Ai'chid. c. ix. I must not omit an equally original 
derivation of the name of Zara by Constantine Porphyrogenitus. 
ort TO Kaarpov rav Aiabci^pay Kokelrai rf] 'Pco/iaicoj/ dioKeKTOi lafi fpaTj orrep 
€pp.TjveveTai. anapri rjTOV' 8t]\ov6ti, ore rj 'Paprj eKTiadr), TrpoeKTCapevov ^v 
TO ToiovTov KadTpov' ((TTi Be TO KauTpov p-eya. fj be koivt] (jvvt]6eia KoXet 
avTo AiaBupa. J}e adm. Imp. c. 29. 



Ch. III.] Zai^a: Hisfojy. 245 

to Zara, which became the capital of the province 
and seat of the Byzantine duke. Her submission 
to Pietro Orseolo II in 998 did not interfere with 
the nominal sovereignty of the Empire, which 
was only broken down by the Hungarian conquest 
of 1 105. 

The Venetians recovered Zara in 1 1 1 6, and from 
that time forward the retention of that city was 
the mainspring of then- policy in Dalmatian Four 
times the Zaratini rebelled ; the first revolt was 
in 1 1 78, when they threw themselves on the pro- 
tection of the Hungarians, and were not reconquered 
till 1202 ; they rebelled a second time in 1242, 
but were recovered with little bloodshed after a 
few months ; in 1 3 1 1 they rebelled a third time, 
but were forced to submit in 1313 ; and their 
fourth revolt, in 1345, was crushed in 1346, in spite 
of the assistance of Lewis of Hungary. In 1357, 
however, the Hungarians were treacherously ad- 
mitted within the walls by the abbot of S. Michele, 
and in the following year the j)eace was signed 
at Zara by which Venice ceded to Hungary all 
her rights in Dalmatia. In 1403 Ladislaus of 
Naples was crowned at Zara king of Hungary with 
all its dependencies, and on the failure of his 
attempt in 1409 he sold Zara with Pago Novigrad 
and Vrana to the Venetians, in whose possession 
it remained till the downfall of the Republic in 
1 797. Thus during the eight centuries that followed 
the expedition of Pietro Orseolo Zara was only 

^ Vid. sup. History, cluipt. i. pp. 51-72. 



246 Zarai Roman remains. [Ch. IIT. 

eio-hty years in all out of the possession of the 
Venetians. 

Of Roman architecture there are abundant traces 
at Zara, though for the most part they consist of 
fragments. There are the two antique columns 
in the piazze, of which the most important is that 
in the Piazza dell' Erbe, which according to one 
theory is actually standing where the Romans 
placed it, though Professor Hauser believes it to 
be an antique column set up by the Venetians 
where we now see it, to carry the Lion of St. Mark, 
whose image adorns the top^. It is a fine Corin- 
thian column, more than four feet in diameter and 
thirty-four in height, not fluted, still retaining its 
defaced capital, and it evidently belonged to the 
peristyle of a temple of considerable grandeur and 
magnificence. Wheler, who visited Zara in 1675, 
speaks of a second column standing with this one-, 
which confirms the theory of its being in its original 
place. 

The column in the Piazza di S. Simeone, or 
' della colonna,' at the opposite end of the town, 
is a fluted Corinthian column less perfect than the 
other ; it has been sawn into lengths, and the lower 
part is missing, so that the flutings run out on 
the modern base without being properly stopped. 

^ Vid. Hauser e Bulic, II tempio di S. Donato in Zara, pp. 6, 16. 
Sp. Artale. Zara, 1884. 

2 'Near the Greek church dedicated to Saint Helie are two 
Corinthian Pillars, whose first Chapters and Bases are of very good 
work.' Wheler, p. ii. 



Ch. III.] Zara: Ro7nan remams. 247 

This also no doubt once carried the Venetian 
lion. 

Close by this column I was fortunate enough, 
in 1884, to see exposed the base of a Roman 
building which seemed to have been a triumphal 
arch of considerable grandeur. The pedestal, or 
rather basement, of one side of the arch remained, 
and on it were lying in disorder various fragments 
of the architraves and other members of the upper 
part. The excavations had not been carried down 
to the base, but the original level of the ground on 
which the arch stood could not have been less than 
eight or nine feet below the present level of the 
jDiazza. This interesting fragment of Boman magni- 
ficence was only exposed for a short time, and on 
my return a few weeks afterwards I found it had 
been covered up again. 

Another piece of Roman antiquity is the gateway, 
or rather fragment of a gateway, now forming the 
inner face of the Porta S. Grisogono, though evi- 
dently brought there from elsewhere. It consists of 
an archway flanked by Corinthian columns, whose 
lower half is imperfect, which carry a horizontal 
entablature. The frieze bears this inscription : — 

MELIA ANNIANA IN MEMOR. Q. LAEPICI. Q. F. 
SERG. BASSI MARITI SVI EMPORIVM STERNI ET ARCVM 
FIERI ET STATVAS SVPERPONI TEST. IVSS EX IIS 
DCDXX. P. R.^ 

^ Prof. Bulic interprets the last words ex sestertiis DC deducta 
vigesima Populi Romani. That is to say, there was a handsome 
market-place adorned with statues formed at the cost of about 



248 Zara : Roman remains, [Ch. ill. 

There is a tradition that this gateway was 
brought to Zara from the old Roman town of Aenona 
nine or ten miles off. It would be curious if it 
should prove instead to have belonged to the tri- 
umphal arch near S. Simeone. 

In the public gardens are to be seen several old 
Homan inscriptions and fragments of classic work, 
and there are many others in the museum that has 
been formed in the disused church of S. Donato. 
But perhaps the richest and certainly the most 
curious collection of Homan remains is that which 
recent discoveries have brought to light under the 
very walls of that church, and which we shall 
presently describe. They have been traced by the 
industry of Prof Hauser to at least four distinct 
buildings, all of a magnificent character, and two 
of them on a mag^nificent scale. There are also 
pedestals among them of elaborate workmanship, 
which must have carried seated statues either for 
worship within the temples or for adornment of 
the public squares. All this together with the 
remains above ground, which have been already 
described, shew that Jadera must have been a city 
of wealth and consideration, adorned with handsome 
buildings, and not unworthy of comparison with 
some of the great provincial cities of Italy. 

600,000 sesterces. Wheler by the simple confusion of sestertii 
and sestertia makes the cost ' six hundred and thirty Sestertia, 
which is a piece of money that weigheth about Two fence haJfjieny, 
and amounts to near Tu)elve jjounds sterling ; which was a great 
deal of money in those days' 



CHAPTER IV. 



Zara. 



The cliurclies of S. Douato, S. Pietro vecchio, S. Lorenzo, 
S. Domenica, S. Orsola, the cathedral of S. Anastasia, the church 
of S. Grisogono, the convents of S. Maria and S. Francesco, the 
church and silver ark of S. Simeone, etc., etc. 

Zaka possesses a tolerably complete series of archi- 
tectural examples of every period from the eighth cen- 
tury downwards. It is particularly rich in buildings 
of the earlier styles, although with one notable ex- 
ception they have to be hunted for and discovered 
under various disguises as magazines hay-lofts and 
cellars ; but that one exception, the Church of the 
Holy Trinity, now known as S. Donato, is not likely 
to be overlooked by the most casual visitor. From 
the interior of the town this church is not much 
seen it is true, being enclosed by the cathedral 
on one side and the houses of the Piazza dell' Erbe 
on the other ; but from a distance the lofty central 
drum with its pyramidal roof is the most con- 
spicuous building that appears above the walls. 

During the past hundred years it has been put to 
a variety of uses. In 1 798 it ceased to be used for 
religious purposes, the pictures were dispersed, the 



250 Zara : S. Donato. [Ch. iv. 

altars sold, and the Austrian government turned it 
into a military store, inserting a floor to divide it 
into two stories. In 1870 it was restored to the 
authorities of the cathedi^al who let it to the ' So- 
cieta enologica di Zara.' In 1877, chiefly in con- 
sequence of the attention directed to it by the 
publications of Professor Eitelberger, it was rescued 
from the neglect into which it had fallen ; the 
modern floor was removed, and the building is now 
devoted to the purposes of a museum for the nu- 
merous objects of antiquity discovered at Zara, 
which had previously no home. 

S. Donato (vid. Plan, Fig. i ) ^ is a round church of 
the same type as that of S. Vitale at Ravenna and 
the cathedral of Aix-la-Chapelle, though it differs 
from both in many particulars. It has a circular 
space in the centre surrounded by a circular aisle, 
and from the aisle three apses project eastward, of 
which the middle one is larger than the other two. 
This principal apse does not open to the church as 
at S. Yitale by a lofty arch of the height of the 
central space, but all three apses are vaulted at the 
lower level of the cu-cular aisle. Above this aisle 
and the apses is an upper story like a triforium, 
opening to the central space, and it is to this upper 
gallery or triforium, which has three apses of its 
o^vn over the others, that Constantine Porphyro- 

^ For my plan, Fig. i, I have reduced to the same scale and 
put together the plan of S. Donato by Prof. Hauser, and that of 
S. Anastasia by Prof. Eitelberger, and supplemented them by 
additions and corrections of my own. 



Ch. IY.] 



Zara : S. Donato. 



251 



genitus refers when he says there was a second 
church over the firsts The ascent to this upper 



ZARA 




MRNiiRiHi«i)tfVTfQBS9P«r*'*n><MMIi*i"«VP» 



Engl ish feet L. 



Metres l^ 



Fior. I. 



^ "Eoti 8e Kai ertfjos vaos Trkrjalov avTov (sc. the church of S. Ana- 
stasia) flXTj/jLartKos, fj ayla Tpids' Kot endva rov vaov avrov TraXii' erepos vaos 
BiKTjV KaTT])(Ovix(Vcov, Koi avTos fiXrjfjLaTiKO?, els 6f /cat dvepxavrai 8ta KO)(\(ias. 

Const. Porph. de adm. Imp. ch. 29. The church was originally 
dedicated to the Trinity. 



252 Zara: S. Donato. [Ch. IV. 

church is Sia KoyXclai;, by a stair that winds rotind 
the outer wall, and now falls in with another stair 
that has been contrived below it, after which the 
two together form a grand flight for the rest of the 
ascent, landing in a kind of atrium or antechamber 
from which the upper church is entered. The 
second stair however is evidently a subsequent 
addition, for it cuts through and obliterates the 
lower part of a circular turret which was probably 
the campanile ; and as the stands have been used for 
a ' Santa Scala ' which the devout ascended as at 
Kome on their knees, the second stair was no doubt 
added for convenience of descent while the first was 
being used for ascent in this manner. 

This gallery or upper church probably was, as 
Porphyrogenitus suggests, the church of the cate- 
chumens, and it had its own distinct entrance from 
the outside of the church by a little doorway at A. 
(vid. plan) at the foot of the staircase ^ This is now 
blocked up, but those who have the enthusiasm 
proper to archaeologists, and do not mind into what 
dirty places they go in search of their object, may 
see, as I did, the outside of it with its curiously 
carved hoodmould, which is remarkable as the only 
original architectural detail in the building (Fig. 2), 
every other piece of carving — and there are but 
few — being stolen from Roman Jadera. 

^ The present door leading from the church to the stairs is 
modern, dated 1733. Whether the upper church were intended 
for catechumens or for women it would be equally in accord- 
ance with ancient usage to provide a distinct entrance to it outside 
the church. Vid. also Mr. Butler's Coptic Churches, vol. i. p. 20. 



Ch. IY.] 



Zara : S. Donato. 



253 



Ihdeed nothing could well be ruder than the 
construction of this great church. Externally it is 
perhaps no plainer than S, Yitale at Eavenna, or 
other buildings of the age of Justinian, but tliey are 
as superbly and delicately finished within as they 
are simple without, while S. Donato is no finer 
inside than it is outside. The central space, as has 




Fiff. 2. 



been explained already, runs up the full height of 
the building and was covered by a dome which 
has now fallen in ; the circular aisle opens into the 
central space by eight round arches, and is ceiled 
with an annular barrel vault which forms the floor 
of the upper gallery. The original stair is ceiled in 
the same way. Six of the eight piers on each floor 
between aisle and- central area are huge masses of 
plain masonry which are actually wider than their 
intercoluminations, and the remaining two, which 



254 Zara: S. Doiiato. [Ch.iV". 

carry the arches openmg mto the apses, are ancient 
monolithic columns with ancient capitals. The two 
columns on the ground floor have preserved their 
full proportions and bear composite Roman capitals, 
similar, Prof. Hauser observes, to those of the arch 
of Septimius Severus at Rome^ The upper pair of 
columns are truncated in order to fit the height 
allowed for them ; one of their capitals is Corinthian, 
and the other was once composite, but its lower 
part seems to me to have been rudely cut again in 
Byzantine times in order to reduce it to the ne- 
cessary diameter, only the upper part of the original 
composite capital remaining as the Roman workman 
left it. 

The central dome is now gone, and the wooden 
roof with its tiling is exposed to view from within 
the church ; the circular aisle of the upper church 
also has lost its vaulting, if it ever had any as the 
Ka\ avTo<s eiXtj/uLaTiKo^ implies, though there is little 
evidence for it in the building itself 

The circular gallery of the uj^per floor is not so 
simple in plan as that of the lower. In the first 
place it has on the north side a second or outer 
aisle communicating with it by arches, and oc- 
cupying the space over the staircase ; in the next 
there may be seen on the south side at D — E (vid. 
plan of upper story) some columns and arches now 
walled up, but evidently shewing there was once 
something beyond on this side also. I believe Prof 
Hauser has conjectured that there was a second 

* II tempio di S. Doriato in Zara. Hauser e Buli<:'. Zara, 1884. 



Ch. IV.] Zaj^a: S. Donato. 255 

koyXela Oil this side, but there is no evidence for this, 
nor does it seem as if it could have arrived at the 
upper level soon enough to land at these arches. 
Some further exj^lanation is requu^ed ; and a clue is 
furnished by an impost moulding at C (vid. plan) in 
the wall of a house adjoining the church which 
resembles those of the interior, and seems to imply 
that the wall F — C is coeval with and part of the 
church itself In company with Monsignor Bianchi 
and Professor Smirich, the Imperial Conservator of 
Monuments at Zara, I penetrated a dense net-work 
of courts and houses to the south of the church, and 
by hunting in cellars and m.ounting to attics suc- 
ceeded in tracing at H and G walls four feet thick, 
forming a square building of the full height of the 
double-storied aisle. This building had no opening 
to the church on the ground floor except by the 
doorway at B (vid. plan) which though blocked is 
still visible, but on the upper floor it evidently 
opened to the gallery or triforium by two pairs of 
arches springing each from a central column D — E 
(vid. plan of upper floor) which may be seen even 
more plainly on the outside of the wall than the 
inside. This made a large addition to the area of 
the upper story, and rendered it worthy to be 
described as another church above the first, an ex- 
pression which seems hardly applicable to a mere 
gallery such as it now is. The central columns of the 
arches of communication would, I believe, be found 
if the w^all were opened to be double, one behind 
the other, for a column is visible close to the sur- 



256 Zara: S. Donato. [Ch. IV. 

face both inside and outside of the wall, which is 
much thicker than the diameter of a single shaft. 
The capital of one of them can be reached from an 
attic window and proves to be nothing but a classic 
base reversed, so that though the architectonic idea 
of these arcades was graceful their execution was 
probably very coarse and inartistic. 

The same criticism may be applied to the other 
scanty examples of architectural detail that the 
building contains. The walls of the aisle are 
decorated, if it can be called decoration, by curious 
elongated niches, which run up the whole height 
of the story, and are really not so much niches as 
prodigious flutings of the surface, and the impost 
mouldings from which the vaulting and arches 
spring are meagre in the extreme. 

Such is the church of the Holy Trinity, a struc- 
ture rude almost to the verge of barbarism, but 
which does not fail to derive a certain sunple dignity 
from its ponderous construction (vid, Plate II). 
Many theories have been broached as to its age 
and builder. Some writers of daring but uncritical 
imagination have seen in these rough walls a 
veritable temple of the polished age of Augustus, 
converted as they suppose to Christian uses by 
Donatus I, who was bishop of Zara in the fifth 
century. This theory requires no comment. An- 
other theory is that it was built by Bishop Donatus 
II, at the end of the fourth or beginning of the 
fifth century, which would make it older than S. 
Vitale, a church which is much more likely to have 



Zara 



FI^j/^ U. 




TG.J 



5 Donato 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S. Donato. 257 

been the model from which it was imitated, for the 
comparative rudeness of the work at S. Donato 
points to a ruder and later age than that of Jus- 
tinian. The most probable theory is that the 
church was built by Bishop Donatus III, at the 
beginning of the ninth century. This prelate, who 
has been called the Ambrose of Zara, accompanied 
Beato Doge of Venice in 804 as envoy from Charle- 
magne to the Emperor Nicephorus at Constanti- 
nople, to compose the quarrel that had arisen 
between the Empires out of the Frank conquest of 
Dalmatia. In the year 806 he visited the court of 
Charlemagne at Thionville in company with ' Paulus 
dux Jaderae,' as an envoy from the Dalmatians, 
bringing then* submission and laden with offerings 
to then' new master ^ The treaties of 810 and 812 
between the two Emperors, by which the maritune 
cities of Dalmatia were restored to the Eastern 
Empire and Zara became the capital of the By- 
zantine province, may have given a stimulus to new 
building plans, and Donatus, whose extensive travels 
had acquainted him with the churches of Constanti- 
nople and Italy, and probably that of Aquisgranum, 
was better qualified than his ^predecessors to originate 
so vast a scheme as that of the church of the Holy 
Trinity. 

But we have not yet exhausted the wonders of 
S. Donato ; the most curious part is still to come. 
Built into one of the piers close to the entrance may 
be seen a large marble block, between six and seven 

^ Vid. General History in chapt. i, p. 22, note. 
VOL. I. S 



258 Zara: S. Donalo. [Ch. iv. 

feet long and three feet high, with the following 
inscription in a panel surrounded by an arabesqued 
border : — 



IVNONI • AVGVSTAE 


APPVLEIA 


• M • FIL 


QVINTA 


SVO ET • L- 


TVRPILlI 


brocchI 


LICINIANI 


• FILlI • 


NOMINE 


TEST • 


PONI • 


IVSS 



This inscription, which was known and published 
as long ago as i435\ misled the earlier antiquaries 
into taking the existing building for classical work, 
but recent explorations have explained the history 
of this stone, as well as that of the classical columns 
and capitals in front of the apses. In 1877 the old 
pavement of the Christian church was taken up and 
the area excavated to the depth of about four feet. 
At this level was found the ancient pavement of a 
Roman street or forum, and running diagonally 
across the area of the church were the two lower 
steps of what had evidently been a flight leading 
up to a portico (vid. Fig. i). But the most surprising 
spectacle revealed by this excavation is that of the 
foundations of the Christian work. They consist of 
huge fragments of more than one magnificent classic 
building, entablatures with Corinthian enrichments, 
marble columns cut or broken into lengths and laid 
simply on their side, rich friezes with running scroll- 
work in the best style of Roman architecture, 

^ By Ciriaco Anconitano. Bulic, p. 8. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S. Donato. 259 

dedicatory inscriptions, mouldings, and string courses, 
all thrown flat on the pavement of the Eoman town, 
some on their sides, some upside down, and some 
arranged cornerwise or awry with a rough approxi- 
mation to the plan of the superstructure. The 
whole mass of these fragments was filled in with 
earth and rubbish, and covered over with the pave- 
ment of the Christian church, so that till now their 
existence was not even suspected. The two pau^s of 
columns that were saved and used in front of the 
apses were probably spared not from any admiration 
or respect, but sunply from the difficulty of making 
new ones in that rude age. The rest seems to have 
been trodden underfoot with an ascetic scorn for the 
meretricious splendour of Pagan rites and Pagan 
temples, and with a sublime irony to have been 
made to carry the sunple piers and coarse masonry 
of the Christian church. It reminded me of the 
figure of St. Gereon at his church in Cologne, mak- 
ing a pedestal of the crouching figure of Diocletian 
his ancient persecutor, — pride spu^itual crushing 
pride temporal. 

By a systematic examination of the fragments 
Prof Hauser is led to conclude that there are 
among them the spoils of at least four public build- 
ings. Two of these were of magnificent dunensions, 
their columns being about thirty feet in height ; 
both were of the Corinthian order, one with fluted 
and the other with plain columns, corresponding 
respectively with the two columns now standing 
in the two squares of Zara. The block with the 

s 2 



26o Zara : S. Donato. [Ch. IV. 

inscription * Junoni Augustae,' and a companion one 
dedicated by the same lady ' Jovi Augusto ' which 
the recent discoveries have unearthed, were probably 
pedestals of sitting statues of the two divinities, 
but whether the divinities were really Jupiter and 
Juno, or Augustus and Livia under those titles, is 
a question which archaeologists will probably debate 
without ever arriving at an unanimous conclusion. 

The fact that the fragments of classical architec- 
ture on which S. Donato rests belonged not to one 
but to several buildings disposes of the old story 
that a temiDle of Augustus and Livia standing on 
this site was purposely thrown down to make way 
for it. In the ninth century Zara was no doubt full 
of ruined buildings, of which a temple so dedicated 
may have been one ; and they no doubt served the 
townspeoj)le as a quarry, that being the general use 
to which buildings of ' the Pagans ' were put in the 
middle and dark ages. To form the foundations of 
the new church the largest blocks that could be 
found would be collected from various parts of the 
town and rudely arranged on the old Roman pave- 
ment, while the smaller fragments would be used 
in building the superstructure as ordinary walling 
stones with their wrought faces inwards. In all 
probability the upper walls are largely composed of 
old materials of this kind, and in fact several pieces 
of Roman moulding may be observed in the old 
walls light and left of the corridor by which the 
church is approached from the piazza. 

It is singular that the builders of S. Donato 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S. Pietro Vecchio. 261 

should have trusted so confidently to the solidity of 
the Roman pavement as to build their vast walls 
and piers upon it without any foundation. The 
pavement has stood this unfair test better than 
might have been expected, and has carried the 
church for a thousand years, but settlements have 
nevertheless taken place, and there are serious 
fissures in the wall in several places. 

The old pavement has been traced under the 
adjacent buildings for a considerable distance : I found 
it everywhere within the area F C G H on the south 
of the church, and the walls G and H were built just 
like those of the church on fragments of Roman archi- 
tecture simply thrown down on the ancient flagging. 

In size the church of S. Donato is inferior to its 
companions at Ravenna and Aix-la-Chapelle, and in 
point of workmanship it is as far inferior to Aix-la- 
Chapelle as Aix-la-Chapelle to S. Vitale. The area 
of the points of support at Zara is far greater in 
comparison to the voids, and the proportions are far 
less pleasing, the central space under the cupola 
being so narrow in relation to its height as to 
resemble a lofty hollow tower rather than a domed 
area. For both these reasons it is very difficult to 
get any satisfactory view of the interior, and the 
difficulty is increased by the insufficient light. In 
its original state the church must have been darker 
even than it is at present, for most of the windows 
are modern insertions, and even now the church is 
badly lighted. 

S. PiETRO Vecchio, which according to some 



262 



Zara: S. Pietro Vecchio. 



[Ch. IV. 



opinions is the oldest church in Zara, is now a 
storehouse forming the ground floor of a private 
dwelling in a street near the Piazza dei Signori^ 
It consists of a double nave with a central arcade, a 




2f Feet. 



"Zara. 5.PLetro Vecchio, (a^er SttutIcH,) 

•^1 I I I I I , — ] — I *. 

o I T r 
\ I 1 z 



Fig. 3- 

very unusual plan in this country and at this date. 
The east end of both the naves is square, but the 
angles of the square are brought into a semicircular 
plan at the springing of the vaults by squinches, 

^ I am indebted to Prof. Smirich of Zara for the plan and section 
of this building, Fig. 3. 



Ch. IV.] Zara : S. Lorenzo. 263 

and the vaulting thus finishes with a semidome just 
as if the plan had been apsidal. This device is very 
common in Dalmatian The western part is de- 
stroyed to make way for the apse of the later 
church of S. Andrea, itself now desecrated and 
turned into a magazine. This apse has traces of 
fifteenth-century painting. The arcade dividing 
the two naves is made up of fragments of Roman 
work clumsily adapted, one round column being 
actually fitted with a capital that belonged to a 
square pilaster, while the other has by way of 
capital what looks like a classic base upside down. 
The capital of the western pilaster is raffled in the 
E/Oman way. The other imposts from which the 
arches spring are simply moulded, and the vaults 
are very unskilfully formed and ill-shaped. This 
church might be of any age up to the eighth century. 
It is said to be mentioned in a will of the year 908 -. 
S. Lorenzo is a church partly destroyed, and 
jDartly in tolerable preservation, now serving as a 
lumber room to the house of the Austrian Com- 
mandant in the Piazza dei Signori. (Plate III.) It is 
said to be mentioned in a document of the year 9 1 9 ^ 
The architectural features of this church are partly 
made up with antique fragments, but there is some 
original work among them as well, and this may 
perhaps be taken to show that it is of somewhat 
later date than those churches which are entirely 

^ E.g. S. Croce at Nona, S. Barbara at Trail. See above, page 211. 
^ Biancbi, Zara Cristiaua, vol. i. p. 380. 
■ ^ Ibid. p. 447. 



264 Zara : S. Lorenzo. [Ch. iv. 

made up of stolen odds and ends. At A (vid. Plate 
III) is a granite column, diminished with entasis, 
and carrying a Byzantinesque cap which has no 
necking. The impost block above it seems to be 
the base of an antique pedestal, being moulded on 
three sides but plain on the fourth, as if it had 
stood against a wall. B has the capital of which I 
give a separate drawing (Plate I. Fig. 6). Though 
rudely cut it is not without character, and looks 
like work of the ninth or tenth century, and as it 
fits its shaft correctly it was no doubt worked for 
its place. The capital of C is apparently of the 
same date, but it is placed on an old granite column 
which is too large for it ; one leaf is carved with 
the figure of a saint, perhaps S. Lorenzo, and it has 
the traditional caulicoli of the antique Corinthian 
capital, but otherwise resembles B. D has an 
antique capital of purely Boman character. 

The apse has disappeared, and the western part 
of the church is shut ofi" by a wall with a grating, 
behind which it is said were the Venetian prisons, 
the grating serving to allow condemned criminals 
to hear mass. 

The vaulting is singular : that of the nave is a 
plain barrel with a transverse rib at each bay 
springing from an animal now too much defaced 
for recognition, but the little aisles are strangely 
vaulted with a succession of semidomes on squinches 
facing sideways. The original north door, which 
has been removed for security to the museum in 
S. Donate, has jambs decorated with a Bomanesque 



Zara. 



PUUe m 




T.G.J. 



S Lor enzo 



Ch. lY.] Zara: S. Domenica. 265 

running pattern, and a lintel formed like a pedi- 
ment with a representation of Our Lord within an 
oval wreath supported by an angel on either hand. 
The form of this door-head resembles that of the 
old duomo at Pola which bears the date 850 (vid. 
inf. chap. xxx. Fig. 103). The windows were 
rounded headed slits, one to a bay, but all are now 
blocked. 

S. DoMEXiCA, once S. Giovanni in Pusterla^ is 
artistically the most interesting church of this 
group, though probably not so old as the preceding. 
It is raised on a cruciform cr3rpt, and the upper 
church consists of a nave and aisles, cross vaulted 
and tied with iron rods, and reached by an external 
stair with a door in the side wall, which is orna- 
mented with Romanesque scroll-work. The imjDosts 
of the vaults are carved with knot-work of the same 
style and period. The east end is square externally 
but formed into three apses internally, the side ones 
so small as to be mere niches. Built into the ex- 
terior wall is a bas-relief of the ninth or tenth 
century, representing the salutation, the nativity, 
the adoration of the shepherds, and the visit of the 
Magi, in groups under seven arches, and correspond- 
ing in style and dimensions with another carved 
slab in the museum so closely that they are supposed 
to have formed the front or back of the same altar. 

^ It was dedicated to S. Giovanni Battista, and stood near the 
postern gate. 'In scrittura infatti del 1446 leggesi, Chiesa di 
S. Giovanni Battista owero di S. Domenica.' Bianchi, Antichita 
Romane e Medievali di Zara. Zara, 1883, p. 36. 



266 



Zara: S. Or sola. 



[Ch. IV. 



The church has a picturesque little campanile on 
one side. It is now desecrated and belongs to 
the family Stermich or Strmic : the crypt serves as 
a cellar and the church as a hayloft, 

A smith who lives opposite invited us into his 
house to see an old wooden crucifix which he said 
once hung in this church. The figure is about four 

feet high, and though 
now black was once 
painted naturally. The 
feet are placed side by 
side, not crossed. The 
style is that of the 
thirteenth century, 
but this in Dalmatia 
is not conclusive as 
to its date. 

S. Orsola. The 
foundations of another 
very curious church, 
resembling in plan the 
ancient baptistery of 
the Duomo, and sup- 
posed to have been 
dedicated to S. Orsola, were discovered in 1883, 
when the sea-front of Sammichieli's fortifications 
was demolished to make way for the Riva nuova. 
At A (vid. Fig. 4) was found a sarcophagus consist- 
ing of a fragment of a large fluted column hollowed 
out just as savages hollow out the solid trunk of a 
tree to form a boat, and covered with a coped lid on 




Fig. 4. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: the Duomo. 267 

which was carved a cross. Inside there was a skele- 
ton which apparently had never been disturbed. 

The foundations of the church were covered up 
again because they came inconveniently in the 
middle of a roadway, but their outline may still be 
traced obscurely on the surface of the ground. The 
sarcophagus has been removed to the yard at the 
east end of the duomo. From the plan of the 
church it seems probable that there was a campanile 
over the western end\ 

S. ViTO, a very early and interesting church, has 
lately been destroyed to make way for a new shop. 
It is described by Monsign. Bianchi and Professor 
Freeman. 



The Duomo. The cathedral of Zara, dedicated 
to S. Anastasia, is one of those buildings that per- 
plex the antiquary who is new to the architecture 
of Dalmatia. He would, to be sure, see at once 
that it is not the church which Porphyrogenitus 
describes as floored with marvellous mosaics and 
decorated with paintings that were ancient even in 
the tenth century 2. Some of the columns of cipoU- 

^ The plan was taken by Prof. Smirich and published by 
Monsignor Bianchi in his Antichit^ Romane e Medievali di Zara. 
Compare La Trinita near Spalato, Fig. 40, and the Baptistery at 
Zara, Fig. i. See also above, p. 212. 

'^ 'O Se vaoj T^f nyias ^Avaaraaias ecrri dponiKos, o/xotos ra XaKKowpa- 
Tiav vaa>, fiera kiovcov npacrlvoov Koi Xeu/cwj', oXos elKoviaf.i.evos eg vXo- 
ypatpias apxa^as' o fie Trdros avTov eariu ano crvyKonTJs davfiaarris. Const. 
Porpb. de adm. Imp. c. xxix. The church of the QforoKos in 
Chalcoprateia, a district of Constantinople, was originally a syna- 



268 Zara : the Diiomo. [Ch. IV. 

ino and white marble which he mentions may 
perhaps still be doing duty in the nave arcades, and 
fragments of the famous mosaics are still to be seen 
in the floor mixed with the jDavements of a later 
age ; but the heavy cushion capitals in the nave 
resembling our earliest Norman work, the alter- 
nation of clustered piers with single columns dividing 
the nave into double bays, and the arcading which 
covers the west front and runs along the north side 
recalling the duomo of Pisa, all belong evidently to 
a later period than the Byzantine, though they 
might still be taken for work of the twelfth century. 
It seems, however, tolerably certain that the present 
building was not begun before the thirteenth, and 
as that century opened with the capture and 
partial destruction of Zara by the crusaders it is 
natural that tradition should connect the rebuilding 
of the cathedral with the ruin of the city at that 
time. According to one story therefore the crusa- 
ders, prompted by remorse for their destruction of a 
Christian city and the reproaches of Innocent III, 
rebuilt the duomo, or rather, we must suppose, left 
funds behind them for rebuilding it, for they sailed 
from Zara after four months' stay. But although 
it is true that Innocent in his letter to the Doge 
Henrico Dandolo accuses him of having destroyed 
churches, on the other hand we have the statement 

gogue granted to the Jews by Constantine, and was consecrated 
as a church 130 yeai's later by Pulcheria. Theophanes, p. 158, 
ed. Bonn. It is curious to find in npdcrivos an equivalent to the 
Italian ' cipolliuo.' 



Ch. IV.] Zara: the Duomo. 269 

of Thomas Archidiaconus, who was an eyewitness 
of the rebuilding of Zara, to the effect that the 
crusaders ' left nothing but the churches standing,' 
from which it would seem that the old cathedral 
survived that disaster \ Whatever uncertainty, 
however, may exist as to the reason of the rebuild- 
ing and the date when it was begun, we know for 
certain that the new cathedral was consecrated by 
Archbishop Lorenzo Periandro, a native of Zara, 
in the year 1285-, and taking into account the slow 

^ ' Diruerunt enim omnes muros ejus et turres per circuitum et 
universas domos iutriusecus, nil nisi solas Ecclesias reliuquentes.' 
Thorn. Archid. ch. xxv. Lucio says, ' Ecclesias etiam intactas 
relictas ipsarum antiqua structura adhuc incolumis declarat/ de 
Eegno. iv. p. 154 ; but we do not know by what rule he measured 
their antiquity. The extent to which the city was destroyed seems 
to have been exaggerated. Dandolo simply says, ' maritimos muros 
circumquaque dirui fecit et ibidem hj^emare disposuit.' Had the 
city been so far destroj^ed as to have been made uninhabitable, 
it would hardly have been represented as suitable for the army to 
winter in. ' Et lors vint li dus as contes et as barons, et leur 
dist: " Seigneur, nos avons ceste ville conquise, la merci Dieu et par 
la vostre ! or est yvers entres, et nos ne poons mais de ci movoir 
devant la Pasque, quar nous ne troverions mie chevance en autre 
leu, et cette ville si est moult riche et moult bonne, et de tous biens 
garnie," ' &c. Joffroi de Villehardouin, c. xlix. 

"^ Lorenzo writes thus in 1285 to Gregorio, Bishop of Trail, 
' Cum pridie, seu noviter, quando placuit vobis consecrationi eccle- 
sias nostrae personaliter interesse, praesentibus venerabilibus patre 
domino fratre J. archiepiscopo Spalatense, et vobis cum aliis suflPra- 
ganeis ejus, atque nostris ' . . . Farlati says the rebuilding was 
entirely the work of Lorenzo, who conceived the project as soon as 
he was made archbishop in 1247, 'vetus quippe . . . erat male 
materiata et ruiuosa neque magnitudine neque structura neque 
elegantia dignitati sedis archiepiscopalis respondebat.' The new 
church was built on the same site as the old. Illyr. Sacr. Tom. v. 
pp. 8, 80. 



270 Zara: the Dtwmo, [Ch. IV. 

rate of building during the middle ages, and more 
especially in a poor country like Dalmatia, we may 
safely assume that the work was begun at least 
forty or fifty years, if not more, before that date, 
and perhaps not very long after the opening of the 
century. 

The plan of the cathedral (Fig. i) isbasilican still, 
though the age of basilicas was gone by on the 
opposite shores of the Adriatic ; but the traditional 
proportions of the ancient basilicas are forgotten or 
neglected, for the nave is three times as wide as the 
aisles. Piers with semi-attached shafts alternate 
with cylindrical columns, forming double bays, two 
in the aisle to one in the nave. There are four of 
these double bays with a single bay beyond at each 
end, and they are defined by flat pilasters at each 
pier run up as high as the string course over the 
triforium. The half-columns attached to the piers 
have heavy cushion capitals, but the columns in the 
centre of the pair of arches of each double bay are of 
beautiful antique marble, and have capitals either of 
debased Roman Corinthian work or imitated from 
it, which probably belonged to the former basilica. 

The pier at the entrance of the choir is now 
disguised by a stucco casing carrying a stucco arch, 
added absurdly in modern times to mark the division 
between choir and nave. This pier is richer than 
those in the nave, and has on three of its sides two 
attached columns instead of one, while on the fourth 
side towards the choir was a single attached column 
with a Corinthian capital as was ascertained during 



Ch. TV.] 



Zara : the Diioino. 



271 



M^'' 



my visit by opening the stucco pier. This column 
and a similar one on the pier farther east ran up like 
vaulting shafts, though it is clear no vaulting was 
ever contemplated. The capitals are either of 
debased Koman work, or rude imitations of it in 
later times. They are all Corinthian in type, and 
have the strong Gothic abacus fully developed. 

In the last double bay westward the marble 
columns are fluted spirally. 

Above the nave arches is a string course carved 
with a curious leaf ornament 
(Fig. 5), which occurs also at 
Spalato and Trail, but is, so 
far as I know, peculiar to Dal- 
matia. Above this is a regular 
triforium of small arches spring- 
ing from square piers of stone, 
in front of which were once 

coupled colonnettes supporting the moulded unpost^ 
The Httle arches have alternate voussoirs of white 
stone and red breccia marble, and in then- openings 
is a balustrade with a deceptively early look. The 
upper part of the walls with the roof and ceiling- 
are modernized. 

A spacious apse ends the nave eastwards. It is 
lined with red breccia marble to half its height ; a 
marble seat for the clergy runs round the wall, and 




^ In 1885 the stucco mouldings -svliicli disguised these piers 
were being removed under the direction of Professor Smirich, 
exposing distinct traces of a pair of little columns in front of each 
square pier. They seem to have had square capitals and no bases. 



272 Zara: the Diiomo. [Ch.iv. 

in the centre, raised on five steps, is the bishop's seat, 
a marble chair of Byzantine character, ornamented 
with round arched panels divided by coupled shafts. 
The apse is lighted by six very narrow round-headed 
slits splayed both inside and out, so that here, as in 
the adjacent church of S. Donato,and several others in 
Istria and Dalmatia, the central space is occupied by 
a pier and not by a window, an arrangement some- 
what strange according to our northern notions, but 
suggestive of the use of the wall rather than the 
window as a field for decoration in southern Europe. 
The paintings which once adorned the apse have 
now disappeared. 

The exterior of the apse is now disguised with 
smooth yellow stucco, and has lost all traces of anti- 
quity; Professor Smu^ich, who has seen it uncovered, 
tells me the masonry is not of smooth ashlar but 
hammer-dressed, and if this were restored to view it 
would not only be a great improvement artistically 
but might lead to some interesting discoveries. The 
ruder construction of this end of the church and the 
smallness of the windows suggest that the apse may 
be a relic of the older basilica. 

Below the apse is an extensive crypt, to which two 
flights of steps descend, one on each side of the nave. 
The plan of the crypt is irregular, for while the 
apsidal end coincides with the apse walls above, the 
rest is much narrower than the choir, and varies in 
width in three places. The capitals of the stunted 
columns are plain, fudged out simply from the round 
shaft to the square of the impost, except one which 



Zara. 




T.G.J 



Interior of Duomo 



Ch. IV.] Zara: the Duomo. 273 

is carved in the style of the ninth or tenth century. 
Old bases of debased Roman work are used up again, 
and one base rests on a slab carved with interlacing 
knot-work laid flat on the ground, an evidence that 
that part at all events of the crypt is not so old as 
the Byzantine basilica. Another slab of the same 
kind, much worn, is laid in the southern flight of 
steps which ascends to the nave. 

In the crypt is an altar formed of an imperfect 
slab with a relief of S. Anastasia bound to two 
stakes between palm trees, emblematic of her 
martyrdom. Her name is inscribed in Lombardic 
lettering of the thirteenth century, and although 
this may of course have been added afterwards, the 
style of the figure which has the feet, neck, and 
other parts well and naturally modelled, seems to 
me to point to that century rather than to an earlier 
one. 

The choii' is splendidly furnished with stalls on 
either hand and a magnificent marble baldacchino 
over the high altar, and though the rest of the 
interior is somewhat bare of architectural detail, this 
part of the church is fully worthy of the metropolitan 
see of Dalmatia (vid. Plate IV). 

The baldacchino is on a grand scale, loftier, as the 
Zaratini boast, than the famous one in St. Mark's, 
and though it dates only from the fourteenth century 
it preserves all the chaste severity of an earlier style. 
It rests on four columns of beautiful cipoUino marble 
which are ornamented something after the manner 
of our Elizabethan chimneys, the front pah' being 

VOL. I. T 



2 74 Zara : the Duomo. [Ch. iv. 

richly diapered with sunk work, and the back pair 
fluted, one of them spirally and the other in zigzags. 
Their capitals are imitated from classic ; and one of 
them has little half-length figures cleverly enough 
contrived in the place of caulicoli. The four arches 
are pointed, and enclose a quadripartite vault with 
diagonal ribs, and the whole is crowned by a hori- 
zontal cornice of acanthus leaves ^ The execution 
and detail of this splendid canopy are worthy of all 
praise. An inscription in Lombardic lettering on 
the front records its erection in the year 1332 in 
the archbishopric of Giovanni di Butuane (Fig. 6). 

■H i^Roie-'Dfii -/iK)- efoe:- mQaq>><xxi i 
HOft? HuiT noQ op'/rm-^-ion.i^'DQ-BV 
rpou:q'RG:- 'DG:r-(?'a?rqiH:<v^ 

3«AU. Cottw- i33Z * 

Fig. 6. 

The choir stalls (Fig. 7) are undoubtedly the most 
magnificent examples of a class of woodwork that 
abounds in Dalmatia and the Littorale, resembling 
the well-known stalls of the Frari at Venice. At 
Parenzo Cherso Arbe Lesina Trail Spalato and 
Mezzo there are stalls that might almost be attri- 
buted to the same hand as these, and in Zara itself 
at S. Maria and S. Francesco there are two other 
choirs similarly furnished. The stalls of Arbe have 

^ The flat dome and figure of our Lord which now surmount 
the baldacchino are not original. 



Ch. IV.] 



Zara : the Duomo. 



275 




TTETRl 



Fig. 7. 
T 2 



276 Zara: the Duomo. [Ch. IV. 

the date mccccxlv. upon them, and these at Zara 
bear the arms of four successive archbishops whose 
episcopates cover the period from 1400 to 1495^ 
They may be attributed to the earher half of the 
fifteenth century, their date extending probably 
from about 14 10 to 1450. In all these ten examples 
there is a similarity that is a little monotonous, and 
a coarseness of execution that is a little disappointing. 
They will not compare in respect of fancy and refine- 
ment with the best examples of French or German 
woodwork, least of all with our English work, which 
in point of artistic feeling for the nature of the 
material, and luxuriant fancy in the mode of treating 
it, is perhaps unrivalled. But all the same these 
Dalmatian carvings have a splendid freedom in 
their lines, and a luxurious fulness in their scrolls 
and flourishes that is very efiective, and they shew 
a facility in di^awing and technique that was perhaps 
itself a snare to the workman and a hindi^ance to his 
artistic growth. They are all no doubt the work of 
Venetian carvers ; for we know those at S. Francesco 
in Zara were made by an artist born indeed in 
Tuscany but settled and naturalised at Venice ; and 
though the names of the artists of the other stalls 
may not be known they all belong to the same Vene- 
tian school. 

There are seventeen stalls on each side of the 

^ Luca da Fermo, 1 400-1 420, a grifl&n holding a book; Biagio 
Molino, 1420-1427, a mill-wheel; Lorenzo Venier, 1428-1449, 
six bars gules and argent; Maffeo Valaresso, 1450-1495, azure six 
bendlets or. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: the Duomo. 277 

choir, including that of the archbishop on the north 
and that of the Venetian proweditore opposite on 
the souths Each stall is divided not only by elbows 
but by shades of elaborately carved and pierced 
scroll-work reaching up to and supporting the canopy. 
The canopies are formed like fluted shells, and are 
surmounted by ogee gables ; little half - length 
statuettes of prophets from Adam downwards form 
their finials, each holding a scroll with his name, and 
in the lower part of the pinnacles are still smaller 
figures of saints in little niches, which, like the 
prophets, have all been painted and gilt. The arms 
of the four archbishops are carved on the elbows of 
the standards, the lion of St. Mark appears in the 
canopy of the stall of the proweditore, and the 
shield of Mafteo Valaresso over the stall of the arch- 
bishop. The influence of the coming renaissance is 
observable in many of the details, and the arms of 
Valaresso are supported by two amorini that have 
quite burst free from Gothic tradition. 

The exterior of the duomo is far finer than the 
Ulterior. The facade (Plate V) is the finest in 
Dalmatia, and its round-arched portals, and tiers of 
arcading that fill the whole upper part of the wall 
and the gables, are equalled in theu" own style only 

^ The Venetians insisted on their governor being accorded 
a seat of equal honour with the bishop in the provincial cathe- 
drals ; the proweditore was to be ' incensed,' and treated with the 
same ceremony as the bishop, and he received the '^;ax' from a 
priest of the same degree and title and vested in the same way 
as the one who performed the same function for the bishop. 
Vid, Cubich, Veglia, Part ii. p. 118, 145. 



278 Zara: the Duomo. [Ch. IV. 

in the churches of Pisa Lucca or Pavia. The con- 
trast between the plainness of the lower story and 
the rich detail of the upper part is very good ; and 
the same artistic subordination is preserved in the 
side wall next the Corso or High Street, which has 
a plain wall below surmounted by an open arcaded 
story just below the eaves. The whole is beautifully 
executed in a white compact limestone that may 
almost be considered a marble, and though it has 
undergone restoration it is on the whole in an 
admirable state of preservation. 

The doorways are square openings with jamb 
shafts, some of them spirally fluted, which carry 
semicircular arches enclosing a tympanum. In the 
tympanum of the two lateral doors is the lamb and 
flag, carved in an archaic style, and in that of the 
central door are three niches of Italian Gothic 
evidently of a later date than the rest, with the 
Madonna and child in the centre between two saints. 
A wide border of Romanesque scroll-work surrounds 
the opening of the doorways. A few statues carved 
in the solid stone of the pilasters flank the doors, 
and the north-east angle is decorated with some 
incised ornaments filled in with black cement in the 
manner of the facade of the cathedral of Lucca. 

The arcaded part above has evidently been dis- 
turbed by several alterations : the lowest tier of 
arcades, extending quite across the facade, has capitals 
of an early Romanesque character, and the arcades 
in the half gables of the aisles, with the great stone 
beasts at their lower ends, are also in that style ; but 



PIxyM-^V. 




\ 



Ch. IV.] Zara: the Diionio. ^79 

the arcading of the three upper tiers of the nave or 
central part is very different, the shafts are much 
thinner and are placed in couples, and their capitals 
are later in character. Other uTegularities, one by 
one, catch the eye ; in one aisle the columns of the 
upper tier are over those of the lower, but in the 
other over the centre of the arches; the pilasters that 
divide the central part from the wings cut off half 
the arch on the north side ; and the displaced column 
is set up naively in the centre of the arch it should 
have carried. The two rose windows are evidently 
of different dates, and the coping of the central 
gable is clearly not of the same period as that of the 
half gables of the aisles. 

An inscription in Lombardic letters on the lintel 
of the gTeat door tells us that this Eomanesque 
facade is not even so old as the rest of the church, 
but was actually built in the year 1324, a hundred 
and fifty years after Komanesque architecture in 
England and France began its transition to Gothic. 

ANO • D • MCCCXXIIII • TPR • DNI • lOHIS • DE • 
BVTVAXE • DI • GRA • lADRN • ARCHIEPI. 

As the cathedi'al was only consecrated in 1285, we can 
hardly suppose the west front needed rebuilding forty 
years later in the episcopate of Giovanni di Butuane, 
and we can only suppose that he either completed 
what Lorenzo Periandro had left imperfect, by adding 
a west front, or that he extended the church further 
westward, for which there is some slight evidence in 
a change of the courses of masonry of the side wall'. 

^ Farlati merely says the Basilica, ' inchoata olim a Laurentio 



28o Zaj'a: the Duoino. [Ch. IV. 

To his work belongs no doubt the greater part of the 
facade with the lower rose window, but the upper 
rose, and the three upper tiers of arcading of the 
central part with their coupled shafts and the gable 
above are probably work of the fifteenth century. 

The north wall, with its arcaded gallery and the 
little cushion capitals from which the arches spring, 
has undoubtedly an early look, and I was tempted 
to assign it to the time of Lorenzo, until I detected 
on several of the little cushion capitals the shield 
and arms of Archbishop Valaresso (1450-1495). 
Still more perplexing is it to find on one of the 
shallow buttresses at K (vid. Fig. i) the arms of 
Archbishop Pesaro and those of Giov. Minotto and 
Francesco Foscari, the Count and the Captain of Zara 
between 15 13 and 15 15, and to observe that west- 
ward of this buttress the masonry changes its 
character, and the lancet windows become pointed 
instead of round-headed. I cannot but believe that 
these arms, as well as those of Valaresso, refer 
rather to restorations more or less extensive than 
to the original construction, which from the charac- 
ter of the work can hardly, even in Dalmatia, be 
later than the thirteenth or early part of the four- 
teenth century. 

The sacristy is an apsidal building, perhaps for- 
merly a church and of greater antiquity than the 
present duomo, although it is now ceiled with per- 
fectly developed rib and panel vaulting. A short 

Periandro et magna ex parte perfecta demum absoluta fuit sub 
pontificatu Johannis.' Illyr. Sac. Tom. v. p. 93. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: the Diiomo. 281 

passage, now walled up, formerly led from this 
chamber to the adjoming church of S. Donato^ 

The passage at L (vid. plan) between the sacristy 
and the duomo, now opening to the yard, is evi- 
dently an ancient chapel, though many of its 
original features are obhterated. It has still a 
barrel roof, strengthened by flat underlying ribs, 
and it ends with a semi-dome over a square end, 
with squinches in the angles like the early churches 
already noticed at Zara, and several others through- 
out Dalmatia. The east end of this building has 
lately been modernized, but in the process the in- 
teresting discovery was made of two windows filled 
with slabs of perforated stone, of which examples 
exist at S. Lorenzo in Istria, and at Grado (vid. ch. 
xxxii. Fig. 115, and ch. xxxvi. Fig. 128). 

In the Corso, a few yards distant from the east 
end of the duomo, stands the unfinished campanile, 
begun in 1480, a magnificent project of Archbishop 
Maffeo Valaresso, which the jealousy of his relations 
who did not choose that he should spend his sub- 
stance in that way prevented him from completing. 
Defeated in this intention he diverted his extrava- 
gance to building a small castle or palace on a 
rock in the bay of Cassione, some six or seven miles 
south of Zara, of which the ruin stiU remains. 

The most perfect ' souvenir ' of this magnificent 
prelate which Zara possesses is the very beautiful 

^ The apse of this sacristy was formerly visible from the cathe- 
dral yard, but it is now hidden by an unhappy building which had 
sprung into existence between my last two visits to Zara. 



282 Zara: the Duomo. [Ch. IV. 

and quaint pastoral staff which he gave to his 
cathedral (vid. Plate VI). It is of silver, parcel gilt, 
and bears this inscription : — 

R + D + MAFEVS + VALARESSVS + ARCHIEPVS 
HVADRENSIS + FACIENDVM + CURAVIT • M • CCCCLX + 

From the ch-cumference of the crook radiate eleven 
little figures ; in the centre is the figure of Christ 
standinp; on a rock, and on each side of him are five 
little half-length figures springing out of flowers, 
and facing alternately to each side of the staff. 
Each holds a scroll with his name, elia • p — simon • 
• PA — AMOS • P — ieroboam, whom one is surprised 
to find in such good company, tvbia — mose • p — 

lEREMIA • P. DANIEL • P. ARON • P lACOBE^ In 

tlie centre of the crook are statuettes of a female 
figure, crowned and holding a book, and a bishop 
with a pallium, who holds out a book with his right 
hand. These have been variously supposed to be 
the Virgin Mary and Archbishop Valaresso the 
donor, or S. Donato and S. Anastasia the patron 
saints of Zara. It may be objected to the latter 
interpretation that Donato was not an archbishop, 
and would not have the pallium. 

The neck immediately below the crook has been 
modernized, but all the rest of the pastoral is per- 
fect and original. The next stage is a rich piece 
of tabernacle work, triangular in plan, with a 
pinnacle at each corner, and two stories high. In 
the upper stage the three faces are occupied by 
St. Peter, St. Jerome (?) and a bald saint holding a 
* Tlie labek with tvbia and iacobe are not original. 



ZARA. 



Plate VI. 



E)is[lisJi inches. 



Centhnetii. 




■-40 






PASTORALE OF ARCHBISHOP VALARESSO. 

A. D. J 460. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: Treasuiy of the Diiomo. 28 



o 



book ; in the lower by a Madonna with the Holy- 
Child, a figure of our Lord issuing from the tomb, 
and a saint also apparently stepping out of a tomb. 
St. George and two female saints occupy niches in 
the angle pinnacles. The stafi" is plated with silver, 
and the total height of the pastoral is six feet six 
inches. The workmanship is very fine ; the little 
figures are cast and engraved with a tool, and 
the foliage of the flowers out of which the pro- 
phets emerge is beautifully finished with file and 
graver. 

The treasury of the Duomo is very rich in church 
plate, of which the following are the most remark- 
able pieces : — 

1. A reliquary supported by four dragons, which 
have lost their wings, and whose tails raised in air 
meet in the centre and form a base for the upper 
part. This begins with a cube of crystal surrounded 
by cast and pierced metal work, bearing the figure of 
a man in civilian dress blowing a horn, alternately 
with that of a knight tilting. The knight has a 
falcon, and a tree is introduced behind him. This 
part bears the inscription — hic est spongia dni 
s:vA. POTAT FViT IN PATiBVLO CRVCis. Above is a 
band of natural leaves with birds, and still higher 
is a crystal tube containing the relic and surmounted 
by a crucifix. The relic is labelled ' the holy thorn,' 
by some one who apparently has not taken the 
trouble to read the inscription on the reliquary. 

2. A cofler containing the head of ' S. Giacomo 
Interciso,' a martyr apparently of the fifth century. 



284 Zara: Treasury of the Diiomo. [Ch. iv. 

Round the ring of the domed top is this in- 
scription : — 

+ EGO BOSNA IVSSI FIERI ANCH CAPSAM AD ONOREM 
SCS lACOBI MARTIRIS OB REMEDIVM ANIME CHASEI 
VIRI MEI ET ANIME MEE. 

Nine saints surround the drum, each under a round 
arch supported by columns, fluted, twisted, and dia- 
pered ; they bear their names — S. Petrus, S. Paulus, 
S. Andreas, S. Jacobus, S. Tomas, S. Jacobus, S. Filip- 
pus, S. Bartolomeus, S. Mateus. On the lid in round 
medallions are these six figures — Christ, with the 
monograms LC. — xc, Jachbus martyr, Judas, Simon, 
Johannes, Maria. Monsign. Bianchi^ says there 
was a prior of Zara named Chaseus or Chaseo in 
the year 1096, who might very well be the person 
mentioned in the inscription, for the lettering is not 
unlike that of the epitaph of the princess Vekenega 
at St. Maria (vid. Fig. 12, infra), who died in 11 1 1, 
and the style of the figures and draperies is quite 
consistent with that date. The whole work is in 
silver, the ground left plain, and the figures gilded. 
The classic head with flying hair in the crown of 
the casket cannot have belonged to it originally. 

3. The reliquary of S. Grisogono or Chrysogonus 
is a long casket with three oval medallions of 
enamel on the lid. The figures are beautifully 
drawn and delicately chased in silver ; the ground 
is filled in with a deep rich blue enamel, and there 

"^ Zara Cristiana, vol. i. p. 155. There is an illustration of 
this reliquary in Eitelberger's Kunstdenk. Dalmatiens, p. 150. ed. 
1884. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: Treasury of the Dtcomo. 285 

is a cypress on each side of the figure chased in 
silver and glazed with a transparent green enamel. 
On the front are two square enamels in the same 
style. The rest of the casket is covered with em- 
bossed work of vine leaves in scrolls in a style 
which is extremely common throughout Dalmatia. 
Round the lid is the following inscription in Lom- 
bardic letters of silver on a red enamel ground : — 

+ HOC OP • FVIT • FACT • TPE, • NOBILIV • VIROE, • 
VITI • CADVL • VVLCIN • MARTINVSII ' ET • PAYLI 
DE GALCIGN • ANN • D • MCCCXXVI. 

4. The reliquary of S. Orontius, an oblong box 
covered in front and at both ends with silver plates, 
is perhaps the most interesting piece in the treasury. 
Ten arches, embossed on the front and sides, sup- 
ported by columns either fluted or twisted, contain 
each a figure which is bearded, long haired, and 
dressed in oriental vestments, and holds a small 
cross before his breast. Each has a nimbus, and his 
name in characters which are a mixture of Greek 
and Latm : — 
(a) cabinianyc — (a) <t)EXiz — (a) bitaAic — 

(a) CATOPXC — (a) PEnOCITYC — (a) CEnTIMI- 

NVC — (a) lANYAPlYC (a) APCOTATIOC 

(a) ONtOPATYC. — (a) (jjaJPTVN ATI ANVC. 
On the back is now only a plate with the inscription 
in Roman characters + sergivs • r • mai • nepos • 

ZALLAE • FECIT • HANC • CAPSAM • SCO • CAPITI • 

ARONTii • MARTiRis. On the top is the scutcheon 
of Archbishop Pesaro (i 505-1 530), when some re- 
pairs were probably effected. The industry of 



286 Zara: Treasury of the Duomo. [Ch. IV. 

Monsign. Bianchi has traced the names of Madius 
andZella m documents of 1067 and 1096', and that 
of Sergius tribunus in one of 1 091, who most probably 
is the person mentioned as the donor on the loose 
plate affixed to the back. But the front and end 
plates with their Greek saints are probably Byzan- 
tine works of an older date than this, and have 
evidently once belonged to a different casket, for 
they do not fit the present one at all well, as may 
be seen in Prof Eitelberger's illustration 2. They 
most likely date from the eighth or ninth century, 
and were adapted to the present casket by Sergius, 
who gave it to the church at the end of the 
eleventh. From a calendar of 15 16 it appears pro- 
bable that this reliquary was once at Grado : ' Ebre- 
duni in Gallia S. Orontii. Mart, qui in persecutione 
Diocletiani martyrio coronatus est, et ejus caput ex 
Gradensi Ecclesia ladram translatum^^.' This is 
especially interesting because at Grado also inscrip- 
tions exist in which Latin and Greek letters are 
used indiscriminately ^ 

5. A reliquary professing to contain a finger of 
St. John Baptist, made in the form of an arm, with 
plaques of transparent enamel in the midst of scrolls 
of vine leaves. It is inscribed in Lombardic letters, 



^ The name Zella appears among those of the witnesses to a deed 
of Cresimir in 1072, conveying certain crown lands to the convent 
of S. Maria at Zara. Luc. de Regn. ii. ch. xv. 

2 Kunstdenk. Dalm. p. 153, ed. 1884. 

^ Bianchi, Zara Cristiana. 

* Vid. infra, chapt. xxxvi, on Grado. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: Treasury of the Duomo. 287 

DIGITVM • SANCTI • lOHANNIS • BAPTISTE, and dates 

probably from the fourteenth century. 

6. Another reliquary in the form of an arm, with 
this inscription round the wrist in raised Lombardic 
letters : — ego chacia vsok, dimitrii • feci • fieri • 
HOC • opvs. The arm is of plain metal, enriched 
with filigrana and set with stones and patterns in 
cloisonne enamels. The triangular base is of cast 
metal, raised on three feet, reminding one by its 
form of the great candelabrum at Milan. Each 
side has in the centre a winged figure with sceptre 
and orb in the midst of open scroll-work of twelfth- 
century character. Monsign. Bianchi says that 
Demetrius, husband of Chacia, was prior of Zara in 
II 62, a date which is full early for the workmanship. 
This is the best of the numerous arms in the Trea- 
sury. 

The Baptistery, adjoining the cathedral to the 
north (vid. plan. Fig. i), is evidently a building of 
great antiquity, and belongs by its plan to a class 
of churches of which Dalmatia contains several ex- 
amples^. The destroyed church of S. Orsola at 
Zara (vid. Fig. 4), which has been described, and 
the half-ruined church of SS. Trinita, near Spalato 
(vid. Fig. 40, infra), correspond with this baptistery 
not only in plan but in dimension, the three having 
almost to an inch the same diameter of twenty feet 
for the central dome, which would seem to have 
been the standard measurement for this class of 
building. They consist of a circular chamber covered 

' Vid. sup., account of Dalmatian architecture, p. 212. 



288 Zara: S. Grisogofto. [Ch. IV. 

with a dome, and surrounded by six apses, each 
covered with a semi-dome, but while at Spalato the 
curved walls of the apses shew outside the church, 
here at Zara the building is a hexagon externally, 
and the walls are consequently more massive. It 
has now three doors, but none of them are original, 
and that to the north is as late as the tune of 
Archbishop Valaresso, whose arms it bears within a 
renaissance wreath. The original door was no doubt 
through the south apse, opening du^ect into the 
Duomo. The interior is lighted by six windows, one 
over each apse arch. 

The red breccia marble font is very curious, and 
though standing within a hexagonal building it is 
octagonal. The sides are ornamented with shallow 
romanesque arcading, like the archbishop's throne in 
the tribune of the cathedi^al. 

The Church of S. Grisogono is the most in- 
teresting in Zara after the Duomo. It was the 
church of an abbey which dated from remote anti- 
quity and ranked as one of the most important 
conventual establishments in Dalmatia. Originally 
dedicated to S. Antonio, and served by Egyptian 
monks, it was rededicated in 649 to S. Grisogono, 
when the relics of that saint were brought from 
Aquileia, and when he was formally adopted as 
patron of the city^ A testament of 908 contains a 

^ Bianchi, Zara Cristiana, vol. i. p. 296. It is said that the 
cavalier who appears mounted on a black horse in the arms of the 
city represents S. Grisogono, and that the device dates from this 
period. 



Ch. IV.] Zara : S. Grisogono. 289 

bequest for repairing the church and convent ; and 
in 986 they were rebuilt by Majo or Madius, rector 
of Zara and governor of Dalmatia, who reorganized 
the brotherhood under another Madius, a Benedic- 
tine monk, whom he invited from Monte Cassino. 
The new church is described as large and splendidly 
furnished with marbles and precious metals. It 
was again rebuilt in 1 175 by Archbishop Lampridio, 
whose reconsecration of the church was recorded by 
an inscription on the ' triumphal arch ' of the apse, 
which will be referred to presently. There was 



F 



S. SRtSOeONO. Z,AR/^. 

10 10 3c -to n> ^o yS 



p ® # • 




Fig. 8. 



another consecration of the church in 1407, and 
it is important to ascertain how much of the church 
belongs to the latter date, and how much, if any- 
thing, to the former. 

The plan is so far basilican (Fig. 8), that it has a 
nave with two aisles, wooden ceilings, and three apses 
at the east end ; but here, as at the Duomo, the 
arcades spring from columns and piers alternately, 
and consequently are not strictly according to the 
old basilican type. The piers are square with semi- 
columns attached to them, and there are cross 

VOL. I. u 



290 Zara : S. Grisogono. [Ch. IV. 

arches thrown from the jDiers to the outer wall. 
The isolated columns are of beautiful marble, 
possibly antique, though they scarcely seem dimi- 
nished properly according to classic rule, and they 
carry capitals of early romanesque design. Over 
the arcades is a string; of dentils sunk in the wall 
face as at Spalato and Trau and the church of Jkk 
in Hungary. 

The exterior of the church is more interesting 
and better preserved than the interior. The apses 
are extremely beautiful (Plate VII) ^ the open 
gallery with its delicate colonnade being equal to 
anything of the kind in the Lombard churches of 
Italy. The south flank of the church next the 
street is beautifully arcaded with shallow round- 
headed arches resting on attached columns spirally 
fluted and bearing capitals of an early character. 
These arches consist of a single square order, a 
horizontal string course runs above them, and the 
upper part of the wall is pierced by small round- 
headed windows deeply splayed from the outside 
to the middle of the wall. The arcaded gallery 
of the apse has little cushion capitals and two 
plain square orders which are eccentric, the outer 
order being stilted so as to make the inner one 
wider at the crown than at the springing, a very 
common device in Italian romanesque work, and 
one that is employed at the Duomo also. Thus 

^ In the gable over the principal apse is inlaid a cross of coloured 
majolica tiles which it is not easy to discover, and which I un- 
fortunately did not see till my drawing had been lithographed. 



Zara . 



PlcvtoMI. 




TG.J. 



S Crisogono 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S. Grisogono. 291 

far everything corresponds with the architecture 
of the end of the twelfth or beginning of the 
thirteenth century. The details are similar to 
many in the Duomo, which date probably from 
the middle of the thirteenth century, and it is 
difficult to assign the work at S. Grisogono to a 
later date than this. It is true Dalmatian art 
lagged behind that of western Europe, but even 
if we suppose the present building to be the church 
of 1 1 75 it would still be a century later than 
very similar work at Pisa, and it is unpossible to 
believe that a design so purely romanesque, and 
so free from suspicious traces of the later styles, 
which would be sure to have crept in had the 
building been an anachronism, can really be the 
work of the fifteenth century. The latter view, 
however, is seriously maintained by some writers, 
and among others by Professor Eitelberger, who 
takes the opportunity of reading a lesson on the 
unprogressiveness of the arts in Dalmatia. On 
the other hand, Monsign. Bianchi gives some 
particulars which confirm the conclusions to which 
the architectural style itself would naturally lead 
us. According to him the principal apse was once 
adorned with a mosaic like those at Rome Ravenna 
and Parenzo, which existed till 1791, when the 
church had the misfortune to be restored, and the 
mosaic with many other matters of interest was 
destroyed. Fortunately a drawing of it which 
was made in 1771 has been preserved, together 
with copies more or less complete of the inscriptions 

u 2 



292 Zara: S. Grisogono. [Ch.iv. 

it contained, which suffice to fix its date. The 
following is Monsign. Bianchi's accounts ' The 
TYiosaic represented the Saviour with the Virgin on 
his right, and St. John the Evangelist on his left. 
Below them a band, which ran round the whole semi- 
circle, contained an inscription which could not he 
deciphered, and beneath it in twelve pictures were 
seen the Jigures of the Ajyostles ivith their proper 
names, some of ivhich tvere still legible. The epoch 
of the work ivas precisely indicated by cei^tain in- 
scriptions, lohile beloiv the figures of the Apostles 
Simon and Jud.cis could be traced the folloiving 
luords : — 

HOC OPVS FIERI IVSSIT STANA FILIA COMITIS 

PETRANA lADERaE ET Dalmatiac Vroconsulis 
. . . It should be observed that in a document 
of II 34 mention is made of Pietro, called cdso 
Petrana, count of Zara. Besides this, round the 
front arch ran the folloiving legend, which being 
m,uch damaged by time, has perhaps in some parts 
been not very ivell copied, and which ive ivill attempt 
to complete as ivell as ive can in italic letters ^ : — 

SVMMA MAIESTAS TYA TVAQ • POTESTAS 

OMNIA GVBERNAS PVGILLO CVNCTA SVSTENTAS 

ANNO MILLENO XPI DECIES QVOQVE DENO ET DECIES SEXTO 

TER QViNTO MSEQ • MAio die Eii^5DEm Mensis qjarto Lani- 

pridius archiepiscopus METROPOLiTANtts hanc ecclesiam de- 

dicavit sancTO cArisogono qvo gavdet iai>ra patrono 

xpo regnante quinque SEC^6LA fvit de ante * * * * 

' Bianchi, Zara Ciistiana, vol. i. p. 301. 

^ The original seems to have run in rhyming hexameters which 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S. Grisogono 293 

However imperfect this record of the vanished 
mosaic may be, it seems clear that it bore the date 
of the consecration of the church in the year 11 75, 
and the name of the donor Stana or Anastasia 
daughter of Petrana or Pietro count of Zara whose 
name is found on a document of 1 1 34, who is also 
well known as the Venetian count of Zara at whose 
instigation the see was raised to an archbishopric 
in 1145^; and this seems to dispose of the theory 
that the apses though romanesque in style were 
really built at the end of the fourteenth or beginning 
of the fifteenth century. 

The apses carry with them the south wall with 
its arcades and deeply splayed windows, all of which, 
if the evidence of the drawing of 1771 may be 
believed, date from the latter part of the twelfth 
century. 

The case of the west front is somewhat different : 
the ends of the south aisles with their half gables 
are in the same style and of the same date as the 
side wall, and have preserved their original copings, 
which are carved with a series of rosettes, and 
supported by grotesque beasts at their lower end, 
just like those at the Duomo. But the central 
part forming the west end of the nave is of much 
later workmanship, and though it still preserves 
the round arches and the tiers of arcades of roman- 

the copyist and Monsign. Bianchi in his conjectural restoi-ation 
have lost sight of. 

^ * Comes vero civitatis ei'at eo tempore Petrana.' Thorn. Archid. 

C. XX. 



294 Zara: S. Grisogono. [Ch. IV. 

esque architecture, the details and proportions 
belong rather to the fifteenth century than to the 
twelfth, and this part may very likely date from 
the time of rededication in 1407. The west door 
has a lintel with round arches above it inclosing 
a tympanum, the arches consisting of four shallow 
square orders slightly horseshoed, and surmounted 
by a pediment. At some height above this is an 
arcade extending across the front, with round arches 
springing from slender coupled columns like those 
in the upper part of the facade of the Duomo, which 
as I have already remarked are evidently later 
than the rest. Here, however, there is no central 
rose window, and the back wall of the arcades is 
not flat but hollowed out into a series of shallow 
niches. 

On the tympanum of the west door is an in- 
scription in Lombardic lettering which is now 
almost obliterated, having unfortunately been only 
painted on the stone and not incised. According 
to Monsign. Bianchi it recorded the rebuilding of 
the town walls, which was begun in 1298, and 
it might have been read as follows : — 

AD HONOREM DNI XPI SALVATORIS 

SANCTIQVE CHRYSOGONI lADERAE PROTECTORIS 

MVRVS VRBIS lADERAE FVIT INCHOATVS 

DIE XII ADSTANTE NOVEMBRIS 
INDICTIONIS BIS SENAE ORDINE LABENTIS 

SVB ANNIS XPI MILLE DVCENTIS 
NONAGINTA OCTO PLVS COMPVTI LEGENTIS 
EXISTENTE COMITE LEONARDO CHRYSOGONO 



Ch. IV.] Zara : S. Grisogono. 295 

but I cannot believe this doorway as old as the 
date of the event recorded upon it. The whole 
of this later work, doorway, arcading, gable, and 
coping, is of an attenuated and meagre character, 
poorly designed, and contrasting very unfavourably 
with the earlier work of the south aisle and 
apses. 

Whatever may be the date of the church of S. 
Grisogono, it is, with the exception of the west front, 
a perfect example of romanesque architecture at its 
best. Though not large, it is on a scale sufficient 
for dignity, the nave measuring about ninety-five 
feet by twenty-five, and the nave and aisles together 
being about fifty-two feet in width ; it is admirably 
proportioned according to the rule which seems to 
have been generally accepted as proper for basilican 
churches, the nave being approximately four times 
as long as it is wide, and twice as wide as the aisle ; 
the details are well studied and refined, and their 
execution is nearly perfect. 

To the north side of the small churchyard in 
front of the west end is the campanile, once among 
the loftiest in Zara, but now barely overtopping 
the surrounding buildings, the upper part having 
been so damaged by a fire in the neighbouring 
houses in the year 1645 that it was found necessary 
to take it down. The date of its construction is 
given by an inscription on the south side in lead 
letters beaten into the stone. 



•96 



Zara : S. Maria. 



[Ch. IV. 



AD LAVDEM • DEI • ET B • CHIY 
SOGONI BERNARDVS lADR 

EN? MONACHVS • HVIVS ' AE 
DIS • PRIOR • SVA • ALIORVMQ 
MONACHORVM • CVRA • ET 
IMPENSA • M • D • XLVI. 



The floor of the eastern part of the church is full 
of carved sepulchral slabs, among which is one 
of Giovanni Rosa, bishop of Veglia, who died in 
1549, bearing his effigy in relief and his arms 
charged with a rosette. An interesting crucifix 
of painted wood hangs on the aisle wall. 

The adjoining convent was suppressed in 1807 ; 
its buildings which had been repeatedly recon- 
structed were destroyed in 1822, and on its site 
were erected the buildings now occupied by the 
Ginnasio and the Scuola reale of Zara. 



Convent of S. Maria. The church of S. Maria 
and the convent of Benedictine nuns attached 
to it can boast an antiquity scarcely inferior to that 
of the convent of S. Grisogono. The church of 
S. Maria minore which stood on its site is mentioned 
as far back as the year 906, and in 1066 it was 
granted by the Benedictine monks of S. Grisogono 
to Cicca, sister of Cresimir king of Croatia and 
Dalmatia, who j^urposed founding a nunnery of 
their own order, Cicca rebuilt the church, and 
retirino' from the world after the death of her 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S.Maria. 297 

husband, was herself the first abbess of her new 
foundation. Special privileges were granted to 
the monastery by Cresimir her brother in 1066^ ; 
and in 1072 the new buildings were consecrated 
by Andrea, bishop of Zara, with the assistance of 
the bishops of Arbe Nona Veglia and Belgi-ad 
(Zara-Vecchia), and of Giovanni Ursini bishop of 
Trail and four Benedictine abbots, who happened 
to be assembled in a provincial council. Another 
instrument of king Cresimir dated in this year 
conveys to the convent certain royal lands, and 
speaks of the ' monasterium S. Mariae Monialium 
rogatu sororis meae, quod noviter factum est ladere, 
Cichae, &c.' ; and a third document, dated also 1072, 
' in die consecrationis ejus basilicae,' contains a 
grant of the island of Selve to the abbess Cicca 
and her sisterhood by the prior clergy and people 
of Zara 2 These privileges and concessions were 
confirmed in 1102 by Coloman of Hungary after 
he had assumed the style of king of Dalmatia and 
Croatia^ ; and his triumphal entry into Zara in 
1 105 was commemorated by the erection of the 
campanile of the convent which is still standing, 

^ ' Anno Incarn. D. N. I. Christi, 1066. Dubcyzi (sc. Constanthie 
Ducas) Constantiuopoleos Imperante. Ego Cresimir Eex Croatiae 
et Dalmatiae filius Stephani Regis, concessioue Laurentii Spalat. 
Archiepiscopi, omniumque nostri Eegni Episcoporum, et laudatione 
nostri Ducis Stephani, caeterorumque Croatiae Comitum, do 
Eegiam libertatem monasterio S. Mariae Jadrensis, quod soror 
mea Cicba fabricavit,' &c. &c. Luc. de Regn. ii. c xv. p. 98. 

2 Idem, p. 102. 

" Idem, p. 113. 



298 Zara: S.Maria. [Ch. iv. 

and on which till a few years ago might be read 
this inscription : — 

ANNO INCAIi DNI NRI IHV XPI MIL CV 
POST VICTORIAM ET PACIS PRAEMIA 
lADER^ INTROITVS A DEO CONCESSA 
PROPRIO SVMPTV HANC TVRRIM 

SCJE MARI^ VNGARI^ DALMACI^ 
CHROATI^ CONSTRVI ET ERIGI 

IVSSIT REX COLOMANVS^ 

Cicca died in 1096, and her daughter Yekenega, 
who was married to Coloman but had been re- 
pudiated by him 2, following her mother's example 
took the veil, and became abbess of S. Maria in 
her stead. She died in mi, and her tomb with 
its contemporary inscriptions, which is still to be 
seen within the walls of the convent, is one of the 
most interesting historical monuments in the city. 

The church is flanked by the Calle Larga, from 
which a door leads into a forecourt which, like that 
at S. Grisogono, may perhaps have been at one time 
an atrium preceding the basilica. The church retains 
nothing of its original character, for though the 
shell may possibly be of Cicca's building, it has been 
clothed in the garb of the renaissance, and its an- 
tiquity, if it has any, is not recognizable. The 
facade and the south side which flanks the street 
are gracefully designed in the style of the Lombardi, 
and probably put on their present form at the end 

* Vid. Lucio, de Kegn. iii. c. iv. p. 115, and Bianchi, Zara 
Cristiana, vol. i. p. 315. 

"^ Bianchi, Zara Cristiana, vol. i. p. 322. 



Ch. IV.] Zara : S. Maria. 299 

of the fifteenth or beginning of the sixteenth cen- 
tury. The interior has suffered restoration still 
more recently, and is now smothered in rococo orna- 
ments of stucco. There is in fact nothing whatever 
to be seen at S. Maria except within the precincts 
of the convent, and as this is still inhabited by 
Benedictine nuns who are not allowed to see or be 
seen by the outside world it is of course inaccessible 
to ordinary visitors. However, by the kindness of 
his Excellency the Archbishop of Zara I was allowed 
the rare privilege of entering the convent, and was 
shewn everything it contained which was worth 
seeing; a privilege which I believe has only been 
extended to one or two laymen beside myself 

We were first shewn some handsome altar-cloths 
which were brought into a parlour outside the 
cloister precincts in order that my wife might see 
them, for curiously enough women are even more 
rigorously excluded from the interior of the convent 
than men, and I was told that even Madame Ivano- 
vitch, the wife of the governor of the province, had 
never penetrated beyond this parlour. The older of 
the two ' antependia ' is embroidered with figures in 
gold on a red ground. The lines of the drapery are 
traced in a red line on the gold, and the faces have 
the lights worked in shades of flesh colour, the red 
silk ground being left for the darker tints. This 
dates probably from the fourteenth century. The 
other altar-cloth is the finer of the two, but a little 
later in date. 

Passing the porter's lodge after being scrutinized 



300 Zara : S. Maria. [Ch. iv. 

through a grating, I was received by the abbess and 
another nun and conducted to the inner court of the 
convent, which is spacious and prettily filled with 
flowers. The greater part of the surrounding build- 
ings are modern, but on one side a simple cloister 
remains, consisting of columns supporting a wooden 
architrave and a pent roof This once ran along the 
western side also, but has within the last twenty or 
thirty years been replaced by a large modern build- 
ing containing rooms for the nuns, which is by no 
means an addition to the architectural beauty of the 
quadrangle. Worst of all, this great intruding block 
of building hides the lower part of King Coleman's 
campanile, which rises in the corner of the courtyard 
and was formerly visible from the ground upward; 
and with inexcusable carelessness the end wall has 
been allowed to conceal the inscription on the tower 
which records Coleman's triumphal entry into Zara, 
and his erection of this very campanile as a memorial 
of the event. Surely an opening might have been 
left in the new wall to expose this precious piece of 
history in stone, or at all events some note might 
have been made of its position, which is now lost, 
and could only be recovered by demolishing the side 
of a staircase. 

The tower (vid. Plate YIII) is a fine example of 
that romanesque type of campanile which runs 
through Italy and Germany, from Rome to Verona, 
and from Verona to Cologne. It has the same 
straight unbuttressed outline ; the same groups of 
windows, increasing in number as the tower rises 



Zara . 



Pl-cuU Mil. 




h' 



S Maria 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S.Maria. 301 

stage above stage, and set in shallow panels between 
flat pilasters ; and the same window shafts set back 
to the middle of the thickness of the wall, and 
carrying imposts that project fore and aft to take 
the thickness of the wall above. The last-named 
feature of the romanesque campanile survived in 
Dalmatia at least till the seventeenth century, and 
I am not sure that if there were a tower to be built 
there now the Dalmatians would not build it in the 
same way. 

To the south of the quadrangle, interposed be- 
tween it and the church, is the Sala capitolare or 
chapter-house, a building of the highest architectural 
importance, being coeval or nearly so with the foun- 
dation of the monastery; which, though sadly dis- 
figured by modern alterations, preserves under its 
disguise of stucco and colour-wash the romanesque 
work of the days of Cicca and Vekenega. It is a hall 
about thirty-six feet long and eighteen wide (Fig. 9), 
with four windows and a central door on the north 
side, the party wall of the church on the south, in 
which there is a grated window generally closed by 
shutters, the campanile at the west end, and the 
party wall of other conventual buildings at the east. 
It is covered by a barrel vault strengthened by four 
underlying transverse ribs of plain squared stone 
springing from pilasters or vaulting-shafts. The 
back of this barrel vaulting may be seen from the 
stau's that lead to the upper part of the tower, and 
from the regularity of its masonry, and the stone 
channelling for rain-water which is formed between 



302 



Zara: S. Maria. 



[Ch. IV. 





NORTH AISLE OF THE: CHURCH OF SMA.RIA 
Fig. 9. 



Ch. IV.] 



Zara : S. Maria. 



30: 



it and the side wall of the church, it seems that the 
exterior was intended to be exposed to view without 
any roof over it. The idea of a semi-cylindrical 
covering, vault and roof in one, had a great attrac- 
tion for Dalmatian architects : at Sebenico we shall 
see it triumphantly realized on a stupendous scale, 
and at Spalato we shall find its origin in the little 
shrine of Diocletian's palace. 

At the springing level of the barrel vault a cornice 
or stringcourse runs round the hall, which is en- 




fig 10. 



riched with a simple romanesque leaf-pattern (Fig. 
I o), which is also to be found in a stringcourse at St. 
Mark's in Venice. All the windows and the door 
are round-arched of course, and seem to have been 
quite plain, but they are now so disguised by stucco 
mouldings that it is difficult to tell what they were 
like oi'iginally. 

In the south-east comer of the hall is the monu- 
ment of Vekenega, the daughter of Cicca, and repu- 
diated wife of Coloman, who buried herself and her 
sorrows in this convent, and succeeded her mother 
as abbess. It consists of a recess in the wall, which 



304 



Zara: S. Maria. 



[Ch, IV. 



probably once penetrated its whole thickness, and 
opened into the church as well as into the chapter- 
house. The front is formed of two small arches 




Fig. II. 



within an including arch (Fig. 1 1 ), and has four 
sunk panels with inscriptions, of which that over 
the arch is the epitaph of Vekenega, who died in 
the year mi (Fig. 12), which with its puzzling 
abbreviations expanded reads as follows : — 



LAVDi: NITENS JifVLTA • lACET - HIC VEKENEGA SEPVLTA 
QVAE FABRICAM TVBRIS SIMVL ET CAPITOLIA STRVXIT 
EAEC OBIT VNDENO CENTVM POST MILLE SVB AEVO 
QVO VENIENS CHRISTVS CABNIS GESTAVIT AMICTVS 
NOS SABET EST ANNVS QVINTVS QVO REX COLOMANNVS 
PRAESVL ET EST BECTMVS QVO GREGORIVS FVIT ANNVS. 



Ch. IV.] 



Zara: S. Maria, 



;o5 



m) Ffl^NSy^LK-IAdTlCVEKehESASEl^LTA 
CL R B liKSTRlS JAVLeT(iR¥MSliVX 
b£ OBIT VM)MCEf$^Pbm£SVB:«VO 
^OlEWe NSXB ^R-NSGESl^iTAnidlS 
f^LS lfBT-eAtWs®f<K €LOR,EX@t/nNN 
R5U^ E T D (laVq:06GvSFVJ TflNNV^ 



ORETWISPE 

CT/\TD!CENS 

IN PACEWI 

ESCAT 

CCRRjCr/RCA 

IG/ITFL/WIS 

ETALT/IPEW 



ZARA 
S MARIA 
AD I I 1 I 



H(E(EN1EKWL 
T(M FERETHOC 
EERODOSE 
PCLeRtn-Hl/lC 
PIEDICANl/^ 
DAREQVlEM 
DOMINE 



Fig. 12. 

Vekenega's claim to have been the builder of the 
tower and the chapter-house probably means that 
they were built while she was abbess and under her 
supervision ; the tower at all events was built, as we 
have seen, by her quondam husband Coloman, at his 
own expense, as he was careful to record, not only 
outside the tower by the inscription which is now 
unhappily invisible, but also on the inside, as we 
shall see presently. 

The lower tablet contains five elegiac couplets in 

VOL. I. X 



3o6 Zara : S. Maria. [Ch. iv. 

honour of Vekenega, written in the same character 
and of the same date. 



RES FLVITANT CVNCTAE MVNDI VELVT IMPET VNDAE 

QVICQVD ET EXORITVR LABIT ET MORITVR 
MENTE DEVM PVRA SEMPER VEKENEGA SECVTA 

NON PENIT MORITVR SED MORTENS ORITVR 
NAMQ. I'ROBOS MORES CVPIENS SERVARE SORORES 

ACTIB • EXCOLVIT VOCE QD HAS MONVIT 
HOSTIS AB INSIDIIS ADITVS BENE CAVIT OVILIS 

QVAQ • REGENTE DOMVS CREVIT ET ISTE LOCVS 
IN FESTO SACRI COSMAE MIGRAT ET DAMIANI 

VT SIT IN ARCE DEI VITA PERENNIS EI. 



A narrow doorway through nearly four feet of 
masonry in the west end of the capitular hall admits 
to the basement of the tower, a low vaulted chamber 
containing nothing but the tomb of the last abbess, 
who was by special privilege buried here in accord- 
ance with her dying request. The vaulting of this 
chamber forms the floor of a small chapel contained 
within the tower, which opens into the capitular 
hall by a Avindow where, according to tradition, 
Vekenega used to sit to hear mass. This chapel is 
reached from the capitular hall by a narrow stair, 
for which just enough space is left between the 
tower and the church, and which finishes with a 
square landing, whence a square doorway under a 
round arch admits to the interior of the tower. 
The chapel is very curious. In each corner there 
is a detached column standing well away from the 



Ch. IV.] 



Zara : S. Maria. 



307 



wall and carrying a massive cushion capital with a 
heavy abacus carved with a leaf ornament. Two of 
the columns are cylindrical and two octagonal, and 
on the four cushion faces that are turned towards 
the centre of the chamber are distributed the 
letters of the royal name of Coloman (Fig. 13). 
From these capitals spring two heavy diagonal ribs 
of plain squared stone, underlying a vault which is 
almost a dome in construction. From the intersection 
of the ribs depends a boss or rosette of a kind not 
uncommon in the romanesque buildings of Dalmatia. 



01-1 



o-J- 




7.(,|. [m 

Fig. 13- 

The little window in the south side of this chapel 
has for a lintel a fragment, set upside down, of a 
classic frieze carved with dolphins. The upper part 
of the tower is worth studying for the largeness of its 
window openings and the hardihood of its construc- 
tion. Several pillars of the upper stage have de- 
cayed, and have been replaced by others not alto- 
gether like the original, though fortunately their 
defects are not observable from the ground, and 
very few ever see them at a less distance. 

X 2 



3o8 Tara : S. Maria. [Ch. iv. 

Above the aisles of the church is a spacious 
triforium, which is returned in the form of a wide 
gallery across the west end. In this gallery is the 
nuns' choir, which is fitted with handsome stalls of 
the same kind as those at the Duomo, though per- 
haps rather later in style. They now surround three 
sides of the gallery, but have evidently once formed 
two simple rows right and left of a choii' in the 
usual place on the floor of the church, and they have 
suffered a good deal by the process of adaptation to 
their present position. The scroll-work dividing the 
stalls is not all of one style or date, that of the 
southern stalls being much slighter than that of the 
northern, and the back of the abbess' stall is different 
again, being of pronounced renaissance work. The 
standard end of her stall is also of that date, and 
bears the inscription artificio iohannis corcyrae 
M- c-c-c-c- L- XXXV, recording possibly the year when 
the old choir was dismantled, and the name of the 
artist employed in adapting the stalls to their 
present place. The renaissance panel to which his 
name is attached is sufficient proof that he was not 
the artificer of the stalls themselves, which abound 
in flowing Gothic traceries, and correspond in the 
style of their carving with the stalls at Arbe, which 
are dated fifty years earlier. 

The window-openings from the triforium to the 
church are filled with good wrought -iron grills, 
which deserve to be noticed. 



Ch. IV.] Zara : S. Francesco. 309 

The Franciscan Convent and Church claim 
the honour of having been founded by S. Francis 
himself when he visited Zara in 1 2 1 2. The church 
was dedicated in 1282, but has been extensively 
modernized, though it still retains a few traces of 
Italian Gothic architecture. In the interior the 
only feature of any architectural interest is the 
woodwork of the choir stalls, which is of unusually 
good design and execution. The stalls are not now 
in their original condition, nor in their original place. 
They are now behind the altar, but according to 
Fabianich they were originally in front of it, and 
were only moved to their present position in modern 
times. These stalls are among the finest we saw in 
Dalmatia, and are earlier in date and in a purer 
Gothic style than the others. They were made in 
i394~5 t)y Giovanni di Borgo San Sepolcro, a 
Tuscan settled at Venice, and they cost 456 golden 
ducats, of which 200 were bequeathed by Giorgio de 
Matafari, a noble Zaratine, to whose executors a 
receipt was given for that sum by Fra Benedetto, 
the custos of the convent ^ Among the scrolls of 

' Fabianich gives the following agreement between the Friars 
and their artist : ' Millesimo trentesimo nonagesimo quarto, Indic- 
tione ii die vigesima mensis maij. Praesentibus Jacobo q. Petri 
Blundi e ladra, et Nutio Pacini de Florentia habit. ladre testibus 
et aliis. 

' Magister Joannes q. Jacobi de Burgo Sancti Sepulcri, habitator 
et civis Venetiarum, fuit confessus et contentus penes se integra- 
liter habuisse et recepisse a Fratre Benedicto Custode Fratrum et 
Conventus monasterii S. Francisci Ordinis Minorum de .Tadra 
ducatos aui'i quadringentos quinquaginta sex, in auro puro, et in 
ratione Chori facti et nondum expediti et expediendi in dicta 



3IO Zara: S. Francesco. [Ch. IV. 

pierced foliage which as usual form shades or screens 
between stall and stall are introduced figures of 
St. George on horseback, St. Francis receiving the 
stigmata, and St. Benedict and other saints of the 
Franciscan order (Fig. 14). 

In a side chapel is a very large picture by Vittore 
Carpaccio, representing the church militant and the 
church triumphant. 

In the sacristy of S. Francesco are preserved 
several fine pieces of old church plate and some good 
embroideries. There are in all five very good 
chalices of various dates and styles, two of which, 
with part of a third, are shown in Plate IX. 

Near the west door, upside down and serving as a 
base to an ' acqua santa,' is a singular romanesque 
capital, which must have belonged to a building 
long anterior to the foundation of this convent. I 
could learn nothing of its history (Plate I, Fig. 9). 

ecclesia S. Francisci ; de quibus idem magister Joannes fecit dicto 
Fratri Benedicto finem securitatem et quietationem generalem et 
pactum de ulterius non petendo. Et promisit insuper dictus 
magister Joannes venire ad dictum laborerium expediendum hinc 
ad unum mensem cum dimidio proximo futurum, cum pactis 
modis et conditionibus habitis inter ipsas partes hactenus usque in 
praesentem diem sub poena quarti, &c. &c. 

Actum ladrae in Cancelleria inferiori 

Ego Florchus de Artico.' 

The text of the receijDt to the executors of Matafari is also 
given in full by Fabianich, Storia dei frati minori in Dalmazia 
e Bossina, vol. ii. p. 51. 

Also the text of a contract in 1443 between the convent and 
Magister Marcus ab Organis de Venetiis for a new organ. The 
new organ was to be five feet wide, and the builder was to receive 
fifty-six golden ducats and the old organ. 



Ch. IV.] 




3ir 



3 1 2 Zara : S. Simeone. [Ch. iv. 

It may be compared with the capitals of the pulpit 
of Spalato (vid. Fig. 32, infra), which, though roman- 
esque in style, probably date from 1 2CO-i 220. 



S. Simeone. This church was originally the col- 
legiate church of S. Stefano, the establishment of 
which was suppressed in 1393, and it changed its 
name when the ark and relic of St. Simeon were 
moved hither in 1625. The church is a simple 
building of the early renaissance, pleasing but not 
remarkable, and the campanile, which has a fairly 
good outline, was built as lately as 1 707. 

The glory of this church is the great silver gilt 
ark, in which lies the body, as the Zaratini believe, 
of Simeon, who held the infant Christ in his arms 
at the Presentation in the temple. After various 
vicissitudes and removals this magnificent piece of 
silversmith's work, the largest it is said ^ in the 
churches of the Austrian Empu-e, is now to be seen 
above and behind the high altar, supported by two 
bronze angels, and reached by a narrow flight of 
stairs from each side, so that the faithful who come 
to adore the saint may ascend on one side to see the 
relic and kiss the shrine, and descend on the other. 
This they may be seen doing all day long ; but on 
the feast of St. Simeon, October 8th, they come in 
enormous numbers, and each pilgrim receives a 
' hoTTibace,' or little tuft of cotton- wool in a paper 
envelope, which has been shut up in the ark and 

' Eitelberger, p. 157. 



Flau IX. 






ii 




Ch. IV.] Zara: S. Sinieone. 313 

has thereby imbibed vu^tues which are miraculous in 
cases of toothache or earache or other minor ills to 
which cotton wool is applicable, and with which the 
nerves and the imagination have much to do. For 
three months beforehand the business of making 
these homhaci goes on ; no less than 25,000 were 
ready when we were there, filling three large chests, 
some in pink envelopes for the Zaratini, the rest in 
white for pilgrims from without. We were presented 
with a handful as a reminiscence, and thereby some 
poor Croat was perhaps consigned to the pangs of 
hopeless toothache, if the number happened to fall 
short. 

The story of the arrival of the relic, which Fondra 
its historian in the seventeenth century^ candidly 
admits he was the first to put in writing, is this. 
Either in 1213 or 1273 a ship was driven to Zara 
by a tempest, having on board a nobleman who 
during his stay deposited in the cemetery the body 
as he said of his brother, which he was taking home 
for burial. The nobleman however died at Zara, 
and from his papers it was discovered that the body 
was none other than that of Suneon the Just, who 
had held Christ in his arms in the Temple. Dreams 
and portents were not long wanting to confirm the 
discovery, and the body was taken to the col- 
legiate Church of S. Maria, where, by the expulsion 
of devils from demoniacs and other satisfactorv 



^ Istoria delle insigne rellquie di San Simeone, &c. Scritta da 
Lorenzo Fondra. Zara, 1855. p. 36. 



314 Zara: S. Simeone. [Ch.iv. 

miracles of the same kind, it sufficiently asserted its 
sanctity ^ 

In 1 37 1 Lewis the Great of Hmigary with the 
elder and younger Elizabeth, his mother and wife, 
visited Zara after his conquest of Dalmatia. The 
younger queen, so says the legend, was so desirous of 
possessing a piece of the relic that she broke off a 
finger and hid it in her bosom, but she instantly lost 
her senses and only recovered them on restitution of 
her theft. The finger miraculously attached itself 
to the body, and the bosom of the queen which had 
begun to mortify and breed worms was no less 
miraculously healed. 

After this we at last touch historical ground. 
Elizabeth wrote to certain nobles of Zara to have a 
rich ark of silver made to contain the relic : they 
entrusted the work to one Francesco d' Antonio di 
Milano, a goldsmith of Zara, with whom they entered 
into a contract in 1377 ; and the ark was finished in 
1380, as we know by the inscription on the back, in 
which Francesco di Milano has recorded his own 
name as the artificer. The ark is an oblong coffer 
with a coped roof and a gable at each end, and is 
long enough to contain a human body at full length. 
The front is hinged and falls down, disclosing in the 
interior behind a glass panel the ghastly and 
withered mummy of some poor son of earth, whoever 
he may have been. Both within and without the 

^ This is not the only legend relating to the arrival of the relic 
in Dalmatia. Eagnina connects it with Eagusa rather than Zara. 
Vid. Bruuelli, notes to De Diversis, p. 102. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S, Simeone, 315 

whole ark is covered with silver plates, embossed 
with figure subjects, and chased with diapers and 
ornamental borders. The effigy of Suneon lies on the 
slope of the roof towards the church, and the rest of 
the surface is occupied with various scenes of the 
arrival of the relic at Zara, and of the miracles it 
performed there, the only historical subject being 
the Presentation in the temple which occupies the 
central panel of the front. Of the other subjects 
different persons give different explanations, and 
some are generally admitted to be inexplicable. 
Fondra finds in one group on the back of the lid 
the story of Elizabeth and the rape of the finger ; 
his editor believes this to be nothing of the sort, but 
finds the story of the stolen finger in the group at 
the left-hand end of the ark, which Fondra on the 
contrary takes to be merely a representation of the 
solemn entry of King Lewis and his queen into Zara. 
When two such faithful doctors disagree we may 
perha23S be allowed to question whether either of 
these pictures represents the story of Elizabeth, and 
even whether the origin of the story itself may not 
be found in the attempt of some ingenious person to 
explain pictures of which the true history had been 
lost. 

The various compartments are divided by spirally 
twisted shafts supporting canopies of Italian Gothic 
design. The gable ends bear the royal escutcheon of 
Hungary impaled with the lilies of France, and the 
cypher L. R. (vid. Plate X). The embossed figures 
which occupy the several compartments are in bold 



3i6 Zara: S. Simeone. [Ch. iv. 

relief and effective, but like all silversmiths' work 
seem ruder and more archaic than coeval work in 
wood or stone, owing to the difficulty of getting true 
lines and exact forms by means of embossing. A 
short examination is enough to shew that the ark is 
not in its original state. Some of the cusped arches 
are queerly distorted and do not complete themselves, 
and the interior has had the back lined with new 
plates in renaissance times. That it should have 
needed repair is not to be wondered at, for it has 
seen strange vicissitudes of fortune. Its original 
home was not the church where we now find it, but 
the collegiate church of S. Maria to the north of it, 
where the ark stood over the high altar supported 
by four silver angels. St. Mary herself yielded pre- 
cedence to her ancient admonitor, and her church 
came to be known as the church of St. Simeon. 
This church was demolished to make way for the 
new fortifications of 1543 and 1570, a small chapel 
only being left standing, where the body remained in 
its ancient humble ark of cypress wood, the silver 
one being consigned to the safe keeping of the nuns 
ofS. Maria \ 

In 1572 an attempt was made to raise funds for a 
temple worthy of so famous a relic, but money came 
in slowly, and in 1600, when the facade was half 
finished, the attempt was abandoned. In 1623 more 
modest counsels prevailed. Not far from the site of 
S. Maria stood the once collegiate church of S. 

^ The nuns gave a formal receipt for it which is cited by the 
annotator of Fondra's history. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S. Simeone. 317 

Stefano, and hither it was proposed by Archbishop 
Garzadori that the relic should be conveyed. An 
outbreak of plague in 1630 awoke in the minds of 
the superstitious a recollection of the neglect into 
which the cult of St. Simeon had fallen ; the church 
was hastily prepared by the addition of a new 
chancel, and in 1632 all was ready for the transla- 
tion. The silver ark had been found, black and 
dirty, in a corner of the nunnery, and was repaii'ed 
by Benedetto Libani, a goldsmith, who reduced the 
length by four and the width by three fingers, an 
alteration which explains the puzzling irregularities 
now visible. The translation took place amid public 
rejoicings on May 16, 1632, and Simeon has since 
then reigned as patron of the city. Other towns 
have made inconvenient pretensions to possess parts 
of St. Simeon, but it is the special glory of Zara to be 
able to shew his entire body, and Fondra with re- 
lentless logic extinguishes the claims of the rival 
churches \ 

The subject on the southern end of the ark is 
especially interesting as shewing the costume of the 
Hungarians in the fourteenth century (vid. Plate X). 
We see here Lewis himself with his queen and in 
the middle of his courtiers, and, from the variety of 
expression and feature in which the artist has in- 
dulged himself, we may almost believe that he has 
attempted actual portraiture of the principal per- 
sonao-es. The kins; is bareheaded, and wears his 

1 An arm of St. Simeon was one of the relics with which 
Charlemagne endowed his church at Aix-la-Chapelle. Vid. Dan- 
dolo, Chron. lib. vii. c. xii. pars 21. 



3i8 Zara: S. Simeone. [Ch. IV. 

hair on his shoulders ; his upper Up, which is long 
and rather deeply indented, is shaven, and his beard 
is cut to a point. He wears a long-waisted jerkin 
and tight hose, and on his collar is a motto, of which 
the letters ta ///// tailt can be made out. The 
Queen, to whom he is talking, wears an embroidered 
underdress and a long cloak reaching to her heels, 
and her head is enveloped in a hood or coif turned 
up and bordered with fur. The Hungarian nobles 
have long hair and flowing beards, and some of them 
wear tall pointed caps with plumes of feathers. 
Except for the feathers their head-dress corresponds 
exactly with that of the Hungarian who is carved 
on one of the pillars of the ducal palace at Venice, 
who is also represented with long hair and beard and 
a conical cap. 

On the central panel of the back in raised Lom- 
bardic lettering is this inscription : — 



SYMEON : HIC IVSTVS ' Y 
EXVM • DE • VIRGINE • NAT 
VM • VLNIS • QVI • TENVIT 
HAC • ARCHA • PACE : QVIE 
SCIT • HUNGARIE • REGI 
NA • POTENS • ILLVSTRI 
S : ED • ALT A : EL YZ ABET • I 
VNIOR : QVAM • VOTO : CON 
TULIT • ALMO • ANNO • MI 
LLENO : TRECENO : OCTV 
AGENO 

tl)oc opu0 fecit ifranci0cm3 tie 9^eDiolano. 



ZARA. 



Plate X 



-90 



.80 



70 



.60 



50 



-40 



-30 



-TO 




ARK OF S. SIMEONE. 

A.D. 13^0. 



Ch. IV.] Zara: S. Domenico. 319 

This ark is not the only relic of Queen Elizabeth 
the younger to be seen in the church of S. Simeone. 
In the sacristy is a very beautiful chalice presented 
by her to the church, and bearing on the buttons of 
the knop and in a medallion on the base the arms of 
Hungary impaled with the lilies of France, sur- 
mounted by the crowned eagle and waving plumes 
that appear as the royal crest in the gable end of 
the ark. The arms of Hungary and France impaled 
appear also on the ark (Plate X). The latter coat 
was derived from the Angevine kings of Naples from 
whom Lewis was descended, and to whose kingdom 
he pretended as the rightful heir of Carlo Martello ^ 



Of the other churches in Zara little need be said. 
That of S. Domenico has an interesting western door- 
way with a square lintel under a pointed tympanum, 
on which is a figure of the archangel Michael weigh- 
ing souls in a balance and repelling with his spear the 
demon who attempts to claw the scale down-. On 
one side of this group is St. George, and on the other 
a female saint. It dates probably from the latter 
part of the fourteenth century. The rest of this 
church has been rebuilt in later times. 

In another part of the town, between S. Simeone 
and the harbour, may be seen the imperfect facade of 

^ Vid. tables of Kings of Hungary, sup. p. 193, Also General 
History above, pp. 93 and 105. 

^ Professor Eitelberger gives an illusti'ation of this door-head, 
Plate xiii. Fig. i. 



;20 



Zara. 



[Ch. IV. 



the great church which was to contain the ark and 
relic of St. Simeon. The promoters of the scheme got 




!%■ 15- 



SO far as to raise the doorway and half the great 
columns of the order, and on the lintel we read their 



Ch. TV.] Zara. 321 

names, which, after all, are only associated with a 
failure, for the church rose no higher : — 

C. IVLIO CHRYSOGONO FEDERICI F • ET THOMASO 

CIVALELLO GREGORII • F • PATRICIIS PROCVRANTIBVS 

M. CCCCCC. 

In remains of domestic architecture the streets of 
Zara are not so rich as those of many other Dalma- 
tian towns. Still there are several good windows 
and doorways to be found, and not a few gracefully 
arcaded cortili. Fig. 15 shews a balconied window 
near the Piazza dei Signori, which is interesting as 
an example of Dalmatian eclecticism, combining the 
ti-efoiled arch and ogee canopy of Gothic architecture 
with the shell ornament the amorini and the swag of 
the Renaissance. One of the prettiest court-yards 
is that of an old palace or convent, no one can say 
which, near the church of S. Suneone, which is sur- 
rounded by two stories of cloisters, the upper one 
with a brick parapet in which are introduced some 
panels of simple tracery. In the centre is the usual 
Venetian well with a coat of arms. Those who say 
the building was a palace assign it to the families of 
Cernizza and Adobbati, but the coat is not that of 
either of these houses. In the jamb of the entrance 
doorway is a fragment of a Roman mortuary in- 
scription built into the wall upside down. 



VOL. I. 



CHAPTER V. 

NOVIGRAD. 

Queen Elizabeth the younger of Hungary forms 
so conspicuous a figure in the history of Northern 
Dahnatia, and her story is so romantic and tragic, 
that a visit to the old castle of Novigrad, where she 
came by her mysterious death, follows very appro- 
priately the study of her silver ark and enamelled 
chalice at Zara. 

Novigrad, civitas nova, the Novgorod of the 
Russian, may be reached from Zara with a pair of 
horses in three and a half hours, by roads that 
steadily deteriorate from good to bad, and from bad 
to worse, till at last they amount to little more than 
a track across a stony desert. The excursion is an 
interesting one, and gives a fair glimpse of the 
interior of the country and its Slavonic population. 
The castle was a royal residence of Croatian and 
Hungarian kings, and a frontier fortress of the Ve- 
netians against the Turks, and it plays an important 
part in the history of the country on several oc- 
casions. But the incident which naturally rises in 
the memory in connection with Novigrad is the 
tragic death of Queen Elizabeth, which took place 
either within or near its walls in 1387. 



Ch. v.] Novigrad. 323 

Elizabeth was the daughter of Stephen Cotroman 
Ban of Bosnia. Her hand was sought by Stephen 
Dushan the great Czar of Servia for his son, who 
afterwards succeeded hun as Ourosh V, and also by 
Lewis of Hungary then a childless widower. The 
proposals of Stephen Dushan were declined and the 
Hungarian alliance preferred, and the Servian czar 
avenged the slight by invading the province of 
Bosnia. Cotroman however with his daughter took 
refuge in the castle of Bobovaz, and Elizabeth 
shortly afterwards became the wife of Lewis. Tw^o 
daughters were the issue of theu^ marriage, Maria 
the elder who was crowned ' King^ of Hungary on 
the death of her father in Sept. 1382, and Hedwig 
who married Jagellon Duke of Lithuania, afterwards 
King of Poland under the title of Ladislaus V. 
For two years Elizabeth, as guardian of the youthful 
Maria then espoused to Sigismund of Luxembourg, 
reigned in peace, but discontent with female gov- 
ernment, and jealousy of the power of the Palatine 
Nicolas Ban of Gara, provoked a conspu'acy, the 
object of which was to transfer the crown to 
Charles III, King of Naples, who before the bu-th 
of Maria had been destined by Lewis as his suc- 
cessor \ Charles, who had secured his possession of 
the throne of Naples by the murder of Giovanna in 
1382, landed at Segna and penetrated through 
Croatia to Buda, where he was crowned King of 
Hungary in 1385. The two queens were kept m an 
honourable captivity ; few of the Hungarian nobility 

' See above, General History, p. 124. 
Y 2 



324 Novigrad. [Ch. V. 

remained faithful to them except the Palatine 
Nicolas; the recent fate of Giovanna was fresh in 
their memory, and they were obliged to feign com- 
pliance and even to attend the coronation festivities. 
Under the disguise of this submission however they 
harboured thoughts of revenge, and when Nicolas 
the Ban of Gara suggested the assassination of 
Charles as the only remedy for their misfortunes 
they eagerly entered into the project^. On Jan. i, 
1386, the trap was laid, and Charles was invited 
into their rooms in the castle of Buda to listen to 
proposals from Sigismund, who they pretended was 
ready to follow their example and surrender his 
clamis to the kingdom on condition that Maria 
should be released. While he was talking with 
them the Ban Nicolas entered with one Blasius 
Forgac^, a ' 'persona intrepida,' who cut the king 
down with a Hungarian sword. The approaches of 
the castle were guarded by partisans of Maria, and 
the populace were soon shouting for King Maria as 
lustily as they had a short time before shouted for 
King Charles. 

The dying king was carried to the castle of Visse- 
grad, where poison is supposed to have completed 
what the sword had begun. But the party who 
had supported him determined to avenge his death, 
and as the two queens were on their way through 

* ' Queste parole furono avidamente pigliate dalle due Regine 
e ad un tempo risposero che non desideravano cosa al mondo piu 
di questa.' Giannone, xxiv. 2. 

2 So Lucio. Giannone calls him Brasio Torgas. 



C H . V. ] Novigrad. 325 

Croatia towards Dalmatia they were met by the 
Ban John Horvad and Giovanni PaUsna the 
Prior of Vrana^ who overpowered their escort after 
a desperate struggle, in which the Count Palatine 
Nicolas, and Blasius Forgac were slain, and carried 
them captive to the castle of Novigrad. Here 
Elizabeth met her death, but whether by the sword, 
or by drowning in the Bozota, or as some say from 
mere grief and despair, remains wrapped in im- 
penetrable mystery. Maria was detained by her 
captors at Novigrad, whence she owed her escape to 
the interference of the Venetian government, as has 
been related in the general history^. 

The first part of the route from Zara to Novigrad 
lies along the great post road that traverses the 
whole province as far as Spalato, with branches to 
Knin Sign and the passes over the mountains into 
Bosnia. The first village is Zemonico, where are the 
remains of a fortified cavalry station, built by the 
Venetians as an outpost against the Turks. In 
most parts of Dalmatia there is but little scope for 
the movements of cavalry, but here there is a con- 
siderable plain called Grohnica, where according to 
one account the Tartars were defeated in the thir- 
teenth century^. 

The next village is Smilcich, perhaps the place 
where Lewis of Hungary encamped in 1 346 on his 
way to attempt to raise the siege of Zara, and where 

^ Lucio, V. ii. p. 253, ' prope Diacurn.' 
Vid. sup. Chapter i. p. 128. 
Vid. General History in Chapter i. pp. 69-70. 



J 



26 Novigrad. [Ch. v. 



he received the envoys of the citizens ^ It has a 
modern church standing on an open green, and to 
our surprise there was a very decent-looking inn. 
From Smilcich the main road runs on to Karin, the 
Roman Corinium, where I beheve there are some 
ruins to be seen, and thence over the hills to Obbro- 
vazzo. We however left the high road, and struck 
into a very rough country track across rock and bog, 
which threatened to jolt our frail carriage to pieces, 
and tried the endurance of our little scrambling 
steeds to the utmost. It was a lovely day ; the 
distant Velebic mountains wore their tenderest hues, 
and the air was full of the scent of aromatic plants 
that seem to flourish best where the ground is most 
rocky and sterile. There were multitudes of bu^ds 
resembling a large lark or thrush, which were very 
bold, waiting till the carriage was close to them 
before taking to the wing, from which w^e inferred 
that the Sunday ' chasse ' of the Gaul and Italian is 
not an institution among the Croats. 

Before reaching Novigrad we met a substantial 
yeoman of that place to whom we had an intro- 
duction, which was to facilitate our plans and 
ensure us a good reception. He had married a girl 
from Oltre on the island of Ugliano, though not in 
the usual manner of the contadini, with whom it is 
still the custom for the lover to carry off the girl 
from her home, and bring her back after a few days 

^ Obs. ladr. lib. ii. c. ix. ' in confinio Semelnici districtus ladrae 
distans ab urbe fere per spacium septem milliarium castra metatus 
est.' 



Ch. v.] 



Novigrad. 



327 



to be formally married ^ The person we now en- 
countered was however of a better condition than 
the ordinary peasants, and his wedding had been 
conducted in a more regular fashion. We were 
much impressed by his easy graceful carriage and 
polished manners ; the Dalmatian type of humanity 
is a very noble one, and the national costume is well 
calculated to set it off. 

At last, on our right, emerging from a hollow 




Fig. 16. 

ravine we saw the castle of Novigrad, a huge mass 
of yellow wall, so splintered and shapeless that it 
might almost have been a natural cliff (Fig. 16) 
It was perched on a promontory of rock surrounded 
by ravines which gradually disclosed themselves as 
we approached, and revealed in their depths the sea 
of Novigrad encircling the castle rock on three sides, 
and the little town of Novigrad lying far below us 
on the slopes of the hill, within its old walls, which 

* Vid. sup. Chapter i. pp. 174, 183 



328 Novigrad. [Ch. V. 

stretch up the hill side to meet the fortress above. 
A long descending zigzag brought us to the water's 
edge, and rounding the end of the haven we soon 
reached the level quay of the town on the further 
side. 

The castle covers a good deal of ground, but 
shews no evidences of taste or splendour, and must 
always have been much more castle than palace. It is 
not a castle of the same kind as Conway Carnarvon or 
Carew, built first indeed for defence, but secondarily 
for royal state or princely magnificence ; in its ruin 
at all events it reminds one more of the robber 
castles on the Rhine and the Danube than of any 
more civilized home of chivalry. It can only be 
reached by a rough path up the rocky hill-side, 
through narrow gateways, and finally by two rude 
flights of external stairs which lead to the massive 
keep that occupies the summit of the hill. The 
entrance is at the head of the second flight, by a 
small doorway, close to which an iron ball from a 
Turkish cannon still lies imbedded in the solid 
masonry. The innermost enclosure of the keep is 
spacious, but the buildings are so dilapidated that 
little can be made of them. The natives point out 
the site of the little chapel, and there are many 
vaults below the level platform of the area, some of 
which have fallen in, but exploration was dangerous 
on account of the swarms of angry bees that infested 
the ruins. We were however rewarded for our 
climb by the magnificent view ; to the right were 
the bare crags of the Velebic mountains, and in 



Ch. v.] Novigrad. 329 

front the blue sea of Novigrad famed for Its tunny 
fishery ; while beyond was the open sea with its 
islands, and the channel by which, as our guide 
sapiently observed, you can go from Novigrad to all 
parts of Europe. 

Returning to the town we put ourselves under 
the guidance of the Parroco, or Cure, the personage 
in w^hom when wandering in remote parts of the 
country the traveller will generally find a good 
friend and an intelligent cicerone, and who is often 
the only person through whom he will learn what 
there is to see, and obtain leave to see it. Entering 
the little town by a gate over which is the date 
1593 and the name of the reigning Doge Pasquale 
Cicogna, we threaded the uneven and irregular 
alleys that lead to the church, from whose western 
bellcot ' mezzo giorno ' was being jingled forth by 
men standing on the roof and striking the clappers 
against the bells with their hands. The church is 
not of any antiquity or interest, but possesses a 
' pianeta ' or chasuble of cut and embroidered velvet, 
which, like everything else in the neighbourhood, is 
said to have been a present from Queen Elizabeth. 
The style of the design with its cornucopias is not 
consistent with so early a date, but some small 
pieces of embroidery which are inserted may have 
belonged to an older vestment. There is also a 
silver cross, chiefly of eighteenth century work, 
but with evangelistic emblems apparently of the 
twelfth. 

Outside the walls is the Church of S. Caterina, 



330 Novigrad. [Ch. v. 

now used as a cemetery chapel, which is believed to 
occupy the site of a Benedictine abbey suppressed 
in the year 976^ The chancel is a low barrel 
vaulted structure, possibly part of the Benedictine 
church, and in the walls of the more modern nave 
are imbedded some fragments of interlacing band- 
work with birds and animals (vid. Plate I. Fig. 3) 
that belonged to the conventual buildings, and are 
important as examples of ninth or at the latest tenth 
century work, supposing the date of the suppression 
of the abbey to be correctly fixed. 

The locanda of Novigrad where we were to lunch 
was certainly the roughest we encountered in Dal- 
matia. We entered from the street by a large 
doorway into a dark rambling place, which had 
apparently been used as a slaughter-house, and 
where several men were still seated on the ground 
busily engaged in scraping the inside of some gory 
sheep-skins. Across the bloody puddles of the floor 
we picked our way to a rude ladder staircase which 
led to rather better quarters above, though even 
here one side of the room was formed with nothing 
better than rough planks through which in winter 
the Bora must make rude entrance. It is however 
fair to say the dinner exceeded our expectations. 

We had some trouble in getting our driver, who 
was a convivial soul, and was enjoying himself after 
his fashion lower down the village, to put his horses 
to and start homewards, and it requu^ed all the au- 
thority of the Parroco to get him under weigh. 
' Bianchi, Zara Cristiana, vol. ii. p. 294. 



Ch. v.] Novigrad. 331 

But we had our revenge, for we stopped him at the 
top of the hill that I might finish my sketch, and 
consequently we were passed by another carriage, 
bound like ourselves for Zara. Our driver exclaimed 
that he felt this as if he had received a deadly 
wound, and for the rest of the way we had a regular 
race home until our rival was repassed, and our 
wounded honour healed. 



CHAPTER VI. 

San Michele d' Ugliano. 

Uljan or Ugliano is a long narrow island op- 
posite Zara, one of those craggy parallel ridges, the 
crests of partly submerged mountains, that lie often 
two or three deep with narrow channels between 
them along the sea coast of northern Dalmatia. 
Ugliano though some twenty miles in length is for 
the most part a bare mile in width, and at its 
widest not three miles from shore to shore. Its 
lofty backbone is notched and serrated with a suc- 
cession of peaks rising to the height of from 900 to 
1000 feet, one of which is crowned with a castle, 
the most conspicuous object in the neighbourhood of 
Zara^. The population of the island amounts to 
5694, and there are several villages and country 
houses whither the well-to-do Zaratini resort for 
their ' villeggiatura,' which is as regular an insti- 
tution in Dalmatia as in Italy. To one of these 
houses we were invited by our kind friend Signor 
Simeone Salghetti Drioli of Zara, who has a Ve- 
netian villa there dating from the eighteenth 

' Monte Grande, the highest peak, is 1000 feet high, and 
Monte S. Michele, on which the castle is placed, 950 feet. 



Ch. VI.] San Michele d" Ugliajio. '^^i'h 

century^ with a shady garden and trellised alleys, 
close to the little port of Oltre directly opposite 
Zara. 

The gi'eat object of the visit was the castle of 
S. Michele, for which we started under a broiling sun 
with a boatman carrying a basket of grapes and a 
bottle of water flavoured with aniseed for refresh- 
ment by the way. Dalmatia is not a country for 
pedestrians, and Ugliano certainly can boast nothing 
like our English country walks. The whole island 
is under cultivation and entirely enclosed by dry 
stone walls between which you walk tortuously 
along the roughest imaginable paths, floundering 
over boulders of rock and sharp pebbles that cut 
your boots to pieces. 

The distance to the castle was greater than we 
expected, for the hill on which it stands does not 
rise from the shore as it seems to do from Zara. 
Ugliano in fact consists of two long parallel ridges 
enclosing a valley between them, and the castle 
is on the farther of the two. From this valley 
a steep climb of a quarter of an hour brings you 
to the castle gate, curiously contrived on the land- 
ward side — that I mean towards Zara — within a 
recess between bastions. The door was locked, but 
my knocking roused a furious barking of dogs 
within, and brought a wild shaggy peasant who had 

^ Farlati speaks of the villas on the island of Ugliano ; ' Porro 
dispersae in aestivos maxime autumnalesque secessus Patritiorum 
Jadrensium villae frequentissimae sunt, opera eleganti situque 
peramoeno.' 



334 -^^'^ Michele d' Ug/iano. [Ch. VI. 

some trouble to keep his curs in order. Once inside, 
you rise by a narrow path between walls to the 
level, or rather unlevel, of the castle-yard. The 
curtain walls and bastions still surround it, and 
from the terrace walk on the top of the wall there 
are fine views of Zara, with the Velebic mountains 
far away in the background, Nona on an arm of 
the sea northwards, and the islands of Pago Pun- 
tadura and others, while towards the west you look 
over a series of long narrow ridges with intervening 
channels to the open Adriatic, beyond which but for 
an envious haze we ought to have seen the great 
rock of Ancona, on which stands the ancient church 
of S. Ciriaco. 

Low buildings with lean-to roofs against the 
outer walls once surrounded the enclosure, but the 
roofs are now gone. The great square keep stands 
close to the gate, a mere hollow shell, but still 
preserving the stone vault at top like the great don- 
jon at Pembroke, and a vault below which is reached 
by a hole in the floor. In the centre of the castle- 
yard on a natural table of rock stands a desolate- 
looking church, dismantled but not ruinous, which is 
still served once or twice in the year by the village 
priest from below, when the peasants climb the hill 
in great numbers. The altar retains its shabby 
altar-piece, mouldy and stained by damp and sea-air, 
but all the other fittings are gone. The roof is a 
plain waggon stone vault, the east end has a plain 
apse, and there are a few bits of Venetian Gothic 
detail. 



Ch. VI.] San Michele d' Ugliajto. 335 

The church belonged to a Benedictine abbey 
which was founded on this inhospitable spot in the 
tenth or eleventh century. The original castle was 
no doubt that built opposite Zara by Rainieri Dan- 
dolo, son of the Doge Enrico Dandolo, in 1203, after 
the crusaders had sailed from Zara, in order to 
check what the Venetians called the piracies of the 
expatriated Zaratini. The Zaratini, aided by the 
gold of the archbishop of Spalato, subsidised ten 
galleys of Gaieta which happened to be in Dalmatia, 
and with their help took and destroyed the castle, 
and put the Venetian garrison to the sword \ It is 
uncertain when the fortress was rebuilt, but a castle 
certainly existed here in 1346 when the Venetians 
took it ^ during their siege of Zara, and garrisoned it 
with a captain and 100 Venetian soldiers, who were 
afterwards reduced to 50. In 1350 the Venetians 
dismantled the castle and destroyed the church. 
It is probable that the offence given to the abbot of 
S. Michele by the demolition of his church, and the 
non-fulfilment by the Venetians of their promise to 
build him another in the plain, was the cause of his 
betrayal of Zara to the Hungarians in 1357, if the 
story of his treachery is true^. Under the Hun- 
garians, between 1366 and 1373, the castle was 
restored and the church rebuilt, no doubt in the 
form in which we now see it. The abbey came to 
an end between 1453 and 1468. Dominicans were 

^ Thorn. Archid. c. xxv. 

^ Obsid. ladrens. 1. ii. c. xvii. 

^ Vid. sup. General History, p. 112. 



2,^6 San Michele (T Ugliano. [Ch. VI. 

established there m 1570, and the convent was 
finally suppressed in 1858^ 

As we descended the rocky path to Oltre our ears 
were greeted by the piping of a strange musical 
instrument, and on turning a corner we came on a 
scene that took one back to the shepherds of the 
Eclogues, — a herdsman followed by his flock, and 
piping to them on a double flute. The ' fistula ' 
however — it still keeps its classic name — is not 
divided into two distinct pipes as we see it on 
ancient gems, and as Raphael has drawn it in the 
cartoon of Paul and Barnabas at Lystra, but is 
carved out of a single piece of wood, solid at the 
double mouthpiece and forked below 2. The music of 
which it is capable consists of sustained passages in 
a minor key with many roulades and turns, and the 
eflect of the simple concords of two notes, when the 
performer is as skilful as our Meliboeus, is pretty and 
plaintive. 

Not less Virgilian — not to say Adamitic, as our 
host jDronounced them — are the ploughs of Dalmatia 
(Fig. 1 7). They are of two kinds, ' the oralo,' for use 
as a labourer expressed it on rocks and stony 
places, for in Dalmatia they talk of rock much as in 
England we talk of a clay-soil, and the ' plugo ' for 
better and deeper soil. The former is nothing but 
two pieces of wood fixed at an angle with an iron 

' Vid. Article in Annuario Dalmatico, 1884, by Prof. Benevenia, 
' II monte di S. Michele d' Ugliano.' 

^ Mr. Arthur Evans gives an illustration of one of these double 
pipes, ' Through Bosnia,' &c., p. 22. 



Ch. VI.] 



San Michele cT Ugliano. 



137 



point to one of them ; the latter is somewhat more 
elaborate, and has an iron coulter and a wooden mould 
board. The steel share of the latter costs five, and 
the whole plugo ten or twelve florins ; it lasts about 
three years. Of these two lUyric names the first 




Fig. 17. 

seems akin to the Latin word, and the second is 
curiously like our own. The peasants say these 
rude implements suit their rocky soil best, and it is 
quite possible that a less primitive article would not 
stand the rough shock of the stones of Dalmatia so 
well. 



VOL. I. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Nona. History. 

Nona, in Illyric Nin, the Aenona civitas of 
Pliny \ and a place of consequence anciently, whence 
came, according to tradition, the handsome Roman 
arch which now forms the inner face of the sea-gate 
at Zara, was less fortunate than the other maritime 
towns of Dalmatia, and after it had once fallen into 
the hands of the Croat immigrants it never again 
recovered its position as a Latin city. 

Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the tenth century- 
mentions NoVa as one of the towns inhabited by the 
Christianized Croats. It was the chief town of a 
zupy, the seat of one of the eleven Croatian zupans, 
and occasionally the residence of the Croatian king. 
Peter Cresimir, king of Dalmatia and Croatia, dates 
an edict in 1069, 'in nostro Nonensi Cenaculo resi- 
dens una cum nostris Jupanis, comitibus, atque 
Banis, Capellanis etiam nostrae regalis aulae^.' By 
this king part of the island of Pago^ was attached 
to the see of Nona, whose bishops in consequence of 
privileges granted by Mucimir in the ninth century 

^ Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. iii. c. xxi. 

"^ Cited by Lucio, de Regn. Dalm. et Croat, ii. viii. p. 77. 

' Farlati, vol. i. part ii. c. vii, also Lucio. 



Ch. YIL] Nona: History. 339 

had at that time all Croatia for their diocese, and 
who in the fourteenth century enjoyed the prero- 
gative of appointing the zupan\ It was to Nona 
as to a Croatian town that the fuo-itive Zaratini fled 
for security on the second capture of then* city by 
the Venetians in 1243, ^^^ the names of eleven 
citizens of Nona attached to a treaty with Arbe in 
1284 are all thoroughly Slavonic. From the docu- 
ment in question the people of Nona seem to have 
fallen into the piratical habits common to the mari- 
time Slavs. Marco Michaeli Count of Arbe had 
hanged one Dobrissa a pirate of Nona, and in re- 
prisal the men of Nona had captured a ship of Arbe 
and carried it to Nona ; whereupon the count of 
Arbe had invaded their territory, and one Cernote an 
Arbesan noble had been slain. The feud was ap- 
peased by the mediation of the Venetians ; Dob- 
rissa was pronounced properly hanged, and Cernote 
killed in fair fight ; the men of Nona were to pay 
for the ship they had taken, and the Arbesani for 
the damage they had done on the territory of Nona, 
and no further question was to be raised by either 
side. It is interesting to notice that while the 
names of those who signed the treaty on behalf of 
Nona are Slavonic, those of the Arbesan signatories 
are nearly all Italian 2. 

In 1327 Nona, like Trail and Sebenico, was driven 
by the tyranny of the counts of Bribir to throw her- 
self on the protection of Venice, preserving like those 

^ Luc. vi. I, p. 271. 

^ For this treaty see Lucio, iv. ix. p. 184. 

Z 2 



340 Nona. [Ch. vtt. 

towns her ancient constitution and privileges. The 
Venetians garrisoned the place, and were besieged 
there by the Hungarian Ban on his way to attack 
Zara in 1357. The Venetians in vain endeavoured to 
raise the siege, and after the inhabitants had been 
reduced to eat their horses they were obliged to sur- 
render to the Hungarians. Hither in June 1387 
came Queen Maria, the daughter of Lewis and 
bride of Sigismond, on her release from captivity 
at Novigrad, and after a few days she sailed hence 
in the Venetian galleys for Segna, on her way to 
join her bridegroom. 

In 1389 Nona was taken by Tvartko I, king of 
Bosnia, and about 1420 it passed, like the rest of 
Dalmatia, into the hands of the Venetians. It was 
abandoned and partly destroyed by them in 1 5 7 1 , 
and again in 1646, to prevent its falling into the 
hands of the Turks. On the latter occasion the 
town was burned, by the order of the Senate, after 
the departure of the count and the bishop, and 
since that day it has never recovered its former 
importance. 

The excursion to Nona is the easiest and perhaps 
the most interesting that can be made from Zara. 
Nona is the first town within the limits of Dalmatia 
whose history connects it almost exclusively with 
Slavonic as distinct from Italian influences. Except 
for a short time in the fourteenth century it was a 
Croatian town from the eighth to the fifteenth 
century, and when at last it fell under the direct 



Ch. VII.] Nona, 341 

government of Venice it was hurriedly abandoned 
and burned. Here then I hoped to see what the 
Slavs of Dalmatia could produce in the way of 
architecture when left to themselves, and it must be 
confessed that they have no very great triumphs to 
record, although from an antiquarian point of view 
their work is not without interest. The oldest 
buildings remaining there are based on Byzantine 
art rather than that of western Europe, although 
they are so plain and of such humble dimensions 
that they scarcely amount to works of art at 
all. To this class belong the domed churches of 
S. Nicolo and S. Croce : but even the later buildings 
still cling to the round arch, the shallow tympanum, 
and the narrow windows of Byzantine architecture, 
although they shew in one instance perhaps a trace 
of Hungarian influence, and one church has the 
singularity of a square end, like our English 
chancels. Unfortunately so few of the buildings 
remain in anything like a perfect state that less 
is to be learned from them than a first view 
seems to promise. 

Zara being on a peninsula thei'e is but one way 
out, and for some distance our road followed that by 
which we had gone to Novigrad. On leaving this 
and turning northwards we traversed a high down- 
like country, stony and bare except for the short 
scrubby bushes that were dotted over it, and com- 
mandmg lovely views of the sea on one side and the 
Velebic mountains on the other. A drive of an hour 
and a half brought us within sight of Nona, situated 



342 Nona : S. Nicolb. [Ch. vil. 

low down to our right, on the margin of what 
appeared to be an inland lake but was really an arm 
of the sea, connected, though invisibly to us, by 
intricate channels with the open sea on our left. 

But before reaching Nona we stayed to examine a 
strange-looking ruin that crowned a lofty barrow, 
evidently of artificial formation, which may perhaps 
mark the sepulchre of some Croat chieftain. The 
ruin is that of a small cruciform church dedicated to 
St. Nicholas, but it has the air rather of a fortress 
than of an ecclesiastical building, and the wide 
breaches that now gape in its walls may perhaps be 
wounds received when it was on some occasion 
turned to military uses. In plan (vid. Plate XI) it 
is a Greek cross, all four arms being equal in length, 
but the choir and transepts are apsidal and covered 
with semidomes, while the nave is square in plan, 
though it too is roofed with a semidome, carried on 
the conch-shaped squinches in the angles of the 
square which abound in these early Dalmatian 
churches. The central space is covered by a dome, 
which however has transverse ribs laid on its under 
side, springing from fragments of classic moulding 
built in to serve as consoles. The west door, which 
is only 5 ft. 8j in. high, has a square lintel under a 
semicircular arch, with a slightly sunk tympanum, 
and with the head jambs and sill curiously joggled 
together, in a manner not uncommon in the early 
work of this district (vid. Plate XI). Externally 
the dome is concealed by an octagonal tower, bat- 
tlemented at top, which it is difficult to believe not 



FiaU JI 




Ch. yil] Nona. 343 

to have been intended for defence. The dimensions 
of the building are strangely minute ; the span of 
each arm is seven feet, the nave is four feet five 
inches long, and the total internal length only 
nineteen feet six inches. Fragments of antique classic 
work, moulded and fluted, occur in the walls, and on 
the floor lies a cylindrical stone hollowed on the top, 
which might be part of a column but that it tapers 
too abruptly. There is so little to fix the date of 
the building that it might be attributed with almost 
equal probability to any time from the ninth to the 
twelfth century ; but the cross-ribs that underlie 
the dome seem to me to point rather to the later 
than the earlier part of that extended period. 

From S. Nicolo it is less than a mile to Nona, 
which we found surrounded by shallow water and 
marshy pools amply sufficient to account for the 
feverish reputation it enjoys. A more desolate and 
deplorable looking place never represented the fallen 
greatness of an ancient Koman city. The town 
walls and gates are ruined and dilapidated and in 
places quite broken down, and they reflect them- 
selves sadly in the unwholesome pools that wash 
their base. The glimpses of the interior which 
these gaps afford reveal more ruins than houses, and 
the ravens that croaked dismally over our heads as 
we approached seemed to read a commentary on the 
picture of misery and decay that lay before us. 
Crossing the water by a causeway and entering the 
town we found ourselves in an irregular straggling 
street with scattered houses and many ruins ; few of 



344 Nona: the Duomo. [Ch. vil. 

the inhabitants were visible, and most of those whom 
we saw had that ' faccia smorta,' that deathly com- 
plexion and enfeebled frame that tells of malaria. 
In the centre of the town we drew up in front of 
' the shop/ where as in an English village everything 
from clothing to food, candles, and soap, may be had 
within the limits of a choice, somewhat narrow 
perhaps, but wide enough for the modest demands 
of the villager. What little activity exists at Nona 
is centred in this establishment, and it is the only 
place where the few strangers who come here can 
obtain any accommodation, for there is no inn or 
caffe even of the humblest kind. Here we left our 
wraps and other encumbrances, and set out on our 
round of exploration under the guidance of the 
courteous Parroco, being anxious to lose no time nor 
to run any risk of delaying our departure till the 
dangerous evening mists arose charged with their 
fatal malaria \ 

The Duomo. Of the sixteen churches which 
Nona is said to have once possessed seven still exist 
entire or in ruins, though only one is in a condition 
for use. This is the Duomo, dedicated to S. Anselmo, 
the cathedral church of Nona during the middle ages 
and until the series of bishops came to an end in 
1804. The actual fabric though on old foundations 
dates only from the last century and is of no interest. 
Adjoining and opening from it is another and older 

' Nona was noted for its uuhealthiness during the middle ages. 
Farlati mentions that the bishop was allowed to live in Zara 
during the unwholesome season. IHyr. Sacr. torn. iv. p. 204. 



Ch. VII.] Nona : the Duomo. 345 

church dedicated to S. Ambrogio. The nave of this 
is square and perfectly plain, the chancel is cross- 
vaulted and has on the keystone the arms of Bishop 
DiPHNiCA, whose tombstone stands against the wall : 
obiit MDXXX. The dedication of this church is now 
changed from S. Ambrogio to the Madonna, to com- 
memorate a local legend resembling that of la Salette. 

The treasury of the duomo, which consists of a 
case over the high altar, contains many objects of 
considerable interest, of which I noted the following : 

(i) Two silver gilt cases containing the feet of 
S. Anselmo, a saint whom legend reports to have 
been one of the seventy disciples of Christ, and the 
first bishop of Nona, 

(2) Two coffanetti of silver gilt containing the 
heads of S. Anselmo and his sister S. Marcella. On 
the sides are figures under trefoiled arches supported 
by twisted columns, above which is a slightly em- 
bossed band representing a chase of stags and hares, 
with a huntsman with his horn, &c. Here, as in 
the case of similar subjects which occur in sculpture 
at Trail, it is to be observed that stags are unknown 
in Dalmatia, from which it has been inferred that 
the artist was a foreigner, possibly, as at Zara, a 
Milanese. This hunting subject is to be found on 
both coffanetti, and on the lid of both are the evan- 
gelistic emblems embossed from the same matrices. 
The style is that of the fifteenth century, or at the 
earliest of the end of the fourteenth. 

(3) A pretty little cross standing on a plaque on 
which are the remains of a fringe of bushes, and 



34^ Nona : the Diiomo. [Ck. yii. 

statuettes of the Virgin, St. John, and St. Mary- 
Magdalen. The base is very graceful. 

(4) A cross over the altar inscribed in Lombardic 
letters SraR/nVS TfeClT, The crucifixion in 
front, St. Martin as a bishop on the back. 

(5) A chalice given by Bishop Diphnica (died 1 5 30), 
like one I afterwards di'ew at Curzola. 

All the saints revered at Nona, said the Parroco 
with modest pride, are of the first century. 

Behind the duomo lies an antique Boman capital, 
supposed to have belonged to the church and convent 
of the nuns of S. Marcella, destroyed by the Turks 
about 1500. 

In front of ' the shop ' stands a row of capitals, 
also attributed to this church, which, to judge from 
theu' dimensions and style, must have been a build- 
ing of stately proportions and good architecture \ 
They seem to belong to the twelfth or thirteenth 
century at the latest. The palaces of the bishop 
and the Venetian count are in ruins, and the lion of 
S. Mark stands degraded on the ground. A large 
stone, which once formed the lintel over the door of 
the count's palace, bears on the dexter end the 
initials IE • M and the date April, 1 5 1 1 , and at the 
sinister end 10 • M • M Janui 1 5 1 4 ; an arm out- 
stretched from either side, and hands clasped in the 
middle open a wide field for conjecture as to the 
happy incident intended to be commemorated. The 
scutcheon seems to be that of the Venetian family of 
Molino. 

» Yid. Plate I. Fig. 4. 



Ch. VII.] Nona : S. Croce. 347 

S. Croce. From the modern duomo we went to 
the ancient and half-ruined church of S. Croce, the 
cathedral in Byzantine times {Plate XI). This, like S. 
Nicolo, is of the tiniest dimensions, with a nave eight 
feet seven inches wide and a total interior length of 
twenty-five feet : probably as small a cathedral as 
any in Christendom. The plan forms a Greek cross 
with all the arms externally square, but the eastern 
arm is round internally, and the rest are brought to a 
semicircular plan above by conchiform squinches as 
at S. Barbara Trail, and S. Nicolo here, to enable 
them to be covered by semidomes. Each transept 
has an apse applied to the east side which is vaulted 
and roofed in the same solid masonry, like our Pem- 
brokeshire churches at Gumfreston and elsewhere, 
the slates being bedded on the back of the vault. 
The chancel is ornamented with three blank arches 
on the outside, and was formerly lighted by a little 
window in the east wall. The crossing has squinches 
in the angles of the square, which carry a conical 
dome constructed in the rudest way, the plan at the 
springing being by no means a true circle. The 
external casing of the dome is carried up as a tower 
which is only roughly cylindrical, being little better 
than a square with rounded angles ; and it is orna- 
mented with blank arches like the apse, and crowned 
by a low pyramidal roof. 

The church stands north and south, the chancel 
being towards the south ; and the quasi west end 
has a gable surmounted by a bellcot above three 
blank windows with a doorway below them. 



348 Nona: S. Antonio, S. Ambrogio. [Ch. vil. 

The most interesting feature of the building is 
this doorway, a square-headed opening, with a Hntel 
of a single stone which projects with a bevelled face 
like the side of a sarcojDhagus. This lintel is richly 
carved with interlacing knots and scrolls of a Byzan- 
tine character, from the design of which Eitelberger 
infers that the building dates from the ninth century 
(Plate I. Fig. 2). But the great interest of the door- 
way consists in the inscri]3tion deeply incised in 
irregular lettering on the soffit of the lintel, in which 
may be made out the name of the zupan Godeslav. 
Eitelberger, who gives the inscription after Camesina\ 
observes that the letters are Latin, and not Glago- 
litic nor Cyrillic, and that the language also appears 
to be Latin, but he does not venture on an interpre- 
tation. I measured and sketched this interesting 
little church, which, like the other outside the town, 
is valuable as an example of genuine Slavonic archi- 
tecture. The only details inside are a rude impost 
at the springing of the arch, and a roughly-formed 
stoup for holy water. 

S. Antonio is another ruined church, with a short 
quadrangular nave and apse at the east end, pro- 
perly orientated. 

The Church of S. Ambrogio (Fig. 18) once be- 
longed to Benedictine monks. It is also in ruins, 
and about, they said, to be pulled down by leave of 
the government, who have sold the materials for 
thirty florins to the peasants of Oltre on the island 

^ Eitelberger, Dalmatien, p. 169. His illustration, which I 
have copied, is apparently taken from Camesina. 



Ch. VIL] 



No7ia : S. A mbrozio. 



349 



of Ugliano, to be used in building a new church there. 
This is a very great pity, for the church is an ex- 







Fig. 18. 







tremely interesting building, and though partly 

roofless, is in other respects quite perfect. The plan 

consists of a nave and chancel, lighted by small single 

lights, round - headed 

and splayed equally 

inside and out^ the 

lights which are mere 

slits of a few inches 

wide being in the 

middle of the wall 

(Fig. 19). 



Fig. 19. 



The west door is round-headed and has a very 
singular cross-shaped window above it. The chancel 
opens to the nave with a semicircular arch devoid of 

^ Compare Traii. 



350 Nona: S. Michele. [Ch. vil. 

any moulding or impost, and ends, English fashion, 
with a square end. The choir retains its barrel 
vault which is very slightly pointed in section, and 
the nave, which is now open to the sky, has had a 
round barrel vault strengthened with transverse flat 
ribs springing from flat wall piers with plain imposts. 
In the east wall, now ruined, are traces of a group of 
two or perhaps three lancets like those in the side 
walls. The exterior of this square end, when perfect, 
with its gable and triplet of narrow windows, must 
have had the look of a Norman church in some 
Sussex village. The church dates probably from the 
thirteenth century. The Benedictines departed in 
1440, but the ' abhazia commendataria' remained 
till the time of Napoleon. 

Close behind this church, which I hope may yet 
be saved by the intervention of the Conservator at 
Zara, who I found had not heard of its intended 
destruction \ is one of the old gates of the Venetian 
walls, opening landwards to a causeway across the 
dismal marshes that hem in the town. St. Mark's 
lion guards the entrance, which has been flanked by 
two bastions, only one of which remains. 

S. Michele stands on the site of the Roman arena, 
where the Parroco has dug and found walls, columns, 
and seats. The church has a nave once roofed with 
wood but now open to the sky, a chancel with a 

' Our visit to Nona was in 1884. On enquiry at Zara in 1885, 
I was glad to find the government had ordered the contract for 
the destruction of the church to be rescinded on the representation 
of the Conservator. 



CH. viT.] Nona. 351 

pointed barrel vault, and small side windows splayed 
inside and outside. Those in the side walls are 
round-headed, that in the east wall by a strange 
freak is triangular-headed. There are plain square 
doors, that to the west with an arched tympanum 
slightly sunk, and jambs archivolt and lintel flush 
with the wall face. 

Of Roman ^nona scarcely any traces remain 
above ground. I have mentioned one antique capital 
lying in the street, and there are a few inscriptions 
built into the walls of a shabby cottage, but I saw 
no other remains of classical times. Eitelberger^ 
says that numerous inscriptions have been found at 
Nona which may now be seen at Udine ; but at Nona 
one is told that what were taken away were not 
inscriptions but statues ; and Fortis -, writing in the 
last century, mentions that he saw at the house of 
Dr. Antonio Danieli, a physician who entertained 
him at Zara, four valuable colossal statues of marble 
which his host had brought at his own expense from 
the ruins of Nona^. 

Our party was joined by an extremely lively young 
gentleman, secretary to the ' Comune,' a Ragusan by 
birth, but settled here long enough to have become 
a martyr to the ague. But though, as he said, a 

^ P. 169. 

^ Viaggio in Dalmazia. 

' Mons. Bianchi, Zara Cristiana, ii. p. 425, gives a catalogue of 
the marbles in the Danieli collection, which wei'e sold in 1840 by 
Dott. Casimiro de Pellegrini Danieli to Count Ceruazai of Udine. 
In this collection of 300 pieces were included some found at or 
near Zara. 



352 Nona. [Ch. vii. 

constant sufferer from fever, his spirits had suffered 
no depression ; a merrier party than ours never sat 
down to hard-boiled eggs and German sausage, and 
if fever can be kept away by laughter we certainly 
ran no risk of catching it. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



Vrana. 



History of Vraua. S. Cassiano. Torrette. Castle and Lake of 
Vrana. Turkish Han. Ali-beg. Luciano cli Laurana. Podgraje 
the ancient Assesia. 

The castle of Vrana plays a large part in Dal- 
matian history. There was originally a Benedictine 
abbey of S. Gregorio on its site, which was granted 
to the Apostolic See in the time of Gregory VII. 
by Zuonmiu" king of Croatia, together with all 
its treasures, church plate, gospels in bindings 
of silver, and other goods and chattels, as a ' hos- 
pitium ' for the Papal legates ^. How Vrana re- 
turned to the possession of the king does not appear 
from any authority to which I have had access ; 
but in 1 138 it was granted by Bela II, 'the blind,' 
to the Knights Templar, who w^ere subject to the 
jurisdiction of the Grand Master of Hungary. The 
Templars built the castle, an oblong court protected 
by a ditch, which was afterwards increased by the 
addition of a second parallelogram, and within the 
walls was enclosed the ancient monastery of then- 

^ The text of the deed of gift is given by Lucio. de Regu. ii. x. 
p. 85-86 ; the date of it is 1076. 

VOL. I. A a 



354 Vraiia : History. [Ch. vill. 

predecessors. Lampridio, archbishop of Zara in 
1 163, claimed jurisdiction over them on the ground 
that the convent of S. Gregorio had been subject 
to the see of Belgrad, but the Templars maintained 
that they were independent of any bishop but 
the supreme pontiff; and Alexander III, to whom 
the dispute was referred, decided in favour of 
the Templars in 1168. The Templars of Dalmatia 
were a powerful body, and their possessions were 
extensive, but they shared the do^^aifall of then- 
order in 1 3 1 1 , when it was suppressed by the 
Council of Vienne. Here, as elsewhere, they were 
deprived of their property, and theu^ order was pro- 
scribed ; and Vrana was given to the Knights 
Hospitaller of St. John, in whose ranks many of 
the Templar knights re-enlisted. The most famous 
of the Hospitaller priors of Vrana were the Counts 
of Palisna, who played a prominent jDart in the 
rebellion of the Croats against Hungary after the 
death of Lewis. Giovanni or Gianco Palisna, prior 
of Vrana, was one leader of the conspiracy which 
invited Charles III. of Naples to dispute the crown 
of Hungary with Maria. In 1383 Vrana was 
recovered by the supporters of the Queen, and 
on Nov. 4 of that year Maria and her mother 
Elizabeth visited the castle in person. After the 
murder of Charles III. at Buda in 1386, it was 
Palisna in concert with the Ban Horvad, who 
captured the queens and conveyed them to Novi- 
grad where Elizabeth was murdered, and Maria 
confined till her captor was compelled by the 



Ch. VIIL] Vrana: History. ' 355 

Venetians to release her in 1387^ Threatened 
by Sigismund, and besieged in his castle of Yrana, 
Palisna invited Tvartko king of Bosnia to his 
assistance ; the siege of Yrana was raised in 1389, 
and the besiegers chased to the walls of Zara, 
and in the year 1391 the army of Sigismund was 
repulsed before Knin by the forces of Bosnia, under 
the command of Palisna. In the following year 
Palisna died, and Tvartko only survived him a 
month, his death dissolving the kingdom which 
he had estabhshed over the whole of Dalmatia, 
except Zara and Bag-usa. In 1392 the priorate 
of Yrana was finally suppressed by Yuk Yucich 
Ban of Bosnia, who seized the last prior and threw 
him into prison. 

Yrana was one of the places which Ladislaus 
of Naples sold to the Yenetians in 1409^ ; they 
retained it till 1538, when it was surrendered to 
the Turks after the fall of Clissa, and was left 
in Turkish possession by the peace of 1540. Under 
the Turks the place became very prosperous, and 
the large Han or Khan, still standing close by 
the castle, was built by them for the accommodation 
of caravans of traders from the interior to the 
coast. In the seventeenth century Ah-beg, the 
Sangiac of Licca, made his residence at Yrana, 
and like a true Oriental adorned the place with 
beautiful gardens irrigated with elaborate water- 

* Vid. sup., History, Chapter i. p. 126-129, and Chapt. v. p. 325. 
^ 'Nee uon terram Lauranae cum fortalicio et castro ipsius.' 
Cited by Lucio, v. v. p. 263. 

A a 2 



356 Vrana: History. [Ch. VIIT. 

works, of which the ruins might still be seen at 
the time of Fortis's visit, ninety years ago\ But 
Ali-beg was not left to enjoy his gardens in peace : 
he was attacked and defeated by Pisani in January 
1647, and later in the same year was besieged by 
the same ofl&cer with 5000 men in the fortress of 
Zemonico. Ali-beg made a desperate resistance, 
but was compelled to capitulate, the conditions 
of his surrender being that he should submit to 
a month's detention at Zara and then be set at 
liberty. But the treachery of some Turks who had 
remained hidden in the fortress was considered by 
the Venetians a breach of this engagement, and Ali- 
beg instead of being restored to liberty was sent 
to Brescia, where he died. 

The Venetians burned the horgata of 600 houses 
which surrounded the castle, and dismantled the 
castle itself, in order to avoid the necessity 
of placing and maintaining a garrison there, and 
in consequence they were obliged to leave it in 
the possession of the Turks at the peace of 1669, 
which only confirmed them in their possession 
of such places as they had occupied by a garrison. 
Vrana, however, never played any part again in 
the wars of the Turks and Venetians, and on the 
conclusion of the peace of Carlovitz was left in 

^ Fortis says : — ' The gardens of Hali-Beg are reduced to heaps 
of rubbish ; and the waters that were formerly conducted by art, 
to adorn and refresh them, now run in disorderly streams mixing 
with many others which a hundred years ago were also formed into 
artificial channels and conveyed into the lake.' 



Ch. VIII.] Vrana. 357 

the possession of the Republic. It is said that 
the title of Beg of Vrana still remains among the 
Turks in the same family which last held it, and 
that of Prior Auraniae among the titles of nobility 
at the court of Hungary ^ In 1752 Vrana was 
granted as a feud of the Republic to the ancestors 
of Count Borelli of Zara, the present owner. 

The distance from Zara to Vrana is about twenty- 
five English miles, over bad roads, except for part 
of the way where there is no road at all. There 
is no accommodation to be had at Vrana, nor in the 
neighbourhood, and the only way in which we 
could visit it was by going and returning the 
same day. This we managed by sending on a 
pair of horses the day before to S. Filippo, so 
as to have fresh beasts to take us over the worst 
part of the way. 

We started between five and six in the morning 
with a pair of horses, and soon turned out of the 
main road, which is very good, into a country road 
that skirts the shore and often runs close to the 
water's edge. The country was low and undulating, 
the soil as usual rocky, but well clothed with 
vegetation. Oliveyards and vineyards alternated 
with districts of woodland and a thick undergrowth 
of myrtles, junipers, and dwarf elders ; but the 
woods in Dalmatia are badly managed and cut too 

' Moiis. Bianchi, Zara Cristiana, vol. ii. p. 366, says that the 
last possessor of the title of Prior of Vrana was Mons. Franc. Kralj, 
president of the chapter of Agram, who left 200 florins to the 
church at A^rana. 



358 Vrana: Torrette. [Ch. VIIT. 

often, so that it is rare to see anything that can 
be called timber. 

Passing Borgo Erizzo, a colony of Albanians, who 
are said to be the most industrious and meritorious 
peasants in the district of Zara, we reached Bibigne, 
and then S. Cassiano, where on a rock in the little 
bay round which the village is built stands the 
ruin of the summer retreat built for himself by 
Archbishop Valaresso, when his jealous relatives 
prevented him from spending his money on building 
a campanile for the duomo of Zara^. It is a square 
castellated building standing in the water and 
totally dismantled : as there was not a boat 
immediately available we did not stay to visit it, 
and indeed there seemed little to interest us had 
we done so. 

At the end of four hours we reached Torrette, 
a little walled village with one old gate and two 
of its angle bastions still perfect. Torrette was 
often in danger from the Turks in the seventeenth 
century and the inhabitants of the neighbourhood 
were glad to shelter themselves in its narrow and 
crowded alleys. Now that they have no occasion 
for this confinement they have moved their quarters 
into the open country, and the village is full of 
deserted houses which are falling into ruin. The 
house of Signer Santini, with whom we were to 
dine on our return from Vrana, has some traces 
of Venetian architecture, and commands a lovely 

^ 8ee above, p. 281. 



Ch. YIII.] Lake of Vrana. 359 

view of the Canale di Zara with the outlying islands 
of Pasman and Ugliano. 

At S. Filippo, where we changed horses, we left 
the sea-shore, and struck inland by a mere mule 
track across an open down of rock covered with 
a shrubby undergrowth of myrtle and juniper, 
and on reaching the top of the ridge the view of 
the lake of Vrana burst upon us backed up by 
mountains of considerable elevation. The lake is 
eight miles long and two miles wide, and is the 
largest in Dalmatia ; its colour is green, contrasting 
strongly with the deep ultramarme of the sea, which 
from our standpoint was visible at the same time. 
Descending to the valley we found a somewhat 
better road, which took us to Vrana on the 
farther shore by a wide sweep round the head 
of the lake, which ends in an extensive reedy 
swamp over which the road passes by a causeway. 
Beyond are extensive 'prati,' — a rare sight in 
Dalmatia, — where much hay is made ; but in wmter 
and spring the lake rises and lays a great part of 
the plain under water. The water is brackish, 
though not so much so but that the people of Vrana 
drink it for want of better, but the saltness seems 
to prove the existence of some subterranean com- 
munication with the sea. That the lake is not 
above the sea level is apparent from the failure 
of an attempt to drain it by a canal cut to the 
sound, which had the effect of letting the sea into 
the lake and making matters worse ^ ; and if there is 

^ Paton, Highlands anJ Islands of the Adriatic, vol. ii. p. 95. 



;6o 



Vrana. 



[Ch. VIII. 



a subterranean communication it would be useless 
to attempt to drain it by pumping engines as has 
been suggested. The fishing is said to be good, 
but we saw no boats except coracles, such as may 
have been used by the primitive Illyrians, and are 
still to be seen on our own Welsh rivers. 

An hour and a-half after leaving S. Filippo we 
reached the village of Vrana, which is situated 
on rising ground at the northern end of the 
lake. 




Fig. 20. 



The castle (Fig, 20) is a stupendous heap of ruins 
covering a very large extent of ground on the sum- 
mit of a natural elevation. It was a very regulai* 
building, consisting of two rectangular courts di- 
vided by a central wall, and surrounded by a deep 
fosse, excavated for the most part in the solid 
rock. Notwithstanding the enormous strength of 
the masonry the whole now lies in utter ruin, 
and never was an ancient castle more thoroughly 



Ch. YTii.] Vrana. 361 

' slighted.' In one corner of the first courtyard is 
pointed out the site and a few remains of the con- 
ventual church of S. Gregorio, but one looks in 
vain for any traces of the great hall, on whose walls 
were hung the knightly shields and cuirasses of the 
brotherhood, whose four windows recorded in their 
richly storied panes the feats of the order, and 
within which was concerted the conspiracy for over- 
throwing the two queens and placing Carlo of 
Durazzo on the throne of Hungary ^ The outer 
courtyard has but little left of its girdle of walls 
and towers, which lie in confused heaps of masonry, 
thrown about in all directions by the gunpowder of 
the Venetian engineers. The inner court is more 
perfect ; it seems to have been reached only through 
the other, and only by one small doorway in 
the party wall, beside which is an embrasure 
splayed inwards, and with a round hole outwards 
as if for a cannon. This is about the only piece of 
wrought masonry remaining in the building, which 
has long served the Morlacchi of the neighbourhood 
for a quarry. The only building within the enclosure 
of which any considerable part remains perfect is a 
tower, which may have been the keep, though its 
dimensions are but small, the interior measuring 
only nine feet six inches by nine feet on the ground 
floor within the walls, which are five feet six inches 
thick. The walls of this tower are riddled in the 
inside with pigeon-holes like those of our Pembroke- 
shire churches, perhaps for the same purpose of 
^ Bianchi, Zara Cristiana. Vid. sup. History, p. 125. 



362 Vrana. [ch. viii. 

affording provision in case of extremity. There is a 
well in the interior of this courtyard which is now 
choked up. 

Close by the castle is the Turkish Han or 
caravanserai, now the farmyard of Count Borelli. 
It is a large square-walled enclosure with entrances 
on two opposite sides under towers. The entrance 
archways are pointed, and have an unmistakeably 
oriental look about them, as have also the few other 
architectural features the building possesses. The 
passages through the towers have vaulted ceilings 
with pointed arches, but the farther tower of the 
two is much ruined, and so are most of the build- 
ings surrounding the courtyard, a small two-storied 
building on one side being all that seems habitable. 
The exterior wall contains many fragments of antique 
buildings, and is constructed in the oddest and 
most inartificial way, with stones set upright as 
slabs, and without any regular coursing, as bad a 
piece of walling as was ever put together, shewing 
that the Turkish builders were but poor craftsmen. 

Vrana is now a collection of scattered cottagfes 
distributed about the neighbouring hills, with here 
and there a little fort or watch-tower, once an out- 
post of the great castle. The population amounts 
to something over 300 at the present day, but 
round the castle may still be seen the foundations 
of the houses and streets of a considerable town, 
which was destroyed during the wars of the Turks 
and Venetians. Vrana was the birthplace of Luciano 
Laurana, the architect of the palace at Urbino, who 



Ch. VIII. ] Vrana. 363 

first saw the light here in 1420. The fact that 
there is no place in Dalmatia now going by the 
name Laurana, and that there is a place on the 
eastern coast of Istria near Fiume called Lovrana, 
has led Gaye and others to make Luciano an Istrian 
of the latter place. Against this there is in favour 
of his Dalmatian origin the fact that he is described 
in one document as ' egregius vir Lucianus . . . q. 
Martini de Jadia Provinciae Dalmatiae architectus,' 
and in another as ' Magister Lucianus Martini de 
Lauranna architect07\ Jadia can hardly be any- 
thing but Jadera or Zara, within the territory of 
which place Vrana is situated, while Lovrana is far 
distant across the Quarnero, and not in Dalmatia 
at all. Laurana is known also to have been an old 
form of the name Vrana ; it occurs in the deed of 
sale by Ladislaus of Naples of his rights in Dalmatia 
to the Venetians in 1409, where there is no room to 
doubt that the Laurana in question is the Vrana 
of which Ladislaus had shortly before become pos- 
sessed^ ; and Farlati quotes a passage from the 
' Topographus Magni Hegni Hungariae,' which seems 
to dispose of any doubt that may remain on this 
subject : ' Tirana alias Aurana sive Laurana Celebris 
in primis est a Rhodiormn equitum stationed 

■^ Vid. Lucio de Eegno, 1. v. c. iv. p. 260, ' Vranani obsedit, 
deditioneque recepit;' lb. c. v. p. 263, 'the king sells,' Civitatem 
ladrae . . , nee non terrain Lauranae cum fortalicio et castro 
ipsius.' These passages, and also that from Farlati, cited in the 
text (Illyr. Sacr. Proleg. ii. v. § iv.), are not noticed by Prof. 
Brunelli in his essay on the subject in the Annuario Dalmatico 
for 1884 — q.v. 



364 Vra7ia : Ljictano di Laiirana. [Ch. yiii. 

Luciano Laurana studied his art probably at 
Venice, but found employment at Naples, where he 
is said to have built the palace of Poggio reale, 
which is now destroyed, though the dates present 
some difficulty. Baldi^ says that his employment 
at Urbino was due to the recommendation of the 
King of Naples. Duke Federigo da Montefeltro 
' having made enquiry of many jpi^hices in order to 
obtain arcJiitects able to give him satisfaction, among 
many others one ivas sent to him by the kings of 
Naples named Luciano, born at Laurana, a place 
of Sclavonics Baldi says that Luciano was a good 
draughtsman and painted skilfully, as may be ' seen 
from certain little pictures in ichich certain scenes 
are drawn in p)erspective and coloured, about ivhich 
there is no doubt that they are his, he having ivritten 
his name on them,, and other things, in the Sclavonic 
language and character! 

The patent of Federigo of Montefeltro, Count of 
Urbino and Castel Durante, and Captain General 
of the League, is dated from Pavia, June 10, 1468. 
It begins by reciting the honour and commendation 
due to those who excel in architecture, and goes 
on to say that ' having searched everywhere, and 
especially in Tuscany, luhere is the fountain of archi- 
tects, and not having found a man truly intelligent 
and ivell skilled in that craft! the Count had finally 
selected Messer Lutiano to build his new palace. 
This is a high tribute to the reputation enjoyed 

^ Descrizione del palazzo ducale d" Urbino. Yenezia, 1590. 



Ch. VIII. ] Podgraje, the ancient Assesia. 365 

by this Dalmatian master among contemporary- 
artists ^ 

The greater part of the exquisite palace at 
Urbino must be assigned to Baccio Pintelli, who 
succeeded to the post of architect after the death 
of Luciano, which occurred at Pesaro probably in 
the year 1481. But we may still see the hand of 
the original architect in the earlier jDarts of the 
building, such as the windows of two lights towards 
the street leading upward from the duomo, which 
are easily distinguishable from the later work of 
Baccio in the Cortile-. The name of Luciano is 
preserved by Giovanni Santi, the father of Baffaelle, 
in his eulogistic poem on the great Federigo his 
patron. 

' E r architetto a tutti gli altri sopra 
Fu Lucian Lauranna, huomo excelleute 

Che il nome vive, beuclie morte el cuopra. 
Qual cum 1' ingegno altissimo e possente 
Guidava 1' opra col parer del Conte, 
Che a cio il parer aveva alto e lucente 
Quant' altro Signor mai e le voglie pronte.' 

Canto Ivi. 

A mile from the castle is Podgraje, the ancient 
Asseria or Assesia, with Roman remains, which we 

^ The whole patent will be found in Pungileoni, Vita, &c. di 
Bramante, p. d-^,, ed. 1836. It Avas first published by this writer. 
The original is in the Archivio di Urbino unito all' Archivio 
Mediceo, Divis. B. fila. viii. It was republished by Gaye, Car- 
teggio inedito d' artisti dei Secoli xiv— xvi. 

"^ For further particulars relating to this subject see the article by 
Prof. Brunelli in the Annuario quoted above ; Dennistoun's Dukes of 
IJmbria, vol. i ; and the * Palast von Urbino,' by Fried. Arnold, 
Leipzig. Also Gaye's Carteggio, &c. &c., vol. i. p. 214. &c. 



366 Vrana. [Ch. vill. 

were unable to visit. They are described by Fortis, 
who gives a plan of the walls and gates. He says 
that the walls vary in thickness from eight to eleven 
feet, that they are faced with stones some of which 
are ten feet long, and that in places they are thirty 
feet high. One of the gates retained at the time of 
his visit part of its arch, and one of the bastions was 
polygonal in plan, with a point to the front like 
modern fortifications. Bastions of the same kind are 
to be seen in the Roman walls of Salona. 

In the same neighbourhood Mr. Paton ^ visited a 
natural grotto with the figure of a recumbent water 
nymph cut in the rock, of which we heard nothing 
at the time of our visit. There was no one at Vrana 
to help us in our researches. Visitors are extremely 
rare, and the antiquities of the place have received 
very little attention. The Croat peasant who acted 
as our guide was much interested in our visit, and 
made many enquiries about us of the Dalmatian 
gentleman who had accompanied us from Zara. 
'These signori are English?' 'Yes.' 'From what 
part of England?' 'London.' 'They come here 
then from the largest city in the world to see our 
things, and yet our own people never think of 
coming to look at them.' 

We returned to Torrette in time to enjoy the truly 
Dalmatian hospitality of Signer Santini, and to see 
his famous grey thoroughbred horse, the pride of the 
neighbourhood. And when it was time to start and 
our poor tired jades were brought round, the gallant 
^ Highlands and Islands of the Adriatic, vol. ii. p. 99. 



Ch. yiii.] Vrana. 367 

grey was put to, and Signer Santini and I flew a 
few miles along the road before we turned to rejoin 
our equipage and say farewell. I heard afterwards 
that I had had an escape, for that the grey horse 
had caused Signer Santini many an upset. We 
reached Zara again about eight o'clock in the 
eveninof. 



CHAPTER IX. 



Sebenico. 



History. The Duomo. The Sacristy, Other Churches. Giorgio 
Orsini. Scardona. Falls of the Kerka. 

Although the Sebenzani in their public inscrip- 
tions latinize the name of their city into Sicum, and 
their own into Sigenses, Sebenico has no claim to 
represent the ancient Roman colony of Sicum where 
Claudius settled his veterans \ Sicum is placed by 
Pliny between Tragurium and Salona, and stood 
probably near Cast el Vitturi, on the Riviera dei 
Castelli, where a place named Siclis is mentioned in 
the Peutinger table. Sebenico has in fact no pre- 
tensions to antiquity ; it was unknown to Porphyro- 
genitus, and first makes it appearance in history as 
a Croatian and not a Dalmatian town. Giustiniani, 
a writer who preceded Lucio-, says it was founded 
by bandits or euscocchi, who at first from a fort on 
the hill watched the sea for ships which they 
attacked and plundered, and afterwards formed a 

' ' Tragurium civium Romanorum marmore notuin ; Sicum in 
quern locum Divus Claudius veteranos misit. Salona colonia,' &c. 
Plin. iii. xxii. Farlati says, ' errant vel maxime qui Sicum inter ac 
Sibenicum nihil interesse existimant.' Part ii. Proleg. c. v. § iii. 
Vid. Sir J. Wilkinson, vol. i. p. 76. 

^ Quoted by Fortis, Viagg. in Dalm. 



Ch. IX.] Sebeiiico : Histoi^y. 369 

colony on the shore which they surrounded with a 
palisade or ' sihue,' whence came the name Sebenico. 
Whatever its origin may have been, Sebenico was 
a favourite place with the kings of Croatia, many of 
whose acts are dated ' apud castrum Sibenici,' and it 
was visited by Coloman in 1 105, after the Hungarian 
conquest of Dalmatia. In 1117^ the ' impregnable ' 
town of Sebenico was taken and destroyed by 
Ordelafo Faliero, together with the other Croatian 
towns of Belgrad Nona and Novigrad. Sebenico 
was however but a small place- till 1 127, when the 
Croatian city of Belgrad (Zara Vecchia) was de- 
stroyed by the Doge Domenico Michieli, the bishop 
and clergy were removed to Scardona, and the bulk 
of the population took refuge at Sebenico, which 
from that tune rapidly advanced in importance. In 
1 1 6 7 Stephen III raised it to the rank of a free city 
conferring on it a charter and privileges sunilar to 
those enjoyed by the old Dalmatian cities of Trati 
and Spalato, and from that time forward Sebenico 
must be reckoned as within the Dalmatian pale, 
though a Croatian town by descent and tradition-'^. 
Lucio says the Sebenzani were some time in learn- 
ing to wear their new privileges easily ; accustomed 
for so long to be governed despotically, they accom- 
modated themselves with difficulty to the Dalmatian 
laws ; they had counts appointed for life, and not for 

' ' Inexpugnabile castrum Sebenici obtiuuit et diruit.' Dandolo, 
lib. ix. c. xi. pai's 21. 

'^ ' Parvi circuitus oppidum.' Luc. iii. vii. p. 125. 
' Luc. iii. vii. p. 127. 

VOL. I. B b 



370 Sebenico : History. [Ch. ix. 

a short term like the other cities, who were with 
difficulty restrained from their old habits of piracy, 
and they were more exposed than the other cities 
to the arbitrary interference of the Ban\ Gradually 
however the Sebenzani became Latinized, and in 
later ages the city was described by Fortis as 
next to Zara the best built in Dalmatia, and 
inhabited by the greatest number of noble families, 
' as far removed from the barbarous manners of 
ancient pirates as their houses are unlike the former 
cottages or sibice ;' and the same writer tells us that 
' in the sixteenth century the arts and sciences 
flourished in this city more than in any other of 
Dalmatia^'. 

Like her neighbours Sebenico passed under the 
rule of Manuel in 1 171-80, and an accusation of 
piracy made against the Sebenzani while under 
the imperial government may perhaps be explained 
by political reasons. Alexander III writes from the 
Kialto to complain that Nestros and Porlat, two 
counts of Sebenico, had robbed his envoy the sub- 
deacon Raimondo on his way back from the King of 
Naples, and had taken from him everything except- 
ing sixty marks, including the letters he was bearing 
from the King to the Pope, which latter theft Lucio 
thinks may have been made at the instigation of 
Manuel or his officers. 

During the confusion that succeeded the Tartar 

^ Luc. vi. ii. p. 275. 

^ Vid. above Chap. i. p. 177 for a list of the illustrious natives 
of Sebenico. 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : History. 371 

invasion and retreat, Sebenico, like Trali and 
Spalato, was for a short time independent, but 
unfortunately, like them, she used her liberty for 
a cloak of contention and plunged into a quarrel 
with the Tratirini. The independence of Sebenico 
was soon overshadowed by the rising power of 
the counts of Bribir, but while the Sebenzani had 
been occupied in their dissensions with Trail, the 
people of Zara had taken the opportunity to filch 
from them their islands of Morter Zuri and Arte. 

In 1298 Sebenico, which had been till then in the 
diocese of Trali, was raised to the dignity of a see, by 
the influence of Gregory count of Bribir and Maria 
queen of Naples with the Pope Boniface VIII, ' in 
vanuin reclamantihus Tragiirie7isihus^.' The first 
bishop was Martino, a Franciscan of Arbe^. 

In 1322 the tyranny of the counts of Bribir drove 
the people of Sebenico and Trail, who had hitherto 
been at variance, to ally themselves together, and 
invoke the aid of the Venetians. With their help 
Mladin of Bribir was defeated ; and while the Trali- 
rini attacked one of his piratical strongholds at 
Almissa the Sebenzani did the same at Scardona, 
burning and spoiling the to^vn and carrying off the 
boats to Sebenico. The Venetians sent Dardi Bembo 
as count to Sebenico ; and under the wise government 
of the Republic the civil feuds and factions, which it 

^ Luc, p. 202. 

^ Galvani, II rh d' armi di Sebenico. Two bishops had been 
previously elected by the people, but did not obtain the papal 
confirmation: Paolo Erizio, a Venetian, in 1274, and Leonardo 
Faletro or Falieri in 1287. Gams mentions a Stefano in 1253. 

B b 2 



372 Sebenico : Histoiy. [Ch. ix. 

had been the policy of the counts of Bribir to 
encourage, were composed. The Venetians restored 
the islands of Morter Zuri and Arte to the Sebenzani 
in 1324, giving thereby mortal offence to the Zara- 
tini, who often tried to recover these islands, and 
in the end revenged themselves by their fourth and 
last revolt from Venice in 1345. 

On the second invasion of Dalmatia and siege of 
Zara by the Hungarians, the people of Sebenico, 
seeing their territory ravaged, and disgusted with 
the insolence of the Venetian mercenary soldiery, 
sent envoys to the Ban who was then besieging 
Nona, and made their submission to Lewis of Hun- 
gary. Their allegiance was accepted, Andrea Giusti- 
niani the Venetian count was expelled, and by the 
treaty of Zara in 1358 the right of Lewis to the 
whole of Dalmatia was formally recognised. 

In the succeeding war of Chioggia Sebenico was 
taken and burned by the Venetian admiral Vittore 
Pisani in 1378, and a Venetian garrison was intro- 
duced, but Hungarian authority was restored by the 
peace of Turin in 1381. 

During the troublous times that followed the 
death of Lewis in 1382 Sebenico, like the rest of 
Dalmatia, owned in turn the authority of Maria, 
Tvartko, Sigismund, Ladislaus, and Sigismund again. 
In 1 4 1 o the city was torn by civil dissensions between 
the popular party who were for Hungary, and the 
nobles who were for Venice. The popular party 
expelled the nobles, who established themselves in a 
fort at the mouth of the harbour and endeavoured 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : History. 373 

to force their way back again. Sigisraund interfered, 
punished the leaders of the popular party with death, 
and restored the ' fuorusciti ; ' but this and the con- 
struction of a castle to overawe the town alarmed 
the people and disgusted them with Hungarian rule, 
and on Oct. 30, 141 2 they surrendered the city to 
the Venetians under certain conditions, of which the 
following are the most important : — 

\ I. The rights and privileges which the city had 
enjoyed under the kings of Hungary were to be con- 
firmed. 

\ IV. The count was to be a Venetian noble, and 
the Sebenzani w^ere not to be called upon to pay him 
more than 700 ducats for his salary. 

J VI. The obnoxious castle was to be destroyed, 
and no other to be built in the city or district. 

\ IX. Scardona was to be subject to Sebenico. 

\ XII. Sebenico was to retain as part of her terri- 
tory all the islands she had held under Lewis ^ 

Sebenico was fortified by the Venetians against 
the Turks, and under Venetian government she 
advanced rapidly in wealth and consequence. The 
principal event in her after-history is the invasion of 
Dalmatia by the Turks under Tekely pasha of 
Bosnia in 1647, when the place was besieged by the 
pasha and successfully defended by Degenfelt, who 
repulsed the enemy with a heavy loss of 4000 killed, 
besides 5000 who had been struck down by disease. 

In 1809 a French commission sat at Sebenico to 
try, imprison, or shoot those Dalmatians who had 

* Luc. V. c. XV. p. 264-7. 



3 74 Sebenico. [Ch. ix. 

been guilty of bringing back the Austrians at the 
beginning of that year, and the fort S. Nicolb at the 
harbour mouth was crowded with poHtical prisoners. 
At the present day Sebenico is one of those towns 
where party feehngs run highest between the Latin 
and the Slav, and disturbances and crimes of violence 
frequently occur on these grounds of diiference. 
Sebenico is gradually losing the reputation for polite- 
ness and high culture by which it was distinguished in 
the days of Fortis, and seems likely to become once 
more a Croatian city. 



The course of the steamers from Zara to Sebenico 
lies within the channel formed by the long narrow 
islands of Ugliano Pasman and Incoronata. Zara 
on its low flat peninsula shone brightly in the sun 
behind us as we steamed down the Canale di Pasman, 
which was as smooth as a mill pond, effectually 
protected from the movements of the open Adriatic 
by a double Ime of natural breakwaters. The 
country became wilder and more barren, and the 
hills approached gradually nearer the shore, but they 
never attained any gi^eat elevation, and were only 
remarkable for their regular 23yramidal or tent-like 
shape. Passing the little villages of Bibigne S. Cas- 
siano Torette and S. Filippo we arrived off Zara 
Vecchia, a large village on the site of the old Croa- 
tian city of Belgrad. At Belgi'ad, or Bielo-grad, 
the white city, Coloman celebrated his marriage 
with the Norman princess Busita in 1097, ^^^^ i^ 



Ch. IX.] Sedenico. 375 

1 102 he came here to receive the crown of Dahnatia 
and Croatia. Destroyed by the Venetians in 1127^ 
its ruins afforded shelter to the homeless Zaratini 
after the fall of Zara in 1202, and when they were 
allowed to return in 1205 and build a new Zara 
their temporary home at Belgrad received the name 
of Zara Vecchia, which it still retains ^. 

The only other place at which the steamer touches 
on its way to Sebenico is the island of Morter, the 
largest of the group which belonged to the territory 
of Sebenico. It has a population at the present day 
of 7000, of whom 1 300 inhabit the village of Stretto, 
situated where the island so nearly touches the 
mainland that the channel is spanned by a moveable 
bridge. Fortis describes the inhabitants of Morter 
ninety years ago as ' a worthless people ; ' and says 
that 'in every piratical boat of those parts there is 
at least 07ie of thai island ivho serves the robbers as 
pilot through all the p>asses, and as a guide to the 
most unfrequented creeks and hiding places.' Since 
the disappearance of piracy the good seamanship of 
the people of Morter has no doubt found a more 
legitimate field for its display. Beyond Morter 
lie the islands of Zuri Capri Provicchio and Zlarin 
with many more of smaller note. Zuri Provicchio and 
Zlarin were all inhabited by Romans, and remains 
of ancient buildings are to be seen there ^ At Zlarin 
in the sixteenth century a sepulchral marble was 

^ Vid. supra, History, pp. 42 and 46. 
'^ Luc. de Regu., 1. iv. c. ii. 
^ Palladius Fuscus, also Fortis. 



376 



Sebenico. 



[Ch. IX. 



dug up with the name of Pansiana, queen of some 
kingdom hitherto not identified ^ Zlarin is now 
famous for its coral and sponge fisheries. The coral 
is gathered by an ingenious dredge which is towed 
behind the vessels, with a heavy swinging weight to 
break the coral ofi", and a bag net which follows and 
catches it. 

Sebenico is not visible from the sea, though the 
hill fort that commands the town appears above the 




Fig. 21. 

low grey hills that fringe the shore. Leaving the 
open sea the steamer turns suddenly into a narrow 
tortuous channel, and emerges no less suddenly into 
a splendid inland haven to which there is only this 
one approach. On the further side is the city (Fig. 
2i), an imposing mass of picturesque old houses 
piled up the mountain side, with the great white- 
domed cathedral in the middle, the massive towers 
of the castle of S. Anna in the highest point of the 

^ Fortis. 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico. 377 

town, and two other old forts weathered to a rich 
mellow brown colour crowning the barren summits 
of two loftier hills in the backgrounds The quays 
were crowded with men and women in their becoming 
national costume, and the port filled with gaily 
painted coasters with huge lateen sails, laden with 
wine casks, or crammed with peasants from Zlarin 
and the other islands returning from market. There 
is no place on the coast more inviting to a painter's 
pencil than Sebenico. 

The interior of the city is not less picturesque 
than the outside. Its little piazzas and its steep 
and winding alleys, — they can hardly be called 
streets, — abound in handsome doorways and windows 
of Venetian Gothic or of the early renaissance. 
Everything here is Venetian ; not a single architec- 
tural feature that meets the eye can be referred to a 
date prior to the final Venetian acquisition of the 
town in 141 2. There are numerous doorways with 
a straight lintel under a pointed tympanum enclosed 
by the Venetian billet moulding and charged with 
well designed heraldry and flowing mantling. 
Heraldry indeed was rather the fashion at Sebenico ; 
there is perhaps no town in Dalmatia from which a 
larger collection of escutcheons can be made, and 
Sebenico is fortunate in having among her citizens a 
gentleman whose industry and acquirements as an 
antiquary have been turned to good account in 

' The highest fort is that of S. Giovanni : the next is Forte 
Barone, named after Baron Degenfelt, the gallant defender of 
Sebenico in 1647. It is now abandoned and ruined. 



37^ Sebenico. [Ch. ix. 

illustrating the history of his native city by the 
heraldic bearings on the public and private buildings, 
most of which he has succeeded in assigning to their 
proper families \ 

Through a labyrinth of narrow streets we reached 
the Piazza del duomo, which though small compared 
with the piazzas of most Italian towns, is not inferior 
to many of them in architectural interest. On the 
left is the cathedral, and on the right, built against 
the steep hill side, and overtopped by the buildings 
on the ascent behind, is the old loggia, a long arcaded 
building of two stories, now turned into a caff e below 
and a casino or club room and reading room above. 
It is dated 1552 and is a structure of some stateli- 
ness. But the duomo opposite (vid. Plate XII), is 
worthy to rank with any Italian work of its date 
and class that I know, and though there are churches 
as beautiful on the other side of the Adriatic, it 
would be difficult to match it in singularity of con- 
struction. Indeed not only Italy but Europe may 
be challenged to show another church of this size in 
which neither timber nor brick is employed, every- 
thing being constructed of good squared stone, 
marble, and metal. In England we have a few rude 
churches in Pembrokeshire, the chapel at Abbots- 

^ II re d' armi di Sebenico, by Dr. F. A. Galvani, I. R. No- 
tary of Sebenico, published at Venice, 1884, contains illustrations 
of several hundred escutcheons from the buildings of that city, 
with historical notes of their respective families, and the members 
of those families who held any office at Sebenico. Dr. Galvani's 
promised History of Sebenico will be a welcome addition to the 
literatui'e of Dalmatia. 



Sebenico 



PlaXeM 




T.G.J 



The Duomo 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : the Duomo. 379 

bury, and the little fourteenth century treasury at 
Merton College, in which the vault and roof are 
united in one solid structure of masonry, and in 
Ireland we have the chapel of S. Cormac at Cashel 
similarly constructed, but nearly all of these are on 
a diminutive scale. At Sebenico, however, the whole 
of a great cruciform church is covered by a waggon 
roof of stone, the underside of which forms the 
ceiling, the stone covering being visible both intern- 
ally and externally, without the outside roof of 
timber and tiles or lead which exists in ordinary 
cathedrals above the stone-vaulted ceiling. The 
effect both within and without of these simple 
waggon vaults over nave choh* and transepts, inter- 
rupted only by a dome at the crossing, is very simple 
and imposing, and the design is not less successful 
architecturally than it is original. 

The architectural history of the duomo may be 
read with tolerable exactitude from the stones them- 
selves. It is evidently the work of two architects 
and two periods, and in the interval which divides 
them occurred the great artistic revolution of the 
renaissance, so that while the earlier work is in 
regular Italian Gothic, the later work is in a style 
resembling that which we connect with the name 
of Pietro Lombardo and his sons and pupils. The 
evidence of the building itself is confirmed by docu- 
mentary proof, and with the help of the latter there 
is no building in Dalmatia whose history can be 
written with so much certainty as this ; the archi- 
tecture speaks for itself, and the chain of documentary 



380 Sebenico : the Duomo. [Ch. ix. 

evidence when tested by that of the architecture is 
clear and complete. 

In the year 1402 a committee was appointed, 
consisting of the count, the bishop Bogdano Pulsich, 
and certain nobles, to consider the question of en- 
larging the old cathedral of S. Giacomo, which was 
too small and otherwise unworthy of the growing 
importance of the city^ A tax was laid on the 
vineyards, and an impost of one-tenth on the wine 
produced within the territory, and nothing more was 
done for twenty-six years, during which funds were 
accumulating. In 141 2 the city became part of the 
Venetian territory, and on April 23, 1428, when 
matters seemed ripe for beginning the new cathedral, 
Francesco Michieli being the Count of the city 
and territory, it was resolved by the Comune that 
the new cathedral should be built on a different site 
higher up in the city, where the church of S. Giovanni 
now stands. Nothing was done however to put this 
resolution into effect, and on June 4, 1430 it was 
rescinded by a new one, which left the choice of the 
site to the bishop Bogdano, the count Moise Grimani, 
his ' curia,' and ten nobles of the city, by whom it 
was decided that the new cathedral should occupy 
the site of the old one ; ' quod ecclesia Cathedralis 

^ ' Propositum fuit in dicto generali concilio per praefatum 
dom. Comitem et suara curiam si videretur dicto concilio pro 
augmentatione et fabrica eccl®. Cathedralis Sti. Jacobi dictae civi- 
tatis Sebenici . . . ac pro amplianda et crescenda et augmentanda 
dicta ecclesia quae ad praesens non est sufficiens in tanta civitate 
propter parvitatem et incongruitatem suam,' &c. &c. Atto of 1402 
in the Libro Rosso del Comune. 



Oh. IX.] Sebenico : the Duomo. 381 

communis Sebenici fundari et aedijichari debeat in 
platea communis juxta episcopatum in loco ubi ad 
praesens est ecclesia Cathedralis^.' 

The new cathedral was begun at once and well 
advanced during the countship of Moise Grimani, 
1430-32, whose arms appear on the north angle pier 
of the west front. The architect to whom it was 
entrusted has long met with unmerited oblivion, and 
Dr. Galvani is entitled to the credit of having 
discovered his name and restored it to fame. In the 
' Atti ' of the notaries of Sebenico in 1435 ^^^^ 1436 
he has found the name of Messer Antonio, son of 
Pietro Paolo, a Venetian, master of the works, that 
is Architect, of the church of S. Giacomo of Sebenico, 
to whom the design of the earlier part of the building 
must therefore be attributed I His work includes 

^ Cod. Suppl. N. 541, nella bibblioteca cli Corte in Vienna e 
Coletti Cod. iv. 715. (Galvani, II I'e d' armi, i. 32.) 

^ ' Ibique Ser Zacharias q . . . de Sibenico dedit vendidit tra- 
didit et transtulerit niagistro Antonio q. Petri Paoli lapicida {sic) 
di Yenetia nunc habitator [sic] Sibenici et magistro Sancti Jacobi 
de Sibenico ibi praesenti et per se,' &c. &c. 

JMai 10, 1435. 'Atto del notajo Michele, q. Giovanni, Ibique 
magister Antonius q. Petri Paoli de Venetia lapicida habitator 
Sibenici et magister fabrice ecclesie Sancti Jacobi de Sibenico 
dedit vendidit,' &c. &c. 

Oct. 1436. 'Atto del notajo Giacomo Vuksich.' I am indebted 
to the kindness of Sign. Dr. Galvani for these and other extracts 
from the Atti, and the Libro Rosso, which was in his custody when 
I was last at Sebenico in 1885. 

The author of some interesting articles on tliis church in the 
Blatter des christlichen Kunslvereines der Diocese Seckau, 1886, 
conjectures that Antonio is the son of Pietro Paolo delle Massegne, 
the architect of the choir screen of St. ^Mark's at Venice, which in 
many details resembles the work of Antonio at Sebenico. 



382 



Sebenico : the Duomo. 



[Ch. IX. 



the whole of the lower story of the nave and its side 
aisles ; that is to say, the pillars and arches of the 
nave as high as the foliaged cornice above them, 
with the two western piers of the four on which the 
central lantern and cupola rests ; also the exterior 
walls of the aisles as high as the top of the cornice of 
intersecting arches (vid. Plate XIII) ; also the rib and 
panel vaults of the aisles, the great west and north 




"ZvfSfi^ reek 



doorways, and the north exterior wall of the transept 
as high as the aforesaid cornice of the aisle, which 
is continued at the same level across the transept. 
The upper part of the aisle and transept walls 
above this cornice is the work of another and later 
hand. 

In the ground-plan, Fig. 22^1 have attempted 
to distinguish the work of Antonio from that of his 
successors. 

^ Adapted from that by Prof. Grausz in the Blatter, &c. 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : the Duomo. 2)^Ty 

The central crossing and choir were thus left for the 
present unattempted, it is difficult to say why, unless 
the old cathedral occupied that part of the site, and 
was left standing until the nave should be finished 
and occupied, when, without interruption of the 
church services, the old building might be removed 
to make way for the new choir and transepts. It 
seems certain that in some way or other the old 
church was preserved during the building of the new, 
for there are acts dated ' nel coro ' during this period. 

The architecture of Messer Antonio di Pietro Paolo 
is of excellent Italian Gothic, with more of the 
merits and fewer of the faults of that much-abused 
style than most examples of it. The exterior (vid. 
Plate XIII) is divided into bays by square buttress 
piers, which were to have been crowned no doubt 
by little tabernacles containing statues, like those 
between the great ogee gables of St. Mark's at 
Venice, or those which actually appear over the 
flanking statues of the north doorway here. The 
windows are deeply splayed outside, have a pointed 
arch with a billet mouldmg, and are divided by a 
slender shaft into two narrow lights with simple 
tracery in the head. Along what was to have been 
the top of the wall runs a rich cornice of intersecting 
semicircles springing from little corbels carved into 
heads, the pointed arches formed by the intersections 
being trefoil-cusped. At the west end and in the 
north wall are two magnificent doorways, which are 
full of excellent detail and deserve careful study. 
The northern or ' Lion doorway,' as the people call 



384 Sebenico : the Diiomo. [Ch. ix. 

it from the two lions that guard the entrance, is of 
very beautiful Italian Gothic (vid. Plate XIII), the 
leaves that run round it are undercut and pierced 
behind, and the columns are delicately arabesqued, 
or else twisted and fluted with rosettes set in the 
flutings. From the lions' backs rise octagonal shafts 
with spreading capitals supporting statues of Adam 
and Eve, above which are little Gothic tabernacles 
containing each a statue. The figures of our first 
parents are as usual ill-made, and show that ignorance 
of the human figure which is apparent whenever a 
mediaeval sculptor tried his hand at the nude. 

Though this doorway is evidently from its style 
part of Antonio's work it appears from three escut- 
cheons ' over it that the wall above, though it follows 
his design, was not finished till about 1454, after 
he had ceased to be architect. The west end was 
evidently raised more rapidly than the north wall. 

The west doorway is in the same style but still 
richer than the other. On each side of the opening 
a column carries a two-storied tabernacle : figures in 
niches run round the arch and are continued down 
the jambs, and as a keystone is the figure of our Lord 
holding an orb in one hand and blessing with the 
other. The tympanum is glazed. The opening of 
the doorway is surrounded by a border of very bold 
Venetian foliage springing from naked figures, and 
the shafts are twisted and fluted, or else richly 
arabesqued. By the scutcheon of Count Andrea 

^ Those of Leonardo Venier, Count 1453-4; Urbane Vignaco, 
Bishop 1454-68; Gioi'gio Sisgorich, Bishop 1453. 



Sebenico. 



rhoLeXm. 




T.G.J. 



Porta del leoni 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : the Diioino. 385 

Loredan, on the buttress adjoining to the south, it 
appears that this doorway was finished in 1438 or 

1439. 

The proportions of the nave arcades of the interior 

(Fig. 22), which are also of Gothic work and by 
Antonio the Venetian, are singularly pleasing. They 
have more relation to the arcades of northern Gothic 
churches than to those of Italian Gothic ; for instead 
of being spread out to the enormous span and 
finished with the simplicity or rather baldness of 
such arcades as those of S. Maria at Florence, S. 
Petronio at Bologna, or S. Antonio at Padua, which 
reduce the apparent scale of the church by fully one- 
half, the arcades at Sebenico are so proportioned as to 
look ful]^^ as large as they are, and to give full efiect 
to the length of the nave, and the arches are well 
moulded and handsomely finished. The spandrils 
towards the nave are filled with red Verona marble 
with a gilt ball in the centre of each. All the arches 
are pointed, and at their springing die against wall 
piers, segments of an octagon, which rise like vaulting 
shafts from each column (vid. Fig. 22 a). 

The shafts are monoliths, cylindrical without en- 
tasis or diminution, resting on Attic bases with angle 
leaves or ' toes,' and their capitals are massive and 
simple in outline, and carved with vigorous foliage of 
a simple Venetian type. The two larger piers that 
carry the western side of the central cupola are also 
monoliths of a white stone almost equal to marble ; 
their section is a quatrefoil with the addition of a 
roll in each hollow, and their capitals are magni- 

VOL. I. c c 



3S6 



Sebenico : the Duomo. 



[Ch. IX. 




Fig. 2 2 A. 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : the Diiomo. 387 

ficent examples of the richest kind of Venetian 
fohage, in which with marvellous art the sculptors 
of that school contrived to indulge in an almost 
oriental luxuriance without weakness, and in an 
almost extravao-ant wealth of detail without con- 

o 

fusion (vid. Plate XIV). These two larger piers, 
like the rest, are the work of Messer Antonio ^ 

To him also must be attributed the interior vault- 
ing of the aisles, which are divided into square bays, 
except that the arch opposite the north doorway is 
much wider than the rest — a daring irregularity in 
so small and so symmetrical a church. The vaulting 
is quadripartite, the transverse ribs are wide bands 
with a moulded edge, and the diagonal ribs are 
cabled. There are also slight wall ribs. The central 
bosses are well carved ; those of the north aisle with 
rosettes and the heads of a man and a lion ; those 
on the south with the evangelistic emblems, which 
are very finely designed and executed, and a saint 
with staff and book, perhaps S, Giacomo, to whom 
the church is dedicated. One of the arches has at its 
apex a prettily carved shield bearing a lion rampant, 
and a helm with the crest of a child holding two 
little lions' heads with outstretched arms ^. 

With this we come to the end of the work of 
the earlier architect, Messer Antonio di Pietro Paolo, 
who had charge of the building from its beginning 

^ They prove that a transept was part of the original phm 
though it was not realized by the original architect. 

^ These arms have not been identified. The altar below was to 
have been given by the family of Rafcich. Vid. II re d' armi, 
vol. ii. p. 5. 

C C 2 



388 Sebenico : the Dtiomo. [Ch. IX, 

in 1430 or 1 43 1 till the year 1441^ In that year, 
for reasons which are not quite intelHgible, the 
building committee became dissatisfied with their 
architect and his plans ; they complained, without 
as it seems to us due reason, that there were many 
errors and defects in the work ; that it was not done 
as they intended ; that much of the money spent on 
ornament had been quite thrown away, and that 
unless a change were made things would go from 
bad to worse ^. To us there seems no fault in the 
design of Antonio, and no extravagance in his orna- 
mentation ; his construction is solid and well put 
together, and in his sculpture we recognise the 
touch of a master hand. Messer Antonio, however, 
was dismissed, and another architect, Messer Giorgio, 
invited from Venice to continue and complete the 
cathedral ^. 

^ This ai:)pears from the arms of Count Moisfe Griraani (1430-2), 
above mentioned, at the north-west angle, and those of Count 
Marco Erizzo (1434-36) on one of the buttresses of the north 
front, and Count Andrea Loredan (1438-39) on the pier to the 
right or south of the west entrance door. 

^ AjD. 23, 1 44 1. Libro Rosso del Municipio : 'Cum in fabricatione 
dictae ecclesiae Cathedralis S. Jacobi de Sebenico commissi fuerunt 
multi errores et defectus praeter omnem intentionem nobilium 
civium Sibenicensium, et aliorum qui in ejus fabrica porrigunt 
manus suas adjutores, et facta fuerunt magna expensa pro horna- 
mento et decore ipsius ecclesiae que expensa abjecta fuerunt, 
quoniam edificia et partimenta ij)sius ecclesiae non fuerunt debitis 
modis composita et fabricata, et justissima res sit . . . errores et 
defectus quo ad melius fieri poterit reformare, et pi'ovidere ne in 
futurum de malo in pejus couvertantur quin immo de bono in 
melius reformentur,' &c. &c. 

^ Monsignor Fosco, the pi'esent bishop of Sebenico, has written 
the history of his cathedral, and has there collected particulars 



Sebenico 



Pl^^. JJV 




T.G.J. 



Capita! of northwest pier 
supporting the lantern. 



iNK-PHOTO. SPR 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : the Dtwmo. 389 

Giorgio seems to have been bom at Zara. His 
father, Matteo, was a scion of the ancient and 
princely Roman house of Orsini ; but the branch to 
which he belonged had sunk in the world, and been 
reduced to support itself by manual arts inconsistent 
with the idea of nobility as then understood, and the 
family name had been allowed to fall into disuse^. 
Giorgio seems to have studied architecture at Venice, 
where we find him, still a young man, married to 
Elisabetta da Monte, who brought him as her dowry 
some house projDerty in that city. After his engage- 
ment at Sebenico in 1441 he seems to have 
made that city his domicile ; it was here that he 
invested his savings in concert with two partners in 
a grocery business, and in a merchant ship, connected 
perhaps with the former concern ; and here he finally 
built himself a house and settled down close to the 
great church on which his fame as an architect 
principally rests ^. 

concerning the life and works of Giorgio Orsini which are very 
valuable. The original contract between the procurators of the 
church and cei'tain nobles of Sebenico on the one part, and Giorgio 
the son of Matteo of Zara on the other, is published by Mons. Fosco 
in an appendix to the pamphlet on the church of Sebenico by Nicolb 
Tomraaseo, a native of Sebenico, whose name is famous in Italian 
politics and literature. I shall append the contract to this 
chapter. It is extremely interesting as illustrative of the position 
and practice of a mediaeval architect. Vid. p. 416, infra. 

^ His family descent from the Orsini was formally recognised in 
1540 in the person of his grandson Giacomo, an advocate. 

"^ Vid. an article by Dr. F. A. Galvani in the Annuario Dal- 
matico, vol. i. 1884, Zara. That Giorgio was not a native of 
Sebenico is proved by the description of him in several ' Atti ' of 
1441-1450; e. g. ' Magister Giorgius lapicida quondam Matthaei di 
Jadra, habitator Venetiarum ad praesens existens Sibenic,' &c. &c. 



390 



Sebenico : the Duomo. 



[Ch. IX. 



iiniitv-Jiili.'^vy'a'^'vHill 



Giorgio was already more than half a convert 
to the renaissance, although that movement had 
hardly begun to make itself felt at Venice. He 
discarded the style of his predecessor all the more 
easily, no doubt, because of the discredit that had 
fallen on his plans, and started at once in the new- 
manner. The task before him was to build the choir, 
of which the foundations had not been laid, to raise 
and roof the nave which was only completed to 
the top of the aisle vaults, and to construct some 

covering either by a lan- 
tern and cupola or other- 
wise over the crossing. 

Giorgio did not live to 
accomplish his task ; but 
before entering into the 
question how far the later 
part of the building is of 
his designing it will be 
well to describe it in its 
present completed form. 

The choir is prolonged with one short bay east- 
ward of the transept and finishes with three apses ; 
on the Gothic cornice of the nave aisles is raised a 
low wall, which is crowned with a second cornice, 
from which springs the external roof of the aisle ; in 
the nave the new work starts from the rich foliaged 
cornice (Fig. 23) which runs above the nave arcades, 
over which it begins with a roll moulding carved 
into laurel leaves classic fashion ; on this is placed 
a low triforium gallery of square-topped openings 




Fig. 23. 



Ch. IX.] Sebeitico : the Duomo. 391 

divided by fluted piers, and above this is raised 
a lofty clerestory wall, pierced with a plain round- 
arched window in each bay, and crowned with a rich 
cornice from which the roof springs. The roof itself 
is the most original part of the design ; it consists of 
a waggon vault of long stones supjDorted by a strong 
rib at each bay, each course of the vaulting stones 
being tongued and grooved and accurately fitted to- 
gether so as to be impervious to weather. This is con- 
tinued over nave, choir, and transepts, and the gable 
ends of these four arms instead of being- as usual tri- 
angular are semicircular, like the roof which generates 
them. The aisles throughout are covered by quadrant 
roofs of the same construction, those of the nave aisles 
being placed above and clear of the early vaults, so 
as to form a triforium or gallery between the two 
systems of vaulting. In the centre over the crossing a 
low square tower is raised till it surpasses the height 
of the four abutting roofs, when it turns into an 
octagonal lantern covered by an octagonal cupola 
which rises to a point, the whole constructed of slabs 
of stone like the nave vaults, and crowned by a 
gyrating angel (vid. Plates XII. and XV). 

The construction of this central part and of the 
vaults throughout is wonderfully light, and indeed 
perilously so. The whole depends, it need hardly 
be said, on iron ties, for there are no external 
buttresses to resist the thrust of the vault, nor in- 
deed is it possible to buttress a barrel vault. The 
architect has gone to the verge of overdaring ; his 
lantern is all window, having two large windows in 



392 Sebenico: the Ditomo. [Ch. ix. 

each face ; and the four piers that support the 
central lantern and cupola are astonishingly slender, 
being in fact monoliths set end ways of the 
bed. The daring of the design, however, has been 
partially justified by the stability of its construc- 
tion down almost to our own days. Unhappily 
in 1843 symptoms of danger had appeared, owing 
perhaps more to the disintegration of the stone 
of which the building was constructed than to any 
fault of design. Under the direction of Signer 
Paolo Bioni, an architect of Sebenico, the whole of 
the nave vault was taken do-vvn and reset, and a 
good deal of it replaced by new stone, the grooved 
joints being made good with cement, instead of as 
heretofore with lead. The cupola also was taken 
down to the top of the four supporting arches and 
rebuilt, and one of the columns of the nave arcade 
with its capital was taken out and replaced by new, 
the superstructure being meanwhile carried on shor- 
ing. The repau^s lasted several years and cost 
200,000 florins, equal to about £16,000 of our 
money, and the church was not reopened for service 
till i860. 

The general effect of the interior is extremely 
beautiful ; I know no other church of its size that 
creates so profound an mipression. The effect 
is owing in great measure to the simplicity of 
the plan, the height of the vaults, and the elevation 
of the chou\ The latter occupies the space under 
the dome, and the shallow transepts which do not 
pass the line of the aisle walls are floored across 



Sebenico 



PJafejrV. 




'^"^tii^ 




TG.J. 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico: the Duomo. 393 

with large slabs of stone to form galleries behind 
the stalls, one for the organ, the other for the 
singers. An admirably finished balustrading of 
twisted shafts and little round arches in white 
marble forms the front of the galleries, and is con- 
tinued on each side with a sweep half round the 
great piers at the entrance of the choir so as to 
form an ambo to the right and leffc^. Nothing 
was ever better imagined (vid. Fig. 22 a). The choir 
itself is curious, the seats and backs being of marble, 
as if the architect had resolved that no wood 
should enter into his building even in the shape 
of furniture. 

Giorgio, as I have said, did not live to see his 
building finished. He assumed the direction of the 
works in 1441, and it appears from the following 
inscription on the north-east angle that the founda- 
tion of the new choir and apses was laid in 1443 • — 

TEMPLA TIBI CVRE PRESVL VENERANDE GEORGI 

SISGORIDE STIRPIS CLARO DE SANGVINE NATE 

VRBS A FANTINO REGITVR PROCOMSVLE DIGNO 

PISAVRE PROLIS VENETVM DOMINANTE SENATV 

CVM PARS ISTA DOMVS DOMINI PRIMORDIA SVMPSIT 

MILLE QVATER CENTVM DOMINI LABENTIBVS ANNIS 

QVADRAGINTA TRIBVS MICHAEL DVM PROTEGIT VRBEM 

ARMIGER EJVSDEM REGIS QVOQVE JANITOR ALMVS 

!)0C opu0 cuuarum fecit mag;i0tec (Beorgiu^ Sl^atljaei BDalmaticu^* 

In the August of that year he contracted with 
one Zanchetti of Zara for 200 or 210 rough blocks 

^ The date of these ambos and balustrades is 1547. 



394 Sebenico : the Duomo. [Ch. ix. 

of marble from Arbe. In the following year he 
contracted with certain noble families of Sebenico 
for a series of altars, one to each bay of the 
nave, with the arms of each donor above his 
respective altar ; but this project was never 
carried out. In the same year Giorgio was oc- 
cupied in building the chapel of S. Rainerio at 
Spalato, now hidden within the military hospital, 
but his principal attention was given to the great 
work at Sebenico which was carried on with energy 
till 1448, when for want of funds it was suspended ^ 
and it was not resumed till the time of bishop 
Luca di Tollentich, 1469-91. Giorgio in the mean- 
while was occupied busily elsewhere. In 1448 he 
designed and erected the altar of S. Anastasio in 
the duomo of Spalato with an Italian Gothic canopy, 
the conditions being that it should correspond in 
all respects with the opposite altar and canopy 
by Bonino di Milano. From 1450 to 1461 he was 
absent from Sebenico, and we hear of him at Venice, 
and also at Ancona, where he completed the loggia 
dei Mercanti between 145 1 and 1459, and built the 
front of S. Francesco della Scala in the same city; 
also at Recanati, where he was employed on the 
church of S. Agostino, and at Cittanuova in the 
Marches, where he began the facade of the church 
of S. Maria. In 1464 he was again at Sebenico, 
but was summoned to Ragusa to undertake those 
works on the Rectorial Palace which we shall have 
to consider when we reach that building. His 
' Libro Rosso del Comune, cited Fosco, p. 9. 



Ch, IX.] Sebenico : the Duomo. 395 

engagement with the E-agusan signory began in 
June 1464. In 1466 he was employed by Antonio 
Palcic Bishop of Ossero on a new palace at Pago, 
whither that prelate hoped to transfer his see, 
but the work was not completed. He was engaged 
also on the front of the cathedral at Pao;o and on 
the chapel of S. Nicolo there, and it is thought 
he may have been the architect of the new cathedral 
which Bishop Palcic began at Ossero, though I saw 
nothing in that building that reminded me of his 
work at Sebenico or Rao^usa. He was ag'ain at 
Sebenico in 1467 and 1468, as appears from various 
documents containing his name, and in 1470 he was 
honoured by his fellow-citizens with a mission to 
Rome on matters connected with a charitable bequest 
of Bishop Vignacco, and he was invested with 
plenipotentiary powers to act on their behalf at 
the papal court. His return took place at all events 
before May 147 1, as we find him on the 22nd of 
that month taking an apprentice for eight years. 

His presence indeed had become necessary, for 
about the same tmie the works at the Duomo were 
resumed. 

The new bishop Luca de ToUentich set to work 
in earnest to complete his cathedral and contributed 
largely from his own purse to the expenses. The 
work must have been begun again in 1470 or 147 1, 
and it was carried on vigorously until the death of 
the bishop in 1491. 

In 1475 Giorgio died leaving his building incom- 
plete. 



39^ Scbenico : the Duomo. [Ch. ix. 

If we turn to consider critically the artistic merit 
of those parts of the design which may with 
certainty be attributed to Giorgio, it will be found 
to consist rather in boldness and originality of con- 
ception than in any great skill or keen sense of 
beauty in the elaboration of details. The general 
effect of the exterior of his building is admirable, but 
the details are not always commendable. His cornices 
and mouldings are graceful and refined, and there is 
a good deal of fancy and caprice in the friezes of 
little boys grouped in pairs and holding festoons, 
and in the capitals of birds wreaths and bunches 
of grapes in the interior of the transept, which 
are no doubt in great part carved by his own hand, 
the terms of his contract binding; him to work 
manually not only as a mason but as a sculptor ; 
but on the other hand there is a good deal of 
sham perspective in niches and panels, which are 
but dull conceits, and detract from the beauty 
and purity of the design. In respect of his details 
Giorgio must yield the palm to his jDredecessor 
Messer Antonio, whose hand was much surer, and 
who though perhaps inferior to Giorgio as an 
engineer was certainly a better artist. Nothing 
makes the superiority of Antonio's detail more- 
apparent than the comparison of the magnificent 
capitals of the two western piers of the cupola which 
are by his hand (vid. Plate XIV.) with the very 
indifferent capitals of the two eastern piers which 
are by Giorgio. 

The most sumptuous part of Giorgio's building 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : the Duomo. 397 

is the little baptistery, occupying a lower story 
in the southern apse below the raised tribune 
of the south transept. It is square, and has a 
column with a capital of good Venetian foliage 
in each corner, much undercut, on which stand 
niches of regular Italian Gothic with tmsted shafts 
and semi-octagonal canopies. Each contained, and 
two still contain, statuettes of prophets : in that 
to the north-east is Simeon with a scroll bearing 
the words in Eoman letters nuxc dimittis dne 
SERVVM TWM. ; in another is David, crowned, and 
holding an imperfect scroll with the words in 
Gothic lettering t)OjC tlfU 0Upet aquaS tl0U.S .... 
In each side of the baptistery is a rounded recess 
or apse covered with a conch, and the spandrils 
above these conchs are filled with reo^ular Gothic 
tracery, of which that to the east is pierced to 
allow light to pass from a window behind. Above 
this the ceiling is gathered into a circle of Venetian 
foliage on which rests the flat dome, divided into 
four segments by ribs from the four angle columns 
and niches. These segments are filled with angels 
in a classic style with flowing draperies of good 
but unequal design. In the centre is a boss, with 
the figure of the first person of the Trinity holding 
a scroll bearing the words Hic est filivs mevs 

DILECTVS IN QVO MIHI BENE COMPLACVI IPSVM 

AVDITE, and the dove with outspread wings. 

The whole of this tiny chamber is a marvel of 
richness, but the style is curiously mixed and 
confused, and the execution of the renaissance 



39^ Sebenico : the Duomo. [Ch. ix. 

ornament is of an inferior quality. The font is 
of breccia marble carried by three naked boys, well 
imagined but indifferently executed. 

It is not only here that Giorgio seems to have 
been unable to forget the old Gothic style which 
was still disputing the ground with its younger 
rival. In the great windows of the principal apse, 
though he has divided the width by a fluted 
column with a renaissance capital, he has not been 
able to avoid filling the heads with trefoil cusps 
and Gothic tracery, and it is done so naturally 
and innocently that it seems quite at home and 
strikes one with no sense of incongruity (Fig. 24) \ 

Giorgio's credit for great original genius must 
stand or fall principally by the question whether it 
was he or his successor who conceived the idea of 
the mighty stone roofs which make this church 
differ from all others. When he died in 1475 ^^ 
church was not ready for the roofs : the nave had 
not even its clerestory walls built ; the choir was 
hardly raised to the crown of the great apse arch, 
which bears on its key-stone the arms of Girolamo 
Pesaro, count 1476-9 ; and the transept was prob- 

^ The NA'riter in the Blatter des Christlichen Kunstvereines der 
Diocese Seckau argues that Giorgio began at Sebenico as a Gothic 
architect, and developed into a renaissance architect as he went on. 
He attributes his conversion to his association with Michelozzo at 
Ragusa in 1464. If I am right in understanding him to attribute 
the two Gothic doorways to Giorgio in his Gothic manner I cannot 
agree with him. We see Giorgio's Gothic work in the Baptistery 
which was built before he left Sebenico for Ragusa, and find it 
already mixed with renaissance details, and very unlike the pure 
Gothic of the doorways. 



Ch. IX.] 



Sebenico : the Duomo. 



399 



ably at about the same level, as the arms of Piero 
Canal, count 147 1-3, appear on the key-stone of the 
exterior blank arch below the springing line of the 




Fig. 24. 

roof If then the o-pus cuvarum'^ which Giorgio 
claims as his work is to be referred to any part of 
the vaulting, it must be to the domes of the two 

^ The writer in the Blatter Christl. Kunst., &c. above quoted 
understands by ' cuvae ' the apses, not the vaults. 



400 Sebenico : the Duomo. [Ch. ix. 

small apses which were no doubt finished in his 
lifetime, that of the large apse which was on the 
point of completion, and perhaps the waggon vaults 
over the choir aisles. If these are really Giorgio's 
they contain the motive of the vaulting of the whole 
church, which in that case would be of his concep- 
tion. It is impossible that he should have carried 
his work as far as he did without having made some 
plan, and some special preparation for his roofs, 
and the consistency of the subsequent work in its 
character and details with that which he left imper- 
fect favours the presumption that he left behind 
him designs for tlie completion of the church, 
perhaps a model such as that which we know he 
made for the sacristy^, and that these designs were 
carried out by his successors. 

The high vaults however were not closed till long 
afterwards : on the outside of the north clerestory of 
the nave are the arms of Nicolo Navager, count in 
1489. The vaults of the choir, nave, and transepts 
were probably completed before the death of Bishop 
Luca di Tollentich in 1491, but the semicuxular 
gable of the west front was not closed till 1536, in 
the time of Bishop Lucio Staffileo and Count Andrea 
Gritti (1534-7), as appears by an inscription at the 
west end. The cupola was finished m 1555, and in 
that year the church was solemnly consecrated, 
exactly a century and a quarter after the foundation 
was laid in 1430. 

The names of several architects employed on the 
^ See below, page 403, contract for tlie sacristy. 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : the Duonio. 401 

church after the death of Giorgio have been 
discovered by the researches of Dr. Galvani and 
others. On July i, 1477, a contract was made 
with Xicolo di Giovanni da Fu-enze, who bound 
himself for ten years to devote himself to this work 
and to undertake none other, except that he was 
to have leave to go occasionally to Trail and else- 
where when business called him. It is to Nicolo 
that the construction of the stone roofs is to be 
attributed, and it is of course an open question 
whether he is not also entitled to the glory of 
having mvented them, instead of his predecessor 
Giorgio. We shall hear of Nicolo again when we 
come to the campanile of Spalato, and the later 
chapels of the cathedral of Trail \ 

In the year 1 5 1 7 we find the work in the hands 
of Bartolommeo <\m Giacomo da Mestre, who is 
mentioned in the Atti of Notary Butrisic of Sebenico 
as ' protomagister fabricae Sancti Jacobi.' He is 
supposed to have been at Ragusa in 1520, and to 
have designed the votive church of S. Salvatore, 
which is confirmed by the fact that at that time 
the name of another architect appears as the proto- 
magister at Sebenico, and that Bartolonuneo reap- 

^ ' Conduxerunt pi'o prothomagistro fabricae dictae ecclesiae 
S. .Jacobi discretum et prudentem magistrum Xicolaum Johaunis 
Florentinum lapicidam ibi praeEentem, stipulantem et se obligautem. 
pro aiinis decern .... item quod si erit opus ipso magistro 
Xicolao interdum ire Tragurium vel alibi pro agendis suis per 
duobus aut tribus diebus teneantur ipse Vicarius procuratores et 
operarii et successoi^es eorum dare licentiara tempus et commodum 
ipsi magistro Nicolao pro ipsis diebus,' itc. Libro Rosso del 
Comune. 

VOL. I. D d 



402 Sebenico : the Diiomo. [Ch. ix 

pears there in 1523 ^ He is mentioned as late as 

1535- 

The western gable was finished in 1536 by Gio- 
vanni Masticevich of Zara 2. 

The church contains the tombs of several bishops. 
Giorgio Sisgorich (d. 1453) lies in a niche in the 
west wall to the south of the door, with a modern 
epitaph, and Lucio Staffileo (d. 1557) to the north 
of it. On tilted planes, let into the riser of the 
choir platform on each side of the steps, are the 
effigies of two more, Luca Spignaroli (d. 1589), to 
the left, and Domenico Calegari (d. 1722) to the 
right. 

Adjoining the duomo, on the south side of the 
choir, is the sacristy, a spacious chamber raised on 
a bold stone barrel vault which springs from the 
wall of the bishop's palace on one side, and rests on 
five columns on the other, forming an open loggia 
from which there is an entrance to the baptistery. 
The construction is extremely hazardous, and was 
originally still more so, for there were at first but 
three columns, and the two others were added for 
strength at a later date. In spite of this the 
Sebenzani have an incredible tradition that the 
sacristy and this open story below were but the 
beginning of a lofty campanile which it was in- 
tended to raise above it. The soffit of the vault is 
effectively divided into panels by raised fillets, 

^ Gelcicli, Dello sviluppo civile di Ragusa, p. 77. 
^ Blatter Christl. Kunst., &c. The writer relies throughout on 
the authority of MSS. of Monsign. Fosco. 



Ch. ix.l Sedenico : the Diionio. 



403 



and the walls of the sacristy above are decorated 
with flutings and panellings like the later work 
in the duomo. For this sacristy is also the work 
of Giorgio, and the contract with him, dated Mar. i, 
1452, is still in existence. The following extracts 
are interesting as illustrating the practice of an 
architect in the fifteenth century. The accuracy 
with which the dimensions and position of the 
building are stated seems to show that there were 
no scale drawings employed, but it appears that 
something of the nature of a model in clay or 
plaster was exhibited to give the employers an idea 
of the effect the building was intended to produce 
when completed. 

' . . . . Itidem dictus magister Giorgius promisit 
et se obligavit predictis stipulantibus nomine dictae 
ecclesiae facere unam sacrestiam dictae ecclesiae 
contiguam baptisterio et episcopatui, super quinque 
pilastris quorum tria erunt versus praetorium comi- 
tatus et duo in muro episcopatus, super quibus 
pilastris ab utraque parte ponantur bordonalia ^ 
super quibus fundare debeat archivoltus dictae 
sacrestiae, quam sacristiam laborare promisit a 
tribus lateribus, quorum unum erit versus ecclesiam 
longum pedibus quatuordecim cum dimidio, aliud 
laterum erit versus palatium comitatus longitudinis 
pedum viginti unius, et aliud esse debeat versus 
portam qua exitur ad littus maris et erit longi- 
tudinis pedum quatuordecim cum dimidio, et omnia 
praedicta latera sive facies facere promisit altas a 

' Bordonalia are lintels. 
D d 2 



404 Sebenico : the Duonw. [Ch. ix. 

pilastris sursuni pedibus viginti quatuor, et pilastra 
promisit laborare ad similitudinem illorum quae 
facta sunt, et erunt duorum petiorum^ et archivoltum 
promisit laborare de lapidibus quadratis de medio 
bastone 2, et facies dictae sacrestiae laborare promisit 
ad suasas^ bastonos, cunetas'', et alia laboreria juxta 
formam de creta factam .... per dictum Giorgium, 
cum portis fenestris et necessariis ornatis juxta ejus 
conscientiam et magisterium, intelligendo quod idem 
magister Giorgius non teneatur facere cornisas quae 
erunt in apicibus murorum dictae sacrestiae.' 

Everything corresponds exactly with this specifi- 
cation, and the cornices are not made, but stop 
abruptly after returning from the main wall of the 
choir. The contract proceeds : — 

' Quam sacrestiam facere et fabricare promisit 
dictus magister Georgius omnibus suis sumptibus ex 
lapidibus cavatis sive cavandis ex insula Braze et 
laborare sive laborare facere perpolite uti decus 
est et facere conduci et in opere poni expensis 
ipsius,' 

From which it apjDcars that Giorgio had to act 
as contractor as well as architect. He bound 
himself further to complete his contract within 
twenty months, and he was to receive 600 golden 
ducats for the work. The building, however, as 

^ Petiorum, sc. pezzi, pieces. 

^ Mezzo bastoni, the half round fillets or beads that divide the 
coffers. 

^ Suaza is a Venetian word for a dial or picture frame, probably 
here a panel. 

* Cunetae are flutinss. 



\ 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : the Churches. 405 

usual, was not finished to time, and the date of 
the release given him by his employers is March 16, 

1454'- 

Of the other churches in Sebenico there is little 

to be said. The Franciscan convent was rebuilt 
between 1322 and 1340, but contains little that 
can be referred to that date. Two inscriptions 
inLombardic lettering of 136 1 and 1397, the latter 
to the mother of a canon of Sebenico, are built into 
the exterior wall of the church. The west door 
of the church has an ogee arched tympanum with 
the remains of a fresco of the Madonna and the 
infant Saviour between Saints Francis and Clara (?). 
In the interior the ceiling of unpainted deal, which 
has turned a rich copper colour, and has paintings 
in the panels, is not amiss, and the gallery is 
supported by curious capitals, of which two are like 
Byzantine work, with interlaced stems and foliage 
undercut and detached from the ground. They 
are not really so old as they look at first sight. 

The church of S. Giovanni in the centre of the 
town adjoining the little Piazza dell' Erbe has a 
picturesque exterior staircase leading to an upper 
story, and the Greek church, a little lower down 
the street, has a curious western bell-cot with pro- 
jecting balconies for the ringers. These and all the 
other churches of Sebenico not already named are 

' Atti del notajo Carlo Vitale, Mar. 16, 1454. ' Igitur dicti 
operarii et procuratores confess! fuerint {sic) factum et completum 
fuisse totum opus quod obligatus erat dictus magister Giorgius 
facere virtute praeallegati instrumenti. Mar. i, 1452.' 



4o6 



Sebenico : the CJmrches. 



[Ch. IX. 



of late work, and there are no traces of any other 
public buildings of greater antiquity than the six- 
teenth or seventeenth century. 

One building, however, or rather one doorway — 
for nothing but a doorway remains — must not be 
left unvisited. In June 1455, Michele Simeonich, 
a noble of Sebenico, sold to Giorgio Orsini for 200 




Fig- 25. 

golden ducats ' of good and just weight ' a house in 
the contrada of S. Gregorio, of which the position and 
boundaries are accurately defined in the act of the 
notary Manfredo Petrogna'. To this spot we were 
guided by Monsignor Fosco, the bishop and historian 
of Sebenico, and there sure enough we saw a door- 

• Vid. Annuario Dalmatico, 1884. Article by Dr. Galvani. 



Ch. IX.] Sebenico : Costume. 407 

way, on the lintel of which is carved, by the hand no 
doubt of Giorgio himself, the bear that symbolized 
his ancestral house of the Orsini, while on each 
jamb, amid pendent bouquets of flowers, hang the 
mallet and chisels of his sculptor's art (vid. Fig. 25). 
The costume at Sebenico is slightly different from 
that at Zara. We saw less of the silver ornaments 
here than there, although we were present on a 
festa and a Sunday when both lads and lasses come 
out in their bravest attire. The women wear 
bodices laced across the front very prettily. Un- 
married girls cover the bosom with a white linen 
front, which on festa days is beautifully clean and 
stiffly starched, and fastened with gold or silver- 
gilt buttons. When they marry they cover the 
bosom with a square of crimson velvet, which hides 
the laced boddice and the white smock, and when 
they have a great many children they proclaim their 
maternal achievements to an appreciative public by 
exchanging the crimson for black. Their petticoats 
are marvellously plaited in close folds, which how- 
ever disappear with w^ear, and their hair is twisted 
up with a wisp of white cloth plaited into it and 
wound round the head, over which a white ' panno' 
is fastened like a turban with a pendent end behind. 
This twisting and mixing the hair with a foreign 
substance seems before they grow old to wrench the 
hair off their heads, and many of the women are 
as bald as coots. This curious head-dress is no 
doubt designed to enable them to carry burdens 
easily. 



4o8 Sebeiiico : Costume. [Ch. IX. 

The dress of the men is somewhat the same as 
at Zara, but with less silver and more woollen 
tassels (Fig. 26). Their physique is splendid ; 
they are not only big and broad-shouldered but as 
lithe and active as leopards ; and the Austrian navy, 
which is manned by Dalmatians, ought to be a 
match, so far as the crews go, for any in the world. 







Fig. 26. 

There are, however, many degrees among these 
Slavs. Along the roads outside the town and in 
the town itself we met scores of the wildest and 
rudest figures imaginable. The Morlacchi were 
bringing in the crushed grapes and juice of the 
vintage, and as the vintage is very dirty work we 
saw them at their M^orst. They ride singing and 



Ch. IX.] Scar dona. 409 

shouting on their rough carts drawn by shabby Httle 
ponies, sitting among the casks of trodden grape- 
juice, and they stare at you from under wild shocks 
of unkempt hair, on wdiich is pressed the universal 
red bonnet with its black tassel over one ear, though 
the red is generally faded to a purple or claret 
colour very attractive to a painter's eye. They wear 
long floating moustaches and ragged beards, and 
often cover their shoulders with a coat of goat's 
skin with the hair on, the hairy side being worn 
inside in winter and outside in summer. Round 
their waists are sashes of striped stuff, with a 
curious, many-folded leather pouch in front contain- 
ing a wonderful medley of property, together with 
two or three knives with ornamented handles of 
bone stained green or spangled with metal, among 
which often peeps out the butt of an old-fashioned 
pistol. 



The harbour of Sebenico is the estuary of the 
river Kerka, the ancient Titius, which bursts forth 
into life a full-grown river from a cavern at the foot 
of Monte Dinara near Knin, and after falling over a 
succession of cascades at various points in its brief 
but lively career, enters the sea by the tortuous 
channel that admitted us to the land-locked haven 
of Sebenico. 

The last and finest of these cascades is near 
Scardona, and not more than twelve miles up the 



4IO Scar dona. [Ch. tx. 

river from Sebenico. We made the excursion in a 
boat with four rowers, starting early and returning 
late so as to have as many hours as possible at the 
falls. Our four oarsmen dressed in national costume 
of blue serge trousers and waistcoats, homespun 
shirt fastened at the throat with a silver filagree 
stud, and the never-failing red cap with its black 
tassel over the right ear, stood and rowed Venetian 
fashion, pushing like a gondolier, instead of pulling 
as we do, this being the way of all boatmen in the 
Adriatic. 

At the northern end of the harbour the hills 
gradually close in till the sea becomes a river : but 
this river is unlike those of less sterile regions ; it 
has no fliat alluvial banks and meadows, but simply 
fills the hollows of the barren hills on either side, 
and consequently it has no regular uniform channel 
but resembles rather a succession of lakes or basins 
connected by narrower reaches. The haven of Se- 
benico is but one of this series, and belongs more to 
the river than to the sea, the water being so slightly 
salt that in winter it is not unfrequently frozen 
over. 

For an hour and a half we wound our way be- 
tween bluffs of the barest rock which descended 
with abrupt slopes into the water. The cliffs were 
of a whitish yellow colour, deepening sometimes to a 
full orange, and the water, of a turbid greenish 
yellow, seemed only another shade of the same 
colour. Here and there was the miserable hovel of 
a shepherd, which almost escaped observation but 



Ch. ix.j Scardona. 411 

for the square black spot in the landscape formed by 
the hole that served it for a window. This was the 
refuge of the herdsman and thirty or forty lean 
sheep or goats, which he pastured by day and drove 
indoors at night ; but the pasturage is miserable 
enough, and it is a saying of the Dalmatians that 
their sheep feed on stones. After an hour and a 
half the river expanded into a large sheet of water, 
the lake of Prokljan, which we were warned would 
be the end of our journey if a Bora were blowing, 
as the rowers would not be able to get across in the 
face of it. Luckily for us Boreas was safely bagged 
up, and we got across without trouble, though on 
our return there was a strong scirocco blowing, 
which made the work rather heavy. The compara- 
tively level shores of this lake are well clothed with 
vines and olives, and no less than three little ham- 
lets reflect themselves in the water. 

After leaving the lake, however, the river resumes 
its old character, and runs between barren white 
cliifs till a sudden sweep reveals a wider basin, and 
in the gorge of a valley that descends from the left 
is the little town of Scardona, with the ruins of an 
old castle on a crag above it. The situation is pretty 
enough, and in the midst of a dry stony desert it 
is a surprise to hear that the au' is pestilential and 
the people victimized by ague and fever. The sight 
of the landlord's face at the little inn where we 
ordered dinner to be ready on our return spoke 
volumes as to the malarious climate, and as Me 
wandered about the narrow streets we saw everv- 



412 Scardona. [Ch. ix. 

where the same deathly complexion and the same 
dull sunken eye and emaciated form. The malaria 
arises from a marsh behind the town formed by the 
stagnant water of a little tributary of the Kerka, 
and the partial success of an attempt to drain it and 
convert it into orchards and gardens has had a good 
effect in diminishing the prevalence of fever, though 
the evil is not yet extirpated. 

Although there is nothing now to be seen at 
Scardona it was once a place of consequence. Pliny ^ 
mentions it as the capital or ' conventus ' of Japidia 
and Liburnia, maritime Illyricum being divided into 
three conventus, of which those of Salona and Narona 
were the remaining two. After the great Slav 
irruption in the seventh century Scardona ceased to 
be a Latin town, and is mentioned by Porphyrogen- 
itus as one of the towns of the ' baptized Croats ^.' 
It remained a Croatian town through the middle 
ages, and in 1 1 2 7, on the destruction of Belgrad by 
the Venetians, it became the seat of a bishopric 
which survived till 1830, when the diocese was 
united to that of Sebenico. In 1322 Scardona was 
sacked and burned by the Sebenzani on account of 
the piratical habits of its inhabitants, which were 
encouraged by Mladin Count of Bribir. In 1 4 1 1 it 
fell into the power of the Venetians, and was by 
them made subject to Sebenico when that city sub- 

* Plin. iii. xxi. ' Conventum Scardonifcarum petunt lapides et 
Liburnorum civitates xiv, e quibus Lacinienses, Stulpinos, Bur- 
nistas, Albonenses nominare non pigeat.' 

^ Vid. sup., History, p. 17. 



Ch. IX.] Scardona. 413 

mitted to them. Scardona, however, with the other 
places of the interior, was secured to the Hungarians 
by the treaty of Prague in 1437, when Venice was 
confirmed in the possession of the maritime cities. 
Pressed by the Turks and abandoned by the Hun- 
garians, the Croats offered the city to the Venetians 
in 1522; but the Pepublic was unable to undertake 
its defence, and the inhabitants fled to Sebenico, 
leaving their city to be occupied by the enemy. In 
1537 the Venetians recovered it from the Turks, 
but afterwards abandoned it, destroying the fortifi- 
cations before their departure. The Turks were 
again driven out by Foscolo in 1647, t>ut Scardona 
was not finally recovered till 1683, and the Venetians 
were finally secured in their possession by the peace 
of Carlovitz in 1699. In 1809 Scardona was con- 
demned by the French to be destroyed for having 
sided with the Austrians, but it was spared on the 
intervention of Marmont, and allowed to purchase 
its safety by a penalty of 24,000 ducats. 

After such a disastrous history it w^ould be vain 
to expect any architectural remains at Scardona. 
It is now a village of 900 inhabitants, and has its 
industries, among which that of producing silk is 
important, and a few years ago it was the place 
chosen for a general Industrial Exhibition of Dal- 
matian arts and manufactures. 

Embarking afresh, we ascended the river for about 
three-quarters of an hour through a gorge of the 
mountains if possible still more sterile and white 
than any we had seen. And lastly, at the end of a 



414 Falls of the Kerka. [Ch. ix. 

long straight avenue of rock, there appeared the 
lovehest vision imaginable of silver falls set in 
rich green foliage, and reflected perfectly in the 
still water. At that distance we could neither 
hear the roar nor see the movement of the water, 
which seemed fixed and silent, caught as it were 
in the act of falling, a picture rather than a 
reality. 

The falls are on a really magnificent scale, reaching 
in various interrupted cascades all across the valley. 
The damp mist they throw up has encouraged a 
luxuriant vegetation, and the whole is embosomed 
in rich copses, through which there peeps in every 
direction the silver of numerous smaller cascades 
leaping down to join the main stream below. The 
river does not pour over the ledge in one unbroken 
sheet as at Niagara, but in several independent 
cascades of various widths, the largest of which 
cannot be much less than 200 or 250 feet across. 
The total height of the falls, which are broken 
into several steps divided by stretches of glassy 
rapids, is said to be 170 feet. The upper fall is 
magnificent, formed by two streams falling together 
at an angle and uniting as they fall, but the lowest 
fall is perhaps the finest of all, thundering down 
into a great basin and throwing up clouds of spray, 
in which we saw a rainbow. 

About an hour and a half above the falls is the 
lake of Vissovaz with a Franciscan convent on an 
island, and another hour beyond that brings one 
to the fall of Roncislap, which we were unable 



Ch. IX.] Falls of the Kerka. 415 

to visit. Beyond that again is the Greek convent 
of S. Arcangelo which we visited subsequently from 
Knin and Kistagne, and near which are the ruins of 
the Roman city of Burnum, Higher up, the Kerka 
washes the impregnable rock of Knin ; and seven 
miles beyond, it issues from its cavern in Monte 
Dinara, after a subterranean course which we will 
not attempt to trace. 

Returning to Scardona we found a tough repast 
awaiting us, but even hunger failed to render 
palatable the wooden fowl whose innocent life had 
been cut short during our absence at the falls, nor 
could we make anything of the black beans girkins 
and garlic in vinegar which a Dalmatian gentleman, 
our companion, devoured as if they had been 
potatoes. 

As we rowed home in the dusk we induced our 
Croat boatmen, w^ho were young and shy, to sing 
to us. Their songs were strange wild melodies 
in short snatches and a minor key, all pitched 
very high, but they were not unmusical, and made 
me not for the first time regret my ignorance of the 
language. 

There is a small village at the falls consisting 
chiefly of mills worked by water power, which have 
alw^ays been reckoned a valuable possession by the 
Sebenzani, and form an article in many of their 
treaties and charters of privileges. They are now 
turned to excellent account in w^orking a large 
pumping engine, w^hich raises the fresh water of 
the river and sends it all the way to Sebenico, thus 



41 6 Appendix. [Ch. ix. 

supplying what an old writer says was the only 
thing wanting at Sebenico, namely fresh water \ 
The city is now entirely supplied from this source. 

^ Palladius Fuscus, A-.n. 1540. 'Habent Sibenicenzes arva 
vinetaque et obliveta feracissima neque ulla re ex iis quas usus 
postulat nisi aqua dulci indigent. Cujus penuria aestivo prae- 
sertim tempore adeo laborant ut aliunde advecta publice vendatur.' 



APPENDIX. 

Contract with Giorgio Orsini for his services as architect of the cathedral of 
Sebenico, a.d. 1441. From Monsign. Fosco, as above, vid. p. 98 note. 

Die xxii dicti mensis (an. 1441, indictione quarta) actum 
Sibenici in platea Comunis. Ad bancum ante Cancellariam 
Comunis coram praefato spectabili et honorabili Jacopo 
Donate, g. D. comiti et Capitaneo Sibenici et sua Curia ; 
et coram probo Jacobo Nicolini examinatoris Comunis ; prae- 
sentibus probo Civitaneo Perisicich nobili sibenicensi, et 
probo Lutiano de Ceg-a de Tragurio habitantibus Sibenici 
testibus habitis, etc. 

Ibique cum licentia, voluntate et consensu Reverendissimi 
in Cliristo Patris et D.D. Georgi Sisgorich Dei et Apostolicae 
Sedis gratia Episeopi Sibenicensis et praefati spectabilis g-. D. 
Comitis et Capitanei Sibenici et ejus Curiae venerabilis vir 
dominus presbyter Jacobus Zilienich Canonicus Sibenici et 
probus Michael quondam probi Civitani nobilis Sibenici, 
tanquam procuratores et procuratorio nomine Ecclesiae Cathe- 
dralis et fabricae S. Jacobi de Sibenico per se et successores 
suos ac nobiles viri probus Radichius Sisgorich Joannes 
Tobolonieh Marcus Dobroevich Simon Dunnich et Saracenus 
Nicolai cives Sibenici electi et deputati per g-enerale Con- 
sihum Nobilium Civium Sibenici ad infrascripta et etiam 
alia facienda et contrahenda ut apparet parte capita in dicto 



Ch. IX.] Appendix. 417 

Concilio die 33 Mensis Aprilis proxime praeteriti etiam 
nomine et vice fabricae et Ecclesiae predictae ex una parte 
et providus vir magister Georgius lapicida quondam Mathaei 
de Jadra habitator Venetiarum ad praesens existens Sibenici 
ex alia. 

In Dei nomine et gloriosae Virginis Mariae et beati Jaeobi 
Apostoli tales conventiones et talia pacta invicem fecerunt 
et contraxerunt. Quia dictus Magister Georgius promisit et 
solemniter se obligavit praedictis procuratoribus et nobilibus 
deputatis nominibus quibus supra stipulantibus venire ad 
standum et habitandum in Sibenico per totum mensem 
Augusti proxime futuri pro sex annis continuis incepturis 
die quo recedet ex Venetiis modo nuper quando ibit Venetias 
pro sua familia reversurus Sibenicum de quo die sui recessus 
stabitur simplici verbo ipsius Magistri Georgii. Et cum 
fuerit Sibenici promisit superesse pro prothomagistro fabricae 
Ecclesiae Cathedi-alis praedictae S. Jaeobi de Sibenico et in 
dicta fabrica toto dicto tempore annorum sex facere sollicitare 
et procurare laborare et laborari facere aliis laboratoribus, 
omnia et singula laboreria et haedificia necessaria ad orna- 
mentum et fabricam ipsius Ecclesiae et laborare de sua manu 
tam in fabricando quam in sculpendo ad laudem cujuslibet 
boni sculptoris et magistri artis lapicidae. 

Item promisit ire ad quascumque petrarias in quocumque 
habili loco positas quotiescumque fuerit opportunum pro dicta 
fabrica et ibi superesse et facere fieri cum bona diligentia 
omnia ea quae fuerint necessaria in foditione et conductione 
lapidum pro dicta fabrica non tam puntando neque scindendo 
lapides in petraria neque onerando aut exonerando sed faciendo 
ordinando et laborando alia laboreria utilia et necessaria pro 
dicta fabrica. 

Item promisit quod toto dicto tempore sex annorum non 
accipiet aliquod aliud laborerium per eum laborandum tam 
de die quam de nocte sine licentia praedictorum procuratorum 
et nobilium sive majoris pai-tis eorum. 

Item promisit superesse pro pi-othomagistro et superstante 
omnibus aliis laboreriis haedificiis magistris operariis et 

VOL. I. E e 



4 1 8 Appendix. 

manoalibus dictae Ecclesiae et fabricae et eis dare modum 
ordinem et mensuras circa laboreria dictae fabricae et cos 
appuntare in omnibus et singulis eorum defectibus. 

Item promisit et pacto eonvenit quod quaudocumque con- 
stiterit et apparebit legittime procuratoribus praedictis et 
nobilibus deputatis ipsum Mag-istrum Georgium non facere 
Buum debitum circa omnia et singula praedicta quod liceat 
eis et possint licentiare ipsum Magistrum Georgium ante 
terminum praedictorum sex annorum ad libitum eorumque 
voluntatem cum consensu Reverendissimi Episcopi et spec- 
tabilis Domini Comitis Sibenici qui pro eo tempore fuerint. 

Quae omnia et singula superscripta promisit et ad ea se 
obligavit dictus Magister Georgius quia versa \dce praedicti 
procura;tores et nobiles deputati nominibus quibus supra cum 
consensu et voluntate ut supra solemniter promiserunt prae- 
dicto Magistro praesenti pro se et suis haeredibus et succes- 
soribus dare et solvere eidem pro ejus salario mercede et 
manifactura de denariis Ecclesiae et fabricae praedictae anno 
singulo ducatos centum quindecim aureos boni et justi 
ponderis venetos faciendo eidem Magistro Georgio omni 
mense pagam suam pro rata usque ad complementum dicti 
termini annorum sex. Et eidem dare habitationem habilem 
et condecentem in Sibenico pro toto dicto tempore. Et 
solvere eidem nabulum pro veniendo Sibenicum ejus familia 
rebus et masseritiis sviis .... 

The contract was renewed for ten years on Sept. i, 1446, 
with an addition of five golden ducats to Giorgio' s salary. 
The building however came to a stand, as we have seen, in 
1448, and stood still until 1470. 



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