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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
MAJOR GENERAL DANIEL GOOKIN
Edition two hundred and two
numbered copies, of which this
ASSISTANT AND MAJOR GENERAL
OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY
HIS LIFE AND LETTERS
AND SOME ACCOUNT OF
rV Ks. k ''\^^M
FREDERICK WILLIAM GOOKIN
FREDERICK WILLIAM GOOKIN
CCLA3 4.JOGS ^
TO THE MEMORY OF
JOHN WINGATE THORNTON
AND ARDENT ADMIRER OF
HAT no extended biography of Daniel Gookin
has heretofore been published is without doubt
attributable to the paucity of the available mate-
rial. About 1840 Mr. John Wingate Thornton
began to gather information about his distin-
guished ancestor, and in 1847 the facts he had
been able to get together were embodied in an
article upon "The Gookin Family," printed that year in the
first volume of "The New England Historical and Genealogi-
cal Register." For more than thirty years Mr. Thornton was
an eager gleaner of every item he could discover concerning
the " grand old American patriarch and sage." Though, to his
deep regret, he was unable to carry out his design of writing
a life of Daniel Gookin, by his early researches he laid a foun-
dation for which I am greatly indebted.
It is now thirty-six years since Mr. Thornton resigned his
cherished task to my hands and I began the collection of data
for the present work. In the scant leisure of a busy life this
has been necessarily a slow process ; and it is only within
recent years that a considerable part of the information I
sought has come to light. The more important facts of Gen-
eral Gookin's career are well known, but it has proved a
difficult matter to supplement them with the mass of lesser
items without which a well-rounded portrait could not be
presented. Such a portrait I have endeavoured to prepare,
but I am deeply sensible of many deficiencies. I have used the
utmost care to secure accuracy of detail, and I can only hope
that mistakes are few. Such as it is, the book is offered as a
tribute to the memory of Daniel Gookin on the three-hun-
dredth anniversary of his birth. It forms a part of an extended
history of the Gookin family, other portions of which I hope
to print at some future time.
The armorial bearings that appear in the head bands I
have drawn for the several chapters are those of a number of
General Gookin's ancestors, and also the coats borne by his
brother, John Gookin, and his uncle, Sir Vincent Gookin.
I desire here to make grateful acknowledgement to the
many people who have contributed information or in one way
or another have helped in the work of gathering material. It
is impracticable to mention all by name, but I wish in particu-
lar to record my indebtedness to my wife for her very efficient
assistance, to Miss Elizabeth Thornton for the family papers
collected by her father and for her constant interest in my
progress, to Mr. Lincoln N. Kinnicutt for his generous encour-
agement of the publication, to Mr. Charles T. Tatman for the
photograph of General Gookin's sword now in his possession,
to Mr. Hichard B. Townshend and Dr. Lyon G. Tyler for
transcripts of documents, and to Mr. W. P. W. Phillimore and
Mr. J. Henry Lea for aid in my researches in England.
Frederick William Gookin.
13 West Walton Place, Chicago,
November 23, 191 2.
PART I. THE ANCESTORS OF DANIEL GOOKIN
Fourth in descent from Arnold Gookin — The ancient Kentish families of Cokyn
and Colkin — Early variations in the spelling of Gookin — Thomas Gookin of
Bekesbourne — The Durrant family — Children of Thomas Gookin and Amy
Durrant — The families of Denne, Tupton, and Hever — John Gookin of Rip-
ple — Marriage and removal to Appleton — Removal to Little Betteshanger —
Subscribes to Armada defense fund — Acquisition of Manor of Ripple
Court — Children of John Gookin and Catherine Denne — Grant of Armorial
The sons of John Gookin — Friendship between his sons Thomas and John — The
widow of Thomas alienates her husband's family — The education of gentle-
men's sons — Daniel Gookin's marriage to Mary Byrd — Rev. Richard Byrd —
His education and early benefices — Tutor to Lord Burghley's grandson — In
Paris with his charge — Young Cecil turns Papist — Letter to Burghley com-
plaining of cruel treatment by English Ambassador — Archdeacon of Cleveland
— Canon of Canterbury Cathedral — Byrd's father-in-law Bishop Meye — Mar-
riage to Amy Vowell — Education — Master of St. Catherine's Hall, Cambridge
— Archdeacon East Riding of Yorkshire — Friendship of Earl of Shrewsbury
— Appointed Bishop of Carlisle — Censured by the Puritans — Impoverished
by relieving distress of poor people — Dies of plague — The families of Vowell,
Hymerford, Copleston, and Fauntleroy 15
PART II. DANIEL GOOKIN OF CARRIGALINE
Early life — His brother Vincent settles in Ireland — Munster at beginning of sev-
enteenth century — Daniel removes to Coolmain, county Cork — Death of his
mother — Ripple Court turned over to his brother Thomas — John Gookin
joins his son Daniel in Ireland — Daniel buys Manor of Carrigaline from
Thomas Petley — Rival claim of Earl of Cork — Daniel sells Carrigaline to
Cork and takes lease for twenty-two years — Shareholder in Virginia Company
— The Longford plantation — Daniel sells to Francis Edgeworth . . 29
Projects plantation in Virginia — Contract with 'Virginia Company for transport of
cattle — Sails for Virginia in "The Flyinge Harte" — Arrival at Newport News
— Rejoicing by Company in London at good news — The Indian Massacre of
March, 1622 — Daniel alone refuses order of concentration — Governor Wyatt
his guest — Sails for England in the "Sea Flower" — Arrives in London bring-
ing news of massacre — Obtains patent to Newport News plantation — Names
it Marie's Mount — Takes share in New England Company — Dispatches the
Providence to Virginia — An unprofitable venture — Muster of his Servants at
Marie's Mount 38
Attends meetings of Virginia Company — Death of his father — Fails to secure pat-
ent — Death of brother Thomas Gookin — Witness in suit of Thomas Milton
vs. Jane Gookin — Wife Mary obtains loan from Lord Cork — Lease of Carriga-
line sold to Lord Cork — Vincent Gookin knighted at Dublin — Daniel secures
patent to Saint Brandan's Isle — Dies in City of Cork — Inventory of his effects
— His children — Death of his mother at Bitton, Gloucestershire — His son John
in Virginia — Marries Sarah Offley, widow of Captain Thorowgood — Dies at
Lynn Haven — Widow marries Colonel Francis Yardley .... 49
PART III. DANIEL GOOKIN OF CAMBRIDGE
Boyhood at Carrigaline — Early visit to Virginia — Granted 2500 acres land on
James River — Sale of Marie's Mount plantation — Marriage to Mary Dolling
— Military Service — Return to Virginia — Captain of Upper Norfolk trained
band — Granted 1400 acres on Rappahannock River — Signs Nansemond peti-
tion inviting Puritan ministers from New England — Tompson, Knowles, and
James sail for Virginia — Cool reception by Governor Berkeley — Statute of
conformity passed — Cotton Mather upon Tompson's mission — Daniel decides
to leave Virginia — Acquires land in Maryland — Sails for Boston . . 61
Arrival at Boston — Admitted to First Church — Residence in Roxbury — Friend-
ship with Rev. John Eliot formed — Daniel's other neighbors and associates —
Trade with Maryland and Virginia 72
Buys house in Cambridge — Granted farm at Shawshine — Captain of Cambridge
trained band. — Distinguished residents of Cambridge — Chosen Deputy to the
General Court — Visit to England in 1650 — Relatives then living — Again
elected Deputy — Chosen Speaker — Elected an Assistant, or one of the Council
of Magistrates — Assists Eliot in the work of Christianizing the Indians . 78
Sails for England in autumn of 1654 — Changed conditions since last visit — Crom-
well intent upon project for colonization of Jamaica — Daniel sent for and com-
missioned to urge New England colonists to remove thither — Instructions given
him by the Council of State 85
Enters upon task reluctantly — Fate of Major Sedgwick's regiment — Daniel arrives
at Boston on the Fraternity — Letters to Secretary Thurloe — Journey to Con-
necticut and New Haven colonies — Discouraging news from Jamaica makes
his effort futile — Writes Secretary Thurloe his work at an end — Requests per-
mission to return to England — Report of heavy mortality among the Nevis
planters stops further efforts 92
Again sails for England, November, 1657 — A narrow escape from losing his life —
The state of England — Cromwell's death — Appointed Collector of Customs at
Dunkirk — Appointed Deputy Treasurer at War — The Restoration — Daniel
sails for home — Whalley and Goffe his fellow passengers — Arrival at Boston —
The regicides at Cambridge — The controversy with the King's Commis-
sioners — Daniel refuses to answer before them 104
Granted 500 acres in the Pequot country — Rival claimants from Rhode Island —
Daniel petitions the Commissioners — Sells the land to Simon Lynde — Granted
another farm near Concord — The extent of his public service and other employ-
ments — Refuses appointment as licenser of the press — Takes part in public
debate with the Anabaptists iii
Opens negotiations for purchase of colony of Maine — Letter to Ferdinand© Gorges —
Interference by the Royal Commissioners — Letter to the Hon. Robert Boyle —
Final report of the purchase of the Gorges claim 117
Daniel's work among the Indians — His estimate of Eliot's efforts to Christianize
them — Daniel his constant associate and coadjutor — Appointed Superintendent
of the Praying Indians — The nature of his work in this office — His compensa-
tion — Eliot writes the Commissioners of the Corporation for Propagating the
Gospel among the Indians in New England — Daniel's account of a journey
to the Nipmuck country in company with Eliot — Correspondence with Gover-
nor Prince 126
The outbreak of King Philip's War — Unheeded warning given by Daniel Gookin
— He urges defensive measures — Advises utilizing the Christian Indian — Panic-
stricken frenzy of the colonists — Their rage against Gookin — His firm stand —
A Boston Merchant's letter to London 141
Calumnies echoed from other colonies — The Christian Indians removed to Deer
Island — A winter visit to Concord — The fidelity of the Indians — Gookin and
Danforth warned — The case of Richard Scott — The Christian Indians at last
employed against the enemy — Daniel effects release of Mrs. Rowlandson from
captivity — Eliot, Gookin, and Danforth run down in Boston harbor . 149
The election in 1676 — Daniel not returned as an Assistant — General Court appoints
him Major of the Middlesex Regiment — His activity in raising troops for serv-
ice in the field — The Indians removed from Deer Island — Eliot and Gookin
resume their work among them — An attempt to run down Thomas Danforth
— Revulsion of feeling — Daniel again chosen Assistant .... 156
Daniel writes Historical Account of the Doings and Sufferings of the Christian
Indians — His Historical Collections of the Indians in New England — His
History of New England — His equipment for this undertaking — The manu-
script burned — A third tract i6i
The "Father of Worcester" — Preliminaries of Quinsigamond settlement — Daniel
at head of Committee — Visit to the site — Work interrupted by Indian war —
Renewed in 1683 — Town named Worcester — Conjectured reasons for the
name — Close relation between Cromwell and several members of the Gookin
family — Daniel's constant interest in the settlement 166
Controversy over charter privileges — Divergent views in the colony — Daniel opposes
sending agents to England — Opposes submission to the acts of trade — Makes
written protest — Radical party in the ascendant — Daniel hailed as people's
champion — Appointed Major General of the colony — Incurs Randolph's
enmity — The abrogation of the charter 171
Death of Mrs. Gookin — Children of Daniel Gookin and Mary Dolling — Marriage
to Mrs. Hannah Savage — Zeal in Indian work unabated — Illegal sale of liquor
to Indians — General Gookin's last illness and death — Eliot solicits gift for his
widow from Robert Boyle — Daniel's will — Declaration of his religious faith
— His homestead in Cambridge — Inventory of estate — Death of Mrs. Hannah
Esteem of contemporaries — Nobility of character — Literary style — Originates doc-
trine "No taxation without representation" — George Bishop's railing — Daniel
a just judge — The case of Silvanus Warro — Controversy with Caleb Grant —
Justice Sewall's dream of Daniel Gookin 192
Armorial bearings of Major General Daniel Gookin : arms of Gookin
quartering Durrant Frontispiece
Arms of Gookin : Gules, a chevron ermine, between three cocks, or.
Headband to Chapter I 3
St. Augustine's Church, Northbourne, Kent, and Interior of the old
church, Ripple, Kent 10
Armorial bearings granted John Gookin, Esquire, of Ripple Court,
in 1609 12
Seal of Major General Daniel Gookin 14
Arms of Durrant of Littlebourne, Kent: sable, a cross-crosslet,
ermine. Headband to Chapter H 15
Hatchment used at the funeral of Thomas Gookin, Esquire, of Rip-
ple Court, in January 1 625 : arms of Gookin quartering Durrant
and impaling Thurston; argent, on a bend, gules, three mullets,
or, in chief a bear (?), gules 16
Arms of Denne of Denne Hill, Kent: azure, three leopard's heads
couped at the neck, or. Headband to Chapter HI ... 29
Dovecote at Ripple Court built by General Gookin's cousin, John
Gookin, Esquire, in 1647 30
Arms of Byrd of Saffron Walden, Essex: quarterly, argent and
sable, in the chief dexter quarter an eagle, sable. Headband to
Chapter IV 38
Arms of Meye as borne by Bishop John Meye: sable, a chevron,
or, between three cross-crosslets fitchee, argent; on a chief, or,
three roses. Headband to Chapter V 49
Arms of Daniel Gookin of Carrigaline, Cork: arms of Gookin quar-
tering Durrant, and impaling Byrd. Headband to Chapter VI . 61
Arms of Canon Richard Byrd: arms of Byrd impaling Meye.
Headband to Chapter VII 72
Arms of Tufton of Northiam, Sussex : argent, on a pale, sable, an
eagle, argent. Headband to Chapter VIII 78
Arms of Hever of Cranbrook, Kent: gules, a cross, argent, a label
of five, azure. Headband to Chapter IX 85
Arms of Nicholas Tufton, Esquire, of Northiam, Sussex: arms of
Tufton with arms of Hever on an inescutcheon. Headband
to Chapter X 92
Facsimile of letter from Daniel Gookin to Secretary Thurloe . . 96
Jamaica colonization handbill circulated by Daniel Gookin . . 98
Arms of Apuldrefield of Ottreply in Challock, Kent: quarterly,
1st and 4th, sable, a cross voided, or, 2d and 3d, ermine, a bend,
vaire, or and gules. Headband to Chapter XI . . . . 104
Arms of Fauntleroy of Fauntleroy's Marsh, Dorset : gules, three
infant's heads couped at the shoulders, proper, crined or. Head-
band to Chapter XII Ill
Arms of Dryland of Kent : gules, guttee d'eau, a fess wavy, argent.
Headband to Chapter XIII • . . I17
Arms of Hymerford of East Coker, Somerset: argent, a chevron
between three drakes, sable. Headband to Chapter XIV . .126
Arms of Copleston of Copleston, Devon : argent, a chevron engrailed,
gules, between three leopard's faces, azure. Headband to Chap-
ter XV 141
Arms of William Hymerford of East Coker: arms of Hymerford with
arms of Copleston on an inescutcheon. Headband to Chapter XVI 149
Placard threatening the lives of Daniel Gookin and Thomas Danf orth 1 54
Arms of Vowell of Wells, Somerset: gules, three escutcheons,
argent, each charged with a cinquefoil, azure. Headband to
Chapter XVII .... 156
Arms of William Vowell of Creake Abbey, Norfolk: arms of
Vowell, with arms of //>'w^r/«r^ quartering Copleston on an ines-
cutcheon. Headband to Chapter XVIII 161
Arms of Ashhurst of Ashhurst, Kent: gules, a cross engrailed, or, in the
chief dexter quarter a fleur de lys, or. Headband to Chapter XIX 166
General Gookin's rapier, and cane carried by his grandson, Daniel
Gookin of Worcester, Massachusetts . . . . . . . 168^"^^
Arms of General Gookin's grandfather, John Gookin, Esquire, of
Ripple Court: arms of Gcij^m quartering Z)«rr««/ and impaling
Define. Headband to Chapter XX 171
Arms of John Gookin of Lynn Haven, Virginia : arms of Gookin quar-
tering Durrant?iX\d. impaling Offley, argent, on a cross pattee flory,
azure, between four Cornish choughs, a lion passant guardant,
or. Headband to Chapter XXI .179
Tomb of Major General Daniel Gookin at Cambridge, Mass. . . 186
Arms of Sir Vincent Gookin, Knight, of Courtmacsherry, Cork : arms
of Gookifi impaling arms of Crooke; a fess engrailed between three
eagles, tinctures not known. Headband to Chapter XXII . . 192
Letter of Daniel Gookin to Captain Wade 196
THE ANCESTORS OF DANIEL GOOKIN
ANIEL GOOKIN, the subject of this memoir,
was the third son of Daniel Gookin of Carriga-
line, Ireland, and the fourth in descent from
Arnold Gookin, who, in the reign of King Henry
VIII, lived in Ickham, a parish in the county of
Kent, lying about five miles to the east and a
little to the north of the city of Canterbury.
Nothing is certainly known concerning Arnold Gookin save
his place of residence, and, in a general way, the period in
which he lived. In the pedigree signed by his great grand-
son Thomas Gookin, which appears in the Visitation of Kent
in 1619, he is called " Arnoldus Gokin de com. Cantii." And
in the record preserved at the College of Arms of the bear-
ings granted to his grandson John Gookin of Ripple Court
in 1609 by Sir William Segar, Garter King of Arms, he is
described as "Arnoldus Cokeine alias Gookeine of Ickham
Hasted, in his "History of Kent," says that Cokyn's Hos-
pital in Canterbury was founded in 1 199 by William Cokyn,
"whose name in his posterity long survived him in this city."^
The same authority also states that an aldermanry of Canter-
bury including the presidency of a ward-mote, or ward-court,
held every three weeks, was transmitted by inheritance in
fee, through several generations of Cokyns.^ In the reign of
1 2nd Edition Canterbury, i8oi, xil, 115-1 16. In Ireland's Kent, i, 133, the name
is given as John Cokyn.
^Hasted's Kent, xi, 78.
4 THE COLKINS OF KENT
King Edward III one Edmund Cokyn alias Cockayne was
returned, as a citizen of Canterbury, Member of Parliament at
Westminster in 1343 and again in 1345 and 1353.^ Another
citizen of Canterbury named John Colkin built a seat known
as "Colkins" at Boughton-under-Blean and died possessed of
it in the tenth year of Edward III (1340): several of his pos-
terity were buried in the church at Boughton and their arms,
a griffin segreant, figured in brass upon their tombstones, all
of which had been "long since destroyed" when Hasted wrote
his book at the end of the eighteenth century, save only one
inscribed "Orate pro anima Johannis Colkin, obiit 18 April,
1405. "2 Under Edward I (1272-1307) the manor of Fred-
ville or Froidville at Nonington, a few miles northwest of
Dover, was owned by John Colkin, and it remained in his
line until the close of the reign of Richard II (circa 1399)^
Hasted says this family bore a different coat of arms from the
Boughton family but he does not state what their bearings
Although nothing has yet been discovered that throws any
light upon Arnold Gookin's parentage, the surmise that he
was the descendant of one or the other of these worthies is
in accord with all of the circumstances with which we are
acquainted and appears to be well within the limits of proba-
bility. In the sixteenth century the spelling of proper names
was so erratic that inferences drawn therefrom should be
made with much caution. Nevertheless it is worth noting that
in the will of Jane Durrant,* dated November 12, 1548, the
earliest known document in which a member of the Gookin
family is named, Arnold's son is described as "Thos, Golkyn"
and as "Thos. Golkyne." In the will of his brother-in-law
John Durrant, made in 1561, Thomas is called "Thomas Gol-
kyn" and his wife "Amy Golkin." Five years later the name
appears upon the Bekesbourne Parish Register as "Goolkyn"
and "Goolken"; while in 1587 the Rector of Northbourne
^ Hasted's Kent, xi, 48.
^Hasted's Kent, vii, II, 14-15 ; Weaver's Ancient Funeral Monuments, 1631,
^Ireland's Kent, i, S9S ; Hasted, ix, 257.
^ See infra p. 6.
THOMAS GOOKIN OF BEKESBOURNE 5
thought "Govvkin" the proper form. Upon the Parish Reg-
ister of Ripple the name occurs eight times between 1571 and
1582, and in each instance it is spelled **Gookyn." In Thomas
Gookin's will made in 1595 the spelling "Gookin" appears
for the first time so far as our present knowledge extends.
Thomas signed the will with a cross, which may have been
because he had not learned to write, but was, perhaps, because
of the infirmity of old age. His grandson Thomas Gookin
wrote the name Gokin. This is the only known variation from
the normal spelling that has ever been made by a member
of the family; to others, however, the name has always pre-
sented strange difficulty from the sixteenth century down to
the present day.^
As two of Arnold Gookin's grandchildren were married in
1566, the date of his birth must have been some time in the
reign of King Henry VII. His only child of whom there is
record was his son Thomas, born at least as early as 1518,
and probably several years before that. Thomas Gookin
lived in Bekesbourne, which lies three miles from Canterbury
in an easterly direction, the parishes of Littlebourne and Ick-
ham adjoining it to the north and northeast. His wife, whom
he married about 1538, though perhaps some years earlier,
was Amy Durrant. She was the daughter of John Durrant
of Littlebourne, who, as appears from the churchwarden's
accounts for that parish, was one of the tenants of the Court
Lodge at the time of the Reformation. He bore the arms:
Sable, a cross-crosslet ermine. Dying before 1548 he left,
besides his daughter Amy, an only surviving son, John Dur-
rant, who was the owner of the ancient seat of Howlets or
Owlets in the extreme northeastern angle of Bekesbourne
close to the Ickham line in a vale facing the downs and not
far from Littlebourne. The younger John Durrant was a
rich man. His will, which was dated January 9, 1 560/1, and
proved in the Archdeaconry Court of Canterbury June 5,
1563, was a voluminous affair, covering no less than twenty
^The author has noted a long list of variant spellings. Some of the most aston-
ishing are quite recent; and as he writes these words a letter comes to him addressed
to Mr. Evokin.
6 THE DURRANT FAMILY
pages. From it and the will of his mother, and the Little-
bourne parish records, we get the following pedigree:
John Durrant =
d. before 1 548.
Bur, at Littlebourne,
= Johane ....
Will Nov, 12, 1548,
pr, Jan, 19, 1548/9,
"Her son Richard
John Durrant = Ellys Denne,
of "Owletts," sister of
obit s. p., buried M ichael
at Littlebourne, Denne.
April 16, 1563.
. . . .Durrant=
d. before 1548.
Mildred Durrant = '
A large portion of the estate of John Durrant the younger
was devised to his sister Amy, and as he died without issue
she inherited the Durrant arms, which thus became a part of
the Gookin coat.
Amy Gookin died in February, 1 580/1, and was buried on
the 15th of that month in the churchyard at Bekesbourne.^
Two years later Thomas Gookin married again, taking as his
second wife Sybbell Blacke of Boughton-Aluph, widow. The
license for this marriage was issued June 22, 1583.2 Fifteen
years later Sybbell passed away. She was buried at Bekes-
bourne August 29, 1598. Thomas, who had reached a ripe old
age, survived her less than a year, and was buried at Bekes-
bourne June 14, 1599. There were no children by the second
marriage, but by Amy Durrant Thomas had John Gookin,
his only son^ and heir, and five daughters, namely: Amy who
married Robert Syme and had, before 1560, a daughter Alice;
Thomasin, who married Robert Cowper or Cooper before
1560; Elizabeth, who married Thomas Long, an alderman of
^Bekesbourne Parish Register.
2 Cantab. Mar. Lie. istSer. C. 181.
•So described in his will, pr. July 7, 1599, Archdeaconry Court, Canterbury.
A DOUBLE WEDDING 7
Canterbury; Jhoane, who married John Sanders; and Cicely,
who was baptized at Ickham January 8, 1558/9, and was buried
there later in the same month. Amy, Thomasin, and Eliza-
beth were all older than John. Amy was the oldest and was
probably born about 1540. John, who was presumably of legal
age at the time of his marriage, must have come into the world
as early as 1545.
On October 28 in the year 1566, the eighth of the reign of
Queen Elizabeth, a double wedding ceremony was performed
in the little church at Bekesbourne, John Gookin taking as
his wife Catherine Denne,^ while his sister Jhoane Gookin was
married to John Sanders. Catherine Denne was the second
daughter of William Denne of Kingston, Kent, Esquire, by
his wife Agnes, daughter of Nicholas Tufton of Northiam
Place in Sussex, Esquire, ancestor of the Earls of Thanet.
The Denne family is one of the oldest of the Kentish gentry,
claiming descent from Robert de Den, pincerna, butler, or
sewer, to King Edward the Confessor. The following ped-
igree in which that descent is shown is taken from Berry's
Kent Genealogies. 2
Robert de Den or De Dene, pincerna, =
butler or sewer to Edward the Con-
fessor. Held large estates in Sussex,
Kent, and Normandy. Vide Dorset
MSS., Collin's Peerage, and Harris'
Robert de Dene (See Dorset MSS.) =
* There is some reason to think that this was not the first alliance between the
Gookin and the Denne families. Thomas Gookin of Bekesbourne mentioned in
his will, "Amy Dens and Elyzabethe Dens my kenswomen. " This points to a con-
nection prior to the testator's time and suggests the possibility that Arnold Gookin's
wife or his mother may have been a Denne, or that he may have had a sister who
married into that family.
'Pages 269-270. Berry states that the pedigree is registered at the College of
Arms down to the visitation of 1619. No attempt at verification has been made by
the author of this memoir. See, however, Hasted ix, 344-46. Notes and Queries
Ralph de Dene, 20, William the Con- =
queror, Lord of Buckhurst in Sussex
See Cotton MSS. and Dugdale'sMon^
Robert de Dene. Held estates in Kent.
Endowed Bayham Abbey. See Cot-
William de Denne, of Denne, parish =
of Kingston, co. Kent. Lived in time
of King John.
Sir Alured Denne of Denne, Knt., Sen-:
eschal of the Priory of Christ Church,
Canterbury, and Escheator of County
of Kent,i9 Henry III (1234). Illus-
trious for his learning. Ap. by Henry
III with Sir Henry de Bath to form
the important laws of Romney Marsh.
He at this early period sealed with
three leopard's heads.
Walter Denne of Denne, s. and heir^
as appears by charter dated 41 Henry
Walter Denne of Denne. Enfeoffed ^
lands in Denne, 9 Edward I (1280).
John Denne of Denne, 2 Edward II ^
Sir William Denne of Denne, Knt., s.
and heir, 2 Edward III (1328). M. P.
for Canterbury 19 Edw. II and for
Kent 14 Edw. III.
DENNE PEDIGREE 9
Richard Denne of Denne, son and heir=: Agnes Apuldrefield daughter of
Challock, CO. Kent
Thomas Denne of Denne, son and heir=Isabel de Earde, dau. of Robert
John Denne of Denne, son and heir —Alice Ardearne, dau. of Richard
Michael Denne of Denne, eldest son. = Christian Combe, dau. and heir-
I ess of Combe.
Thomas Denne of Denne, alias Denne= Alice Eshehurst or Ashhurst.
Hill, son and heir. I
William Denne of Kingston, co. Kent, = Agnes Tufton, dau. of Nicholas
second son. D. 1572. Will pr. at
Tufton^ of Northiam Place, Sus-
sex. She d. Dec. 30, 1539.
1. Vincent Denne LL.D., son and heir. D. 1591. Married Jane, dau.
of ... . Kittall of London, and had five sons.
2. Thomas Denne of Addisham, Kent, 2d son, barrister-at-law. Mar-
ried Jane, dau. of John Swift, and had five sons and six daughters.
3. Mary Denne, eldest daughter. D. Feb. 28, 1599/1600, aged 72. She
married 1st, John Coppin of Deal, and 2d, about 1589, Thomas
Boys of Eythorne and Barfriston, Kent.
4. Catherine Denne, 2d daughter, married October 28, 1 566, to John
William Denne of Kingston bore the ancient family coat:
Azure, three leopard's heads couped at the neck, or.
^In "Memorials of the Family of Tufton, Earls of Thanet" a shadowy pedigree
is given, said to be based upon ancient deeds in the possession of the Earl of Thanet,
carrying the line back to one Elphege de Tolceton, Lord of the Manor of Sileham and
Toketon, at Rainham, Kent, whose grandson, Sir William deToketon, was knighted
and living about the latter end of the reign of Henry III. The author of the book,
which was published at Gravesend in 1800, did not regard the evidence as conclusive.
Nicholas Tufton died in 1538. His wife was Margaret Hever, daughter and heiress
of John Hever of Cranbrooke, co. Kent, Esquire, a descendant of the Hevers of
Hever Castle, co. Kent.
lo JOHN GOOKIN AT APPLETON
It is probable that Catherine Denne brought her husband
a considerable addition to his fortune. The young couple
remained in Bekesbourne for a little more than a year after
their marriage and there their eldest daughter was baptized
on August 28, 1567. Not long after this event they removed
to Appleton, a short distance South of Walmer, John having
purchased the lands there now known as Appleton Farms,
which, prior to the dissolution, had been owned by the Mon-
astery of St. Mary the Virgin and St. Thomas the Martyr, in
the adjoining parish of East Langdon. At Appleton John
and Catherine made their home for fifteen years or more,
during which their family and their fortune steadily increased.
Though their lands were in an outlying portion of the parish
of Waldershare their church affiliation was with the parish
of Ripple, where six of their children were baptized. Their
nearest neighbors were the families of Thomas Marsh and
his brother John Marsh, who lived about a quarter of a mile
away, near the little hamlet of Marton,^ and Simon Edolph,
whose seat, St. Radigund's Abbey, was only about a mile to
the east on a tall hill. In after years all three of these families
were allied by marriage with that of John Gookin. Mary, his
third daughter, became, in 1586, the wife of Richard Marsh,
son of Thomas; in 1610 her youngest sister was married to
John Marsh's grandson Thomas Marsh; and about a quar-
ter of a century later still John Gookin's grandson Thomas
Gookin married Jane Edolph, granddaughter of Simon.
In February, 1586, John Gookin bought from the heirs of
Thomas Stoughton, gentleman, of Ash,^ the estate called Lit-
tle Betteshanger in the western part of the parish of North-
bourne and removed thither with his family. The distance
from Appleton was not more than five or six miles, but it
involved a severance of relations with the church at Ripple and
their transfer to the church at Northbourne, situated about
a mile to the east of the new place of residence. Two years
after this removal, reports of the formation of the Spanish
^ Now transformed to Martin. The Marsh family is said to have been seated at
Marton as early as the reign of Edward III.
^ Pedes Finium, Hilary, 28 Elizabeth.
PURCHASE OF RIPPLE COURT ii
armada greatly excited and alarmed the people of England,
and on January i6, 1588/9 the Queen issued a proclamation
asking for a loan for the defence of the kingdom in view of
"the great preparacons made by the Kinge of Spaine both by
Sea and land the last yere." In the county of Kent there were
eight subscribers in the month of February and thirty-nine
in March. Sixth on the latter list was the name of "John
Gookyn of Norborne, Esq.," who subscribed fifty pounds,
which was double the sum advanced by most of the other
John was already a rich man when, at the death of his
father in June, 1599, his fortune was augmented by the inherit-
ance of the Bekesbourne estate. In the following year or
soon thereafter, by purchase from John Hales, Esq., of Ten-
terden he acquired the Manor of Ripple, otherwise known as
Ripple Court, in the parish of Ripple. According to Hasted 2
it was a part of the ancient possessions of the abbot and con-
vent of St. Augustine at Northbourne until the dissolution of
that establishment, when King Henry VIII, in the thirty-fourth
year of his reign (1542-43), granted it to Archbishop Cranmer,
who, not long afterward, in exchange for other lands, recon-
veyed it to the crown, where it remained until Queen Eliza-
beth, in or about the year 1599, granted it to John Hales.
Presumably this grant brought John Gookin a long-cov-
eted opportunity to establish himself in the principal manor
in the section wherein he had spent the greater part of his life.
Ripple Court thus became the family seat and it continued as
such during three generations. ^ The manor house was situated
about a mile southwest of Walmer and between two and three
miles south and east of Northbourne in a fine location on
the brow of a hill one hundred and seventy-three feet above
the sea. It probably faced toward the northeast, as does the
modern mansion built* upon the ancient site, which commands
iBr. Mus., Stowe MS., 165.
* History of Kent, ix, 565-67. See also Ireland, i, 647.
^It was sold in 1668 by John Gookin's grandson and namesake. The vendor's
sons joined in the conveyance to break the entail.
* In 1828 by John Baker Sladen, Esq. It is now the residence of his grandson,
Colonel Joseph Sladen. One only of the ancient buildings is now standing, a dove-
12 THE CHILDREN OF JOHN GOOKIN
an extensive view across Sholden Downs and the Lydden val-
ley and up the coast as far as Ramsgate.
When John and Catherine Gookin took possession of Rip-
ple Court only their four youngest children were still living
beneath the parental roof. Altogether twelve children were
born to them. Anne, the eldest, probably died in infancy.
Amy and Mary were presumably twins, born in 1568 or 1569.
Amy was married in September, 1586, to Ingram Joule, or
Jewell, of Capel-le-Ferne, Kent; Mary was married twice, her
first husband being Richard Marsh to whom she was united
on July 12, 1586, and her second being Thomas Grant of
Eythorne, the marriage taking place in June, 161 5. Elizabeth,
the fourth child, was baptized at Ripple, December 7, 1 571, and
buried July 25, 1575. Thomas, the eldest son and heir, was
baptized at Ripple, January 13, 1 571/2. John, the second son,
was baptized at Ripple, August 17, 1575. Next came another
Elizabeth, baptized at Ripple, November 30, 1578, and married
January 13, 1595/6 to Clement Swinforde. A son Daniel was
baptized at Ripple March 31, i58o/i,and buried October 25
of the same year. Another Daniel, the fourth son, was baptized
at Ripple, October 28, 1582; Vincent, the fifth son, was born
probably in 1585. Katherine, the sixth daughter, was baptized
at Northbourne, October, 1587, and on November 4, 1605, was
married to Thomas Milton, gentleman, of London. Margaret,
the seventh daughter and youngest child, was baptized at North-
bourne December 7, 1589 and was married September 4, 1610,
to Thomas Marsh, Esq., of Marton.
John Gookin bore for his arms: Gules, a chevron ermine
between three cocks, or. Crest: On a mural crown gules, a
cock or, crested, barbed, beaked, and membered gules. This
coat was granted to him in 1609 by Sir William Segar, Garter
King of Arms. The Records of the College of Arms in Lon-
don, however, show the chevron or, instead of ermine. In one
of the books of the college there is a sketch of the coat with
the tinctures indicated in trick, and accompanying it the fol-
lowing inscription in English, Latin, and French:
cote built in 1647 by John Gookin. It bears the date and the initials of John and
his wife Elizabeth in large characters in raised brickwork on one of the end walls.
Armorial bearings granted to John Gookin, Esquire, of Ripple Court, in 1609.
GRANT OF ARMORIAL BEARINGS 13
COKEINE AlS GoOKEINE
E. G. a Chevron bet. 3 cocks, O.
L. In Scuto sanguineo Trabem acuminatim deflexam (quam Chever-
num vocant) auream inter tres Gallos ejusdem coloris incestum.
F. De Gucules au Chevron d'Or acompagne de trois Coqs d'Or.
To John Gookeine, son^ of Arnold Cokeine alias Gookeine of Ickham in
of ye abovesaid Arms and Crest, viz.: On a Crowne mural!
a Cock O. crested, barb'd, beaqued and memb. G.
An° Regni Jac I, VII, An° Dom. 1609.
It is evident that this was only a project drawn up before
the grant was engrossed, and that in the grant as issued to
John Gookin the chevron was ermine. Certain it is that as
borne by the members of the family in the seventeenth cen-
tury, it was ermine, not or. It so appears upon the hatchment
used at the funeral of John's eldest son, Thomas Gookin of
Ripple Court, who died in January, 1624/52; upon the monu-
ment in St. Nicholas's Church, Ringwold, Kent, to the mem-
ory of Jane Edolph, wife of John Gookin's grandson Thomas
Gookin of Harbledown; and upon the seal used by another
grandson. Major General Daniel Gookin of Cambridge, Mas-
sachusetts. Hasted confirms this usage,3as does Gwillim^ who
^^ Gules, a chevron ermine, between three Cocks, Or, is
borne by the name of Gookeyn, and was the coat of John Gokeyn,
son of Arnold Gokeyn, Anno i6og, attested by John Philpot^
Although Gwillim must have made the statement about
John Gookin's parentage from the memorandum preserved
by the College of Arms, it is significant that he did not accept
the description of the arms as there recited. Moreover, in
Stowe MS. 618, "John Philipott's Visitation of Kent, 1619,"
^ An obvious mistake of a kind not unique in the records made by the heralds of
'This hatchment is now in the library of the New England Historic Genealogi-
cal Society in Boston.
'Vol. ix, 567.
* A Display of Heraldry, 6th Ed. 1724, p. 233.
14 THE GOOKIN ARMS
the drawing of the Gookin coat shows the chevron ermine and
the mural crown in the crest, gules, as they appear in Thomas
Gookin's hatchment. Further confirmation of both of these
diflrerences from the College of Arms memorandum is afforded
Seal of Major General Daniel Gookin from letter to Secretary Thurloe.'
by Harleian MS. 5507, "Philipots' Visitation of Kent, 1619,
with additions by Hasted," and Harleian MS. 6138, a copy of
the 1619 Visitation by Henry Lily.
iRawl. MSS.jXxxiv, 609.
TO all Terpms wham thefe may CONCERN, in the Sevtral
IT is hereby declared. That his Highnefs the Lord Prote^ourof
the Com non wealth of England &c: hath Commiilioned and Im-
^v&x^'^ Daniel (jooktn dwelling at (^umbndg in the MalFachufets , to
make agreement with any convenient number of the Engllfh in the Colonies
of New-England, who fllall defire to remove themfelves or families into
Jamaica in the Wefi-Indtcs^ now in pofleffion of the State of England ;
And for their better Inoouragement, His Highoe^i (bearing a fpecial af-
fedion to the people of New England , and bcii^ very dehrous to hare
the faid place inhabited by a ftock of fuch as know the LOI\D , and
walk in his Fear, ) will graunt theTi, Ships for tranfportation j a fafficient
roportion of Land to them and their heires for ever near (ome good
arbour in the faid Iflaul ; Protcdion ( by Gods blefling ) from all ene-
mies j a fhare of all the Horfes, Cattle and other beads, wild and tame upon
the place freely. Together with other Priviledges and Immunities, the
particulars wberofmay be known by thole who fhilllee cau(e to addrels
themfelves to the faid Duniel Cjookm ( or (iich as he fhall deCre to be
helpfull herein, whole names are underneath exprefsed in writing ) who
will be ready to m Jce full agreement with them according to his Highnefs
Inftrudions , aud take their reciprocal! Ingagements and Subfcriptions to
remove accordingly. Farther it is defired that fuch as incline to the
Ddjgn aforefaid, do make known the.nfelves without delay , it being his
Highnefi Pleafurc that the work of Tranfporting fluuld be beguo before
the end of September next. ■
Dated this 25 of ^^anh 1656.
Jamaica colonization handbill circulated by Daniel Gookin.
OHN GOOKIN'S younger sons, Daniel and
Vincent, early left home in search of fortune.
John, the second son, became a barrister at law
and had chambers in Lincoln's Inn, though he
lived during the greater part of his life at Little
Betteshanger, which his father gave to him when
he removed to Ripple Court. John was deeply
attached to his older brother Thomas and they undertook a
number of business ventures together, which, after the death
of Thomas in January, 1624/5, resulted in long drawn out liti-
gation between his widow and his brothers. Thomas was a
kindly man, dignified in his bearing as became his station in
life, extremely pious,i and of benevolent disposition. His wife
Jane — only daughter and heir of Richard Thurston, Esq., of
Challock, Kent — was of different mold. Forceful and aggres-
sive, she attempted to saddle upon her brothers-in-law her
husband's share of obligations for which they were jointly lia-
ble. This, however, was a losing speculation on her part, for
she gained nothing by it and succeeded only in alienating all
the members of her husband's family.
It was not customary in the sixteenth century for English
gentlemen to give a liberal education to any of their sons save
those destined for the learned professions. Vincent Gookin, as
we know from his own statement, was taught little more than
^In 1624 he published a volume of verse entitled " Meditations upon the Lord's
Prayer, the Key of Heavenly and Earthly Paradise." A copy of this book, perhaps
the only one in existence, is in the library of the British Museum.
i6 DR. RICHARD BYRD
to read and write. His brother Daniel appears to have received
a better equipment, and there is some reason to think he may
have been intended for the church. As his career very largely
determined that of his son, and as the story of his life has
never been printed, it is here narrated in such detail as may
be perceived through the veil of the intervening years.
Of Daniel's early life little is known. He was still at
Ripple in August, 1601, when, with his brother John, he signed
a marriage license bond for Thomas Gillowe of Walmer.
Thereafter he disappears from our view until January 20,
1608/9, when, by deed indented, his father conveyed to him
several parcels of land near Ripple. ^ This was in anticipation
of his marriage, which took place on the thirty-first of the
same month in Canterbury Cathedral, to Mary Byrd, daugh-
ter of Rev. Richard Byrd, D.D., one of the Canons of the
Daniel Gookin's father-in-law was a scholar of some repute
for his learning. He was of the Byrds of Saffron Walden
in Essex, but which member of that very large family was
his father has not been ascertained. He was born, it may be
assumed, in or about the year 1546, for in February, 1564/5,
he was matriculated at Cambridge as a sizar of Trinity Col-
lege. Competing successfully for a scholarship on the foun-
dation, he was sworn in as a Scholar of Trinity on May 18 of
the same year, and in 1568/9 was graduated with the degree
of B.A. Shortly afterward he was elected a Fellow of the
college, and in 1572 commenced studies for the M. A. degree.
In 1576 he appears to have been serving a cure at or near
Saffron Walden where a new sect of dissenters calling them-
selves "pure brethren" had arisen. "A sort of libertines they
were," says Strype,^ ''that reckoned themselves not bound to
the observation of the moral law of the ten commandments,
as being obligatory to such only as were Jews." Byrd wrote
to Dr. Whitgift soliciting his advice as to how he could best
answer the questions propounded by these sectaries.' On May
^ Close Roll, 9 James I, No 30.
* Annals of the Reformation, II, ii, 64-65.
'Strype, Life of Whitgift, 151.
TUTOR TO LORD BURGHLEY'S GRANDSON 17
2, 1577, letters patent were issued at Westminster granting to
"Richard Bearde, M.A.," for life, the rectory of the Church
of All Saints at Northampton, but, as neither the First Fruits
Composition Books, the Institution Books, nor the Induction
Books for that parish contain any reference to his having
taken up the incumbency, it is apparent that he was never
instituted to the living. In 1578 he published a small volume
of "Latin Verses on Whitaker's translation of Jewel against
Harding," 1 and in 1580 he was given the degree of B.D. at
Cambridge. His relatives at this time were bestirring to get
him into a comfortable living, and on December i, 1581,
Queen Elizabeth granted to William Woodhall of Walden
(son-in-law of Thomas Byrd of Walden and nephew of the
Puritan Archbishop of Canterbury, Edmund Grindall) and
his brother-in-law Rev. William Wilson, S.T.P., Chancellor
of St, Paul'Sj^ a patent for the next advowson and presentation
to the prebends of Canterbury Cathedral on behalf of Richard
Bird, S. T. P.3
While waiting for a vacancy to occur Byrd accepted a
position as tutor to William Cecil,^ eldest son of Sir Thomas
Cecil, eldest son of Lord Burghley, and in 1583 he was in Paris
with his charge. Dr. William Parry, a notorious scoundrel
who traveled abroad as a spy for Queen Elizabeth, in a letter
written to Lord Burghley in October of that year, reported
the arrival in Paris of the Queen's Ambassador, Sir Edward
Stafford, "and in his retinue Mr. Will. Cecil," of whom, says
Strype,^"he gave a good character knowing how acceptable it
would be to that lord, his grandfather, viz: 'That his good-
nature and towardness began to make a very good show
already. That he [Parry] would do his best to make it appear
how much he was bound unto his lordship.' And concern-
ing one Mr. Bird, whom his lordship had appointed to be
^Hexastichon Latinium in conversionem Juelli contra Hardingum, per Whit-
akerum. Lond. MDLXXVIII. Cf. Tanner's BibliothecaBritanico-Hibernica. Lond.
1748, p. 102.
^Shortly afterward Canon of St. George's, Windsor.
^ Patent Rolls, 24 Eliz. Pt. 7.
*At the death of his father in 1622 he succeeded as second Earl of Exeter. He
died in 1640.
^Annals III, 1,273.
i8 BYRD'S LETTER TO BURGHLEY
his governor and to attend him in his journey, he added 'That
his lordship, in his opinion, had made a very good choice of
him, whose government and care of Mr. Cecil could not be
amended. That he was very well lodged in good air and
neighborhood. And that Mr. Pallavicini (an eminent Italian
merchant in London, now there as it seems on some of the
queen's business) had especial care of him and so had my lord
ambassador and his lady.' " Unluckily for Richard Byrd, not-
withstanding this care and his own watchfulness, young Mr.
Cecil got out of hand and became a convert to the Roman
Catholic faith. This greatly incensed the English ambassa-
dor, who blamed the tutor and subjected him to gross indig-
nities. After his return to England Byrd wrote to Lord
Burghley complaining of the injustice of the harsh treatment
he had received.^
To the right honorable, my very
good Lord, the L. Burghley
L. High Treasurer of England.
In most humble wise I beseech yo' Hono' to pardon me that thus
long after my returne out of Fraunce I offer my Ires unto yo' L. before
I presume to present myselfe. The grief and feare I sustaine by conceipt
of y"^ L. displeasure growing by unjust relacon of some hath hitherto
staied me together with the difficulty of my case, a poor man forced to
contend for my credit against bono' favC and authority. My comfort
resteth in my truth and innocency (w'' by privilege should be bould)
and that 1 hoope to answere of my life and demeanor towards M'' W.
Cecill before yo' Honor, whose wisdome and integrity is known to the
whole world. What Sir Edw^ard Stafford Her Ma*'*' Ambassador hath
written unto yo' Hono' in complaint and discredit of me, I know not,
and therefore cannot p fitly answere the pticulars, but yf otherwise then
that since my being in Fraunce I have lived a true Christian, a faithfull
subject to my Princes and most carefull of the charge comitted unto me,
his L. hath done me wrong. Indeed he hath proceaded against me as
coulpable of greatest crymes, but \\^^ what honor and justice, the hiest
Judge best knoweth, and will one daie determine. First by partiall deal-
inge, by fowle accusacons of intemperance, dronnkenness, whoredome,
sedicon, treason &:c. Next (notwithstanding my humble submission in
writinge or my vehement contradicons of his injuste obiections sent unto
yo' L. and coming myselfe to confirme the same with all duetie) pub-
licly in presence of manie Gentlemen of o"" nation of both religions,
*Br. Mus. , Lansdowne MSB., Vol. 46, No. 9.
HARSH TREATMENT BY STAFFORD 19
assembled for the same purpose, taken by his porteur, and carried to pryson ;
againe, convented before them all, reviled by termes of rebel, traitor,
vilaine, &c., threatened to be whipped naked by his horseboies, made a
skorne to vyle disposed persons present, and a reproche and bywourde
to thenemies of my faith and country absent, finally shamefully abused
by his servannts, namely one Lilly a man commonlie knowen to be of
most vile disposicon; by him in the French Court, and day of the greatest
entertainment of my L, of Darby, discredited to honourable Gentlemen
my friends in myne own hearinge to be a vilaine a knave, &c. After
in my entrance into the Chamber of Presence, procureth the French Guard
by his malicious and slanderous speeches violentlie to strike me, and in
the honorable presence striketh me himselfe. I complained in humble
manner to his Lordship; I was contempned of him and derided and
reviled of his man. Verily, my good L. yf I had bene M' W. Cecills
spaniel, I ought not thus to have ben used. Yf I can be convinced of
these crimes, convicted or touched justlie with so much as suspicon of
anie of them I crave thextremest punishment without anie favour. Erred
I have I confesse in some intemperate speeches, more like a naturall man
then a mortified Divine, being first most intemperately used, when, yf I
had had the mild spirit of Moises I should not have conteined.
To M' W Cecill, my good Lord, I have done my dutie faithfully, as
in the sight of God and as I desire mercie at his hands. In grief of hart
I complain unto yo"' Hono"^ as once S* Ambrose in case not unlike, that
I have been robbed of the sowle of that young gentleman by wicked and
trecherous men in care and poursuit of whose safety I am fallen into these
troubles. In theducacon and government of one of his qualitie I confesse
myselfe to have proceaded indiscretly. If to direct him in the true fear
of God by example, by precept, by privat caution and loving admonicon,
and to instruct him in all honorable and honest qualities be points of
indiscrecon. Otherwise my lord, I think I have not greatlie erred. But
now are the times and manners of men, wherein Christian and vertuous
educacon is thought to base for nobilitie, and diagoras doctrine of Athe-
isme and sensuall libertie taken of some to be the sounder divinitie,
thiniquitie of w"^ judgment the Lord of Justice, I doubt not will short-
Touching one Pomere. It may please yo"' hono"" I hired thould man
for o' instrucon in the french tonge and gave him his honest reward; his
books w"** I borrowed I trulie restored except one pamphlet written of
pilgrims not borrowed by me, but brought me by him, as poets and
painters covet to have their creatures read and seen, w'^'' being long by
me, as some such toies of like substance and content, was at length lost
either by some negligence in removing from one lodging to another, or as
I rather think, by M'' Cecill otherwise bestowed. Soe my good Lord
the cause of this ould man (who would not be satisfied with any intreatie
or offer of recompence) his triple complaint.
20 CANON OF CANTERBURY CATHEDRAL
Thus my honorable good lord I have brieflie shewed you thunhappie
successe of my travaile and so humblie submit myself unto your equitie
for regard of my desert; Howsover it shall please yo' HonoMo deter-
mine of me, yet will I remaine not an enimy to yo"^ house as some hardlie
say but a most faithfull and truly affectioned servant and yo' Hon" dur-
inge my life most humble and bounden.
Endorsed: June, 1585. M'Bird to my L.
The cruel and unjust dealing of Sir Edw:
Stafford towards him. His true love &
service to M' W- Cecill. M' W- Cecill
turned Papist in France. Bird his Tutor.
In what temper Lord Burghley took this appeal there is
nothing to show. Apparently, however, he did not oppose the
preferments that came to the unfortunate tutor only a few
years later. On March 21, 1588/9, Mr. Byrd was collated to
the archdeaconry of Cleveland, and in September, 1590, he was
installed as a canon of Canterbury Cathedral. In 1595 he
published "A Communication Dialogue wise to be learned of
the ignorant," which seems to have been commonly known
as Bird's Catechism.^ He resigned his archdeaconry before
1601, and in 1608 he was given the degree of D.D. His death
occurred in June, 1609, less than five months after his daugh-
ter Mary was married to Daniel Gookin, and on the nine-
teenth of the month he was buried in Canterbury Cathedral.
Besides Mary, he had two daughters who died in infancy and a
daughter "Cysly," buried at Canterbury October 22, 1608.
He also had a son Peter, born in Canterbury in 1603 ; and it
is probable that he was the father of "Elizabeth Birrde,"
who was married in the Cathedral on July 4, 1609, to Richard
Martin. The date of this marriage, following so soon after Dr.
Byrd's death, is perhaps explained by the fact that the wor-
Cooper's Athenae Cantabridgiensis, ii, 521.
DR. JOHN MEYE 21
shipful prebendary left his family in straightened circum-
stances. His widow renounced administration of the estate
and letters were taken out by a creditor.
Dr. Byrd's wife, whom it is probable that he married after
his return from France, was Elizabeth, daughter of John
Meye, or May, Bishop of Carlisle, by his wife Amy, daughter
of William Vowell of Creake Abbey in Norfolk, and widow of
John Cowell of Lancashire. Bishop Meye was born about
1526 in the county of Suffolk. His parentage has not been
ascertained, though he was an armiger and bore for his arms:
Sable, a chevron or, between three cross-crosslets fitchee,
argent; on a chief of the second, three roses. The charge in
chief was probably an addition granted to the bishop, for his
brother William Meye, Dean of St. Paul's and at the time of
his death Archbishop-elect of York, bore the arms plain.
John Meye was matriculated on May 2, 1544, as a sizar
of Queen's College, Cambridge. He was appointed bible-
clerk of his college, and, in 1549/50, proceeded B.A. He was
elected Fellow of Queen's in 1550, commenced M.A. in 1553,
acted as Bursar of the college during 1553, 1554, and 1555, and
at midsummer, 1557, he was ordained Priest. On Novem-
ber 16, 1557, he was instituted to the rectory of Aston Sand-
ford, Buckinghamshire, on the presentation of Anne, Countess
of Oxford, but resigned that benefice the following year.* In
1559 he was elected Master of St. Catherine's Hall in Cam-
bridge. This post he held for about eighteen years. He
commenced B.D. in 1560, and the same year was collated to
the rectory of Long Stanton, St. Michael, Cambridgeshire. In
1562 Archbishop Parker collated him by lapse to the rectory
of North Creake, Norfolk. In 1564 he was created D.D., and
about the same time he obtained a canonry of Ely, which he
held until May, 1582.2 In 1565 he was nominated one of the
Lent preachers at court, and on September 26 he was collated
by Archbishop Parker to the rectory of St. Dunstan-in-the-
East, London, which he vacated in January, 1573/4. He was
admitted to the archdeaconry of the East Riding of York-
^ Lipscomb's Buckinghamshire, i, 47.
* Le Neve, Fasti, ed. Hardy, i, 361.
22 BISHOP OF CARLISLE
shire, by proxy, on August 3, 1569, and in person on October
8, 1571, and retained it until the end of 1588. He held also
the moiety of the rectory of Darfield, Yorkshire. During the
year beginning in November, 1569, he served as Vice-Chan-
cellor of Cambridge University, and, while holding this office,
was one of a committee appointed to visit King's College,
which had been thrown into a state of confusion by the con-
duct of Dr. Philip Baker, the Provost.
In 1576 the see of Durham became vacant by the death of
Bishop Pilkington, and George Talbot, sixth Earl of Shrews-
bury, wrote the Earl of Leicester at court, enclosing a letter to
Queen Elizabeth, and bespeaking that powerful lord's influ-
ence with the queen to have his friend, Dr. Meye, appointed
as Dr. Pilkington's successor, or else, if Dr. Barnes, the Bishop
of Carlisle, should be translated to Durham, that Meye should
obtain the bishopric of Carlisle. To this says Strype:^
"The Earl of Leicester answered that her majesty had received the
letter, and took his suit in good part, and added, that he knew the said
May was like to have good speed for one of those bishoprics. That he
had some back-friends, but that he was then past the worst; and was
much bound to his lordship. Adding, that he thought the bishop would
be appointed shortly."
Through the intervention of Lord Burghley Dr. Barnes
was given the Durham bishopric, whereupon, in May, 1577,
Dr. Meye was appointed Bishop of Carlisle. He was conse-
crated on September 29. On June i, 1577, he wrote Shrews-
bury a letter expressing gratitude for his friend's good offices
in securing the appointment, and requesting the earl to obtain
for him the queen's license to hold his other preferments in
commendam, that among other things he might still enjoy the
benefice of Darfield, which was the only place he then had to
stay in, as Rose Castle, the episcopal seat, was in the posses-
sion of the temporal lord, the Lord Scroop, until Michael-
mas, and he had lately parted with his Mastership of St.
Catherine's Hall to one of the Earl of Leicester's chaplains, at
that lord's request. Apparently the commendam was obtained
'Annals, II, ii, 52.
CRITICISED BY THE PURITANS 23
without difficulty, but it seems to have subjected the bishop to
censure, Strype tell us:^
"This Darfield was a rectory in Yorkshire, containing no less than
two thousand souls, young and old; but not coming all to one church,
there being two chapels annexed ; the one at Wombe, the other at Worse-
borough, which town might consist of six hundred souls more. To
which parish belonged a parson (who was the bishop) and a vicar, whose
living consisted of a pension of twenty-two marks; the parson's of six or
seven score pounds by the year. He allowed to the curates of the two
chapels (whereof the vicar was one) five pounds yearly. And the bishop
procured quarterly sermons for his head church. But for this, the bishop
was unworthily slandered and clamoured at by the puritan faction after
this manner: If one asked, why these stipendiaries took so little of the
parson, and he received so much, answer was made, that if they refused,
the bishop would take one or other that came next to hand, and create
him a shepherd in one day, that would be content to serve him for less.
Such slanders were easily raised, and then studiously blown about among
the common people."
This was not the first occasion when Dr. Meye had been
criticised by the Puritans. As Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge
he was concerned with Dr. Whitgift and others in the com-
pilation of the statutes given to the university by Queen Eliza-
beth in 1570.2 Mr. Dering, chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk
and one of the leading Puritans of his day, in a letter to the
chancellor of the university, dated November 18, 1570, pro-
nounced these statutes "unrighteous," and added, "D. May
and D. Chaderton, two other of the Heades, ther is small
constancie ether in ther life or in ther religion." It should
be noted, however, that all the heads of the university who
were not Puritans were condemned in similar terms.
Bishop Meye's name occurs in a commission issued on
May 14, 1578, for a visitation of the Church of Durham. ^
He entered upon his episcopal duties at a trying time, as
appears from a letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury dated at
Rose Castle, December 3, 1578, requesting him to write to
Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, to back his suit to the
^Annals, II, ii, 55.
2 Strype. Life of Parker, ii, 37.
'John May. Article in Diet. Nat. Biog. by Gordon Goodwin. This has been
freely drawn upon in the preparation of this sketch of Bishop May's life.
24 IMPOVERISHED BY BENEFACTIONS
Queen for the remission of his first-fruits, as he had been put
to excessive charges during the last year by hospitality and
relieving of the poor in a time of great dearth in the coun-
try. He protested that when his year's account was made at
Michaelmas preceding, his expenses surmounted the year's
revenues of his bishopric by 600/., and he concluded by beg-
ging to be excused from attending parliament on account of
his poverty. Again on July 22, 1587, Meye wrote Shrews-
bury that he was in debt and danger by reason of the intoler-
able dearth of corn in his country, and on account of process
against him out of the exchequer for non-payment of 146/.
due to the Queen for subsidy. On February 15, 1592/3, the
Queen presented William Holland to the rectory of North
Creake, which Meye still held. Thence arose a suit in the
Queen's Bench, wherein it was held that the rectory might
be treated as void by reason of Meye being subsequently
inducted to Darfield.
John Meye was the author of some plays, now lost, which
were acted by the members of Queen's College in 1551 and
1553. The only writings by him that are known to have
survived are the letters to Lord Shrewsbury, and, among the
Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library, some notes of a ser-
mon he preached at Paul's Cross the Sunday after St. Bar-
tholomew's Day, 1565.^ He died at Rose Castle on February
15, 1597/8, and was buried at Carlisle a few hours after his
death, which was probably caused by the plague. The regis-
ter of the parish of Dalston, in Cumberland, contains this
record of his decease and place of interment:
Feb. 15, 1597. Reverendus in Christo pater, Johannes Mey, divina
providentia episcopus Carliolensis, hora octava matutina decimi quinti diei
Februarii, mortem oppetiit, et hora octava vespertina ejusdem diei, Car-
liolensi in ecclesia sepultus fuit. Cujus justa celebrabantur die sequenti
Bishop Meye was the father of John Meye of Shouldham
Abbey, Norfolk, who married Cordelia, daughter of Mar-
tin Bowes, Esq., of London; Elizabeth, wife of Dr. Richard
' Hackman, Cat. of Tanner MSS., p. 1022.
LADY MEYE'S ANCESTRY
Byrd; Alice, wife of Rev. Richard Burton of Burton, York-
shire; and Anne, wife of Rev. Richard Pilkington, D.D.,
rector of Hambleden, Buckinghamshire.
Amy (Vowell) Meye, the bishop's lady, survived him
nearly twenty-three years. After his death she appears to
have Hved with her daughter Anne Pilkington in the little
Thames-side village of Hambleden, near Henley. She was
buried there December 5, 1620. Her line of descent from
several ancient families is shown in the following pedigree,
which has been compiled, without other verification, from the
Visitations of the counties of Norfolk, Somerset, Dorset, and
Devon, Hutchins' History of Dorset, and Harl. MS. 4756.
William Vowell =
of Wells in
charged with a
of Wells in Somer-
Arms: Vowell as
John Fauntleroy. =
Probably of the
Dorset family seated
at the manor of
Arms : (?) Three
infants' heads couped
at the shoulders,
proper, crined or.
= Margaret Fauntleroy.
Adam de Copleston
of Copleston in
Arms : Argent, a
gules, between 3
of Luckcombe in
Wells in Som-
land, (?) Gules,
guttee d'eau, a
fess, wavy, or.
Dryland of co.
William Hymer- = Margaret
ford or Hemer-
Arms: Argent, a
sable; on an
ton as before.
LADY MEYE'S ANCESTRY
of Creake Abbey, co.
Arms: Vowell as
before; on an escut-
cheon of pretense,
quarterly, 1st and 4th
Hymerford, 2nd and
3d Copleston, as
daughter and heir.
1st John Cowell = Amy Vowell = 2nd John Meye, Bishop of
of Lancashire. I Carlisle.
Elizabeth Meye= Richard Byrd, D.D.,
Canon of Canterbury
Mary Byrd = Daniel Gookin
DANIEL GOOKIN OF CARRIGALINE
HERE Daniel Gookin lived at the time of his
marriage to Mary Byrd has not been ascertained.
On October 24, 1610, he sold to his brother
Thomas the lands given him by his father, and
about two months later, that is on January 2,
1610/1, he bought back from Thomas a parcel
containing twenty-two acres of fresh marsh. ^
No record of the birth or baptism of his eldest son Richard
has yet come to light, but his second son Edward was baptized
at Ripple, June 23, 161 1. Whether this points to residence
somewhere in Kent or near there, or indicates that in the sum-
mer of 161 1 Daniel brought his family from a distance for a
visit to his father and mother at Ripple Court can only be
conjectured. His brother Vincent, who had spent some years
on the continent before reaching his majority, engaged, it is
probable, in the pilchard industry, made his way to Ireland,
in or about the year 1606, and settled at Courtmacsherry, in
the county of Cork. Except that he was ever scrupulously
upright in all his dealings with his fellow-men, Vincent Gookin
was a typical adventurer of the age of adventure in which he
lived. Eager, forceful, clear-sighted, and self-reliant, he quickly
laid the foundation of what grew, before he reached middle
life, to be a large fortune. Munster, which had been almost
depopulated after Desmond's rebellion, and again devastated
during the strife that followed the revolt of "red Hugh
^Close Roll, 9 James I, Pt. 3, No. 30.
30 REMOVAL TO IRELAND
O'Neill," Earl of Tyrone, in 1598, was, in the early years of
the seventeenth century, outside of a few walled towns, a wild
and inhospitable country. It offered, however, unusual oppor-
tunities to the English gentlemen of hardy mould and deter-
mined spirit, mostly younger sons of good family, who soon
flocked thither in considerable numbers. Without doubt it
was the representations as to these opportunities made by Vin-
cent Gookin that led Daniel to follow his brother to the new
place of abode. How early the migration took place is not
known, save that it was prior to June, 1616, for at that date
Daniel was liv^ing in Coolmain, parish of Ringrose, county
Cork, on the opposite side of the bay from Vincent's resi-
dence at Courtmacsherry.^
In October, 161 2, Catherine (Denne) Gookin, the mother
of Daniel and Vincent, died and was buried in the city of
Canterbury. 2 About this time John Gookin turned over the
manor of Ripple Court to his eldest son Thomas, upon whom
the reversion in tail had been settled at the time of its purchase.
Not wishing, however, to part with, the title during his lifetime,
John put his son in possession under a twenty years' lease.
For awhile thereafter it is presumable that he remained in Rip-
ple as a member of his son's household. The militant temper
of Jane Gookin, the new mistress of Ripple Court, made the
family seat no longer an agreeable place for her father-in-law
to live in, and so, at the age of about seventy, he undertook the
journey — in that day a long and somewhat arduous one — to
the south of Ireland, to make his home during his remaining
years with his beloved son Daniel.
In 1619, on the 19th of June, Daniel Gookin sold to a
Kentish man named Thomas Petley, for the sum of ^^430, the
twenty-two acres of fresh marsh in the parishes of Hope All
Saints and St. Mary's in Romney Marsh, Kent, not, however,
conveying the dower of his wife Mary, which was expressly
excepted.^ This was a part of a transaction by which Daniel
* Close Roll, 14 James I, Pt. 10, No. 21.
* Register Book of the Parish of St. George the Martyr, p. 136. The burial is
recorded on October 28 and again on the 29th, and Catherine is described as "M'ris
Gookine of the p'ishe of St. Paule."
'Close Roll, 14 James 1, Pt. 10, No. 21.
Hatchment used at the funeral of Thomas Gookin, Esquire,
of Ripple Court, Kent, in January, 1625.
PURCHASE OF CARRIGALINE 31
purchased from Petley for sixteen hundred pounds sterling,^
then a very considerable sum, the castle and lands of Carriga-
line, situated about seven miles southeast of the city of Cork,
down the harbor, at the head of an arm of the sea called the
Carrigaline was in early times called Beauver, Beaver, or
Belvoir, from the huge limestone rock which rises abruptly
from the river and slopes gradually toward the land. Crown-
ing the summit are the ruins of an ancient castle, said to have
been built by Milo de Cogan in the reign of King John.
Being deemed impregnable it was long the boast of its own-
ers; but in 1568 it was captured by the Lord Deputy Sidney
from James Fitzmaurice, after an obstinate resistance. Popu-
lar tradition ascribes its demolition a few years later to the
rage of one of the MacDonalds, who, hearing that his daugh-
ter was ill-treated by her husband, the lord of the castle,
beleagured the place at the head of his vassals, and, having
captured it, reduced it to a ruin.
When the territory of the Desmonds was divided, Carriga-
line fell to the share of Sir Warham St. Leger, who, on June
17, 1595, had a grant of it, together with other adjacent lands
and the fishing privileges at Croshaven and Awneldie. On
March 31, 161 3, St. Leger sold the castle and manor of Carri-
galine, with most of the lands and the fishing at Croshaven,
to Thomas Petley, who, three years later, conveyed them to
Daniel Gookin. Daniel thus became the holder immediately
under the chief lord of the fee, the crown. He also acquired
the lease held by Thomas Petley's brother John, as is shown
by the Crown Receipt Book for 1622:2
13 Nov. 1622.
Recept. de Danielo Gookin, gener', assign' Johannis Petley, tenent*
Casteir et terr' de Carrigleyne alias Bever, iacen' in Com' Corck ad ;^io.
13^ 4^^ per ann' ex s' parcell' Signior' de Carrigleyne pro redd' inde pro
uno anno finit' ut Supra ;^I0. 13. 4.
Recept. De eod. tenem' un' mercat' et un' fer' apud Carrigeline
iacen' in Comit' Corcke ad xiii^ iv*^ per ann. tenen' piscacon' de Cros-
^ Lismore Papers, Ser. I, i, 302.
^ Irish Record Office, I E 4, xxxviii, 96.
32 CLASH WITH LORD CORK
haven parcell' terr' dui Reg' spectan' in iure Corona Sue, iacen' in Comit
predict' ad xiii' 4*^ per Ann, pro Uno Anno finit' ut supra.^ Xxvi» 8*^.
Shortly after he made this purchase Daniel removed to the
manor house at Carrigaline with his family. He was not long
permitted to remain in undisputed possession. Under date of
September 19, 1617, the following entry appears in the diary
of Richard Boyle, the first Earl of Cork: 2
M' Danyell gookin, John his man, W" M^Danyell, W" Ayres and
M' Anthony Sowthall entered on my glebeland of Carrickeleyn with force
and armes, and took violently away the 4th sheaf of that parcell of glebe-
land rent 6 acres, which land my tennant M"^ Petley did let unto Donnogh
o fflyn, who plowed & sewed the land: M' Berk and M' brickhed wit-
Ciiij Xvj sheafs of Barly for the 4th sheaf 19th of September, 1617,
This seizure by Daniel was the assertion of superior title
to the lands as against the claim of ownership made by Boyle,
no doubt in consequence of a transaction recorded by him two
months earlier when, on July 19, 1617, he wrote in his diary:
I dealt with Sir Warham St. Leger, for his whole state of his grand-
father's seignory of Carrickeleyne, for which I gave him 20 beeves to
revictuall his ship, uppon sealing of my conveighance, and I am bownd to
give him thordre of twoe bonds for any such Lands as I shall receav in
his right, by virtue of the deeds he now made me.
Boyle, who had been created Baron Youghal in September
of the preceding year, was then easily the most powerful man in
Munster. Whatever Daniel Gookin may have thought about
the younger St. Leger's good faith, or of his right to make the
conveyance, it was evident that Boyle had set his heart upon
possessing Carrigaline, so Daniel decided that it was wiser to
enter into an accommodation with him than to oppose him.
' 13 Nov. 1622.
Received from Daniel Gookin, gentleman, assignee of John Petley, tenant of
the Castle and lands of Carrigleyne, alias Bever, lying in the County of Cork, at
;^io. 13. 4 per annum, from several parcels of the seignory of Carrigleyne, for the
rent thereof for one year ended as above. .^10. 13. 4.
Received from the same tenant of a Market and a Fair at Carrigleyne, lying in
the County of Cork, at 13s. 4d. per annum ; tenant of the Fishery at Croshaven, part
of the lands of our Lord the King in right of his crown, lying in the County of
Cork aforesaid, at 13s. 4d. for one year ended as above. Xxvi5. 8d.
'Lismore Papers, Ser. 1, 1, 166.
SALE OF CARRIGALINE 33
This was effected at Dublin, in February or March, 1618.
Daniel agreed to sell the manor to Boyle for ^1250 sterling
and a lease of the premises for twenty-two years at the favor-
able rental of ^^loo per annum. Boyle relates in his diary:^
2 April, 1 61 8.
I Paid M' Gookyn Vj^' to make up the 44" I paid him in gold at
Dublin 50'', being in part payment of the 1250^' ster: I am to paie him
at Mydsomer next of the purchaze of Carrickelyne.
22 May, 1618.
I paid M' Gookin one other C" ster: which makes me 150" of the
125O" I am to paie for carryckeleyn.
24 June 1618.
1 paid M'' gookin twelv hundreth and ffyftie pounds of ster: for the
purchaze of carrickeleyn, whereof all in reddy money except fowr skoar
three pounds X^ which M' Cleyton had of myne in keeping, which by
my letter I appointed him to pay M"" gookin to make up his 1250^' ster;
which he receaved.^
2 July 1618.
I rodd to carrickeleyne, where owld M"^ John gookin sealed & per-
fected (as his son daniell, upon my payment to him of 1250" ster: had
formerly don) my deed of bargayn and sale of the Mannor of Carrick-
eleyn, and a bond of 2500" ster: for performance of covenants, and this
daie Ja: daunt of Tracton as their Attorney delivired me seizen & also
full and peaceable possession of the same.
Boyle was keenly alive to the importance of a perfect title.
Continuing the foregoing entry he added:
This daie M' David Terry litz Edmond of Corck, gent, perfected his
deed to me at Carrickeleyn, thereby conveighing and releasing to me all his
estate & demaund in the mannor of Bever alias carrickeleyn, and the Rent
he pretended out of the Same.
This shows that, notwithstanding the St, Leger grant, Boyle
thought it prudent to get rid of the claim of the former Irish
proprietor. On July 13, 1618, he recorded:
I signed and perfected M'' gookins his lease of carrickelyne.
It may well be that one of the reasons that impelled Daniel
to sell the Carrigaline estate was his desire to free his capital
for the transatlantic ventures upon which he shortly afterward
* Lismore Papers, Ser. I, i, 182.
34 DETAILS FROM CORK'S DIARY
embarked and through which he became distinguished in the
annals of early American colonization. The same spirit of
enterprise that took him to Ireland, as an adventurer of land,
led him to become a shareholder in the Virginia Company, and
in most, if not all of the colonial undertakings of Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges. Possibly it was business of that nature that
called him to England in the summer of 1618. He was back
in Ireland by November, for on the 7th of that month Lord
Cork wrote in his diary:
I promised to allow M' Danyell gookin his Michas rent of 50" star,
due for carrickelyne in lieu of 50" he lent my lo. Barry^ in England.^
Again on December 18, 1618, Lord Cork records:
Paid M' dannell gookin 40^' that my mother borrowed of him which
my mother^ is to repay me; which she did.*
On March 15, 1618/9, Daniel, "having money by him," as
he expressed it in a later reference to the transaction, lent
sixty pounds to Jordon Condon of Shannagarry, county Cork,
and took from him, his father Richard Condon, and David
Power of Shannagarry, a bond conditioned for the delivery of
ninety fat cows in October following.
Whether the conveyance to Lord Cork in July, 1618, was
defective, or whether a fine could not then be acknowledged,
does not appear, but on March 26, 1619, Cork made the fol-
lowing entry in his diary:
M' Daniell gookin of Carrickeleyn and Mary his wife before my lo:
Sarsfeyld acknowledged a ffyne to me of Carrickeleyn, and theruppon I
made him a new lease thereof for 21 yeares delivered.^
On April 24, 1619, "Daniel Gookin, gent.," was appointed
a member of a commission to examine into the alleged mis-
demeanors of one Edmond Hunt, the King's Customer for
'David Viscount Butevant, then Lord Cork's ward; later by marriage with Boyle's
eldest daughter, the Lady Alice, he became his son-in-law.
''Lismore Papers, Ser. I, i, 204.
*His mother-in-law, Lady Alice Fenton, wife of Sir Geoffrey Fenton, Knt,
principal Secretary of State and Privy Counsellor in Ireland.
^Lismore Papers, Ser. I, i, 206.
' Lismore Papers, Ser. I, i, 213. Still later, April 23, 1620, Cork wrote, " I sent
my Cozen Lawrence parsons ... to sue out my ffyne of Carrickelyne from Mr.
Petley & M' gookin. Ibid., 247,
THE LONGFORD PLANTATION 35
the port and harbor of Cork, who was charged with having
"committed divers abuses . . . against his Majesty and griev-
ous exactions against his subjects. "^ This, so far as is known,
was Daniel's only public employment. The next entry relat-
ing to him in Lord Cork's diary is dated October 24, 1619:
I lent my mother 40" ster : which she delivered to M"" gookin in loan,
and she is to give M' Lawrence parsons order to repaie me this 40'' next
tearm out of her Michas Rents.^
Condon had not repaid his loan, nor delivered the ninety
fat cows, and Daniel's supply of ready money had given out.
More than twelve years elapsed before he succeeded in recov-
ering from Condon's bondsmen, and then in part only, for
among his effects inventoried after his decease was a bond of
William Power of Shannagarry for forty pounds, accounted
About the time the forty pounds were borrowed from
Lady Fenton, Daniel Gookin took part in the plantation of the
county of Longford, which was begun in 1617.^ This planta-
tion was in pursuance of the king's policy of "reducing Ire-
land into order and subjection." The methods pursued were
high-handed in the extreme. The ancient proprietorship of
Irish lands by English lords and gentlemen who were driven
out of the country by the Irish during the Barons' wars and
the long struggle between the rival houses of York and Lan-
caster, was made a pretext for a commission of inquiry into the
title which the crown might assert, with the result that a gen-
eral title was found for the king. It was given out that His
Majesty had only in mind the security and general good of
the kingdom, to further which it was important that the Irish
should be "reduced" from their "lazy, vagabond, and barba-
rous way of living" and be effectually restrained "from prey-
ing on other men's properties." But, as Carte observes, "the
instructions he gave and the regulations he prescribed were
not in all cases so exactl t observed as they ought." In Long-
ford particularly, thougL the king had intended that no man
'Cal. S. p. Ireland, 1615-1625,111,289.
^Lismore Papers, Ser. I, i, 233.
* Carte's Life of Ormond, i, 23.
36 GRIEF OF THE IRISH PROPRIETORS
should be divested of his possessions without being given an
equivalent, the Irish proprietors were ruthlessly stripped of
them, scarce a third part of their former holdings, either in
acreage or quality of soil, being allotted them. The grief of
these unfortunates over the loss of their ancestral estates is
graphically set forth in a petition addressed "To the Right
Hon'''^ the Commiss" authorized by His Ma*'« to hear the
Grievances of Ireland," in which it is stated:
It fell out so that divers of the poor Natives or former freeholders of
that County after the loss of all their possessions or inheritances there,
Some runn madd and others died instantly for very grief; as one James
McWilliam O'Ferrall of Cuilleagh, and others whose names for brevitie
I leave out who in their death-bedds were in such a taking that by earnest
persuasions Caused some of their family and friends to bring them out of
their bedds to have abroad the last sight of the hills and fields they lost in
the said Plantation, every one of them dying instantly after.^
To Daniel Gookin's credit be it said that he had no per-
sonal part in despoiling the Irish proprietors. Though it was
one of the conditions upon which the large grants of land in
Ireland were made to English gentlemen, by Queen Elizabeth
and King James I, that the grantees should bring over natives
of England to inhabit, in 1620 only one planter was resident
on the Longford lands. Daniel Gookin never settled there,
but on the contrary sold his grant immediately and took out
his patent afterward to complete his legal title to the purchaser.
In a survey of Longford by the commissioners of the crown,
dated April 5, 1620, it is recited:
In the County of Longford there are 33 undertakers to whom His
Majesty hath assigned several proportions of Land, the state of which
Plantation followeth, . . . 4th, Daniel Gookin 500 A. This is sold to
Mr. Edgeworth who hath besides a Proportion of 300 A as an undertaker;
and could not buy this without special License which he hath obtained
under great seal.^
The grant to Daniel Gookin was dated June 10, i62i,and
is recorded in the Patent Rolls of Chancery for 19 James i.^
' Harris MSS., Royal Dublin Soc, ii, 68.
■ Harris MSS.
^ The text of the grant is: "Grant to Daniel Gookin in the C° of Longford.
The lands of Coolermerigan 26 acres; Killenawse and Garrynegree 48 acres; Ros-
SALE TO EDGE WORTH 37
Daniel's deed to Edgeworth, which is recorded on the same
roll, was dated July 16, i62i,and recited that "having obtained
the King's license to alienate" the lands, he did so "in consid-
eration of the sum of ;^350." Some interest attaches to this
transaction from the fact that Francis Edgeworth, the purcha-
ser, was the ancestor of Rev. Lovel Edgeworth, father of Maria
Edgeworth the novelist, and that the tract of land is now the
site of Edgeworthstown.
semyne, LisdufFe and Garriduff 78 acres pasture and 29 acres bog and wood; Lisse-
magunen 96 acres; Lissard and Carribolum loi acres; Shiroeand Kilderin 61 acres;
Bragwie 90 acres pasture and 40 acres bog and wood, adjacent to the lands of Lisma-
gunen, in the territory of Ely O'Carroll : rent for 500 acres pasture ;i^6-5-o English
currency, and for 69 acres of bog and wood, 2/. lOj. 2d., To hold in free and common
soccage, subject to the conditions of the Plantations of Longford; Viz.
To allow of wood for building of houses on the premises and sand and slates
during the period of three years from date of the grant : —
To cause his several tenants in feefarm or for term of life or lives or years in fee
tail to build in town-redes (and not dispersedly) for defence, — and to exact a fine of
;^5-0-0 per ann. for every house built apart.
To sew or plant one Acre with hemp for every 500 acres in his possess" under
pain of 20s. for every year's neglect.
To be personally resident for the greater part of every year upon the premises
unless licensed to absent himself by the Lord Deputy, — and in that case to leave a
Lastly, — to render yearly to the Lord Deputy the prime bird out of every eyrey
of Great Hawks that shall build in his woods."
Another grant covering identically the same lands, though with slight differences
in spelling, was recorded on July 15 of the same year.
N the year 1620 Daniel Gookin projected an
enterprise that was destined to have far-reach-
ing influence upon the history of his descend-
ants, — that of transporting cattle to the colony
of Virginia, and of founding a plantation in that
distant land. The records of the Virginia Com-
pany contain the following entry, under date of
November 13, 1620.
Wheras vppon a former treatie ' had w"" m' Wood in the behalfe of
M' Gookin for transportacon of Cattle outt of Ireland into Virginia an
offer was made vnto him after the rate of x" : a Cowe vppon certificate of
their saf?e landinge, Provided they were fayr and lardge Cattle and of our
English breed. The said m' Wood hath now returned his fynall aunswere
that hee cannott entertaine the bargaine under xij" the Cowe without
exceedinge great losse.
The answer was not, however, quite final, as appears from
the minutes of the Quarter Court, held two days later.
Thomas Wood beinge now willinge (though hee conceived itt a hard
bargaine) to accept of the offer of the former Courte, w"*" was that for everie
Cowe of our English breed transported by him or his Agents safe and
sound to Virginia hee should be paide Eleuen pounde and for every Shee
Goate three pounds tenn shillings, vppon certificate att his returne from
the Gouernor there; Hee moved therfore now that hee might have some
assurance vnder the Companies Seale for the payment of the said Monny
whervppo the Courte ordered that accordinge to his request hee should
have his securitie confirmed vnder the Seale of the Company for w"*" they
gave order to m' Deputy to see itt done.
*The minutes of the meetings contain no record of this earlier negotiation.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH VIRGINIA COMPANY 39
The company at this period was making a strong effort to
secure colonists, and in April of the following year Daniel
Gookin's friend, Captain William Newce of Bandon, who had
achieved some success in settling Englishmen in Munster, hav-
ing built up a suburb of Bandon, known as Newce's Town,
came forward with an offer "to transport at his own costs and
charges 1000 persons into Virginia betwixt this and midsomer
1625: to be there planted and imployed vpon aperticular Plan-
tacon." This offer was received with enthusiasm ; the company
readily granted him his request for a patent "as ample as any
other, w**" all manner of priuilidges, saving the Tytle of Gen-
erall, w^ they could not graunt him," and constituted him Mar-
shall of the colony, though there was "no present necessity or
vse of such an officer in Virginia"; and the king conferred
upon him the order of knighthood.
Stirred by these proceedings Daniel Gookin addressed a
letter to the Deputy, John Ferrar. At an Extraordinary Court,
held July 2, 1621:
M"" Deputy signified of a letter hee had receaved from rtT^ Gookin of
Ireland who desyred y* a Clause in the Contract between him and the
Company touchinge Cattle w'''' hee had vndertaken to transport to Vir-
ginia after the rate of eleven pounds the Heiffer and Shee Goats att 3":
ID' apeec for w"'' hee might take any Comodities in Virginia att such
prizes as the Company here had sett downe hee desired y* those words
might be more Cleerly explayned; And to this effect m'' Deputy sig-
nified y* they had drawne a letter in the name of the Counsell and
Company vnto m'' Gookin declaringe that their intent and meaninge was
itt should be lawfull and ffree for him and his ffacto" to Trade barter and
sell all such Comodities hee shall carry thither att such rates and prizes
as hee shall thinke good and for his Cattle shall receive either of the
Gouernor or other pryvate psonns any of the Comodities there growinge
att such prizes as he cann agree; And lastly y* accordinge to m'' Gookins
request in his said Ire they had promised y* hee should have a Pattent
for a pticularr Plantacon as large as y* graunted to S' William Newce and
should allso have liberty to take lOO Hoggs out of the fforrest vppon
condicon that hee repay the said nomber againe vnto the Company within
the tearme of seaven years; Provided that hee vse them for breed and
encrease and not for present slaughter.
And further to this effect they had allso drawne a letter to the Gouer-
nor and Counsell of State in Virginia both w'"'' beinge now p'sented and
read the Court did very well approve of and gave order that the Seale of
40 VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA
the Counsell should be affixed to that addressed to m' Gookin and that
some of y" Counsell should signe the other to the Counsell of Virginia.^
On the twelfth of the next month, August, 1621, seven mem-
bers of the Council signed a letter to the colonial authorities,
which was sent by the ship "Marmaduke," and contained the
Wee send you againe copies of the letters and agreements with Mr.
Gookin and recomend his good entertainment to you, and in particuler we
seriously advise that you do your best endevors to pay him in tobacco
though at one D waight the cow, and to take as few cows as possible may
be uppon mony heare to be paid by the company; because our stocke is
utterly wasted ; let him have very good tobacco for his cowes now at his
first voiadge, for if he make a good return it may be the occasion of a
trade with you from those parts, whereby you may be abundantly supplied,
not only with cattle, but with the most of these commodities that you
want att better and easier rate than we from hence shalbe able.^
Shortly after this letter was dispatched Daniel Gookin set
sail for Virginia in "The Flyinge Harte, " which he had char-
tered for the voyage. This voyage was in sharp contrast to
that of Sir William Newce, who preceded Daniel by about a
month, and, arriving at his destination in October, accom-
panied by "very few people, sicklie, ragged and altogether
w'thout p'visione, "^ died suddenly a few days after landing.
Far different is the tale of Daniel Gookin's arrival, as told by
Governor Wyatt and his council, in a letter written in Jan-
uary, 1621/2, to the Company in London.
There arriued heere about the 22th of Nouember a shipp from M'
Gookin out of Ireland wholy vppon his owne Adventure, withouteany rela-
tione at all to his contract w**" you in England, w"'' was soe well furnished
with all sorts of p'visione, as well as with Cattle as wee could wyshe all
men would follow theire example, hee hath also brought with him aboute
50 men upon that Aduenture, besides some 30 other Passengers, wee haue
Accordinge to their desire seated them at Newports news, and we doe
conceiue great hope yff the Irish Plantation p'per y* frome Ireland greate
mulititude of People wilbe like to come hither.
'Records of the Virginia Co., i, 501-502.
* Neill. The Virginia Co., p. 240.
'Gov. Wyatt to the Company. Neill, Virginia Co., p. 374.
ARRIVAL AT NEWPORT NEWS 41
M'' Pountis hath had some conference with y* M"' of the Irish shipp a
Dutchman, whose name ys Cornelius Johnson of Home in Hollande, who
who is soe farr in love with this Countrey as he intendeth to return hither;
within this Twelve moneth, and of him selfe offered to p'cure and bringe
ouer a fitt m"^ workman to build Sawinge mills heere w'*" shall goe with
Daniel's arrival was chronicled also by Captain John Smith
in his "Generall Historie of Virginia." 2
162 1 — The 22"* of November arrived Master Gookin out of Ireland,
with fiftie men of his owne and thirtie Passengers, exceedingly well fur-
nished with all sorts of Provision and cattle and planted himself at Nupors-
Newes. The cotton in a yeere grew so thick as one's arme, and so high
as a man: here anything that is planted doth prosper so well as in no
The day before Daniel landed in Virginia the Company in
London held a meeting at which
M' Deputy gaue notice of nine Patents nowe presented in Court to
passe the seale of the Companie hauinge been perticulerly examined by
the mornings Court w''^ did approue of them w"*" Patents were of Two
sorts the one of such as were Aduenturers by moneys paid into the Treas-
ury for w'^'' they had allowed I GO acres of land for euery single share of
Twelue pounds Ten shillings the other beinge for Planters only who had
allowed fifty acres for euery person transported to Virginia : Accordinge
to w''*' two formes the said Patents were drawne and accordingly engrossed
ready for the Seale.
Among these patents was one "To Daniell Gookin of
Corke, in Ireland, x" 300 psons."
When, in March, 1622, the news of Daniel's safe arrival in
Virginia reached London, it was hailed with joy. At a meet-
ing of the Virginia Company, held on March thirteenth:
M'' Deputy signified that he had receaued of late certaine intelligence
that m*^ Gookins Shippe was arriued in Virginia with 40 younge Cattle
well and safely landed, he therefore moued that forasmuch as diuers
others might be much encouraged vpon this good newes to transport
Cattle out of Ireland thither vpon reasonable condicons, that a Ire might
be writt to m' Gookin by way of offer that if any should be pleased to
vndertake the like performance they shall haue for euery Heifer safely
deliuered in Virginia 100 waigt of good marchantable Tobacco w"''' mocon
1 Neill's Virginia Co., pp. 285, 286.
^ London 1624, p. 140.
42 THE INDIAN MASSACRE
was well approued of and order giuen for a letter to be drawne to y*
Evidently the price of eleven pounds per head for heifers,
specified in the contract with Daniel Gookin, was not so greatly
to his disadvantage as his agent contended while the negotia-
tions were pending, for, at a court held on October 24, 1621,
" Notice was allso given that ther were certaine suf^cient men
come out of Ireland who would vndertake to transporte manny
hundreds of Cattle to Virginia this Springe vppon the same
Condicons that m"^ Gookin had donne."^ And again, at a court
held on April 3, 1622:
m' Depty signified that vpon a proposicon formerly made, vpon the
good successe it pleased God to giue m"" Gookin this last Sumer in
transportinge his people and cattle safely to Virginia certen gentlemen of
Ireland nowe in Towne beinge much encouraged and not able to stay till
next yeare made an offer to vndertake the like performance as m"' Gookin
had donn, so they might knowe and be assured aforehand at what rates
they should be able to put of their Cattle in Virginia at their cominge
there w""" offer the Court takinge into consideracon did at length agree
for that the better encouragement of such vndertakers they should haue
for euery Heifer of our right English breed of twoe years old and vpwards
deliuered safe and sound in Virginia allowed them there either 130 waight
of Tobacco or ii" in money at their eleccon for w'^'' they should haue the
Companies Seale for their security.'
On March 22, 1621/2, just four months to a day after
Daniel Gookin first placed foot upon the soil of Virginia, the
great massacre by the savages took place, when, out of a total of
about four thousand settlers then in the colony, three hundred
and forty-seven were slain. "This lamentable and so unex-
pected disaster," says Captain John Smith, "drave them all to
their wits' end. It was twenty or thirty daies ere they could
resolve what to doe: but at last it was concluded all the petty
Plantations should be abandoned, and drawne only to make
good five or six places. Now for want of boats it was impos-
sible on such a sudden to bring also their Cattle and many
other things, which they had then in possession, all of which
' Records of the Virginia Co., i, 618.
* Records of the Virginia Co., i, 535.
^ Records of the Virginia Co., i, 626."
RETURN TO LONDON 43
for the most part at their departure, was burnt, ruined, and
destroyed by the Salvages. Only Master Gookins at Nuport's-
news would not obey the Commissioners' command in that,
though he scarce had five and thirty of all sorts with him, yet
he thought himself sufficient against what could happen, and
so did, to his great credit, and the content of his Adventurers," *
Presumably Daniel and his people had not wasted their
time during the four months since they landed, but had buik
habitations of some sort, which, for security, were surrounded
by palisades. In the Virginia Planters' answer to "Captain
Butler's Informacon concerning the Colony," which was writ-
ten only a year later, it is stated "ther is as yett no other
Artificiall Fortificacons then Pallisadoes wherof allmost euerie
Plantacon hath one & diuers of them hath Trenches. . . .
As for great Ordinance, . . . there are likewise at Newporte
Newes three, all of them servicable."
Among the manuscripts in the possession of the Duke of
Manchester is a letter from William Hobart to his father, in
which it is stated that Mr. Gookin, at whose house Governor
Wyatt and his wife were staying, had but seven men left, that
it was unsafe to go out to labour without an armed guard, that
there had been a second massacre of between twenty and thirty
persons, and that there was very little tobacco or coin in the
colony. 2 This letter is without date, but was probably written
in April, 1622.
At the end of this month, or early in May, Daniel Gookin
left the new plantation in charge of his servants and embarked
for England in the "Sea Flower," carrying to the company in
London the first intelligence of the disaster that had overtaken
the colonists. The records of the Virginia Company show
that he was in London and attended the court held on the 19th
of June. Strangely enough no mention of the news of the mas-
^Generall Historic, p. 150. The same account is given by Purchas, who says:
"Master Gookins at Nuports-Newes, hauing thirtie fiue of all sorts with him refused
that order and made good his part against the sauvages." Purchas, His Pilgrims ; iv,
1792. In the same book, iv, 1785, it is stated that "Master Daniel Gookin" was the
tenth in a list of 26 patentees to whom patents were granted in 1620, and who had
"Vndertaken to transport great multitudes of people and cattle to Virginia."
2 Eighth Report Hist. MSS. Com., p. 41
44 PATENT APPROVED
sacre having been received appears upon the minutes; but that
is no doubt attributable to the custom of recording only mat-
ters upon which formal action was taken.
Daniel's first business in London was to secure the fruits
of his enterprise, in the shape of a patent to his plantation.
He was present at the Preparative Court of the Virginia Com-
pany, held on July i, and at the morning session of the Quar-
ter Court, held two days later, when his patent was approved
for confirmation at the afternoon session. ^ At this session was
confirmed, also, Daniel's purchase, made soon after his arrival
in Virginia, of 150 acres of land " lyinge at Newports Newes."^
It was perhaps upon this tract that he made the beginning of
his plantation, which he named Marie's Mount, in honour of his
wife. The seignory for which he received a patent was nom-
inally 2500 acres, but actually the tract set aside to him contained
only 168 1 acres according to an exact survey made in the year
Flushed with the success that had attended his Virginia
enterprise, Daniel now decided to take a share in the New
England Company. The minutes of the Council of that cor-
poration recite that on July 5, 1622, " It is agreed upon that m'
Gookyn shall bee admitted in y« new Grant upon payment of
his adventure." Being still in London on July 17 he attended
the court of the Virginia Company, held that day, and was
appointed one of a committee of seven to consider what course
should be taken to preserve from "loss and imbeazellinge"
the goods of the colonists slain by the Indians at the time of
the great massacre. Five days later he took out his patent
from the crown to the 500 acres in county Longford which he
had sold to Francis Edgeworth three years before. After
this he was at last free to return to his home and family in
Our next glimpse of Daniel is found in the diary of Lord
Cork, where the following entry was made on January 19,
^ Records of the Virginia Co., ii, 65, 73, 90.
Hbid., ii, 89.
' Grant to William Cole, April, 1685, recorded in Warwick Co. , Va.
THE SHIP PROVIDENCE 45
M'' Daniell gookin made & perfected vnto me a generall Release of
all his right & demaund of and in the Manor of Bever als Carrickeleyn,
for which (besides what I paid Sir Warham St. Leger) I paid M"" Gookin
one thousand two hundreth and ffiftie pounds ster: And made him a lease
therof for 22 yeares at C" per annum. & now in regard he extinguished
the Lease I made him by passing me a ffyne & Release, I renewed his
lease for 18 years from Michas Last, vppon his surrender of my former
lease I made him, he promising me to make all his vndertenants new
leases on the same Rents & condicions they held before: of this mannor
he lets owt as muche as yelds him cl". ster: a year, besides the Kings
rent and my Rent : & Keeps the house & 660 acres of the best Land free
in his own occupation; which is ritchly worth one C" ster: more per
annum : M"" Thomas petley of whome M' gookin purchazed it, hath also
sithens Released to me all right & errors in the ffyne.^
As the purchasing power of money in the first quarter of
the seventeenth century was for most purposes from eight to
ten times as great as it is to-day, it will be seen that Daniel
Gookin's income of about two hundred and fifty pounds a
year from Carrigaline was a very comfortable one.
After his return to Ireland Daniel set about dispatching
another ship with planters and cattle for Virginia. There is
no evidence that he made a second voyage himself. Indeed,
though "The Flyinge Harte" had happily braved the perils of
the deep, his experience in crossing the Atlantic in a small ship
bearing, besides the crew, some eighty passengers and forty
head of cattle, cannot have been so agreeable as to invite repe-
tition unless as a matter of necessity.^ Daniel Gookin's second
venture was the sending of the "Providence" — which was per-
haps owned by him — in charge of Captain John Clarke who,
three years before, had piloted the Mayflower on her memor-
able voyage.^ The arrival of the Providence at its destina-
^Lismore Papers, Ser. I, ii, 67-68. That the lease to Gookin did not include
all of Lord Cork's interest in Carrigaline is shown by another entry in his diary on
April 3, 1624 : "This daie I agreed with Mr. Thomas Petlei's wife to make her a new
lease in Rivercon for xvij yeares of the spiritualities of Bever alias Carrickeleyn,
encreasing her Rent from the beginning of her new lease she is to paie me 40 marks
ster : and afterwards cxxvj//. xiijj iiijrt^. ster : per annum, and defraie & bear all other
chardges, ordinary and extraordenary, & fynde a sufficient curate." Ibid., ii, 125.
^ For a graphic account of such a voyage see William Capp's letter to Deputy Fer-
rar, printed in Neill's "Virginia Vetusta," p. 131.
'Brown. The Genesis of the United States, ii, 855.
The minutes of the Virginia Co. contain this reference to Clarke, under date of
February 13, 1621/2: "M"^ Deputy acquainted the Court that one M^Jo: Clarke
46 A DISTRESSING VOYAGE
tion, on April lo, 1623, is chronicled by Christopher Davison,
Treasurer of the colony, in a letter from "James Cittye" to
The Margett and John accounted a loss ship (after a long and tedious
passage, much distressed for want of sufficient provisions) arrived here
about the 7th or 8th of Aprill : Not long after (about the loth day) the
ship sent by M'. Gookin called (I think) the Providence came also to
Governor Wyatt also wrote Ferrar: "Here are two Ships
newly come in the Margarett and John of which wee were in
despayre, and one from Mr. Gookin with 40 men for him and
30 passengers besides: the first is in great distress for provi-
sion and like to be burdensome to the Countrey for that: the
other very scant also, both having been long out, and suffered
extreamly in their passage." And at the meeting of the Vir-
ginia Company on November 19, 1623, the Deputy presented
a list of ships that "traded in Virginia this Summer," among
them "M'' Gookin's ship — 080: Tunns."
So far as we know this second ship was the last that Dan-
iel Gookin sent to Virginia. The venture could hardly have
been a profitable one. If, as is most likely, he brought back
a cargo of tobacco, he may have had to dispose of it at a
heavT loss, for in 1623 the London market was overstocked
with that commodity. But aside from this the promised rec-
ompense for transporting seventy colonists in the Providence
was not forthcoming. Because of the difficulties in which the
Virginia Company was involved in the latter part of 1623, and
which resulted in the abrogation of its charter a few months
later, the patent for the land to which Daniel was entitled could
not be issued. This, as may be imagined, was a grievous
disappointment. Not until February 25, 1634/5 — two years
beinge taken from Virginia long since by a Spanisli Shippe that came to discouer that
Plantacon. That forasmuch as he hath since that time donn the companie good
seruice in many voyages to Virginia, he was an humble suitor to this court, that he
might be admitted a free brother of the Companie, and have some shares of land
bestowed upon him." He was admitted and given two shares. Clarke was born
about 1576 and was a pilot by professi on. He sailed for Virginia with Dale in i6ll,
and at Point Comfort, in the summer of that year, was taken prisoner by the Span-
iards and held until about 1616. He died in Virginia soon after his arrival there in
Daniel Gookin's rapier, and cane carried by his grandson, Daniel Gookin,
of Worcester, Massachusetts. Now in the possession of
their descendant, Charles T. Tatman.
SERVANTS AT MARIES MOUNT
after Daniel's decease — did the Council of State for Virginia
authorize the issuance of the patent, and it was almost three
years later before it was actually executed and delivered to
Thus, it will be seen, a considerable part of Daniel Gook-
ins' capital was either tied up in this claim, or had found its
way into the plantation at Marie's Mount. Upon this planta-
tion he maintained a considerable number of servants. The
muster of the inhabitants of Virginia, taken between January
20 and February 7, 1624/5, gives the names of twenty who were
then on the place. ^
DANNIELL GOOKINES MUSTER
William Wadsworth aged : 26
William Foockes aged: 24
Thomas Curtis aged : 24
Peter Sherwood aged: 21
Gilbert Whitfild aged : 23
Rise Griffin aged : 24
William Smith aged : 23
Anthonie Ebsworth aged : 26
All w"*" Came in the F/yinj^e Harte
Isaye Dely warr aged : 22
Henry Carsley aged : 23
Roger Walker aged : 22
Edmond Morgan aged : 22
William Clarke aged: 25
Joseph Mosley aged: 21
John Parratt aged : 36
Robart Smith aged : 22
William Croney aged : 24
William Longe aged : 19
Anne Ebsworth aged : 44
Elinor Harris aged: 21
Dead in this Plantato
in the Prouidence
'Hotten's Original Lists, p. 243.
48 TWO FAITHFUL SERVANTS
From the lists of the residents at other plantations we have
also the names of five others of the passengers whom Daniel
Gookin brought in The Flyinge Harte in i62i,viz.: Philip
Chapman, John Chisman, Joane Godby, John Curtis, and
The first manager of the Marie's Mount plantation was
Richard Griffin, who appears to have been engaged for a term
of five years. When he relinquished his charge on November
i6, 1626, "John Thurlby merchant, Thomas Coe and William
Streets, mariners, in the behalfe of Daniel Gookinge of Cary-
goline in the county of Cork within the kingdome of Ireland
esq"'" conveyed to him "in consideration of the good and hon-
nest service the said Daniel Gooking and his assignes have
had and reced from the said Richard Griffin . . . one hun-
dred acres of land being part of the land belonging to the
lordshipp of the said Daniel Gooking scituate and lyeth above
Newport News at the place now called Maries Mount."
Griffin was succeeded by Thomas Addison, who continued
as manager until January, 1630/1, when, at his retirement, he
was similarly rewarded for his faithful service by a gift of one
hundred and fifty acres, conveyed to him by "Daniell Gook-
ing of Newport News in Virginia, gent ... in the behalfe of
his father," Daniel Gookin of Carrigaline.^
' Hotten's Lists, pp. 250, 252, 253, 254.
'Records of the General Court of Virginia.
N February, 1622/3, Daniel Gookin was in
London, where he attended both sessions of an
*' Extraordinary Court" of the Virginia Com-
pany, held on the fourth of that month; but his
name does not appear in the list of those present
at the "Great and Generall Quarter Court," held
on the following day. He was, however, still in
London and attended the next "Quarter Court" on May 14,
but was back in Ireland and at his home in Carrigaline when
his father died there on June 23, in "perfect mind and mem-
dVy" to the last, according to the witnesses to the nuncupative
will the old gentleman made a few hours before he passed away.
By this will John Gookin constituted his son Vincent his execu-
tor, bequeathed to him the key of his chest, and left the distri-
bution of his remaining estate to Vincent's discretion,
Daniel was in London again a year later, endeavouring to
secure his patent from the Virginia Company. He attended the
court on June 7, 1624, which, as it turned out, was the last that
the company was to hold, for on June 16 its charter was form-
ally revoked by Chief Justice Ley. Nothing has yet come to
light by which Daniel's movements during the next five years
may be traced. In January, 1624/5, his eldest brother, Thomas
Gookin of Ripple Court, died; and in the autumn of 1628
Daniel was in London, where he was a witness at the trial of
a suit brought by his brother-in-law Thomas Milton against
Jane Gookin the widow of Thomas, to compel her as her hus-
50 PRESSING DEBTS
band's executrix to pay a bond made by Thomas Gookin upon
which Milton was Hable as surety and which Jane tried to
avoid on the plea that it was Milton's obligation. ^
On February 26, 1628/9, ^^e Earl of Cork, who was then
in London, made the following entry in his diary:
M' Gookin conveighed his lease of carrickelyn to the two Bedlees,
and M' W" petley (to thvse of his wife), which petley hath thassignment,
and the Bp of Corke hath in deposite the orrigenall lease of carrickleyn
ffor C", for thuse wherof he hath xx" out of the Rents assigned him per
annum : Mr. Gookin afErmeth he paid M' Th° Petlie for thinheritance
of carrickelyn sixteen hundreth pounds, & that he sowld it vnto me for
1250'', and a lease therof for 22 years delivered at C' per annum, which
he gayns 200'' a year by, and now xj years ar therof expired, he will not
seale the remayn of his tearm vnder 1000" ster.
Nota: he made a former assurance therof to old M' gookin, to thuse
of M" gookin, & Vincent is his exc.^
In March, 1629, Mary Gookin was in London, for Lord
Cork set down in his diary: "I lent Mrs Gookin 20'' in golde,
on her husbands bill, to be repaid the last of g'"''^"^ He noted
this again on April 2, the item "To M'' daniell Gookins wife,
on his bill, xx^','' appearing in a list of "The moneis I have
lent since I came to London."
Daniel's transatlantic ventures had not yielded the rich har-
vest he anticipated, and now at the age of forty-seven he found
himself so greatly in need of money that he was compelled
to dispose of the lease of Carrigaline, which had already been
pledged to secure various debts. On June 15, 1629, Lord
Cork, who was still in London, noted in his diary:
I have agreed with M' danyell Gooking to give him eight hundreth
pounds ster : for his lease I made him of my mannor of Carrickeleyn, he
making me such assurance therof as my councell shall devise: I haue
formerly on his bill lent him 2o'', which is to goe in part payment, and
this day delivered him other v'': other moneis I am to furnish him heer
withall to carry him and his wife with into Ireland, where at Michas I
am (vppon my assurance [being] perfected) to make y* up 800", and at
Michas he is to yeald me vp the quiett possession, to cleer the B[ishop] of
Corke, Luke Brady, his brother, vincent Gookin, to deliver me vp his
'See supra, p. 17
'Lismore Papers, Ser. I, ii, 302, 303.
SALE OF CARRIGALINE LEASE 51
orrigenall lease, His assigmt to the 2 Bellews & Wm petley in truste, and
to yeald vp to me all the counterparts of the leases he hath made, and
them I am to make good.^
A week later Cork arranged to make a lease of the castle
and ploughland of Carrigaline, to Mr. Thomas Daunt of Trac-
ton Abbey, for the "Remaynder of danyell gookins lease" at
an increase of v^' xv« ster above the rental paid by Daniel for
the entire manor.^ The following entries show in detail how
the sale of the lease was consummated, and also that Daniel's
passion for colonial ventures was not yet abated.
31 June 1629 (London).
I entered into bond of 200'' to Sir ffardinando George for payment of
one C' for M' Gookin, this 15 of October next at M' Burly machies howse.
this is my debt and goeth in part payment of the 800'' I haue, and am to
paie M"" gookin for the lease I made him of carrickeleyn, which this daie
he hath covenanted to assigne over in truste to M' W™ Wiseman for my
use; & I formerly paid him xxv^'. Then he is at Michas to abate me 50"
for my Michas Rent & iiij^' x' for the King's Rent soe as at Michas next
620'' 10' ster:, when he hath made my assurance, and delivered M' wise-
man the possession to my vse.^
I July 1629 (London).
I sent letters to M"" wiseman to receav of M' walley 620" x^ ster: to
satisfi M' gookin with, for his lease I bought of him of carrickelyne to M'
wiseman: tharticles between me and M' gookin; the coppie of my lo.
bicshop noat for thorrigenall lease thereof : The coppie of M"" gookins
deed in truste made to his ffather to his vse, with directions to M' wiseman
how to manadg that purchaze for me, and to take thassurances from M'
gookin, from his brother vincent, from both M"' Bellewes, & from W"
petley in his name in truste to my vse, to deliver it over to M'' Th° daunt
as my tenant on Michas day, who is to paie me 105'' 15' ster: a year for
it. And I wrott to M'' walley to paie that 620'' IC when M' wiseman
should require y' for M' gookin.*
22 February 1629/30 (Dublin)
I sent the wrytings between M"" danyell gookin & my self with my
directions to M' W™ Wiseman by John Turner to Sir Randall cleyton,
with request to him to satisfie M' danyell gookin 605" ster : & I deliv-
ered M"^ gookin his bond Si. myne of 200'' for the payment of one O'
wherin I stood bound to him for payment therof, & his bill to my cozen
Stockdale for payment of V" which I am to satisfy, which makes cxxx''
' Lismore Papers, Ser. I, ii, 326, 327.
' Lismore Papers, Ser. I, ii, 328.
■• Lismore Papers, Ser. I, ii.
52 SAINT BRANDAN'S ISLE
he hath had of me in parte of 800'' I am to pay him for his Interest in
Carrickeleyn : The C' I paid to Sir ffardinandoe George.^
7 October, 1630.
Sir Randall cleyton paid for me to M"" danyell Gookin (as the remayn
for the purchase of the lease of carrickleyn) 615'' 3' 9^ the Kings Rent
for Easter 1630, iiij •' xiij' xj'*, ffor my Easter Rent and ffees 50", To Mr
Stockdale, for his debt, 5", I paid for him to Sir fiardinando George by
our bond C'; I lent him in London xxv'': And in this manner his 800^'
was paid him.^
Vincent Gookin at this time was serving as high sheriff
of the County of Cork, in which post he acquitted himself so
well that on February 13, 1630/1, Lord Cork knighted him in
the Council Chamber at Dublin.
Still allured by visions of fortune to be gained in lands
beyond the seas, Daniel sought and obtained from King Charles
a grant of the mythical Saint Brandan's isle, then thought to
lie somewhere in the north Atlantic, off the west coast of Ire-
land. His petition to the King was in these words:
To the Kings Most excellent Ma*'*
The humble Peticon of Daniel Gookin gent.
Sheweth that whereas y® Petitioner is, and hath for manie yeers beine
not only a great affecter and Wellwisher to all the new Plantatons in y*
late discouered Hands and Continents in and beyond y* Seas. Butt also a
Planter and Aduenturer in the most of them himself; Holding those
workes to bee of great consequence and tending both to y* glorie of God
for y propogating of Christian Religion in places where for the most
savage and heathen people did live and inhabit: Also to the great strength-
ening and enritching of manie Christian Monarchs Princes theire King-
doms and subjects, whoe by honest and industrious courses, doe discouer
and bring in such comodities, and ritches into your Ma*' Dominions as
those places and Hands doe affoard, w'^'' often prooue bothe necessarie
and proffitable to your Ma*'^ and your subjects.
And for that y* Petitioner hath had credible notice and informacon
by diuers English travellers merchants and other gent expert in maritane
affaires and discoueries of a ^ ^rtaine Hand lying in y® maine Ocean Sea
betweene y" degrees of fiftie one and fiftie five of Northerlie latitude, and
distant West and by South about three hondred leagues from y" Blasques
in your Ma" Realme of Ireland : w'='' said Hand being heretofore discouered
in part, was named and called Saint Brandon or the Isle de Verde, and is
^Lismore Papers, Ser. I, iii, 19.
*Ibid., iii, 55.
DANIEL GOOKIN'S PATENT 53
likely to prooue very vsefull and pfituous to both your Ma*' said King-
doms of England and Ireland, and to affoard and yield them much ffish
with manie other valuable comodities and ritches in respect of the ppin-
quitie and neare neighborhood thervnto.
Humblie therefore beseecheth your Ma*'* to graunt y® said Hand
by the said names, or by some other name and certainties by your
Ma*° letters Patents vnder y* great seale of England vnto the Petitioner
in as liberall and beneficiall manner and forme, and with as large pre-
leminents and Immunities for y" planting and enioying thereof w**" the
bordering Islands (if anie bee) as your Ma*'" hath bein pleased to
graunt Nova Scotia and other places and Islands to S' William Alex-
ander, Knight, and others your Ma*' loving subjects in y* like cases.
And to give warrant to your Ma*' Attorney gennerall to prepare a bill
for your Roiall Signature, for the speedie passing therof accordingly.
That y" Petitioner maie haue power and encouragement further to
discouer and plant the same Island.
And the Petitioner shall dailie praie &c.
The endorsement by Secretary Coke shows that the king
received the petition with favour.
Whitehall i March, 1630.
His M*® grasious pleasure is that M"" Atturney p« pare for his royal
signature a Grant to the Pet't'oner of this Islande and the Islands neare
adjacent if anie bee as here desired: w**" such ample and conuenient priu-
eleges and powers as have been graunted to other discouerers and planters
in like cases, JOHN COKE.
On a sheet adjoining the foregoing petition of Mr. Gookin
is, in a quaint, peculiar form of writing with abbreviations, etc.,
the following, viz.:
Particular instructions to be putt in to the pattent for Daniell Gokein
First to have free transportacon of all manner of live cattle, as Horses,
Mares, Cowes, heifers, sheepe, goats and swine Custom free or to be
allowed bills of store for 7 years.
Alsoe to Covennte to renew the pattent after the discouery of the Hand
or Hands which shall be founde betweene Ireland and Newfoundland
lying, between the degrees of 50 and 55. that his Ma*'" would take but
the 20**" part of the silver or gold mynes if anie be discovered and wrought
It is unlikely that Daniel Gookin tried to make use of this
patent; no evidence now existing shows any attempt by him
to find the phantom isle.
54 HIS DEATH
In May, 163 1. the twelve years' litigation over the loan
made by Daniel to Jordan Condon came to an end. Daniel
having brought suit against David Power, one of Condon's
sureties, Power sought to escape liability by filing a counter
bill against Daniel in the High Court of Chancery. Answer-
ing, Daniel pleaded that the bill was 'S^exatious and for the
purpose of delay." The court sustained this view and at last
Daniel got his judgement. This is the last glimpse w^e get of
him. After the sale of his lease of Carrigaline he removed to
the City of Cork and was of Red Abbey in the parish of St.
Fin Barr when he died, in February or March, 1632/3. On
April 3 of that year letters of administration upon his estate
were granted to his widow and his son Edward (then a boy of
about eighteen), the bonds being signed by Mary Gookin and
her son Richard.
Apparently there was little to administer. The inventory
of the decedent's goods, made soon after his death, will per-
haps be of interest to his descendants.
An Inventory of the goods of Daniel Gookin, late of Red Abbey
deceased, taken by us Thomas Bate of Gill Abbey Merchant & Philip
Darrell Gent. & appraised by us the S"" day of March 1633 by virtue
of a commission to us directed from the Consistory Court of Cork.
£ s. d.
Imprimis, two field bed steads with testers curtains & val-
lances, being decayed & apprized at .... OI. GO. 00
Item three feather beds, two flock beds, two bolsters, & six
pillows, being old and decayed valued at . . . 04. CO. 00
Item, three rugs, one caddow & four blankets . . .01. 00. 00
Item, t\vo little tables, four small stools and two old
chairs at DO. 06. 08
INVENTORY OF GOODS 55
IN A TRUNK £ s. d.
Item, seven pairs of old sheets, six tablecloths four cub-
bert cloathes, three doz of napkins, four towels, six
pillobeares and a suit of child bed linen valued at . 05. lo. OO
IN ANOTHER SMALL TRUNK
Item, four bearing blankets, two wrought pillobearers &
three pincushions valued at 02. 00. 00
IN ANOTHER SMALL TRUNK
Item, two cloth suits, one cloak, six pair of stockings, one
hat & a sword of the deceased valued at . . .03 00. 00
Item, one little jug and a desk apprized at . . . . OO. 04. 00
IN A HAMPER
Item, two chamber pots, one pint pot, one quart pot, three
pewter dishes, one little flagon and a pewter band pot
valued at 00. 06. 08
Item, one old brass pot, one pair pot hooks, two iron
crocks, one pair of tongs, lire shovels & one Smooth-
ing iron apprized at 00. 10 00
Item, two silver beer bowls, one wine bowl, two salt-cel-
lars, whereof one a trencher salt & twelve silver spoons
apprized at 06 13 04
Item, one book of Cooper's works, one of Boulton's &
three of Prestones in quarto and one Bible . . .01. 00. 00
Item, two thousand suttle pounds of tobacco, the greater
part whereof hath taken wet, valued at 3*^ the pound . 25.
Item, an old pair of virginals valued at 00
Item, a small nag, & old mare & a coult of two weeks
Item, the fourth part of a boat of seven tunes . . . 02.
Item, one bill of Lazerus Havarde for one pound sixteen shillings & eight
pence sterling valued at [amount not stated].
Item, one bill of Captain Bruffes of twelve pounds sterling valued at
[amount not stated].
Item, a bond of M' William Poore of Shangarry for payment of ;^40.
Item, the rest of the intestates goods were made over to his children by
ffeeffment in trust to Sir Vincent Gookin Knt., William Newce of
Bandon Bridge, Esq. & William Booth of Lincolnshire in the realm
of England before the intestate's decease. THOMAS BATE
Exhibited the lo''' September 1633 by Mary Gookin.
56 NAMES OF CHILDREN
Daniel and Mary (Byrd) Gookin had five sons. Richard,
the eldest, was born about 1609 and named after his grand-
father. Dr. Byrd. At the time of his father's death he was
apparently still a member of the paternal household, being
described in the administrator's bond as " Richard Gookin of St.
Finn Barre, Cork, Gent.," but as he did not serve as one of the
administrators it may be that he was engaged in some occupa-
tion that made it impracticable. Nothing has been learned
about his career, though it is certain that he died before 1655,
and fair to presume that he married, since he alone of all the
members of the family could have been the father of "John
Gookin of St. Dunstan's in the East, London, mariner," con-
cerning whom also nothing is known except that on November
21, 1665, being then a "bachelor aged about 28," he married
"Mrs Francis Pitt of Stepney, widow, aged about 23."^
Edward, the second son, who was baptized at Ripple in
161 1, died young. Next came Daniel, born toward the end of
161 2; then John, who was perhaps the twin brother of Daniel;
then a second Edward, probably born in 161 5, as he was old
enough in April, 1633, to be constituted one of the administra-
tors of his father's estate, yet still a minor, for his mother was
appointed his guardian on the same day that the letters of
administration were issued. He died, unmarried, before 1655.
It may be that there was also a daughter Mary, born about
1617, for, on July 2, 1635, ^ marriage license bond for the mar-
riage of "Marie Gowkine" to "Hugh Bullock of London,
gentleman"^ was filed in the City of Cork. It seems more
likely, however, that "Mary Gowkine" was Daniel Gookin's
widow. If so, the marriage did not take place, for about three
weeks later Mary, who appears to have gone to visit the family
^ Allegations for Mar. Lie. issued by Vicar-Gen. of Archbishop of Cant., 1660-8.
Har. See. Pub., xxxiii, 152.
'He was probably the Hugh Bullock of London, gentleman, who made his will
October 20, 1649, being then aged seventy-two. It was probated November 2, 1650,
(P. C. C. Pembroke, f. 168). No wife was mentioned in it. He left his estate in
Virginia to his son William, who was probably the author of the well-known book,
published in 1649, entitled "Virginia Impartially examined and left to publick view,
to be considered by all Judicious and Honest Men." Mention was made of Wil-
liam's wife Klizabeth, and children Robert and Frances, and of the testator's sister
Ann Mason and her daughter Ellinor Mason.
CAPTAIN JOHN GOOKIN 57
of her brother-in-law Sir Vincent Gookin, then living at Bitton
in Gloucestershire, died and was buried there on July 27, 1635.
Daniel and John, the third and fourth sons of Daniel
Gookin, were probably away from home at the time of their
father's death. We know that Daniel was at the Marie's
Mount plantation as early as 163 1, when he was only eighteen,
and not unlikely John may have been there with him. John's
career was a short one. On October 17, 1636, he was granted
500 acres of land on the Nansemond River in Virginia for
transporting ten persons to the colony,^ and in the course of
the next five years he had three additional grants aggregating
1490 acres more. In 1637 or 1638 he was appointed one of the
Commissioners for keeping monthly courts in Lower Norfolk,
and in 1639 was a burgess for Upper Norfolk and attended the
Grand Assembly that met in James City on January 6.2 A
few days prior to February 4, 1640/1 he married Sarah the
relict of Captain Adam Thorowgood of Lynn Haven, Lower
Norfolk county. Captain Thorowgood was one of the prin-
cipal men of the colony. His wife Sarah was the fifth daughter
of Robert Offley, Turkey merchant of Grace street, London,
whose wife Ann was the daughter of Sir Edward Osborne,
Knt., Lord Mayor of London, 1583, by his wife Ann, daughter
and sole heir of William Hewitt, Lord Mayor of London, 1559,
"a merchant of great repute." Sarah OfBey was baptized at
St. Benet's April 16, 1609, and was married to Adam Thorow-
good at St. Anne's, Blackfriars, July 18, 1627. She bore him
a son and three daughters, who were living at the time of her
marriage to John Gookin. By her second husband she had one
daughter, Mary Gookin, born in 1641 or 1642, who was married
about 1660 to Captain William Moseley of Rolleston, Lower
Norfolk, and after his death in 1671, became the second wife of
Lieut. Colonel Anthony Lawson.
In 1642 John Gookin had the title of Captain, and on March
29, 1643, he was Commander at a court held for Lower Nor-
folk. ' He died on November 2, 1643, being then only about
Wa. Hist. Mag., Vol. 5, p. 458.
nhid., Vol, 5, p. 435; Vol. 2, p. 99.
' Lower Norfolk Co. Antiquary, i, 144.
58 TOMBSTONE AT LYNN HAVEN
thirty years of age. Four years later his widow was married
to her third husband, Colonel Francis Yardley, son of Gover-
nor Sir George Yardley. She died in August, 1657, and was
buried beside John Gookin, at Church Point, Lynn Haven.
The tombstone erected to their memory is the only one now
readable of those formerly in the church-yard there, the others
having been submerged or destroyed by the incursion of the
sea. It bears the inscription:
Here lieth y^ body of Capt John Gooking and also
y' body of M" Sarah Yardley, who was wife to
Capt. Adam Thorowgood first, Capt John
Gooking & Collonell Francis Yardley, who
deceased August 1657.
DANIEL GOOKIN OF CAMBRIDGE
HE third son and namesake of Daniel Gookin
of Carrigaline was born in the latter part of the
year i6i2. His place of nativity remains a mat-
ter of conjecture. When he was less than four
years old his father was living in Ireland, so it
may be assumed that Daniel's early boyhood was
spent at Carrigaline and that later he was sent to
England for his schooling. The earliest glimpse of him that we
have reveals him in Viriginia, at his father's plantation, shortly
after he had passed his eighteenth birthday. Among the rec-
ords of the General Court is an indenture executed February
I, 1630/1, "between Daniell Gooking of Newport Newes in
Virginia, gent, of the one part and Thomas Addison late ser-
vant to the said Daniell his father of the other part," whereby
"the said Daniell Gooking younger, in the behalfe of his father,
as well for and in consideration of the good and honnest ser-
vice the said Daniel Gooking and his assignes have had and
received from the said Thomas Addison, as alsoe for and in
consideration of the yearly rent and other conditions hereafter
mentioned and expressed, doe give, grant, assigne and coniirme
unto the s"* Thomas Addison his heires one fifty acres of land,
being part of the land belonging to the lordshipp of the said
Daniel Gooking, is scituate and leyeth above Newport Newes
at a place there now called Maries Mount."^
DeVries, the Dutch captain, wrote that on March 20, 1633,
' New Eng. Hist, Gen. Register, i, 347.
GRANT OF VIRGINIA LANDS
he "anchored at evening, before Newport Snuw, where lived a
gentleman of the name of Goegen."i Other than this there is
nothing to show how long Daniel remained in the Colony at
this time, unless it may be inferred from the date of the order
of the General Court granting him 25CO acres of land upon
the south side of James River, that he was still there in Feb-
ruary, 1634/5. The language of the grant, which was not per-
fected until nearly three years later, is as follows:
To all to whome these p'sents shall come, I S"^ John Harvy, Kt: Gov-
ernor, .... Know yee that I the said S"^ John Harvy Kt. doe w*'' the
consent of the Counsell of State accordingly Give and graunt unto Dan-
iell (jookin Esq"" tvvoe thousand five hundred acres of land, situate lying
and being in the upper Countie of New Norfolke upon the northwest
of Nansemond River beginning at the South East side of a Small Creeke,
which lyeth in the midway betweene the mouth of Chuckatuck at New
Town hundred Extending upwards upon Nansamond River South West
and back into the woods North West, the said Twoe thousand five hun-
dred acres of land being graunted unto him the said Daniell Gookin, by
order of Court bearing date the 25*'' of ffebruary 1634 being alsoe due
unto him the said Daniell Gookin by and for the transportation at his
owne Expensts and charges of fiftie p'sons into this Colony whose names
are in the record mentioned under this pattent, To Have and To Hold,
etc., dated the 29th December 1637.^
' Neill, Virginia Carolorum, p. 83.
* Records Va. Land Office, i, 511.
Hatchment used at the funeral of Thomas Gookin, Esquire,
of Ripple Court, Kent, in January, 1625.
A DEFERRED RECOMPENSE 63
The inclusion in this list of the names of four of the ser-
vants of Daniel Gookin, Sr., who came in The Flying Harte
in 1621, and of five others who were living in Elizabeth City
when the census of February 16, 1623/4, was taken, and upon
whose transportation into the colony the grant of land to the
elder Daniel had already been based, suggests the possibility
that this grant to his son may have been one of those made
by complacent officials upon slender pretext of conformity to
legal requirements, either for favour, or the payment of a small
fee.^ As to the justice of the grant there can be no question.
It was a part of the deferred recompense to Daniel's father,
who had earned thirty-five hundred acres by transporting
seventy colonists in the "Providence" in 1623.2
Whether the alienation of the Marie's Mount plantation
was of earlier or later date than this grant we do not know.
It was conveyed by Daniel and John Gookin to John Chand-
ler, but the language of the deed cannot be recovered and it
is unlikely that its date will ever be known, as all the early
records of Warwick county are destroyed and those of Eliza-
beth City go back only to 1699. It is, however, referred to in
a grant to William Cole, in April, 1685, of the remainder of
the tract after deducting 100 acres conveyed to Richard Griffin
on November 16, 1626, and the 150 acres given to Thomas
Addison in 163 1. The grant to Cole reads:
To all &c. Whereas &c., Now know yee that I the said Francis
Lord Howard, Governor &c, doe with the advice and consent of the
Councell of State accordly give and grant unto the Hon*''" William Cole,
Esq., one of his Majesties Councell of State of this Colony ffowerteene
hundred thirty and one acres of land twelve hundred and seaventeene
acres whereof lyes in Warwick County & the remainder being twoe hun-
dred and sixteene acres^ in Elizabeth Citty County commonly called
Newports News according to the most ancient and lawfull bonds thereof
being all that can be found upon an exact Survey of two thousand five
hundred acres of Land formerly granted to Daniell Gookin Esq., except
two hundred & fifty acres formerly conveyed and made over by the said
Gookin whoe together with John Gookin conveyed the aforesaid ffourtene
'See Campbell's History of Virginia, p. 350.
^See supra, p. 46.
^Obviously an error in the record, for 1217 acres and 216 acres give a total of
1433, not 1431.
64 SECOND MARRIAGE
hundred thirty and one acres of land to John Chandler whoe conveyed the
same to Capt. Benedict Stafford from whome the same was found to
escheat in the Secretaries office under the hands and seals of John Page,
Esq., escheator Gener^^ of Warwick k Elizabeth Citty Counties k a jury
sworne before him for the purpose dated the third day of Aprill 1684 may
appeare & was since granted to the said William Cole, Esq., and Capt.
Roger Jones whoe made their composition according to Act & since by
the said Roger Jones assigned Si, made over to the said William Cole,
Dated the 20th of Aprill, 1685.
The fact that the conveyance to Chandler was made by-
Daniel Gookin and John Gookin sets at rest all doubt that
Captain John Gookin was Daniel's brother.
When we get our next glimpse of Daniel he is in London.
A license was granted by the Bishop of London, November
II, 1639, for the marriage of Daniel Gookin, Gentleman, of the
parish of St. Sepulchre, London, a widower, aged about 27, and
Mary Dolling, of the parish of St. Dunstan in the West, Lon-
don, a spinster, aged about 21, whose parents were dead. They
were to marry at St. Sepulchre's, but, as the early registers
of that parish were destroyed in the Great Fire of 1665, the
precise date of the wedding cannot be determined. No record
of Daniel's previous marriage has yet come to light. There
is nothing to indicate whether it took place in England or in
Virginia. The parentage of his second wife is also an unsolved
problem. The parish register of St. Dunstan in the West
reveals nothing about her, from which it may be inferred that
her birthplace was in all probability elsewhere.
In the interval between his two visits to Virginia there is
reason to suppose that Daniel was, for a time at least, engaged
in military service, possibly in England, but more likely in
the Netherlands. Captain Edward Johnson, in his "Wonder
Working Providence," calls him a "Kentish souldier," an
appellation which would hardly have been bestowed because of
his command of the trained bands in Virginia and Massachu-
setts. Whatever the service, however, its duration could not
have been longer than a very few years.
Early in 1641, Daniel and Mary Gookin, with their infant
son, set sail for Virginia to make their home in the new world.
IN VIRGINIA 65
Opening before Daniel there was the alluring prospect of ter-
ritorial lordship made possible by the grant of land obtained
three years before; whereas, being a younger son and possessed
of only moderate means, the hope of acquiring a considerable
landed estate in England must have seemed very far away.
Though it is scarcely possible to doubt that he was already a
Puritan when he came over, his religious faith cannot have been
an impelling force in determining him to settle in Virginia.
The impulse of the English Puritans to seek a refuge beyond
the sea had been checked and the tide of emigration to New
England had been brought almost to an end by the hopes
which the assembling of the Long Parliament, the year before,
had awakened. Moreover, intolerance of open non-conformity
to the Church of England was then more marked in the
southern colony than in the mother country.
On his arrival in Virginia, Daniel proceeded to the Nanse-
mond plantation and took up his residence there. His fellow
colonists were not long in recognizing him as a man of ability.
He was made a burgess and represented Upper Norfolk in
the Grand Assembly which met at Jamestown January 12,
1641/2.^ Upon the records his name appears as "Captain"
Daniel Gookin, which very likely indicates that the title was
acquired before he left England. However that may be, he
was soon given the title in Virginia. "At a court holden at
James Citty the nyne and twentyeth of June 1642. Present S'
Willian Berkeley kn* Governo'' &c. Capt. John West M'
Rich. Kemp Capt. William Brocas Capt. Christ Wormley Capt.
Hum. Higginson. The comicon for the monethly court of
Upp. Norfolke to be renewed and the com" to be as follow-
eth: Capt. Daniell Gookin comander, M'' f?rancis Hough
Capt. Tho. Burbage M' John Hill Mr. Olliver Spry, Mr
Thomas Dew M"^ Randall Crew M'' Robert Bennett Mr
Philip Bennett. The Capts. of trayned Bands to be as follow-
eth: Capt. Daniel Gookin, Capt. Thomas Burbage."
It is interesting, in view of the circumstances of his later
life, that the duties of these offices soon brought Daniel into
* Va. Hist. Mag., ix, 51.
66 ANOTHER LAND GRANT
contact with the Indians of the neighborhood, and that one of
the earhest of the occasions was at the instance of his brother
John Gookin, for it is recorded in the order book of the Gen-
eral Court of Virginia:
At a Quarter Court holden at James Citty the 22th of November
1642. Present S^ William Berkeley Knight . . . Whereas Capt. John
Gookin hath represented to the Board certayne Outrages aud Robberyes
committed by the Indians belonging to Nanzemond in the county of the
lower Norfolke,The Court hath therefore ordered according to the request
of the said Capt. John Gooking, That Authority be given to the Coman-
der of the Upp. Norfolke either by Lre or Commicon to send to the Indian
King of Nansimond that those Indians who have comitted the Outrages
may be sent in to receive such condigne punishm* as the nature of the
offense may justly merritt, as alsoe to restore the goods stollen, which if he
shall refuse to pforme that then the said Comander shall have power to
apprehend any of the Indians they can and to keepe them in hold untill
satisfaccon and restitucon be accordingly made.
In the autumn of this year Daniel received a patent for an
additional fourteen hundred acres of land.
"To all to whome, etc., . . . now know yee, that the said S'
William Berkeley Kt. doe wth the Consent of the Counsell of State
accordingly give and graunt unto Capt. Daniell Gookin ffourteen hundred
acres of land situate or being in Rappahaunocke River about thirty-five
miles upon the north side and beginning at a marked red ooke standing
on the River side on the westward side of a pond of water and extending for
length east north east three hundred and twentie pole unto a marked red
ooke, and for breadth from the first mentioned marked tree by south, south-
east line nigh unto the River side seaven hundred pole unto a marked white
ooke standing on a point on the westward side of the mouth of a small
creeke and soe extending for length East North East three hundred and
twenty pole unto a marked pyne, and soe North North West parrallel to
the River Course unto the second mentioned red ooke, the said ffourteen
hundred acres of land being due unto him the said Capt. Daniell Gookin
by and for the transportation of twentie eight persons into this colony
whose names are in the record mentioned under this pattent.
"To Have and to Hold," etc., "Yielding and paying" etc., "which
payment is to be made seaven Yeares after the date of these p''sents and
not before," etc., "Provided alwaies that the said Capt. Daniell Gookin
his heirs or assigns doe not plant or seat or cause to bee seated on the
said ffourteen hundred acres of land w"" in the terme of three yeares next
ensuing after admittance cultivation" grant to be void. " Given by a Grand
Assembly for the seating of Rappahannock River aforesaid, "etc., dated
the fouerth of November 1642."
THE NANSEMOND PETITION e^
The names of the twenty-eight persons are recorded with
William Wildly Christ. Vaughan
Jon. Morgan fferdinand Heath
Margarett Davis Tho" Beede
William Paine Roger Wilcox
Eliza: Brooke Thos. Ringall
Robert Mason Rich. Browne
Marsoy Lanmore Robert Bernard
William Webb James Perkins
J"" Addison Tho. Perkins
(Daniel Gookin) himself 2 several times into this
Mrs. Mary Gookin Sam" Gookin
Thomas Warren William Shepperd
Edward Cooke Mary Codne
John Bright Jacob, a negroe
There can be little doubt that most of these were indented
servants brought over by Daniel to assist in the cultivation of
the Nansemond plantation. The negro, whose full name was
Jacob Warrow, was a slave. He was owned by Daniel until
1655, when he was murdered by the Indians. ^
Among his neighbors in the Upper Norfolk country, Dan-
iel found to his great delight that there were a considerable
number of Puritan families. They had, in all probability, a
rude chapel in the forest, wherein, as was customary in those
days in settlements without a minister, a Bible and a few valu-
able religious books were fastened to a desk, for the devout to
open and read. Services of some sort were held on the Lord's
Day, but the lack of the preaching which was both the chief
solace and intellectual diversion of the early Puritans, was
keenly felt. Accordingly on May 24, 1642, Richard Bennett,
Daniel Gookin, John Hull and seventy-one others, addressed
a letter to the elders of the church in the colony of Massa-
chusetts Bay, ''bewailing their sad condition for want of the
means of salvation and earnestly entreating a supply of faithful
ministers, whom, upon experience of their gifts and godliness
they might call to office." 2
^See infra, p. 76.
* Winthrop's Hist, of New Eng., ed. by James Savage, ii, 93.
68 VISIT OF PURITAN PREACHERS
This letter, now known as the "Nansemond petition," Ben-
nett carried to Boston, where he arrived upon a small coasting
vessel, early in September. The petition having been read
to the people "upon a lecture day, the elders met," says
Winthrop, "and set a day apart to seek God in it, and agreed
upon three who might most likely be spared." Two of these
declined to go and the choice finally rested upon Rev. William
Tompson of Braintree, an Oxford graduate and a preacher
of distinction, and Rev. John Knowles, a ripe scholar from
Emanuel College, who had been the pastor at Watertown.
With the consent of their churches, Tompson and Knowles
left on October 7 for Taunton, where a pinnace awaited
them, and a few days later they were joined by Rev. Thomas
James of New Haven, who had for ten years been a faithful
preacher at Charlestown. Eleven weeks were consumed in
the voyage to Virginia. At Hell Gate their small craft was
wrecked and they narrowly escaped with their lives. Another
vessel having been procured at Manhattan, despite the cold
reception accorded them by the Dutch Governor, "they set
sail in the dead of winter, and had much foul weather, so as
with great difficulty and danger they arrived safe in Virginia."
"Here," says Winthrop, "they found very loving and liberal
entertainment, and were bestowed in several places, not by
the governour, but by some well disposed people who desired
Among these well disposed persons Daniel Gookin was
easily the most prominent, and no stretch of the imagination is
required to see him welcoming the ministers with open hands.
By Governor Berkeley, a zealous and bigoted adherent to the
Church of England, though they brought letters to him from
Governor Winthrop, their reception was frigid in the extreme.
He told them bluntly that their presence was not desired,
and as they persisted, nevertheless, in striving to spread their
obnoxious doctrine, he lost no time in taking steps to repel the
invasion. At the next meeting of the Assembly, in March,
1642/3, the following act was passed: "For the preservation
*Hist. New Eng., ii, 115.
THE ACT OF CONFORMITY 69
of the puritie of doctrine & unitie of the church, It is enacted
that all ministers whatsoever which shall reside in the collony
are to be conformable to the orders and constitutions of the
church of England, and the laws therein established, and not
otherwise to be admitted to teach or preach publickly or
privatly. And that the Gov. and Counsel do take care that
all nonconformists upon notice of them shall be compelled to
depart the collony with all convenencie."'
After the enactment of this statute the Governor was not
long in getting rid of Knowles and James, w^ho left for New
England in April. Knowles arrived in Boston in June, bearing
letters telling of the work of the three missionaries, "whereby
it appeared that God had greatly blessed their ministry there,
so as the people's hearts were much inflamed with desire after
the ordinances, and though the state did silence the ministers,
because they would not conform to the order of England, yet
the people resorted to them in private houses to hear them as
While there is no positive evidence that Tompson made
Daniel Gookin's house his headquarters, yet it is more than
likely that such was the case. Certain it is that they were
closely associated at this time ; so much, at least, we learn from
the testimony of Cotton Mather's oft quoted, and misquoted,
Hearers, like doves, flocked with contentious wing,
Who should be first, feed most, most homeward bring,
Laden with honey, like Hyblaean bees,
They knead it into combs upon their knees.
A constellation of great converts there,
Shone round him, and his heavenly glory were.
GOOKINS was one of these; by Thompson's pains,
Christ and New England a dear Gookins gains.^
It is easy to infer too much from this utterance, written
fifty-five years after the occurrences described, and eleven years
'Henning's Statutes at Large, i, 277.
^Winthrop, ii, 116.
' Magnalia Christi Americana, i, 440.
70 AN UNWARRANTED STATEMENT
after Daniel Gookin's death, and not to make sufficient allow-
ance for the exigencies of metrical composition. The assertion
of John Fiske that Daniel was a "brand snatched from the
burning," a "wayward son . . . whose conversion was from
worldliness or perhaps devilry rather than from prelacy," is
nothing else than gratuitous assumption. ^
Unquestionably it was Tompson's influence that induced
Daniel to remove to Massachusetts. To the same source also
we may with safety attribute a strengthening of his belief in
the doctrines of the Puritans and the fanning of his religious
ardor into a more active flame; but, as he was one of the fore-
most signers of the Nansemond petition^ it is equally certain
that he was already a convert before Tompson set foot on
After the passage of the act of conformity, Virginia was no
longer an agreeable place for Daniel Gookin to live, and he
soon began to plan for removal. Accompanied by Tompson
and others, Daniel first emigrated, in the summer of 1643, to
the neighboring colony of Maryland, where he acquired land
in the vicinity of South and Severn Rivers, near the site of
Annapolis.2 Though Lord Baltimore and Governor Calvert
were Papists, the newcomers were not looked upon by them
as intruders, but were welcomed as most desirable, and Tomp-
son labored on in the colony until the latter part of 1648,
'Old Virginia and Her Neighbors, i, 304.
Professor Fiske appears to have derived his "inspiration" from "A Puritan
Colony in Maryland," by Daniel R. Randall, printed in "Johns Hopkins Univ. Stud-
ies," 4th Ser., No. 6, p. 10. It would be difficult to cite a better illustration of the
danger of drawing upon the imagination for one's facts than is furnished by the
following extract: "But still Thompson labored on among his many converts. Of
these, Daniel Godkin or Gookin the wayward son of a good old Puritan of that name,
was the most incorrigible. However, the Rev. Thompson's public teaching and
private expostulation converted him so completely from his evil ways that the good
people were a little skeptical of his sincerity, and Daniel left the home of his fathers,
changed his name to Gookin, and went to Boston, there to signalize himself by his
good works. Mather celebrated Thompson'swork and particularly this wonderful
conversion by writing thereon a poem, of which I quote a stanza:
A constellation of great converts there
Shone round him, and his heavenly glory wear;
Godkin was one of them; by Thompson's pains
Christ and New England a dear Godkin gains."
Thus too often is so-called history written.
^ Terra Marias, by Edward D. Neill, p. 79.
REMOVAL TO NEW ENGLAND 71
"winning golden opinions by his quiet, conservative, and Chris-
tian course. "1
Notwithstanding the welcome accorded him and the toler-
ation displayed by Governor Calvert in protecting all settlers
in their conscientious scruples, a short stay convinced Daniel
that Maryland, under Papist rule, was not the place for him.
Moreover Massachusetts held out the powerful attraction of
life in a Puritan community, where he would be surrounded
by others holding like views with himself, and thither, "having
his affection strongly set on the truths of Christ and his pure
Ordinances," 2 he made up his mind to go. The sudden death
of his brother John, at Lynn Haven early in November, 1643,
by breaking the strongest tie that bound him to Virginia, made
this decision all the easier. So, about the beginning of May,
1644, leaving his three plantations in the charge of servants,
with his wife and infant daughter ^ he set sail for Boston.
While they were engaged in their preparations for leaving,
Virginia was plunged into desolation by the great Indian Mas-
sacre of April 18, when so many of the colonists lost their
lives. The news of this disaster Daniel was the first to carry
to New England.
^ Terra Marias, p. 8i.
^Johnson's Wonder-Working Providence of Zion's Saviour in New England,
^ Samuel, his first-born, had died before this time.
HE ship that bore Daniel Gookin and his fam-
ily to New England arrived at Boston May 20,
1644. Only with difficulty, and bearing in mind
the absorption of the seventeenth century men
in their religious views, can we, in these days of
universal toleration and faiths lightly held, con-
ceive the joy that Daniel must have felt when he
found himself breathing the air of a community where the
Puritan Church and the civil state had been "planted and
growne up (like t\vo tvvinnes) together like that of Israel in
the wilderness. "1 His reception could not well have been
more cordial. On May 26, six days after his landing, he was
admitted to the First Church in Boston, and on May 29, only
three days later, he was made a freeman. It was very uncom-
mon for one to be allowed to take his oath so soon after
arriving within the jurisdiction, and the unusual honours plainly
evince that Daniel's reputation had preceded him. Without
doubt it was his kindness to the missionaries in Virginia and
their reports of his zeal and piety that gained him this distinc-
tion. He was now in his thirty-second year, tall in stature and
robust in physique; in bearing grave and dignified. Though
a Puritan of the Puritans, stern and uncompromising in mat-
ters of religion, the dominating notes in his character were his
tenderness of heart and compassion, and his abiding sense of
^"The Book Of General Lauues And Libertyes Concerning The Inhabitants
Of The Massachusets. " Cambridge, 1648.
FRIENDSHIP WITH JOHN ELIOT 73
justice. To such a nature selfish striving for his own advance-
ment was impossible. No man could be more tenacious of
his rights, or could more stoutly uphold them when called in
question. But what he insisted upon for himself, he freely
accorded to others, — even to the despised red men, for whose
advancement he laboured so unceasingly to the end of his days.
The records of the First Church in Boston, of which Rev.
John Cotton was the pastor, show that "Mrs. Mary Gookin,
o'' brother Captaine Gookin's wife "was admitted as a member
on October 12, 1644. With this church Daniel and Mary
continued their affiliation until their removal to Cambridge,
nearly four years later. During most, if not all of the inter-
vening time, their residence was in Roxbury, where they were
near neighbors of Rev. John Eliot, the famous pastor of the
First Church of that town, justly renowned as the "Apostle"
to the Indians of New England, It is not improbable that
Eliot may have influenced Daniel in selecting Roxbury as his
place of abode. However that may be, a close friendship
soon grew up between them which continued unbroken to the
end of Daniel's life, and was cemented by many years of
labour together in the service of the Lord. They were not
far apart in age, Eliot being only eight years the elder, and
they had much in common besides their adhesion to the same
religious tenets. Both were men of broad views, in many ways
open-minded for their day and generation; both were simple
in their lives and of the serene temper that conquers many
difficulties; both had the rare gift of sympathy combined with
calmness of judgement. Austere and intolerant in matters of
doctrine they undoubtedly were, but in that they were only the
product of their age. Toleration, as then conceived, was a sin
of the first magnitude. It is the child of doubt, and in the sev-
enteenth century few men had any doubt whatever that they
were right in their religious beliefs, and that those who differed
from them were as certainly wrong. The prevailing view was
well formulated by Nathaniel Ward. "Every toleration of false
religions or opinions," he wrote, "hath as many errors and sins
in it as all the false religions and opinions it tolerates."^ Reli-
^ Simple Cobler of Agawam, p. 8.
74 THE NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY
gious persecution was the natural sequence. The men of New
England did not mean to be cruel and uncharitable, but in their
eyes the dissemination of unsound doctrine was monstrous
iniquity, destructive alike to the souls of men and to the king-
dom of God upon earth. And so, while they recognized the
impossibility of coercing belief, they nevertheless felt it their
bounden duty to inflict dreadful penalties upon the unor-
The New England of Eliot and Gookin was essentially a
theocracy. Religion filled men's thoughts and was regarded
as the only real concern in life. Church and state were not
merely linked together; they were one and the same, for the
Church was the State. Citizenship was conferred upon those
only who had received baptism and the Lord's supper. The
ministers were the most influential men in the colony, the most
respected and beloved. The esteem in which they were held
was well deserved. They were, indeed, a singularly able and
learned body of men, who strove with all their might to exem-
plify in their lives the purifying effect of the doctrines they
preached. Such men as John Cotton, Thomas Shepard, John
Eliot, Thomas Hooker, Nathaniel Ward, Richard Mather,
Roger Williams, Davenport, Chauncey, Norton, Dunster, —
scholars all, and many of them graduates of Cambridge and
Oxford, — would have been notable in any environment. To
the members of their flocks their interminable prayers and
long-drawn-out sermons afi^orded not merely spiritual sol-
ace and refreshment; they were a source of keen intellectual
pleasure as well, and to a large extent filled the place that
in modern life is occupied by secular entertainments. "Mr.
Torrey stood up and prayed near two hours, but the time
obliged him to close, to our regret," wrote a Harvard grad-
uate,^ "and we could have gladly heard him an hour longer."
Learning was held in high esteem. Not only the clergy, but
many of the leaders among the laity, as the elder and younger
Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, Simon Bradstreet, William Brew-
ster, William Bradford, John Pynchon, John Haynes, and
' Quoted by J. L. Sibley, Harv. Grad., 566.
RESIDENCE IN ROXBURY 75
Daniel Gookin, were men of education. "Probably no other
community of pioneers ever so honoured study, so reverenced
the symbols and instruments of learning. Theirs was a social
structure with its corner-stone resting on a book.''^ Work
and food were plentiful, luxuries were few; plain living and
high thinking came nearer being the standard than, perhaps,
they have ever been elsewhere.
Little is known about Daniel's occupations during the three
or more years of his residence in Roxbury. He was one of
the founders of the free grammar school established in the
summer or autumn of 1645.2 Drake says he was a deputy
from Roxbury to the General Court.^ If so, the records of
the Court fail to show that he attended any of the sessions
of that body. This, perhaps, is accounted for by absence in
Maryland or Virginia. The business of his plantations in the
southern colonies appears to have occupied his attention for
some time after his removal to Massachusetts, and to have
occasioned at least one voyage to the river James. In a letter
from the elder Winthrop to his son, dated Boston, May 14,
1647, he says:
"Here came in this morning a ship from Virginia with
captain Gookin and some others. She was bought by him [of]
the governour there. She came out ten days since, and we
hear by her, that Mr. Whiting's pinnace is safe there, and
another of Connecticut."*
Not unlikely the voyage to Virginia was for the purpose
of trade, and on the return trip he may have carried to Boston
the corn and tobacco grown upon his plantations. On April 6
of the next year, 1648, he sold five hundred acres of the planta-
tion on the Rappahannock River to Captain Thomas Burbage.
How long he continued to own and cultivate the remaining
nine hundred acres and the larger plantation on the Nanse-
mond has not been ascertained. The Maryland plantation
was still in his possession in 1655, when Jacob Warrow and
'Moses Coit Tyler, Hist, of Am. Literature, i, 99.
* Ellis, Hist, of Roxbury Town, p. 37.
^F. S. Drake, The Town of Roxbury, Its Memorable Persons and Places, p. 190.
* Savage's Winthrop, ii, 432.
-^e THE SOUTH RIVER PLANTATION
another of his negro servants were murdered by two Indians,
who were afterward apprehended and brought to justice. At
the trial, "Mary, the servant who had escaped, notwithstand-
ing the severity of her wound, was the chief witness. But
Warcosse, the Emperor, had sent down to St. Mary's some
articles found in possession of the suspected Indians, and
which it was known had belonged to Captain Gookins. And
the Indians, who spoke through interpreters, confessed at the
trial they were present at the murder — at one moment admit-
ting, at the next denying, their guilt, 'fearful and desiring' says
the record, 'to conceal it.' They were convicted, sentenced,
and executed on the same day.''^
One other mention of Captain Gookin in connection with
the South River plantation is found in contemporary records.
When, in March, 1654/5, William Stone, who had resigned as
Governor of Maryland under Lord Baltimore the preceding
July, organized an armed force against the existing authorities
and arrived off the mouth of the river Severn with two hun-
dred men in twelve boats, he chased a small New England
trading vessel belonging to Captain Gookin, which was in
charge of Captain John Cutts, and fired several shots at her.^
On May 29 of this year, 1655, a suit "betweene Elias Park-
man, plaintiffe, & Capt. Dann. Gookin defendant, in reference
to the said Parkman's voyage to Virginia," was decided by the
General Court of the colony of Massachusetts Bay. The rec-
ord says: "The Court, on hearing of the case and all parties
concerned therein, doe judge that although there were five
persons, old & young, shipt aboard the said Parkman by the
defendent, yett, in regard two of them were very young he shall
be allowed for transporting three persons and a halfe only the
some of seven pounds, and for a parcell of goods which he car-
ried twenty shillings ; of w^*" fower pounds tenn shillings is found
paid in a parcell of tobacco; but nothing due to the plaint^ for
the fower thousand of bread w^'' was shipt on another vessell;
so that the Court finds for the plaintiff three pounds tenn shil-
lings, and two pounds five shillings and eight pence costs."
1 George Lynn Lachlan Davis, in "The Day Star of Freedom," Baltimore, 1858.
*E. D. Neill, Terra Marias, 123.
AN INEFFICIENT FOREMAN 77
Fifteen years later Daniel was still interested in the coast-
ing trade. The town of Cambridge, on November 14, 1670,
"Granted to the owners of the Ketches that are to [be]
builded in the town liberty to fell timber upon the common
for the building of the said Ketches." The owners were
Daniel Gookin, Walter Hastings, and Samuel Champney. In
April, 1672, they recovered ten pounds damage and costs of
court, against William Carr, for unworkmanlike conduct in
building the vessels, which, as appears from the County Court
Records, were of thirty-five and twenty-eight tons. Small as
they seem to us nowadays, it appears from Randolph's nar-
rative that more than two-thirds of all the vessels owned in
the colony in 1676 ranged in size from six to fifty tons. A
curious deposition relating to Carr's delinquency is in posses-
sion of the compiler of this history. It is in the handwriting
of Captain Gookin.
David Fiske Aged about 49: yeares beeing sworen saith that bee
wrought w**" William Carr upon the vessells built by him in Cambridge
about 4 months in the winter 1670 & I Do say & Affirme y' William
Carr master of the worke Did not follow his worke diligently him selfe
nor improue & imploy the hands y* wrought w*** him w''*' was not less
than six or seauen som times; and in particuler when hee had sett out a
peece of worke to hew or fitt hee would Repaire under the shed & sitt &
smoke & when y'' worke was done the workmen were faine to goe & call
him to sett out more worke; & the whilst hee did it they were faine to
stand still w"'' was an occasion of loss of much time, wheras hee might
easily have prepared worke ready against the other was done also I do
further Afirme y*^ hee the said Carr did seldome while I was their Do an
hours worke or two in a day w"" his owne hands. And also I do say y*
I saw him order the cutting of the best oake planks in the yard for Rib-
ben. Further hee saith not.
Taken upon oath this i: of Aprill
1672 before me
Thomas Longhome aged about 51 saith that w"*" is aboue written is Truth
& further hee adds y* hee being sawier in the yard from first to Last doth
Judge that the owners Are damnified about 10: pounds in Respect of
the timber sawed & gotten for the vessells that lies there part of it in the
HE General Court, on March 7, 1643/4, con-
firmed to the town of Cambridge a conditional
grant, made nearly three years earlier, of "all the
land lying upon Savveshin Ryver, and between
that and Concord Ryver, and between that and
Merrimack Ryver," not previously granted by
the Court. This territory, then designated as
Shawshine, included the present town of Billerica, parts of
Bedford and Carlisle, and a part of Tewksbury, or of Chelms-
ford, or both. No general division of the land was made
before 1652, but a number of grants were made to individ-
uals. The earliest of these was on April 9, 1648, when, at a
general meeting the whole town, having had "special warn-
ing to meet for the disposing of Shawshine," one thousand
acres were set aside "for the good of the church," and "also
there was granted to several brethren that had no house-rights
in the town, if they did desire it," farms at Shawshine: —
"Imprimis, Capt. Googine a farm, if he buy a house in
If this were intended to help a wavering decision it seems
to have accomplished its purpose. A house was bought from
Edward Collins. It stood on the easterly side of Crooked
street (now Holyoke street) about a hundred feet south of
Braintree street (now Harvard street), on the site now occu-
pied by the club house of the Hasty Pudding Club. The
removal from Roxbury may have antedated the promise of
Tomb of Daniel Gookin, at Cambridge, Massachusetts.
** ) »
>^ 5^;^ U
REMOVAL TO CAMBRIDGE 79
the farm.i More probably it took place toward the end of
the summer. The records of the First Church in Boston
contain this entry: "The 3^^ Day of y 7th Month 1648, our
brother Captaine Gookin and o'' Sister Mrs. Mary Gookin
his wife, were according to their owne Desires w*** y« Consent
of y^ Church by their silence dismissed to y« church at Cam-
bridge and to haveTres accordingly." Daniel had now reached
the age of thirty-six. At the time of his removal to Cam-
bridge his family consisted of his wife and his daughters,
Mary aged about six, and Elizabeth aged two. A third daugh-
ter, born in Roxbury the preceding year, had lived not quite
The farm at Shawshine was granted in April, 1649, when
at a town meeting it was agreed "that Mr. Henry Dun-
ster, President of Harvard College, should have 500 acres,
whereof 400 is granted by the town to his own person and
heirs, to enjoy freely forever, and the other 100 acres for the
use of Harvard College. Item, unto Mr. Daniell Googine 500
When Daniel became a resident of Cambridge the train-
band was in charge of the ensign, John Stedman. In 1645 ^^^
Captain, George Cooke, had returned to England to take serv-
ice on the side of the Parliament in the great civil war, and
the General Court had deputed his brother Joseph "to take
care of the company" during his absence, but had relieved
him from this duty in November, 1647. The date of Daniel
Gookin's appointment does not appear upon the records, but
he was probably made Captain soon after he removed to the
town. This command he held for nearly forty years, being,
as Captain Edward Johnson said of him, "a very forward
man to advance Marshal discipline, and withal the truths of
Christ." 2 The.ractice pthen prevailed for a Captain to retain
command of his company, however highly promoted, so long
as he remained in office, the immediate command being exer-
cised by the Lieutenant. Thus, while in later years Daniel
was made Serjeant-Major and afterward Major-General, he
'This is the view held by Paige, Hist. Cambridge, p. 398, note.
* Wonder Working Providence, Ed. Poole, 192.
8o CAMBRIDGE NEIGHBORS
was still Captain of the Cambridge Company and seems to
have been rather indiscriminately addressed as such, even after
he had attained the higher rank.
Easily the most distinguished resident of Cambridge, when
Daniel Gookin went there to live, was the minister, Rev.
Thomas Shepard, one of the most eminent of the New Eng-
land clergy, and a man renowned not only for his learning and
his skill as a preacher but for his clear judgement, sagacity and
foresight. His house on Braintree street was but a short
distance from Daniel's, and the two men formed a close friend-
ship which, however, was soon cut short by Shepard's sudden
death, in August, 1649. This event caused general lamen-
tation and gloom throughout the colony, but was particularly
felt by the members of his congregation, and by none more
keenly, it may safely be said, than by his friend and neigh-
bor Daniel Gookin. ^ Others of Daniel's especial friends in
those early days were Deacon Richard Champney, the thrifty
Ruling Elder of the Cambridge Church, who lived almost
directly opposite him on Holyoke street, and Edmund Frost,
the other Ruling Elder, of pious memory, but not gifted
with the worldly wisdom of his associate. Besides these there
were Edward Collins, Edward Jackson and his brothers John
and Richard, Edward GofTe, and Edmund Angier, all men of
substance and weight in the town. But the closest and most
enduring friendship was that formed with Thomas Danforth,
the brilliant and forceful young man of t\venty-six, who, when
Daniel settled in Cambridge, had already been for three years
Selectman and Town Clerk, — offices which he held for many
years until the duties of the higher positions to which he
was called made it necessary to relieve him of the burden of
these. This friendship lasted and grew closer and stronger
as long as Daniel lived. It was founded on a community of
ideas that held the two men firmly together in time of stress
when they worked courageously side by side breasting pop-
ular clamour until in the end they overcame it and finally
turned the tide in their favour.
'Shepard's son, Thomas, afterward the minister at Charlestown, who was a lad of
fourteen when his father died, chose Daniel Gookin as his guardian.
A VISIT TO ENGLAND 8i
In the spring of 1649 Daniel was chosen as Deputy from
Cambridge to the General Court, held in Boston May 2, and
on the 4th he and Captain Prichard were appointed a commit-
tee "to draw up lawyes for womens dowryes." That he was
not re-elected the following year is attributable to his having
been called to England. The records of the General Court
show that on May 23, and again on May 30, 1650, "Daniel
Gookin, Edward Collins, with the rest of the overseers & ex"
of the est. of M' Tho« Sheppard," presented a petition to sell
lands. Daniel, however, had probably set sail before this time.
He was in London in July, for on July 24 the Council of State
at Westminster ordered the issuance of "a warrant to Daniel
Gookin to export to New England 30 barrels of powder, 10
tons of shot and lead, and fifty arms for the use of the planta-
tion."^ This seems to indicate that the voyage to the mother
country was undertaken, in part at least, upon the public serv-
ice. Though the king had been brought to the block the
year before, and Cromwell had "pacified" Ireland with fire and
sword, and a temporary calm in Scotland had been brought
about by the capture and execution of Montrose, and in Eng-
land the Puritans were clearly in the ascendant, it was still
a distracted country at the time of Daniel's visit. Having
accomplished the business that took him thither, or, it may be,
finding that little could be done under existing conditions, and
having, it may be assumed, paid visits to some of his cous-
ins, whom he had not seen for nine years, ^ he took the earliest
opportunity of returning to his family. That he had been
loath to leave them may well be imagined, for his son Daniel
was born during his absence.
In the spring of 165 1 Captain Gookin and Mr. Edward
Jackson were returned as Deputies from Cambridge to the
*Br. Rec. Office Interregnum Entry Book, xxxvi, 13.
^ These cousins were the only relatives he then had left. Samuel Gookin, son
of his uncle John, was in London. Thomas Gookin, son of his uncle Thomas, lived
in Harbledown near Canterbury ; John, his elder brother, the lord of the manor of
Ripple Court, was a royalist, and probably living in Paris. Vincent Gookin, son of
his uncle Vincent, was in Ireland, occupied with official duties, having been appointed
by Cromwell one of the Commissioners of the Revenue. His brother. Captain
Robert, and the younger children of Sir Vincent were also in Ireland. Besides these
some of the daughters of Thomas may have still been living.
82 ELECTED ASSISTANT
General Court. When the Court met, on May 7, Daniel was
chosen Speaker. The same day he was named as one of
a committee of ten, headed by Simon Bradstreet, "to con-
sider the offences on doctrinal points by Mr. Marmaduke
Mathewes, hearing to be June 11 next at the Shipp in Bos-
ton." On the 22d of the month he was appointed one of a
committee to draw up instructions for the Commissioners of
the United Colonies; and on the 26th he was placed on a
committee ''to draw the case against Mr. Richard Leader,
accused of reproaching and slandering the Court." In 1651
he was also chosen Associate for the County Court, held at
At the election held May 26, 1652, Daniel was chosen an
Assistant, or one of the Council of eighteen magistrates to
whom, with the Governor and the Deputy Governor, the gov-
ernment of the colony was entrusted. To this office he was
re-elected continuously for a period of thirty-five years, save
only in 1676 when he suffered defeat because the populace,
maddened by the Indian war then raging, misconstrued his
noble care of the friendly Indians and included him with
them in their unreasoning indignation. The functions of the
Assistants were not merely executive. They acted also as
judges, being assigned from time to time to hold court in
various places within the jurisdiction. Says Cotton Mather:
*'The freemen of New England had a great variety of worthy
men among whom they might chuse a number of Magistrates
to be the assistants of their Governours, both in directing the
general affairs of the land, and in dispensing of justice unto
the people."^ Having mentioned a number of them, and
among them Daniel Gookin, he goes on to say, "that these
names are proper and worthy to be found in our Church-
History will be acknowledged when it is considered, not only
that they were the members of Congregational churches, and
by the members of the churches chosen to be the rulers of
the Commonwealth; and that their exemplary behaviour in
their magistracy was generally such as to 'adorn the doctrine
^Magnalia, i, 141.
CATECHIZES PRAYING INDIAN 83
of God our Saviour,' and, according to the old Jewish wishes
(tr. It is forbidden to man to rule like a prince over people,
and with a proud spirit; he should exercise authority in meek-
ness and fear) but also that their love to, and zeal for and care
of these churches was not the least part of their character."
Few details about Captain Gookin's life during the year
1652 have come down to us. His son Samuel was born in
April, bringing the number of his living children up to four.
From a curious tract, printed in London in that year, entitled
"Strength out of Weaknesse; or a Glorious Manifestation," it
appears that before this date Daniel had entered upon the
work of assisting John Eliot in his efforts to Christianize the
Indians. In this tract is printed "a private passage from one
in New England to his godly Friend here, who was so much
affected therewith, as he found out our Treasurer of the Cor-
poration, by name Mr. Richard Floyd at the Meremaide in
Cheapside, and desired it might be published to the world."
Having related questions asked of a Praying Indian, the nar-
By this time Captaine Gooking came to us, and he asked him this
Q. What he would thinke if he should finde more affliction and
trouble in God's wayes, then he did in the way of Indianisme.
A. His answer was, when the Lord did first turne me to himselfe
and his wayes, he stripped mee as bare as my skinne, and if the Lord should
strip mee as bare as my skinne againe, and so big Saggamore should come to
mee, and say, I will give you so big Wampum, so big Beaver, and leave
this way, and turne to us againe: I would say, take your riches to your
selfe, i would never forsake God and his wayes againe.
This is a relation taken by myselfe,
For some reason, not explained in the record, Daniel did
not attend the session of the General Court on May 18, 1653,
when he was for the second time chosen Assistant. His
absence may have been due to indisposition, but whatever the
cause it was of short duration, for on June 2 he was placed on
a committee to consider a petition by the inhabitants of Ded-
*The tract in which this appears is reprinted in Mass. Hist. Soc. Colls., Ser. 3,
84 SERVICE ON COMMITTEES
ham. Later in the year he was one of those appointed to
examine the state of Harvard College. He was also on a
committee which considered a remonstrance made by twenty-
nine of the men of Woburn, who wished to be allowed to
have a minister who would preach certain doctrines that had
become ruling views with them, and which afterward caused
them to remove to Rhode Island.
\\ 1 ll^h-'^
APTAIN GOOKIN was for the third time
elected Assistant on May 3, 1654, and was pres-
ent at the meeting of the Court held that day.
Thereafter we lose track of his movements for
more than a year. The probability is that dur-
ing the summer or autumn he sailed for Eng-
land, whither he was called by personal business,
which apparently was an effort to secure the property left by
his elder brother Edward Gookin, of whose estate he was on
July 3, 1655, appointed administrator. It was necessary in
those days to take passage when and as opportunity offered
and it may be that Daniel had to leave home before the birth
of his son Solomon, who came into the world on June 20, but
lived less than a month, dying on July 16. Whether his depart-
ure was shortly before, or not long after these events, we may
be sure that he went away reluctantly and with an anxious
heart, but sustained by his abiding faith that his dear ones
were in the hands of the ever-living God. He had reason,
too, to feel that he could rely upon the prudence and judge-
ment of his wife Mary, and that good friends and neighbors
would be ready to look after her and the children in case of
The interval since Daniel's last visit to London had wit-
nessed many changes. Cromwell had been proclaimed Pro-
tector, and now, for the first time in fourteen years, an election
had been held, and the first Protectorate Parliament was in
86 CROMWELL'S JAMAICA PROJECT
session. Among its members was Daniel's cousin, Vincent
Gookin, who, like himself, was a man of high aims and unswerv-
ing devotion to the path of duty. Vincent was then in the
midst of his struggle in opposition to the Irish transplanting.
His pamphlet, "The Great Case of Transplantation in Ireland
discussed," was published on January 3, 1655, and in the storm
which it awakened Daniel had an opportunity of observing
how much moral courage is required to withstand popular
clamour, little thinking that he would himself have to undergo
a similar experience twenty years later.
The mind of Cromwell, at this period, was much occupied
with his resolution to extend the power of England beyond
the seas, and at the same time, by striking a blow at the
dominion of Antichrist, to further the welfare of "the people
of God," whom he held it his special mission to protect. At
Christmastide he had dispatched Admiral Penn and General
Venables on their ill-starred expedition to wrest the West
Indies from the grasp of Spain. Failing miserably in their
attack upon San Domingo, they turned their attention to
Jamaica. There they were more successful, the Spanish gar-
rison being too small to make a stand against even such a
force as the tattered remnants of Venables' army. A landing
was made at Kingston on May 10, 1655, and the island became
an English possession.
The news of this conquest reached Cromwell on August
4, in a letter from Venables. Details were soon forthcom-
ing. Penn arrived at Plymouth on September i, and was fol-
lowed on the loth by his associate whom he had supposed
to be mortally ill when he left for home. The expedition was
a bitter disappointment to the Protector. The acquisition of
Jamaica afforded small consolation for the failure to gain such
a foothold in the West Indies as would dominate the trade-
route of the Spanish treasure ships. Still, as the island had been
taken he determined to hold it. The English garrison, a dis-
organized and cowardly mob, deserted by their commander,
could not be relied upon, even with the aid of the reinforce-
ments under Major Sedgwick which had been dispatched as
early as June 11, when the news of the Hispaniola disaster
DANIEL GOOKIN'S COMMISSION 87
had not yet reached England. The need was for planters,
not discontented military colonists. In the efforts made to
secure these no time was lost. Requests were sent to those
in authority in Scotland and Ireland to aid by sending out
young persons of both sexes, — a futile proceeding, as it for-
tunately turned out. It was in New England that Cromwell
thought he saw the most immediate source of supply. Would
not many of the settlers in the rugged land of the North
eagerly embrace the opportunity to found a new Puritan
colony in a sunnier clime? Would not the husbandmen of
Massachusetts and Connecticut be attracted by the more
productive soil? Would not the change be for their interest,
as well as for that of the mother country? Daniel Gookin,
then, as it seemed, providentially in England, was sent for.
Though he told Cromwell plainly that he did not share his
views and was dubious as to the outcome, he was neverthe-
less commissioned to urge the people of New England to
transfer themselves to Jamaica. In furtherance of this mis-
sion he was ordered to take passage for Boston on a vessel
then about to sail.
It would be interesting to know in what way Cromwell
became acquainted with Daniel. His acquaintance with Vin-
cent Gookin was intimate and of long standing, and it may be
that Daniel was known to him prior to this visit to England.
If the introduction was made by Vincent, it must have taken
place some months before the colonization of Jamaica was
thought of, for he left London for Ireland early in July and,
being detained en route, was in Milford Haven during August
and half of September, not reaching Dublin until toward the
end of the month.
At a meeting of the Council of State, on September 21,
1655, the committee for Jamaica was ordered to confer with
Captain Gookin and the Treasurer was authorized to advance
^300 to defray his expenses. At another meeting, held on the
26th, Cromwell presiding, the following "Instructions Given
to M' Daniell Gookin being reported from y« Com*«=^ of the
Counsell to whom the business of Jamaica was referred were
this day read and approved and ordered to be offered to
88 CROMWELL'S INSTRUCTIONS
his Highness as y« advice of the Counsell w^ are in hoc
Instructions given unto M' Daniell Gookin.
I. You shall upon the receipt of these Instructions repaire aboard
the Ketch the Fraternitie bound for New England in which you are by
the blessing of God to take your passage thither where being arrived
II. You shall apply your selfe to the Govern*"' Magistrates and Gen-
erall Courts of the English Colonyes or to such Churches Townes or
Persons of the English their as you shall find to be for the advantage of
the present service, and acquaint them That it hath pleased God to put
the Island of Jamaica in America into the hands and possession of this
State. The army sent from hence into those parts in December 1654
having landed at the Towne called Jago De la beiga the tenth of May and
that wee are assured as well by severall Letters from thence Dated the
25"" of July last as by Generall Venables and Generall Penn the first
whereof came from thence the 25"" day of July and the latter the 25"" day
of June That our fForces are in the full possession thereof The people
who were found upon that place [the number whereof were about 1400]
being f^ed to the hills with an intention to get over to some other parts
of the King of Spaynes Dominions Save that some of the Negroes Por-
tugueses and others doe daily submitt themselves to our Comannder in
Chiefe there to be by him Disposed of.
III. You shall describe unto them the content, situation and good-
nesse of the said Island as the same is expressed in the Paper now delivered
unto you which Wee received from our officers and Commissioners as
also the plenty of horses and other cattle which are thereupon and you
shall alsoe let them know the goodnesse safetie and conveniences for Trade
of the Harb'"' where our men now are fortifieing and of other Harbours
that are in that Island.
IV. You shall assure them that of the Army which landed the tenth
of May their are between six and seven thousand men well Armed and
that since that, viz' the beginning of July last Wee have sent from hence
another Regiment of ffoote Consisting of eight hundred souldiers Drawn
out of our old Regiments with provisions of Bread and other necessaryes
for the whole army for eight months imbarqued in twelve Shipps Eight
whereof are good men of warr w'*" which Maio' Robert Sedgwick is sent
as a Com"" in the civill affaires, and that there is also a squadron of eleaven
shipps of good fforce under the comannd of Vice Adm" Goodson besides
the said eight Shipps of Warr and one other Shipp of war of countenance
in all to the number of Twenty with other Shipps of Burden and victual-
lers, all W'' are appointed to remaine in those Seas and attend unto that
V. You shall assure That Wee shalle through the blessing of God
endeavor to defend the said Island against all attempts whatsoever and for
that purpose shall Constantly send further Supplies both of men and ship-
CROMWELL'S INSTRUCTIONS 89
ping from hence as likewise of bread and other provisions untill the
Island is able to supply it selfe. Our intention being if the Lord Please
to have a good ffleet alwaies in those Seas.
VI. This being the true State of that affaire and the reality of our
Intentions therein Wee have thought it expedient to send you into the
aforesaid Colonies and people to explaine and Declare these things unto
them and to make them an offer of removing themselves or such numbers
of them as shalbe thought convenient out of those parts where they now
are unto Jamaica which Wee have done chiefly upon these ensueing
reasons amongst many others.
1. Our desire is That this place (if the Lord so please) may be
inhabited by People who know the Lord and walke in his ffeare that by
their light they may enlighten the parts about them which was a choise
end of our undertaking this Designe, and might alsoe from amongst
them have persons fitt for Rulers and Magistrates who may be an encour-
agem* to the good and a terror to the evill doers.
2. Out of Love and affection to themselves and the fellow feeling
Wee have alwaies had of the difficulties and necessities thay have been
put to contest with ever since they were driven from the Land of their
Nativity into that Desert and barren Wildernes for their Consciences
sake w"*" wee could not but make manifest at this tyme when as Wee
thinke an oppertunity is offerred for their enlargem* and removing of
them out of a hard Countrye into a Land of plenty.
3. Considering that God by His providence through the many
difficulties and necessities they are exercised with had put it into some
of their hearts to seek a new plantation and particularly them of New
Haven who (as wee are informed) are upon thoughts of removing into
the Bay of De La-Ware and that the Distance between New England
and this Island is not soe great but will afford a greater convenience of
Trade and correspondence with their brethren they leave behind them
then the Bay before mentioned, Wee have thought fitt to make this
offer to them And for their better incouragement therein you are to make
to them these following Proppositions.
1. That in case any entire Colony or Colonyes or a Considerable
number of Persons will transplant themselves thither such part of the
Island lying next some good Harbour shalbe set out unto them as shalbe
answerable to their numb" and shalbe graunted to them and their heires
for ever with all edifices Horses Cattle tame or wyld, ffisheries woods
Trees fruits and Profitts thereupon the same not being alreadie or shall
not before an agreement made w"" them be sett forth to some Planters
To be held in free and Comon Soccage without any rent for the first
seaven yeares and then one penny an Acre and noe more.
2. That they shall have Libertie graunted to them for the Space of
seaven yeares to hunt take and Dispose of to their owne use such horses
and other Cattle as are or shalbe upon the said Island the same not
90 CROMWELL'S INSTRUCTIONS
being marked by or belonging to other Planters Subject nevertheless
to Such rules and Directions as to their hunting and takeing of Horses
Cattle and other Beasts out of their owne bounds and lymitts as shall from
tyme to tyme be made by the persons authorized for manageing the
Affaires of the said Island.
3. That His Highness will Graunt them Letters Patents under the
Great Seale of Incorporation with as Large Priviledges and Imunityes
both for Chooseing their officers and otherwise as are graunted to any
Citye or towne Corporate within the Comonwealth of England.
4. That neither they nor their servants shall without their owne
Consent be drawne out into the Warrs unless it be in case of Invasion
or Rebellion and for the defence of the said Island.
5. That noe Custome excise impost or other duty shalbe sett and
imposed for the Space of three yeares to be accompted from the 29"" Day
of Septemb"" which shalbe in the yeare of our Lord 1656 upon any their
goods or merchandizes of the groth production or manufacture of the
said Island which they shall transport into the Comonwealth.
6. That his Highnesse will take care and be oblidged to appointe
from tyme to tyme Such a Governo'' and Comander in chiefe of the said
Island and such persons to assist him in the management of the affaires
thereof as shalbee men of Integritye and feareing God and that he will
from tyme to tyme elect and constitute some from amongst them to be
of that number who for their fidelitye prudence Godliness and honestie
may be fitt for such Trust And that as speedy as may be a Civill Gov-
ernment shalbe setled agreeable to the word of God, and as far as the
condition of that place will admitt, to the Lawes of England, where pro-
vision shalbe made that the Churches of Christ shall have liberty and
protection in all waies of Godliness and Honestie.
7. That towardes the transportation of themselves their Servants and
Estates His Highnes will furnish them with Six Shipps of convenient
burden if they desire that number and also a fitting convoy, They under-
taking to victuall Shipps of burden from the tyme the said Shipps shall
arrive in their ports for the purpose aforesaid untill they have performed
8. As to the quantity and proportion of Land to be appointed for
them according to the first Proposition you are authorized to propound
That such quantity of Land shalbe set forth as will answere the propor-
tion of twenty Acres for every Male of twelve yeares old and upwards
and ten acres Per Poll for all other Male or female to be transported as
9. That the said quantity of Land shalbe set forth unto them within
Six weeks after the agreement made for their transportation and Significa-
tion of their desires on that behalfe to the Comander in Chiefe or Com"
intrusted for that purpose to whom you shall direct yo' selfe or any other
persons concerned herein in prosecution of the premises or any part of them.
CROMWELL'S INSTRUCTIONS 91
10. That they doe engage to transport the whole number of Males
for w""" twenty Acres to each is to be set forth within two yeares after the
aforesaid Agreement and that they doe begin their worke of transporting
some tyme before the end of September 1656.
11. You shall from tyme to tyme as you have opportunity or by
an expresse if you find it necessary send unto Us in writtng a particular
Account of your proceedings upon these Instructions and of what else
shall occur in reference thereunto whereupon you shall receive Our fur-
ther directions for the managem*^ of this afFaire as the Case shall require
and such agreem* as you shall make in the meane tyme pursuant to these
Instructions Wee shall confirme and ratilie.'
At the same session it was resolved:
"That it be referred to the Com" of the Adm'^' and Navy to give
order for a fitt ship to convoy as farr and beyond the Island of Scilly
a vessell now bound for New England wherein M' Daniell Gookin
employed in the States Service is to be embarqued."
'Interregnum Entry Book civ, 304-306.
ANIEL entered upon his employment in this
affair with many misgivings. His mission, in-
deed, was foredoomed to failure from its incep-
tion. Not only were important considerations
overlooked in the hastily formulated instruc-
tions, but New England was far from being the
J barren wilderness that Cromwell supposed, and,
to the sturdy colonists, life in the tropics did not appear so
alluring as his imagination pictured it. Moreover, any leanings
in that direction they might have entertained, were dispelled
by news which reached them of the melancholy fate of the sol-
diers who formed the Jamaica garrison. On November 5,
1655, while Daniel Gookin was still detained in England,
Major Sedgwick, who had been sent out with the fresh regi-
ment that left England in June and arrived at Kingston Octo-
ber I, sent the Protector a disheartening report.
"For the army," he wrote, "I found them in as sad and
deplorable and distracted condition as can be thought of,
and indeed think, as never poor Englishmen were in: the
commanders — some dead, some sick, and some in indiffer-
ent health: the soldiery — many dead, their carcasses lying
unburied in the highways and among bushes . . . many of
them that were alive walked like ghosts or dead men, who, as
I went through the town, lay groaning and crying out, 'Bread,
for the Lord's sake!'" The misfortunes of this shiftless and
disorderly rabble, of whom Sedgwick complained, "Dig or
A TRYING VOYAGE 93
plant they neither can nor will, but do rather starve than
work," though due to their own improvidence and absolute
neglect of all sanitary precautions, was attributed by them to
the unhealthfulness of the island.
Though Daniel's instructions were issued on September
26, he was not able to leave England until about the loth of
November, when he finally set sail. The Council of State
passed an order on December 19 "for the payment of 50J. a
day demurrage whilst the vessel was waiting to receive Mr.
Gookin who was bound to New England on the Common-
wealth service," and on May 15, 1656, the Admiralty Com-
missioners authorized the payment to Peter Cole, owner of the
"Fraternity," of 17/. los. for seven days' demurrage, pursuant
to said order.
The winter passage across the Atlantic in a small craft did
not prove to be a pleasure trip. The words "trying" and
"exercising" which Captain Gookin used in describing it indi-
cate that he met with grave peril as well as discomfort. How-
ever, the voyage was safely accomplished at last and on January
20, 1655/6, the Fraternity arrived at Boston. Two days later
Daniel wrote Secretary Thurloe as follows:
DANIEL GOOKIN TO SECRETARY THURLOE
In obedience to your comaunds, these are to give acco*: that it pleased
the Lord two dayes since, to land me safe in New England after ten weekes
of an exercising passage from Isle of Wight, and here finding a shipp
readie to sett saile to the barbadoes, and some persons therin to passe for
England; w'^*' opertunity I thought it expedient to take, seeing their is no
probability of another for a good space. It is little y' I cann at p'"sent
aquaint yo"^ bono'' w''' concerning the affaire of his Highnes comitted to
mee, but only in generall some principal men in the country doe well
resent the designe of his highnesse & I doubt not but will promote the
same; only some unworthy persons (that came from thence, have as I
understand) brought up an evell report upon the Island in Respect of the
unhelthfulnes therof, how farr it may be prejudicial I cannot yet resolve,
but hope not much: I trust (through God's assistance) Not to be want-
ing in my duty, and to give you full information as things Ripen, w"'' I
desire the Lord to accomplish to his owne Glory and His Highneses satis-
faction. So with my humble services & harty praiers that the Lord would
Bless & prosper all yo"" waighty affaires; desiring excuse for this abrupt &
94 FIRST REPORT TO THURLOE
scribled letter, beeing surprised through shortnes of time, humbly takeing
leave, I Remaine
Your humble servant
Boston in New England DANIEL GOOKIN
January 21"' 1655^
The sailing of the ship for Barbados being delayed, this
letter was supplemented two days later by another, of similar
content but more carefully written.
DANIEL GOOKIN TO SECRETARY THURLOE^
Your commands obleidging me to give inteligence by all oppertunities,
it was expedient not to omit this per the Barbadoes, no other beeing like
to offer it selfe for a good space; it is but very little hitherto that I have to
acquaint your honer with, seeing it is only fouer days since my arrivall in
New England after ten weeks of a trying passage from the Isle of Wight,
it cannot yet bee collected upon any grounds of certainty what will be the
issue of my Imploy. I hope the best, and trust through God's assistance
not to be wanting in my utmost endevours. I have communicated the
matter to the Governor and some other principall men, who seeme to
resent things very well, and promise their best counsell and incouragement,
being possessed of his Highnesse ayme at God's honer therin, together
with his speciall respects to this people. As for other coloneys that are
remote, and where I expect most may be done, I cannot addresse myself
to them until the sharpness of the winter be past, which for the present
renders the waies impassable, but in the interim, shall prosecute the worke
in this Coloney.
There are two things received by the people that seeme obstacles to
the worke; one is the unhelthfulness of the island occasioned by an evell
report raised by some unworthy persons that have come from thence into
these parts; the other is strong fears of continuell invasion and disquiett
by the Spanyards. I hope that both may be taken off or eased when truth
is discovered. I can conclude nothinge, but commit the success to the
Lord who worketh all things according to the councell of his owne will.
With my humble services and unworthy prayers for the Lord's presence
and grace continually to abide with his Highness and his helpers, to
strengthen and incourage their harts and hands in the Lords worke, with
my perticular respects to your honour I remaine
Your affectionate and humble servant
Boston, January 24*'' 1655 DANIEL GOOKIN
^ Rawl. MSS. A 34, 609. The date of this hastily written letter is manifestly
an error. It should have been dated January 22.
2Rawl. MSS. A 34,689.
SECOND REPORT TO THURLOE 95
Three months and a half elapsed before the next report
was dispatched. It tells of faithful work, but records failure
to make headway against obstacles that were in truth unsur-
DANIEL GOOKIN TO SECRETARY THURLOE^
Since my arivall in New England w'' was the ao**" of January last, I
wrote two lefs by way of Barbadoes, & this third also the same way (being
destitute of a direct conveyance from hence) the sume of the two first
was principaly to informe yo' honno' of my arivall here & of a little motion
that I had then made in his Highnesse's affayres, but the sharpnes of
the winter, at that time in its strength, not only prevented my travill into
other Colonies, but the meeting of the Councell of this Colonie, until the
7*'' of March last (notwithstanding the Governour called them to meet a
month before) in which intervale of time I endevored to make knowne
to perticuler persons his Highnes desires, but little was done during that
season for the forementioned reasons, but after the Council of this Colonie
mett & I had delivered his Highnes lefs & shewed my instructions they
thankfuly accepted his Highnes love in this offer, & readily orderd the
promotion of his desires, requiring their officers to publish the matter, in
that way I thought expedient, whereupon I forthwith caused a short decla-
ration to be printed & sent abroad unto all the Townes & plantations of
the English, not only in this but other Colonies, the Copie of which dec-
laration Sz the Councills order I have inclosed, procuring & imploying
some persons of trust in places remote to be helpfuU in promoting the
busines. Shortly after this was done, about midle of April (as soone
as the waies were well passable) I tooke my journey unto the Colonies
of Conecticott & New Haven (150 miles out right for the most part
through the wildernesse) And unto the magistrates of those Colonies
declared the busines, delivering his Highnes lefs to JVP Eaton Gou'no'' of
New Haven; Those Gent" Thankfully accepted his Highneses love and
abundant kindnes as wel in this as in former matters & readily caused the
printed papers to be published, manefesting themselves very willing to fur-
ther the worke in the West indies which they trust is of God. But as
to this place of Jamaica the minds of most men were averse for p''sent
forasmuch as about that very time there came divers lefs from thence
dated in November, declaring the sore hand of God in the sicknes and
mortality of the English upon the Island, inasmuch that of 8 or 9 m Eng-
lishmen landed there, more then one halfe were dead ; & such as yet lived
were in a languishing condition, wherin also was related the death of
Maio'' General ffortescue, M'' Gage & divers others, persons of note.
This Tydings was a very great discouradgement to the most & best per-
^Rawl. MSS. xxxviii, 263.
96 OBSTACLES ENCOUNTERED
sons which otherwise 'tis probable would have ingaged to remove, only
some few about lOO have subscribed, & those not very considerable for
qualitie. But if the Lord should please to give the state either Hispaniola,
Cuba, or any other likly and healthfull place, I have good reason to
beleeve that Sundry considerable psons and Churches w"" their officers
would Transplant from hence into those parts (but as for the Island of
Jamaica, though, through the favor of God late inteligence of the 7**^ of
March last from the Comissioners give great hopes that the Lord is
returning to visitt the remnant y* is left w**" health & cure & also they
give great incouradgment concerning the fertility and Comoditie of the
said Island, which tydings I have endevored to publish, but what the
effects then may bee, as to the drawing in of persons it beeing hardly
yet knowne fully, I cannot determine). But this place namely Jamaica
through many hard reports of it hath at p'^sent but a low esteeme in these
parts, & in some respects as I conceve much worse y° it deserves. But
yet notwithstanding their are about 20 persons wherof some are Godly
and of Creditt who intend & desire to pass from hence to the said Island;
& I have by advise from the Comissioners ordered that they may pass
theither in a ship of the states lately come from thence & now here lade-
ing masts & deales, for the fleet; wherof is Comader one Martin, beeing
to resume about 6 weeks hence unto Jamaica now if the Lord please to
carry them safe and that the Island be liked by them (as I trust it may)
then 'they intend to fetch or send for their families & upon their good
inteligence It is very probable that divers will remove, and in the interim
(if the Lords thoughts be) to transplant any Considerable number of per-
sons from hence, tis possible that upon this last newes I may shortly heare
of greater motions among the people then formerly. Thus I have as
briefly as I could perticulerly declared to yo"' Hono'' the substance of what
is hitherto done.
There is one thing further that I desire to mention w"'' is an obiec-
tion I meet w''' from some principal persons, y' incline to transplant, &
indeed the motions of such will draw or hinder many, if His Highnes see
cause to remove it, tis probable it may further the work; They say their
is no incouradgement in the propositions for ministers or men of place but
what is equall with other men, now if a minister & his people should
remove the people wil not be in capacity to maintaine their ministers &
other publicke persons y* attend publicke worke untill they bee for some
yeares setled & have by the blessing of God gained some estate & y®
rather forasmuch as they who transplant from hence are disabled to carry
their estates theither, w"*" consists principaly in catle & land, now there-
fore if their were some annuall alowances proposed for such persons for
a few yeares untill the people were inabled to maintayne y", or other
meanes contrived it would take of this hindrance.
I am hartily sorry that my service hath hetherto beene of so litle
profitt unto His Highnes & the state, (whom I desire through the
A JAMAICA COLONIZATION HANDBILL 97
strength of God to serve with a faithfull hart diligently) but I trust his
Highnes wisdome & yo" wil consider the providences of God that hath
occurred and also remember some litle mention I made of my feares this
way before I came forth upon this imploy, but yet I am not out of hope
that his Highnesses godly intentions & desires in this great worke in the
West indies, & elswhere wilbe owned & crowned w"" the Lords Blessing
in his best season. Thus with my most humble service p'^sented & earnest
praires unto him upon whose shoulders all Gou'nment is, That he will in
favor give his gratious p'^sence & assistance unto his Highnes & yo'
Honours in all emergencies I Remaine desirous to Bee:
His Highnes &
most humble &
Cambridge in N. E.
May the 10*'' 1656
Accompanying this letter was a transcript of the order
adopted by the Council at their meeting in Boston, March 7,
Wheras Capt. Daniel Gookin hath p'^sented to the Councill a letter
from his Highness, the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England,
& Hath shewen unto us also the instructions w""** hee receued from his
said Highnes, in both which it appeares that the said Capt. is imployed
to Comunicate to the seuerall Townes and inhabitants of this Jurisdiction,
his Highnes propositions to remoue such of the inhabitants as shall desire
to be transplanted to Jamaica The Councell readily graunts the said Capt.
Gookin liberty to Comunicate his said Instructions to any or euery Con-
gregation or Towne within this Jurisdiction, according as hee shall see
cause. And for that end he is at his Libertie to imploy any meet person
or officer to Congregate the said people for that end on any lecture or
other weeke day.
By the Councill
Edward Rawson Secret^
A copy was also enclosed of the printed announcement
here given m fac-simile.
To all Persons whom these may CONCERN, hi the Several
Townes, and Plantations of the UNITED COLONIES
It is hereby declared. That his Highness the Lord Protectour of the
Common wealth of England &c: hath Commissioned and Impowered
98 INDUCEMENTS TO EMIGRATE
M' Daniel Gookin dwelling at Cambridg in the Massachusets, to make
agreement with any convenient number of the English in the Colonies of
New-England, who shall desire to remove themselves or families into
"Jamacia in the West-Indies, now in possession of the State of England;
And for their better Incouragement, His Highness (bearing a special affec-
tion to the people of New England, and being very desirous to have the
said place inhabited by a stock of such as know the LORD, and walk in
his Fear,) will graunt them, Ships for transportation; a sufficient propor-
tion of Land to them and theire heires for ever near some good harbour in
the said Island; Protection (by God's blessing) from all enemies; a share
of all the Horses, Cattle, and other beasts, wild and tame upon the place
freely, Together with other Priviledges and Immunities, the particulars
wherof may be known by those who shall see cause to address themselves
to the said Daniel Gookin (or such as he shall desire to be helpfull herein,
whose names are underneath expressed in writing) ^ who will be ready to
make full agreement with them according to his Highness Instructions,
and take their reciprocall Ingagements and Subscriptions to remove accord-
ingly. Farther it is desired that such as incline to the Design aforesaid
to make known themselves without delay it being his Highness Pleasure
that the work of Transporting should be begun before the end of Septem-
Dated this 25 of March 1656.
From the outset it must have appeared to Daniel that it
was scarcely worth while to persist in the face of such adverse
conditions. By midsummer he regarded his task as practically
at an end, as is shown by his next letter, written July 24.
DANIEL GOOKIN TO SECRETARY THURLOE2
Please herby to understand, that I have written severall lefs by way
of Barbados, & comited them to the faithfullest persons I could meet with,
some wherof (I trust) are long since come to your hands, but I never had
oppertunitie to write directly from hence untill this p'sent (and I saw not
any nessesseitie for an expresse). I have given pticular acct. formerly what
successe his Highness affairs (commited to me) hath found in these pts, the
summe wherof is that the generalitye of the godly in all the Country do
cordialy Resent his Highnes good will, faver, & love, as well in this as other
matters, & do unfainedly (I trust) beare upon their harts before the Lord,
him his work & helpers, and I have ground to thinke that all the English
Coloneys will see cause in perticuler lefs of thanks to manefest their duty
^None appended to this copy.
^Rawl. MSS. xxxix, 431-2.
FURTHER DISCOURAGEMENTS 99
and speciall Respects to his Highnes. As soone as the weather was
travellable, I visited all the united Colonies of the English, wch are 4 in
Number & a good distance from each other and in all of them endeve'^d
the promotion of his Highnes desires and offers of transplantation to
Jamaica; indeed I found sundry considerable psons who have had much
motion uppon their harts to gratifie the cordiall offers of his Highnes.
But discouradgments from the great Mortalitie of the English upon the
place, the prophanenesse of the generalitie of the soldiers, The continnuall
hazard of men's lives, by the sculking Nigroes^& spanyards, all wch &
sundry other matters were and are strongly reported here, wch doth (for
the present) cause many to suspend their resolves & desire to wait longer
intreating the lord to guide them in a right way for them & there wives
& little ones, only there are about three hundred soules, who have ingaged
to remove next Attufne, if their be transportation wherof I have advised
the Comissioners at Jamaica about a month since by one of the states
ships that loded masts here, for Jamaica; in w''^ shipp also went three
godly persons from hence to see the Island and upon their liking to take
possession for their Brethren Si. companions that Intend to follow; divers
wherof especialy heads of familyes are godly honest & industrious people
& if the Lord see meet to cary them theither I have cause to hope they
wilbe a blessing to the place. I have not absolutely ingaged shipping to
be sent for seeing their numbers are so fewe; but have left it to the Com-
issioners, at y" Island to doe as they shal have orders.
It is a triall to mee (but the Lords disposeings silenceth my hart) that
his Highnes Cost & my travel hath been hitherto so ineffectuall, but I
doubt not the Lord will accept and owne in Cht Jesus what ever hath
been intented in this matter, in order to his glory Si. his peoples welfare,
and that those concerned shal' find returnes of this bread cast uppon the
waters in its best season.
I now wait for his Highnes & yo"^ honours further pleasure in this or
any other matter here, wherin such an unworthy one as my selfe might be
any way servicable, for tis upon my hart to spend & be spent for the Lord
& for his Highnes & the saints whome my hart is much devoted to in
the Lord, being perswaded through grace that the Lord wilbe with his
Highnes & Helpers in the work of these though the floods of Sathan &
his Instruments, bee very deepe in their enmitie & malignatie; But the
Lord hath laid helpe upon one y* is mighty & able to save to the very
uttermost all that come to god by him & the gou''nment is upon his shoul-
ders & though instruments may sometime be plunged deepe, yet w"' him
is wisdome, councel & strength.
If his highnes pleasure bee to dismisse mee from this worke (which
seems ended) I humbly intreat it may bee signified unto mee the next
returne of shippingg to these parts, because the Lord seems to call mee
^Not until the end of the eighteenth century were the English settlers free from
the depredations of the "Maroons," as these negroes were called.
loo ENDICOTT'S LETTER TO CROMWELL
back to England, for the Issueing a buisnes of some concernment to me,
which i left at my coming away, unfinished (but committed it to friends
who have made no progress therein.)
Thus Right Hon'''" desiring hartily to pray to the Lord for his gra-
tious presence k assistance to follow his Highnes and helpers, and that
yo' persons &: prairs may be neare unto the Lord day and night that he
may maintaine the cause of his servant & the cause of his people Israel &
doe every day in the day as the matter shall require, 1 humbly take leave,
Intreating to be acco**'^ one of the number of his Highneses & yo"' Hon-
ours Faithfull (though unworthy) servants
Cambridge in New England
xxiiij"" v"" month
On October 23 Governor Endicott "in the name and
the consent of the Generall Court," addressed a letter to the
Protector, in which he said: "We received by Captaine
Gookin yo'' Highnes proposalls for the removeall of some of
o" to the Island of Jamaica, w'^'^ by o"" order were comunicated
to the people of this Jurisdicon, in complyance w*'' yo'' High-
nes good and pious intentions of planting the place w**" such
as through the blessing of God may hopefullie promote a
designe so religious: But if by the intelligence from thence
of the mortallitie of the English there, the motion heere
answereth not expectation May it please your Highnes not
to impute it to us as declyning yo"" service, much less as dis-
accepting yo'' favo' & endeavours of promoting what may
conduce to o' welfare. "^
A month later Daniel felt constrained to make yet another
report. Even the scant measure of success indicated in his
last letter had faded away.
DANIEL GOOKIN TO SECRETARY THURLOE^
The fruit of my labour in his Highnes service (through the disposeing
hand of God) being rendered very unanswerable to his pious intentions it
is hardly worth my troubling your honour with the recitall thereof, only
duty obleidging me to faithfulness, I shall acquaint your honour how things
now stand in refference to that aflrayre.
iRawI.MSS. A xliii, 125.
^ Ibid 241.
CONDITIONS IN JAMAICA loi
In severall letters by way of Barbadoes, and one from hence, which
was the only direct convayance (hitherto providence p''sented), I signified
to yo"^ Honour in perticuler my proceedings in that service, the suiiie
whereof was to declare What I had done in order to promote his Highnes
gracious tenders, to plant the island of Jamaica with some godly people
from these parts; and to that end I personally travilled to the severall col-
onies, viz: Conecticut, New Haven, and New Plimouth, and Bay, who
did all thankfully resent his Highnes great love and favour, and I conceive
have written to that end. But the great difficulties and discouradgment
the English have grapled with in that place, being fully known heere, have
made the most considerable persons slow to appeare or ingage. to trans-
plant for the p'^sent, lest they should bring themselves and families into
great inconveniences; only there was about three hundred souls that sub-
scribed, who for the most part are young persons under family government,
and many of them females, and for quality of low estate, but divers
personally godly. Three of this number tooke oppertunitie to passe to
the island in July last (in a ship of the state's that loded masts heare) to
discover the condition and sutableness of the island for themselves and
freinds to move unto; two of which three persons returned from the said
Island about four daies since in a vessel of this country that was there : they
brought letters to me and a packett and a single letter for yo'' honour,
which I have delivered to James Garret, commander of the ship Hopwell
now bound for England the first winde, with expresse charge to send it
upp with all speed after his arrivall. These two persons that are returned
(for the third abides their for further triall) do report something for encour-
adgment and something the Contrary. To the first they speak fully of
the fertilitie, pleasantness, and present healthfulness of the Island and how
much good may, in all probability, bee done there by an industrious and
diligent people. The discouradgements they relate are the weak, low, and
careless posture of the English upon the place in order to settlement, with
the scarcity of victuall and their whole dependance upon forraigne supplys,
neglecting planting for the moste part; also the death of their friend Major
Robert Sedgwicke and some others adds to their present discouradge-
ments; and they apprehend that the poore people engaged are not in a
fin posture to remove act present, seeing their numbers for quality and
quantitie is too weake to setle and cary on a plantation for the honour of
his Highnes or thier owne comfort. Yet this I perceive, that severall of
them stand much inclined to remove, and some will goe, if shipping pre-
sent, and many more, if the Lord so please to change the face of things
I doubt not but the packett from thence will spare me a labour in
recitall of what I heard from thence. Their present strait is want of
bread and some other provisions wherof some late supply is transported
from hence. The ship Church, fly-boate, one Evans commander, sent
thither for that ende, which ship landed about 90 cwt of biskett and above
I02 FATE OF THE COLONISTS FROM NEVIS
2500 bushells of pease, whose dispatch and furtherance from hence, about
a month past, I gave my help unto, being therunto desired by letters from
the Commissioners at Jamaica.
I have noe more at present to add but my humble service to your
honour, and my poore prayers to the King of Heaven to preserve, guide,
strengthen, and prosper his Highness in the Lorde's worke, whom faith-
fully to serve as the Lord enableth, shall be the studdy and desire of
S' his Highness and
23*^ of the 8*'' month
In November Luke Stokes, the Governor of Nevis, re-
moved to Jamaica with "no less than 1600 of the poorer
inhabitants of his island,"^ and settled at Port Morant, These
people had long been accustomed to West Indian Hfe, yet
before they had been three months in their new home they
lost two-thirds of their number, including Stokes himself.
After this additional evidence of the dangers to which colon-
ists in Jamaica exposed themselves, further effort on the part
of Daniel Gookin was clearly perceived to be useless. In
June he sent a letter which may be regarded as his final
DANIEL GOOKIN TO SECRETARY THURLOE 2
The disposeing hand of God hath so rendered that afFayre of trans-
planting New England people into Jamaica, that a further account is
scarcely worth his Highness knowledge; yet duty obliedgeing me, I dare
not omitt it. So it is, that since the returne of those that went to view
the Island from hence, and the intelligence by the last of them, of the
mortalitie amongst the Nevis planters, such a dampe is put to the most
active ingagers, that all are silent to a remove at present. I am apt to
thinke, that divers of them will find cause to repent of this their chainge,
and breach of promise, seeing there is no just cause of discouradgement
as I can perceive. As for that of Nevis men, that place (as I hear) was
ominous to the Spanyard for unhealthfulness; and all men, even those
that went, report the delicasy and fertility of the Island, which, by God's
' Gardiner, Hist. Com and Prot. Ed. 1903, iv, 223.
= Rawl.MSS. Ali, 185.
FINAL REPORT TO THURLOE 103
blessing, would have been a meanes to put a change unto some of their
low conditions; besides the opportunity might have bene put into their
hands to enlardge the profession of the gospell, where Sathan & Antichrist
hath so long had his throne: but the mind and hart of man is so blind
and unstable, that he is most ready to miss his own mercy and neglect
I doe further account myself obleidged to acquaint your honor with
intelligence lately had by the Captaine of a French man of Warre named
Mon. Bleau, who arrived at the Dutch plantation adjacent to us with a
rich Spanish prize. This Captaine professeth great respects to the noble
English nation, and gives reason for it from severall curtisies he received
in the West Indies, both from Admiral Goodson and others. In a shipp
he tooke that was bound from Cuba to Spaine, he intercepted letters that
spake the purposes of the Spanyards upon Cuba, to attempt the retaking
of Jamaica; which they are animated unto by intelligence gather'd from
an Englishman in their power, whom hee called an engineeare, who
belonged to Jamaica : this advice the Frenchman gives to the Governor
of this place, in a letter sent on purpose, which I had the sight of, and
intends to bee here shortly himselfe, and then to give more particular
information from the letters themselves, which wilbe coppied out, and sent
for England to his Highness. I have advised Colonell Brayne^ of this
by a lettre wrote yesterday, that passeth in a fly-boat of the States, now
ready to saile hence, laden with masts and deales, under the command of
And now, Right Honourable, since my service for his Highness in
this place seemes fully ended at present, I hope it may be no offence if I
returne for England by the next ship, respecting some perticular occasions
of my owne left undone at my coming away; and also to tender myselfe
ready (if called thereunto) with my poor witt to serve his renowned High-
ness in the Lord, unto whome my hart stands firmly bent and devoted, as
to him, whome the God of Heaven hath eminently designed to doe great
things for the honor of his great name and inlardgement of the King-
dome of his Christ, and good of his poore church; which the good Lord
strengthens him and his helpers into every day more and more; and when
their work is finished, receive him and them into the third heaven to
triumph in glory through Eternitie. So he, humbly and earnestly desires
to pray, who is
His Highness and
Cambridge, in New England DANIEL GOOKIN
June XX*'' 1657
^The new Governor of Jamaica who had arrived at his post in December with
a considerable force. He sent the discontented soldiers home, and by his firmness
and good judgement, within a few months, effectually remedied the conditions that
prevailed before his arrival.
LTHOUGH in June, 1657, Daniel announced
his intention of sailing for England "in the next
ship," the opportunity did not come for nearly
five months. When at last it did arrive, he had
a narrow escape from losing his life. This is the
story as told by himself:
"But An. 1657, in the month of November,^ Mr.
Mayhew, the son,^ took shipping at Boston, to pass for England, about
some special concerns, intending to return with the first opportunity; for
he left his wife and children at the Vineyard : in truth his heart was very
much in that work,^to my knowledge, I being well acquainted with him.
He took his passage for England in the best of two ships then bound for
London, whereof one James Garrett was master. The other ship, whereof
John Pierse was commander, I went passenger therein, with Mr. Heze-
kiah Usher senior of Boston and several other persons. Both these ships
sailed from Boston in company. Mr. Garrett's ship, which was about
four hundred tons, had good accomodations, and greater far than the other:
and she had aboard her a very rich lading of goods, but most especially of
passengers, about fifty in number; whereof divers of them were persons of
great worth and virtue, both men and women; especially Mr, Mayhew,
Mr. Davis, Mr. Ince, and Mr. Pelham, all scholars, and masters of art, as I
take it most of them. The second of these, viz. Mr. Davis, son to one of
that name at New Haven, was one of the best accomplished persons for
learning, as ever was bred at Harvard College in Cambridge in New Eng-
land. Myself was once intended and resolved to pass in that ship : but
the master, who sometimes had been employed by me, and from whom I
expected a common courtesy, carried it something unkindly as 1 conceived,
1 November 13. See Diary of John Hull in Tr. Am. Ant. Soc. iii, 181.
*Rev. Thomas Mayhew, junior, of Martha's Vineyard.
^Preaching to the Indians, which he did in their own tongue.
SERVICE AT DUNKIRK 105
about my accomodations of a cabin : which was an occasion to divert me
to the other ship, where I also had good company, and my life also pre-
served, as the sequel proved : For this ship of Garrett's perished in the
passage, and was never heard of more."^
Arriving in England about the time of the summary disso-
lution of the second Protectorate parliament on February 4,
1657/8, after its short and stormy second session, Daniel found
that since he sailed away, two years before, a noticeable change
had taken place in the temper of the people. Restlessness
under the arbitrary rule of the Major Generals, and dissatis-
faction with the ascendancy of the military party were becoming
very general. And in spite of the intensity of his Puritanism
some echo must have reached him of the growing reaction
against excessive religious enthusiasm, — a reaction, which, fol-
lowing Cromwell's willingness to accord liberty of conscience
to others, was the harbinger of the age of toleration. It was
indeed an eventful time. In June came the joyful news of the
defeat of the Spanish forces by the English and French allies
at the battle of the Dunes, followed a few days later by the
formal delivery of Dunkirk into the hands of the English,
Then, at the beginning of September, came that cruel blow to
the hopes of the Puritans, the death of the Lord Protector,
awakening apprehensions that were to increase daily as the
incompetency of his successor became more manifest.
It would, perhaps, be possible to trace Daniel's movements
during this year if more had been learned about the "special
concernment" that took him to England. Whatever it was,
progress appears to have been slow. While waiting, other
occupation was possible. So he sought and obtained the
post of collector of customs at Dunkirk, the minutes of the
Council of State for March 10, 1658/9, recording that he was
"to be commissioned to receive the duties there. "^ This
place was apparently a temporary one, for during the summer
he laid a petition before the Council intimating his desire for
some employment, "at Dunkirk if possible." ^ This received
*Hist. Collections of the Ind. in New Eng. ,chap. ix
^Cal. State Papers Dom. 1658-59, p. 302.
^This seems to point to Dunkirk as the place of residence of Edward Gookin.
The Letters of Administration issued by the Prerogative Court of Canterbury ran to
io6 RETURN TO NEW ENGLAND
favorable consideration. The Committee for Dunkirk, on
August 30, recommended that Mr. Gookin "be nominated
Deputy Treasurer at War, to reside in Dunkirk, and receive
and pay all moneys for the forces there, and also for contin-
gencies, that the accounts may be better kept, and he is to be
responsible for all, and communicate the state of affairs as
occasion requires."^ The appointment was accordingly made
by the Council of State, September 2, 1659.2
When, on May 25, 1660, King Charles II sailed across the
English Channel to land at Dover, where the cliffs "were
covered by thousands of gazers, among whom scarcely one
could be found who was not weeping with delight," ^ Daniel
Gookin, having embarked for home on the same ship^ that
had brought him to England a little more than two years
earlier, had looked for the last time upon his native land,
and was several days out upon the long voyage across the
Atlantic. With him as fellow passengers were the regicides.
General Whalley and Colonel Goffe, who had thought it pru-
dent to flee to the new world before Charles should arrive and
take up the reins of government. Had the diary which Goffe
kept from May 4, 1660, the day he left Westminster, until the
year 1667,^ not been destroyed when the Boston mob set fire
to Governor Hutchinson's house, we should no doubt have
many interesting details concerning this voyage and about
Daniel Gookin during the seven months the regicides spent
in Cambridge. All of this diary that survives is a transcript
of a few entries.
I2d. 3m iMay 12, 1660] — The King was proclamed at Gravesend;
there was much rejoycing among the people, but God's people lamented
over y" grt profaneness wth wch y* Joy was express'd. It was observed
y' many dogs did y* day run mad; & dyed suddenly in y® Town.
" Daniel Gookin, natural, lawfull, and only brother of Edward Gookin, late in the
parts upon or beyond the seas, batchelor, deceased" (Adm. Act Book, July, 1655).
iCal. S. P. Dom. 1658-9, p. 161.
'Macaulay, Hist, of Eng., ch. i.
* Presumably the "Royal Exchange," which was the name of the ship com-
manded by Capt. Pierce in 1668.
^Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. Bay, Ed. 1795, p. 197.
EXTRACTS FROM GOFF'S JOURNAL 107
13 d 2m — Wee Kept Sabbath abord. To a good Ministers Church
in the Towne was stuck up near ye pulpit a Broom; in token as was by
all conceived, y* ye minister should shortly be swept away from them.
27d 5m [July 27, 1660] — Wee came to Anchor betwen Boston &
Charlestown; betwen 8 & 9 in y* morning: All in good health thro:
ye good hand of God ! upon us : oh ! y* men would praise the Lord for
his goodness ... as ps. 107, 21, &c.
29d 5m. — Lord's Day, heard Mr. Mitchell preach.
9d 6m, [Aug. 9 1660] — Went to Boston Lecture, heard Norton.
Scotch ship brought threatn'd recognition by one who came in it. At
Night majr Gookin shewed us a printed papery* was brought in y^ Scotch
Ship, wherein y® Lds do order 66 members of y® High court of Justice to
be secured, w*'' y' Estates, — its dated i8d May 1660, but I will meditate
on Hebr. 13. 5.6.
i6d 6m — Sup'd with Mr. Chauncey, he was persuaded y* Ld had
brought us to this country for good both to them and ourselves.
It can scarcely be doubted that Wlialley and Goffe took
up their residence in Cambridge at the instance of their friend
Gookin, both for their greater security, and that he might have
more abundant opportunity of enjoying their society. And
as they proceeded thither on the day of their landing, it is
possible that for a time, at least, they were his guests, though
prudence must have dictated that their stay under his roof
should not be longer than until they could find a suitable
abiding place elsewhere. They were, it is said, "held in exceed-
ingly great esteem for their piety and parts," and, during their
stay in the colony, "held meetings where they preached and
prayed, and were looked upon as men dropped down from
heaven." 1 With their further story this history is not con-
cerned, save that when word reached Boston that complaints
were abroad about the way they were received by the principal
men of the colony, Daniel Gookin was one of the Magistrates
who were present at the session of the General Court on
December 19, and helped make the "Address to the King"
which it was thought wise to send to Charles by a special
messenger. Two months later, on the day that Whalley and
Goffe set out for New Haven under the guidance of an Indian,
Daniel was one of those who attended a Council meeting to
^Cal. s. P. Col. 1661-8, p. 54.
io8 ENGLISH DISSATISFACTION
consider what should be done about their apprehension ! Again
on March 8 we find his name recorded among those present at
a meeting of the Council when a warrant for the arrest of the
judges was issued^ and given to a deputy who was sent as far
as Springfield on their track, but, as was no doubt expected,
returned empty handed. These pretended efforts did not
deceive the government in England, and the show of earnest
endeavor following the receipt, a few days later, of an order for
the regicides' arrest — the search for them being then com-
mitted to two zealous royalists — was made too late to create a
different impression. An English correspondent of Rev. John
Davenport of New Haven wrote, October 28, 1661: "The Bay
stirring soe much for the Apprehending of W: & G: signifie
at present heere but little, because they were so long with them
& then did nothing."^
Realizing that the dissatisfaction of the English government
with their reception of Whalley and Goffe, as also with their
persistent disregard of the navigation laws, and various other
acts of insubordination, threatened to involve them in grave
difficulties, the General Court when it met on May 22, 1661,
attempted to remove some of the causes of offence. At the
close of the session a Committee was appointed "to consider
and debate such matter or thing of public concernment touch-
ing our patent, laws, privileges, and duty to his Majesty, as
they in their wisdom shall judge most expedient, and draw up
the result of their apprehensions, and present the same to the
next session for consideration and approbation, that so (if the
will of God be) we may speak and act the same thing, becom-
ing prudent, honest, conscientious, and faithful men."
The report, signed by Thomas Danforth, and probably
written by him, is an exceedingly adroit document. While
setting forth the duty of allegiance to the King, and inciden-
tally affirming that "The warrant and letter from the King's
majesty, for the apprehending of Col. Whalley and Col. Goffe,
ought to be diligently and faithfully executed by the authority
^Suffolk Deeds v, iii.
^Quoted by George Sheldon, in "Whalley and Goffe in New England," printed
as an introduction to the new edition of Judd's History of Hadley.
GOOKIN'S OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 109
of this country," stress is laid upon their liberties under their
charter. These are set forth and defined in eight paragraphs,
of which the last one well summarizes the position maintained
during the long struggle that followed, by the party of which
Danforth and Gookin were the leaders. "We conceive any
imposition prejudicial to the country contrary to any just law of
ours, not repugnant to the laws of England, to be an infringe-
ment of our right."
In their attitude of resistance to all encroachments on their
chartered rights, these sturdy Puritans never wavered. "Dan-
iel Gookin, before he took the oath of allegiance in Court,
May 24th, 1665, did openly and plainly declare that in taking
that oath he would be so understood as not to infringe the
liberty and privileges granted in his Majesty's royal charter
to the Governor and Company of Massachusetts, whereof he
is a member, and unto which he is sworn formerly. Boston
the 24th of May 1665. Daniel Gookin." 1
It was this spirit of unwillingness on the part of the colo-
nists to submit to arbitrary government that had led the Eng-
lish government, in 1664, to appoint a board of commissioners,
consisting of Col. Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, George
Cartwright, and Samuel Maverick, to visit New England and
enforce their subjection. Fortunately, Colonel Nichols, the
senior member of the commission, was a man of sense. Nev-
ertheless, much friction was engendered by the invitation,
but so shrewdly was the controversy managed by the Gen-
eral Court, that in the end the commissioners were discom-
fited and obliged to return without having accomplished their
object. Credit for this is due in large measure to Gookin
and Danforth, whose efforts were untiring. When Colonel
Nicholls arrived in Boston, they, together with Edward Col-
lins, William Parks, and Lieut. Hopestill Foster, were con-
stituted a committee "to consider of the matters presented
by his majesties honorable commissioners." On the same
day Gookin and Danforth were appointed on another com-
mittee, "to consider of all the papers delivered into this Court
^Mass. Archives, cvi, 132. A similar statement by Danforth, dated May 26,
1665, is also preserved in the same volume.
no REFUSAL TO ANSWER COMMISSIONERS
by Colonell Richard Nicholls & the rest of his majesties com-
Later in the same month — May, 1665 — it was ordered
by the General Court, "that the Gouerno'', Deputy Gouerno',
Capt. Daniel Gookin, M"" Thomas Danforth, Majo^ Genii Jn°
Leueret, & the secretary be a comittee to peruse all the letters
& writings of publick concernment that hath past this Court
in their transactions w**" the hono''able comissioners, & what is
of publick concernmt to be sent to England, & to take order
for the sending of them to such persons as they, or the majo''
part of them, shall judg meet; who are also impoured or the
majo'' pt of them, to act in all things as they shall judg meete,
to send for England by the first and second ships copies pre-
pared to follow that all may be improved for this colonies
The details of the long controversy with the Commission-
ers have often been told, and need not here be dwelt upon,
except as regards one incident in which Captain Gookin fig-
ures. Carr wrote Lord Arlington, the English Secretary of
State, under date of December 14, 1665: "Col. Whalley and
Goff were entertained and feasted in every place after they
were told they were traitors and ought to be apprehended.
They were furnished at Cambridge with horses and a guide,
and sent to New Haven for security. Capt. Daniel Gooking,
being reported to have brought over and to manage their
estates, the Commissioners seized his cattle in the King's Pro-
vince for his Majesty's use, but he refused to answer before
the Commissioners, so no more was done in it. Capt. Pierce,
who transported Whalley and Goff into New England, may
say something to their estate. They of this colony say that
Charles I granted them a charter as a warrant against him-
self and successors, and so long as they pay the fifth of all
gold and silver ore they are not obliged to the King but by
^Cal. S. p. Col. Am. and West Ind. 1661-8, p. 345. The warrant for the seiz-
ure of Daniel Gookin's estate was issued at Warwick, March 21, 1664/5.
^ 5 ^ E ^'-
HE General Court on May 15, 1657, "In ans' to
the mocon of Majc Symon Willard and Cap*
Daniell Gookin in reference to theire publick
service donne," granted them five hundred acres
of land apiece. In October, shortly before Cap-
tain Gookin sailed for England the Court ordered
that his grant "be laid out in some convenient
place on the eastermost side of Pequot River; and on the 26th
of May following Captain George Dennison reported that he
had laid out "unto Capt. Daniell Gookin, in the Pequot coun-
trie, five hundred acres of land, being bounded on the west w*^
Poquatucke River, on y® south w*** the Sound, on the east w**"
Thomas Prentice, & on the north w*'' the wildernes."
Returning from England at the end of July, 1660, Daniel
found that Southertowne, as the place where his grant was
located had been named, was claimed by Rhode Island men,
who had trespassed upon the lands and threatened the settlers.
A warrant for the arrest of these "sundry rude fellows,"
issued October 8, i66i,by Governor Endicott, Deputy Gov-
ernor Bellingham, and Daniel Gookin, resulted in the commit-
ment of Tobias Saunders and Robert Burdett until they should
pay a fine of j[ioo apiece.^ After this quiet reigned until the
following spring, when the Rhode Island General Court took
cognizance of the matter, as appears by the following docu-
ment, which is on file in the Massachusetts archives, though
1 Records of the Colony of R. I. and Prov. Plantations, i, 155-6.
112 THE PAUCATUCK CONTROVERSY
curiously no mention of it appears upon the records of the
Rhode Island Court.^
At a Generall Court begun the 20th of May 1662, holden at War-
wicke, in his Majesty's name for the Collony of Providence Planta-
Ordered, by the authority abovesayd, that the following prohibition
be signed by the Recorder, and sent unto Capt. Daniel Gookin and to
every other person that it may concerne, viz:
Whereas the Court is informed that you the above named Captaine
Danyell Gookin, or any other person or persons not having the leave of
this Collony's Court, are endeavouring to force into this jurisdiction and
to take possession of lands within the same at or about Pawcatuck, alias
Misquamacott, by building, fencing, planting and otherwise, which your
forceable entrance being wholly without the leave and contrary to the
minds of this Collony, is, in a very high degree contrary unto the peace,
crowne and dignity of our Lord the King.
And therefore you, and every of you are in his Majesty's name
required to desist from and forbeare such instrusions ... as you will
answer the contrary at your own perill," &c.
The annoyance continuing, Daniel and the other grantees
complained to the Commissioners for the United Colonies, who
took up the matter at a meeting held in Boston, September 4,
1662, and addressed a letter to the Rhode Island Court:
" Gentlemen : Wee are enformed your people proceed with
an high hand, and pretend authoritie for theire acting, and offi-
cers calling themselves Constables reddy assist them in their
Injuries and of?encive (truly wee may say) wicked demeanours:
building upon the land; threatening Captaine Gokens tenant,
to carry him to prison and drive away his cattle; cuting his
grasse; by glueing ill example to Pequot Indians that are in
subjection to us; by profaning the sabbath, and selling great
quantities of liquors to them; which once and againe wee
thought meet to present to you considering that the rather
(though wee could not ezely) the persons aforesaid acted with-
out youer Incurragement, because wee haue seen a warrant
signed by youer Recorder, Joseph Torey, warning Captaine
Gokens and others to advise and forebeare any further or
future possession of any of the lands att or about Pocatuck,
^Records of R. I. and Prov. Plantations, i. 463.
APPEAL TO THE GENERAL COURT 113
as they will answer the contrary att their perill." Then fol-
lows a statement of the legal claim to the Paucatuck lands, and
a formal requirement that the Rhode Island men should
When the King's commissioners appeared upon the scene,
the Rhode Island claimants appealed to them, with such suc-
cess that at a meeting held at Warwick April 4, 1665, they
declared all the grants made by Massachusetts within the
disputed territory "to be voyd." Thereupon the grantees
joined in a petition to the Massachusetts General Court for
The humble petition of Daniel Gookin, Amos Richison, Thomas
Prentice, Dean Winthrop, Roger Plaisted, Chades Chancy, praesident of
the colledg. in behalfe of that society, & severall others,
Humbly shevveth, —
That whereas your petitioners have had severall parcells of land
granted unto us in the Pequot country, neere the River of Pawcatucke,
which were laid out & confirmed by this Court, allowed 5z approved by
the coiriissioners of the United Colonies, w"" the consent of the Indians
that remained & lived upon it, upon which grounds some of us were
incouraged to lay out our estates in the emproovement thereof for sev-
erall yeares, not doubting the justnes of the title, being both concquered
& long possessed, all which notw^'^standing, it hath pleased his majesties
honorable comissioners (through some misinformation as wee conceive) to
give forth an order, under three of their handes & seales, requiring us &
our tennants to depart of from the said lands, & out of our houses &
possessions there. Si. to put of all our catle at or before the 29*^ day of Sep-
tember next, w*''out calling some of us to answer or speake for our rights,
which decree, if it Take effect (& wee know no way to prevent it,) is like
to be the mine of some of our famihes; therefore our humble request to
the honoured Court is, that you will conferr w''' the hono'^able Comission-
ers about this matter & use some meanes for our reliefe (for some of us
have sought it of them w*''out effect hitherto;) but it may be the Court
will cleare matters to them for their better information.
The Court ordered Secretary Rawson to lay this petition
before the Commissioners. Apparently the Commissioners
reversed their decision, for Daniel Gookin remained in pos-
session of his grant until February 6, 1671/2, when he and his
wife conveyed to "Symon Lynde of Boston merchant," for the
sum of j^2o6 sterling, "All that our farme and housing thereon
114 MANY ACTIVITIES
(being an Neck of Land) sittuate lying & being in the Pequitt
CunteP' on Pawcutuck River," &c.
It may well be that the small benefit he had been able to
realize from the grant of the Paucatuck farm, was one of the
"severall considerations especially moving" thereto, that led
the General Court, on October ii, 1665, to make Daniel
another grant of five hundred acres. This, at his request, was
set out to him "betweene Concord & Lancaster bounds, next
adjoyning to the Indian plantation called Nashobah," and the
location was confirmed by the Court on May 27, 1668.
The extent and variety of Daniel's public service at this
period well merited the additional grant. He must, indeed,
have been nearly if not quite the busiest man in the colony,
and the salary of thirty pounds a year, which he received as
Assistant, can hardly have been an adequate compensation
for the time he gave to the affairs of the commonwealth. The
records of the colony show that he was a faithful attendant at
the sessions of the General Court and at the meetings of the
Governor and Council.^ No other member was more active.
We find him engaged on many committees ; to audit the Treas-
urer's account; "to find out the best way and means to make
agreement and contract with an honest person to prosecute the
Indian trade "on the behalf of the state; to treat with the mint
master "for allowing such an annuall soiiie as may be agreed
upon as a meete honorarium;" to draw up orders concerning
the militia; to visit Harvard college and examine the Treas-
urer's accounts; to determine the differences between Presi-
dent Dunster and Thomas Danforth; even to lay out land
grants in the Paucatuck region. These are only a few out of
many that might be named. More important were designa-
tions to hold the County Courts, as for Norfolk County
in 1660, for Suffolk in 1663, and his appointment in 1668 as
one of the Commissioners of Revenue from imposts. In the
larger aflfairs of State, his clear judgement and sagacious coun-
' Council meetings appear to have been held at all hours. In Prov. Papers of N.
H., i, 273, is printed a letter from Governor Bellingham, July 12, 1665, in which he
refers to expediting a messenger to Cambridge to call Gookin, Danforth and others
to meet at the Governor's house in Boston, "by sixe of the clocke this morning."
EXTENT OF PUBLIC SERVICE 115
sel were highly valued and often called in requisition. When-
ever "uncomfortable differences" arose between the towns, or
with other colonies, his name was almost certain to be placed
upon, and often at the head of, the Committee deputed to deal
therewith. Such assignments were not infrequent and some-
times involved considerable labour, as well as the exercise of
great pains and discrimination.
Withal he had his routine business as a magistrate to attend
to, besides which his farms had to be looked after and the trade
with the Maryland and Virginia plantations. ^ Still he found
time to do his full duty as Captain of the Cambridge trained
band; to attend religious services and lectures with punctil-
ious regularity; to take his part in catechising the youth of
Cambridge; to serve the town as Selectman from 1660 to
1672; to perform the many neighborly offices that necessarily
entered largely into the life of one dwelling in a small and
remote community. Nor is the tale yet told. As Superin-
tendent of the Praying Indians he had to spend much of his time
in journeys through the wilderness to their several settlements,
besides listening to their appeals when they called upon him
in Cambridge (as they appear to have done rather frequently),
and accompanying Eliot when he went among them to preach.
And as employment for his leisure hours he projected and
steadily worked upon a history of the colony, — of which,
unfortunately, but a small fragment has survived.
Only one instance is recorded of Daniel's declination of
a public trust. The publication, in 1662, of some religious
tracts which the ministers thought too liberal, resulted in an
order by the General Court that no books should be printed
in future unless approved by two official licensers. Daniel
Gookin and the Rev. Jonathan Mitchell were appointed, but
refused to act. As the court had adjourned, and no print-
ing could be done without authorization by the licensers, the
presses had to stand idle until the Court convened in May,
^He may perhaps have made a voyage to Virginia in 1664. By the General
Court on May 18, "Capt. Daniel Gookin is hereby desired & appointed to keepe the
Courts in Portsmouth or Dover & Yorke, for this year, if he come home & be vfell,"
but he does not appear to have served.
ii6 DISPUTE WITH THE ANABAPTISTS
1663, when it was "ordered that the Printing Presse be at Hb-
erty as formerly till this court shall take further order, and the
late order is hereby repealed."
A glimpse of Daniel in still another capacity is afforded by
an account in a manuscript found among the Danforth papers
of a "public dispute" with the Anabaptists, "that it might be
determined whether they were erroneous or not."^ Six emi-
nent clergymen were "nominated to manage the dispute on the
Pedobaptist side, which was appointed to be April 14, 1668,
in the meeting house in Boston at 9 o'clock in the morning.
But lest these six learned clergymen should not be a match
for a few illiterate Baptists, the governour and magistrates were
requested to meet with them," and so Daniel Gookin's name
appears in the list of debaters. It was an animated session, in
which the Baptists were worsted, not being able to convince
their opponents. In July some of them were imprisoned for
heresy, the warrant for their arrest being signed by Daniel
Gookin and five others.
iMass. Hist. Soc. Colls. 2 Ser. viii, iii.
HE public documents that came from Daniel
Gookin's hand testify in no uncertain manner to
his qualifications for handling important affairs
of State. The letter in which he opened negotia-
tions with Ferdinando Gorges looking toward the
purchase of his claim to the province of Maine,
displays ability that any diplomat might envy.
Not only had troublesome questions of jurisdiction grown out
of the uncertainty as to the boundary between Maine and Mas-
sachusetts Bay, but the earlier date of the Massachusetts charter
and the virtual abandonment of the northern province by the
elder Gorges made complications that became more and more
embarrassing as time went on without a settlement being
DANIEL GOOKIN TO FERDINANDO GORGES ^
Though I am a stranger unto yo" in person, yet tis not improbable
that you have heard of my name, because my father who bore the same
name was intimately acquainted with your honoured p'decessor S"" Ferdin-
ando Gorges, and was interested with him in his New England affaires,
as some writeings concerning that matter under S"' Ferdenando's hand
and seale in my possession do evince, and tis like the same may be w"*
The providence of God having sett the bounds of my habitation in
New England, where I have resided neare twenty yeares and a good part
of that time imployed in publique affaires and so have had more opertu-
nity to understand some things relating to your selfe in your claime to the
'Br. Record Office, Col. Papers, xvii, No. 57.
ii8 LETTER TO FERDINANDO GORGES
province of Maine, as also the claime made to the same by the jurisdiction
of Massachusetts, and now things grow up to a greater diference than for-
merly betwene them and you: being studious of peace and unity in waies
of righteousness among the English in this wilderness I have p'^sumed to
set before you a few considerations touching this affaire wherein my desire
is to intend yo' honno' and benefitt as well as the publique good before
S' tis not unknowne to you (I conceive) how the body of the people
in that province several years since (being wearied with anarchy among
themselves) made their earnest application unto the jurisdiction of the
Bay for protection and government, and accordingly were accepted upon
articles, submitting and swearing fidelity to the same, which agreement
was to continue inviolable untill the supreme power in England did
release them, after w"** time the extent of the line of the Massachusetts
pattent to the N. E. (never before stated) did according to the judgment
of good artists therein imployd, take in the greatest part if not all yo"^
province; under w"*" settlement those parts have remained in a quiet pos-
ture for sundry yeares, but of late they have been interupted upon p'^tence
of commission for your selfe, the consequences whereof hath tended much
to the disturbance of the peace and good government of that place, and I
beleve hath brought but little profitt to yourselves, for the body of the
people in conscience to their oath and articles still adhere to the gov'ment
of the Bay, and frequently make their adreses to it for protection and jus-
tice, and yo" doe not appear to have strength and interest enough to
compose and satisfy them. The jurisdiction of Massachusetts have not
been forward to enter into a contest w'^'' you in this matter, finding it difficult
to rule wel, a remote and divided people, but the frequent solicitations of
the people in that province urging a performance of covenant hath put them
upon endevors to p'serve peace and order among them and suprese the
contrary. And for that end commissioners have been once and againe
sent and compositions made w"" yours. But p'sently againe broken by
some among them on p'tence of yo"" authority so that now it is probable
you will heare, and y* w**" great agravations, that Mr. Jordan is secured,
the only end whereof is to p''serve publique peace, for some men there
are in the world who are impatient of any power that will bridle their
lusts and disorders.
This being the state of that affaire I pray Sir, consider whether it will
not be advisable for you not too readily to entertaine prejudice from those
mens information nor yet countenance them in their actings which I
assure you are neither for your honour nor profit, but to consult whether
it be not now for your interest to make some honorable composition with the
jurisdiction of Massachusetts for y""^ claime which I beleeve they wil com-
ply withall rather than ingage in a contest with you; and will not this
more conduce to you"' advantage then a continual exhausting (what you
can rationaly expect from them if not more) for the support of the govern-
LETTER TO ROBERT BOYLE 119
ment there besides the hazard and discouragement of the more sober and
industrious part of the people do desert the place, which they are ready to
do as I heare if things remaine as they are, and as for yo"^ propriety in any
lands possessed and improved you may still retayne y" if you please
som . . .^ in a letter or imploy some person to deale in it you may
hav . . . ble . . .^ some of money paid you for your claime.
S"' I desire you will seriously consider what is here p'^sented which
you may bee assured is from one that wishes your best good, so desiring
the Lord God to direct you herein that you may doe that which is most
for his glory and yo' best good craveing excuse for my boldness with the
presentiment of my respects and service, I remaine S"'
Yours to bono' and serve you
Cambridge in New England,
June 25*'' 1663
This letter, written, as has been said, "with consummate
skill and ingenuity," might have led to results more speedily
than it did, but for the interference of the royal commis-
sioners, who thought to set everything at rest by passing an act
"for enervating the authority of both the clayming parties"
and placing the disputed territory directly under that of the
King. Nevertheless, the controversy dragged on, and little
progress had been made when, ten years later, the questions at
issue were described in a letter addressed to the Honourable
Robert Boyle, the authorship of which may be confidently
ascribed to Daniel Gookin, though it may be that some of the
other signers took part in its composition.
GOVERNOR LEVERETT AND OTHERS TO ROBERT BOYLE 2
As an addition to your former kindness, touching the present of masts
sent from this colony to his Majesty, we are lately informed that you have
been pleased to speak on our behalf in the ears of his most excellent
Majesty, our gracious Sovereign, when our adversaries, by their hard
speeches and false suggestions have laboured to alienate his royal heart
and affections from us; which favour of yours (to a people that are so
great strangers to you, and so undeserving your love) calls for gratitude.
And therefore, should we be silent in our most thankful acknowledgement
thereof, first unto God, that hath so inclined your heart, and nextly to
^Torn off with the seal.
^Life of Boyle, by Thos. Birch, p. 453.
I20 LETTER TO ROBERT BOYLE
yourself, as an instrument (and if we may presume to say) an advocate
for this part of God's poor church in the wilderness, it would render us
most unworthy of our profession.
Sir, we need not put you in mind, that the poor church of Christ in
all ages, even from righteous Abel's time unto this day, hath not wanted
adversaries: the ancient enmity, which God hath put between the two
seeds, will never reconcile; that example in Ezra's and Nehemiah's time
do sufficiently evince this; for although the people of God then had ample
charters from those great princes, Cyrus and Artaxerxes, yet God was
pleased, for the trial of his church, and the illustration of his own glory
(in their salvation) to permit a Sanballat, a Tobiah, and others, falsely to
accuse that people, to those princes, of disloyalty. Sir, we hear, that our
adversaries there are plotting and designing against our peace; so much
the more cause have we to lye in the dust before the Lord, imploring his
assistance and salvation, as the matter shall require. And also it is our
duty, not to neglect the use of that little means, that is left us, in order to
the preservation of our quietness and liberties; among which, this appli-
cation to yourself, and by you to our most gracious King (whose royal
heart the Lord hath graciously inclined hitherto to favour our righteous
cause) is the principal.
Sir, we hear of several things against us, which we do not particularly
understand, but so far as is intimated to us, we will make bold here
briefly to mention them, with our answers to them.
L Our loyalty is questioned. To this we answer (in all humility,
not boastingly) that the demonstrations of our loyalty are known to thou-
sands; particularly I. We never proclaimed or acted in the name of the
late power in England in his Majesty's absence, as all other remote col-
onies did. 2. It is known, that in our public prayers, as well as in pri-
vate families, we pray for our King. 3. When a squadron of his ships,
under Sir John Harmon, commander, were in the West Indies, streight-
ened for provisions; we freely and seasonably sent a ship laden with
provisions for their supply. 4. In that present of a ship laden with
masts, sent for the supply of his royal navy. Those two last things cost
this poor colony some thousands of pounds; and we have not heard that
any of his Majesty's colonies (though far exceeding us in riches) have
given higher demonstrations of their loyalty.
II. We are said to be factious in the principles of religion. Answer.
If Mr. Perkins, and those good old Puritans, in King Edward the Vlth
and Queen Elizabeth's time, did, in their principles or religion, teach evil
doctrine (which we conceive no true Protestant will say) then may we be
rendered such; for our religion and principles are the same for substance
with those old Christians and reformers called Puritans.
III. It is said, we are a divided people. We acknowledge it is a
matter to be greatly bewailed, that the church of God, all the world over
(by reason of man's weakness and infirmity) doth labour under diversity
LETTER TO ROBERT BOYLE 121
of persuasions and apprehensions in matters of religion, and consequently
do not live in that blessed and sweet unity that God requires: but for our
parts (some petty differences excepted) we bless God, we have much peace
and tranquillity in church and state.
IV. We are charged with carrying it disrespectfully toward his
Majesty's commissioners. To this we say, that God and man can wit-
nes for us, that our treatment of them was with civility, according to our
mean conditions. Indeed, as to yielding obedience unto their mandates,
which were destructive to our royal charter; as that was contrary to his
Majesty's instructions and letter sent to us by them, so we had no reason
to submit to them therein.
V. We are blamed for a great omission touching baptizing of infants.
To this we answer, that our principles declared to the world in print
particularly that of the last synod held here, doth speak our judgments
to run parallel with other reformed churches, viz. That visible confed-
erate believers with their seed are subjects of baptism. Indeed in practice
there hath been some omissions thereof, as to the largest extent, espe-
cially in some places; but endeavours are daily used to reduce each one
to the rule.
VI. We are accused of rigidness to such as differ from us in matters
of religion. To this we say, that from the first settling this plantation,
these heterodoxes of Familism, Anabaptism, and of late Quakerism, have
been looked upon by the godly here, as great errors, and the promo-
ters of them disturbers of peace and order. Those awful and tremen-
dous motions of that sort of people in Germany, and elsewhere, hath
sufficiently alarmed all pious and prudent men to provide a defensative
against them. Hence, from our first times, laws have been made to
secure us from that danger; which have, at some times, upon just occa-
sions, been executed upon some of that sort of people, who have exceeded
the rules of moderation in matters of practice: but this we may say truly,
that some peaceable Anabaptists, and some of other sects, who have
deported themselves quietly, have and do live here, under the protection
of this government, undisturbedly. Lastly, we are accused for grasping
after dominions, more than belongs to us, and in particular, for taking in a
place, called the province of Mayne belonging to Mr. Gorge. To this we
answer, that our patent (which is of greater antiquity than his) doth take
in that place; and this may be clearly demonstrated. Again, Mr. Gorge's
predecessor, finding no profit, deserted the government thereof, and left the
people under such confusion and disorder, that they were necessitated to
petition earnestly unto the Massachusetts, to take them under their gov-
ernment; which they did, at their earnest desire, to prevent their devour-
ing one another. The truth is, there is no profit or benefit doth accrue to
our government by their addition, but cumber and trouble. They are
generally a very poor people, and contribute nothing to us, for the support
of the government in this place. We may truly say, our main end in
122 PURCHASE OF THE GORGES CLAIM
taking them under us hath been a desire to do them good, outwardly and
inwardly; especially to encourage a pious and able minister to live among
them, and to preach the Gospel to them, which, through the favour of
God, hath been in some measure attained. Before they came under us,
we know not! of one preaching and pious minister in five or six villages
there, and since (through God's favour) they have been well provided
therewith. Godly ministers indeed were very shy to go among them to
live, before they were settled under this government; and at such time,
when the commissioners took them off from us, and settled some justice
among themselves, it was but a little while after the commissioners were
gone, but that people fell into such divisions and confusions, that many of
their ministers left them; and the people again earnestly sued to us for
protection and government, finding no benefit (as they alledged) by such, as
the commissioners had appointed to rule them. Peradventure Mr. Gorge
and some others may apprehend, they are deprived of honour and profit
by us in this matter; but, we believe, as it hath, so it will be found, that
neither the one nor the other would accrue to them, if they had it under
their power, according to their desire.
Thus, noble Sir, we have made bold to give you an account (as
briefly as we could) of what we hear is objected against us, and our
answer; committing all to your goodness and wisdom, to make use of as
you shall see occasion.
So desiring, in all humility, your pardon for our presumption, in giv-
ing you this trouble, with our cordial prayers unto the God of all mercy and
grace, to pour upon your head and heart his richest blessings; with our
most humble service and love to you presented, we take leave, desiring
always to remain,
Most affectionate friends and servants
John LEVERETT, Governor
Samuel SYMONDS, Deputy Governor
Daniel Gookin, Assistant
This is a duplicate of a letter sent in December last. Dated in Boston
in New England, May lo, 1673.
More than five years were still to elapse before the affair
was finally adjusted by the purchase of the Gorges claim for
the sum of ^1250. The final report upon the matter, made
to the General Court, was drawn up by Daniel Gookin and is
distinguished by its clear and cogent reasoning.
St. Augustine's Church, Northbourne, Kent.
Interior of the old church, Ripple, Kent.
FINAL REPORT TO THE GENERAL COURT 123
_ October 8 1678
A returne of the comitte appointed by the Gen'll Court, to consider
of the matter p'sented Relating to the province of Mayne.^
The principal! question (as we humbly conceve) touching this affaire
(at p'sent) Is Whether it bee best for the country, to Hold & Reteyne
their interest in this province, or to sel & Alienate the same unto others?
In Answer hereunto, the Comittee judge it best for the country to close
in the Affirmative, for which they humbly offer these Reasons with
Answers to some objections to the contrary.
I. was it not this courts order unto our Agents to endevor to pur-
chas this pattent which being done accordingly it seems unbecoming the
Gravity wisdome & prudence of this court, to bee yea & nay in a matter
of such moment & that before experience is made of any inconvence
2 Because our Agents intimate in their lette" that they transacted
this matter by the concurrent advise of our freinds upon the place; who
yet continue of the same mind as is certifyd by o"" Agents last letters
dated in August last.
3 Because our [enimies] in England particularly M' Mason & M"^
Randolph vigorously opposed our Agents in that Bargaine & prevailed so
farr as to frustrate the first attempt, this act of these o' II willers is an
Argument of the goodness of the King for us :
4 In this pattent is granted both Government & Soyle & lands &c
of which latter there is a considerable quantity, not in propriety of any
english man, sufficient to countervale the purchase, & their is little reason
to feare wee shal be deprived y''of, because in all his maties Grants p'^prity
is reserved. And as for the Gouemment it is not impossible wee may injoy
the same also by the helpe of God, having to doe therin with so gratious
5 It may be considered & our long experience hath given us a suffi-
cient demonstration herof, that the settlement of Good neighbors in this
territory (w"*" matter lyes wholly in o"' hands) wilbe greatly advantageous
& conducing to our future quiet, but the settlement thereof by il neigh-
bours when it is in other mens hands wee cannot p'vent, may prove a great
trouble and affliction to us, of which wee have had experience in former
6 This place is plentifully furnished on the coasts with good har-
bours for fishing & timber of all sorts both for exportation abroad & use
at home; which are convencies that may bee Beneficiall to the publike
good if prudently managed.
7 The interest y' wee herby have in the Hands of Nantucket &
Marthas Vineyard w**" a share in the 4 townes on the west of pasquata-
way, is to bee considered as a matter of waight. more reasons might bee
added but wee forbear & come to consider som objections.
'Coll. Maine Hist. Soc. Doc. History of Maine, iv. 382-5.
124 FINAL REPORT TO THE GENERAL COURT
Objection I It is probable our ill willers wil not bee wanting in
their endeavors to incense our gratious King against us & Aleadge y' by
this Acquisition wee aspire after dominion & enlargement of territory
wch is not for his hono' or interst to Admitt.
Answer If his matie should receve any impressions against us in
this case, and declare disatisfaction — it is then time enough to Returne
him such Answer as becomes Dutiful and loyall subjects.
Objection 2 It is a great some of mony to be paid for it & the
country being greatly impoverished by the late warre, & much in debt are
not in a good capacity to disburse this sufne without great inconvence.
Answer I The some of 1250^ starling w'^'* is the some to bee payd
for it is not as wee conceve so considerable but the country may pay it
without any great determent especially considering the advantages acrew-
ing therby before hinted Si. it is very probable y* some purchasers wil
soone appeare to by some parcell of this land to reimburse the treasury of
y* country ; Truly we conceve God hath put an oppertunty into C hand
by this purchase of y' province w"'' wee should thankfully accknowled &
improve for Gods hono' and the publike good; & not through feare of
contingent events, decline, this opertunty.
Ans. 2 : If upon Experience wee find it Burthensome or inconvenient
for us there is no cause to doubt (as wee judge) but wee may ease o''selves
without any damage to the country.
3 objection In this pattent it is required that the Religion profesed
in the Church of England, and Eclesiastical Gouerment therof shalbe prof-
fesed setled & established in & through the said province; This injunction
may prove A Snare to us.
Answer i The Religion of the Church of England, in the Doctrinall
part of it conteyned in the 39 Articles, is sound & orthodox & for the
substance therof is not only professed by all protestants generally but by our
selves also, hence there is no reason for any good Chtian to thinke it a snare.
Ans. 2 as for the ecclesiastical Gounment of England, which is estab-
lished by the lawes of that land. Although in our judgment wee differ from
it, yet wee must remember wee are prohibited in our charter of the Mas-
sachusetts, to make any law repugnant to the laws of England, of which
lawes this is one, therfore may not make any law against it.
Ans 3 If it should happen that any of his Ma*'" subjects that doe or
shal herafter live there, should profes & practise in matters of Religion
According to the church of England, is there not as Good reason for us to
Admit them, that act therin not against any law made by us, As to permit
quakers and other perswasions dif. from us, to practise their religion con-
trary unto our lawes Si. that not in remote parts of the country but in o'
chiefest towns; They that profes Religion according to the Church of
England owne Good Sc sound principles in doctrine & are obedient to civil
order. But the other persuations oppose both. Therfore which are like to
be the best neighbors & Subjects let Reason Judge.
FINAL REPORT TO THE GENERAL COURT 125
Objection 4 There was an inconvenience unto this General Court
in the number of Deputies Sent from that province in former times which
have had to great an influence upon our affayres; & yet the people of y*
province have paid little or nothing to support this Goum* & being few
& poor are like to do litle for y" future for o' Benefit & therfore wer like
to bee burthensom rather than benificial.
I Answer The number of Deputyes in y' County According to reason
may Sc ought to be limited to a lesser number & according to their ability
they are obliged to pay taxes as others doe; for now those priviledges
they had before by Articles are extinct.
Thus desiring the lord to guide Sz direct the hon*"'" Court in the con-
clusion that it may bee for Gods honour & publike good we remaine yo'
Daniel Gookin Sen
N nothing else do the sterling traits of Daniel
Gookin's character stand forth more saliently
than in his work among the Indians of Massa-
chusetts. The story of that work is the record
of long years of painstaking effort and self-sacri-
ficing devotion ; of steady persistence in the face
of difficulties and discouragements; of unwaver-
ing determination, matched only by that of his friend and
associate, the saintly Eliot, It was work that called for never-
failing tact, firmness tempered by discretion, patience, and
kindly sympathy. To these qualities, possessed in full measure
by both Eliot and Gookin, the success that attended their
labours may be ascribed. Another essential qualification was
abundance of "the judgement of Charity," to quote Daniel's
own phrase. "For my own part, I have no doubt, but am
fully satisfied," were his words in speaking of the Indian con-
verts, "that divers of them do fear God and are true believers;
but yet I will not deny but that there may be some of them
hypocrites, that profess religion, and yet are not sound hearted.
But things that are secret belong to God; and things that are
revealed, unto us and our children." ^
"Things that are secret belong to God !" In this pregnant
expression is revealed the attitude of mind with which he
regarded his fellow men. And what eloquent testimony it
bears to the loftiness of his soul 1
^Hist. Collections of the Ind. in New Eng., p. 183.
WORK AMONG THE INDIANS 127
Daniel's interest in the red men was awakened very soon
after his removal to Massachusetts, and may not improbably
have had its inception during his earlier experiences in Vir-
ginia, When he took up his abode in Roxbury, Eliot was
deep in his study of the Indian language, with the assistance of
one Job Nesutan, "a very good linguist in the English tongue,"
whom he hired to live in his family and act as his teacher, and
who, later on, became his assistant in translating the Bible and
other books. The motives that impelled the Apostle to under-
take the conversion and civilization of the Indians have been
set forth by Daniel, and in so doing it is safe to say that his
own motives are also presented.
"In this work," he wrote, "did this good man industriously
travail sundry years, without any external encouragement, from
men I mean, as to the receiving any salary or reward. Indeed
verbal encouragements, and the presence of divers persons at
his lectures, he wanted not. The truth is, Mr. Eliot engaged
in this great work of preaching unto the Indians upon a very
pure and sincere account: for I being his neighbour and inti-
mate friend, at the time when he first attempted this enter-
prise, he was pleased to communicate unto me his design, and
the motives that induced him thereunto; which, as I remem-
ber, were principally these three.
" First, the Glory of God, in the conversion of some of
these poor, desolate souls.
"Secondly, his compassion and ardent affection to them,
as of mankind in their great blindness and ignorance.
"Thirdly, and not the least, to endeavour, so far as in him
lay the accomplishment and fulfilling the covenant and prom-
ise, that New England people had made unto their King, when
he granted them their patent or charter, viz: that one principal
end of their going to plant these countries, was to commu-
nicate the gospel unto the native Indians."
By the autumn of 1646 Eliot had made such progress in
his studies "that he adventured to make beginning to preach
the glad tidings of salvation" to the Indians, in their own
tongue. His first lecture without the aid of an interpreter
was made on October 28, at"Nonantum, near Watertown mill,
128 ELIOT'S COADJUTOR
upon the south side of the Charles river, about four or five
miles from his own house; where lived at that time Waban,
one of their principal men, and some Indians with him." In
his account of this memorable occasion, Eliot states that he
was accompanied by "three others," one of whom was in all
probability his friend Gookin. Certain it is that Daniel was
in the habit of attending these discourses, which were contin-
ued for several years until the Indians removed to Natick, for
he relates an incident about an Indian convert named Hia-
coomes, told him by the Rev. Thomas Mayhew, Jr., "in travel-
ling on foot between Watertown lecture and Cambridge, the
Indian that was the principal person concerned being with
him." This was either in 1649 or early in 1650.
Being away from the colony a good deal during the earlier
years of his residence in Cambridge, it is likely that Captain
Gookin was drawn into the Indian work gradually. By the
year 1656 the settlements, or as they were denominated "pray-
ing towns," six in number, of the Indians who had made
profession of Christianity and formally submitted to the gov-
ernment of Massachusetts, had become so well established that
the General Court found it desirable to appoint and empower
"one of the English magistrates to join with the chief of their
rulers, and keep a higher Court among them; extending the
power of this court to the latitude of a county court among
the English; from the jurisdiction whereof nothing for good
order and government civil or criminal is excepted, but appeals,
life, limb, banishment and cases of divorce." Obviously the
fittest of the Magistrates for this position was Eliot's chosen
associate and coadjutor, already, for his interest in their wel-
fare and in fostering their education, known as the Indians'
friend. Daniel was accordingly appointed the first ruler, or
Superintendent, of the Praying Indians. This was in 1656, not
long after his return from England, and while he was engaged
upon the bootless mission for the colonization of Jamaica.
He entered upon his duties with zeal, but being called back
to England the next year, Major General Humphrey Ather-
ton of Dorchester was appointed in his stead. Though Daniel
returned in the summer of 1660, General Atherton continued
IN CHARGE OF PRAYING INDIANS 129
to serve until the following year, when he was taken ill and
died. Then, on November 27, 1661, "in answer to the petition
of M"" John Eliot in behalf of the Indians," Captain Gookin
was again appointed "to keep Courts amongst" them. In
this position he continued until the abrogation of the Charter
Government, in 1686. As interpreted by this faithful servant
of the commonwealth, the duties imposed were not light. He
has told us himself in what they consisted. After reciting the
orders passed by the General Court, "For the better ordering
and governing the Indians subject to us, especially those of
Natick, Punkapaog, &c.," and the requirement that he should
once a year make known to them "such necessary and whole-
some laws, which are in force, and may be made from time to
time, to reduce them to civility of life," and to determine all
causes arising thereunder, except a few of which cognizance
was reserved to the General Court, he proceeds:^
"Besides the work above mentioned, transacted by the
English magistrate and his assistants, there are sundry other
things done by him in order to their good; as the mak-
ing of orders, and giving instructions and directions, backed
with penalties, for promoting and practising morality, civil-
ity, industry, and diligence in their particular callings: for
idleness and improvidence are the Indians' great sin, and is a
kind of second nature to them, which by good example and
wholesome laws, gradually applied, with God's blessing may
be rooted out.
"Likewise it is the care of this English magistrate, intrusted
with this affair, to make and execute good orders for keeping
holy the sabbath day; and that the people do attend the public
worship of God; and that schools for the education of youth
be settled and continued among them; and to provide that the
Indian teachers 2 and rulers have some small encouragement
' Hist. Collections of tlie Ind. in New Eng., chap. VI.
^Further on he says : "Their teachers are generally chosen from among them-
selves — except some few English teachers — of the most pious and able men among
them. If these did not supply, they would generally be destitute: for the learned
English young men do not hitherto incline or endeavour to fit themselves for that serv-
ice, by learning the Indian language. Possibly the reasons may be : First, the
difficulty to attain that speech. Secondly, little encouragement while they prepare
130 CAPTAIN GOOKIN'S HONORARIUM
distributed among them, according to the people's abihty,
which is done out of the tenths of their yearly increase of all
sorts of grain and pulse. This tithe is set apart at the ingath-
ering and threshing of their grain, and brought into one place
in each town, as due unto the Lord ; and is disposed of by
order of the Court, for support of those that attend public
service in both orders, in that place proportionably.
"Besides the particulars above mentioned, there are sundry
other things, that fall under the consideration of the English
magistrate, that have great influence into their religious con-
cern, and hath frequent occasions and opportunities to press
christian exhortations upon them for their soul's good."
After passing to some other matters, he adds: "Before we
conclude this chapter, it may not be impertinent for the better
clearing of things, to remark, that the English magistrate
attending this service among the Indians, never had any com-
pensation for his travail and expenses in this kind, either from
Indians or English in New England; though it is well known,
he hath, as well as their teacher, Mr. Eliot, had many weary
journies among them yearly, and under sundry trials, when he
is forced to lodge in their woods and wigwams.^ But the
Honourable Corporation at London, for propagating the gos-
pel among the Indians in New England, have been pleased of
late years, by the hands of their delegates, the honoured Com-
missioners of the united colonies in New England, to confer
upon him out of the publick stock, at first fifteen pounds, now
twenty pounds. New England money, per annum, and as an
honorarium for his service among the praying Indians. This is
for it. Thirdly, tlie difficulty in the practice of such a calling among them, by reason of
the poverty and barbarity, which cannot be grappled with, unless the person be very
much mortified, self-denying and of a publick spirit, seeking greatly God's glory;
and these are rare qualifications in young men. It is but one of a hundred that is so
^In another place he says: "I have often lodged in their wigwams; and have
found tiiem as warm as the best English houses. In their wigwams they make a kind
of couch or mattresses, firm and strong, raised about a foot high from the earth ; first
covered with boards that they split out of trees ; and upon the boards they spread
mats generally and sometimes bear skins and deer skins. These are large enough for
three or four persons to lodge upon : and one may either draw nearer or keep at a
more distance from the heat of the fire, as they please ; for their mattresses are six or
eight feet broad."
GENEROUS COMMENDATION 131
spoken here to declare, that those that labour in this harvest,
are first to endeavour to learn perfectly that first lesson in
Christ's school, I mean self denial. Secondly, to keepe the
eye of faith fixed upon God, whose work it is, who will never
fail to recompense either here or hereafter, all that work in
his harvest. Indeed if he please to employ and accept us in
Christ Jesus, it is a sufficient reward. Lastly, let not any one
be so uncharitable, as to think that what is here mentioned, is
to reflect upon any, or to repine at God's bounty in the por-
tion allotted, being it is far more than was expected. When
the work was engaged in and undertaken, the principles and
motions thereunto were, through grace, of higher alloy than
gold, yea than fine gold."
Small as was this honorarium, not much, if any, more than
enough to defray the expenses to which he was put, and per-
haps inadequate for his reinbursement, there is some reason
to believe that without it he would not have been able to con-
tinue the work. In 1663 the Corporation for Propagating the
Gospel among the Indians in New England — which had been
formed in 1650 by philanthropic men in England who had
been stirred by the accounts of the labours of Eliot and
Mayhew, — being straightened in means, desired that the
appropriation formerly made by the Commissioners might
"be forborne; unlesse it be thought . . . that some unavoid-
able prejudice might happen to the work for the want therof.''^
The Commissioners, in their reply, stated they found Captain
Gookin's labours among the Indians "of much use and benefit
to them; and therefore could not but desire him to go on in
that worke."2 Eliot's letter to the Commissioners is pre-
served in the Connecticut Archives.^ It bears date August
25, 1664. In it he says:
"Because of what was written by the Honorable Corporation of lay-
ing aside Capt. Gookin in this worke, I was bold to request of them his
continuance and incouragem*, presenting my reasons, w"'' I thank God and
them were so accepted as that they doe approve both of his labour and
^Hazard's Hist. Colls., ii, 470.
^Ibid., ii, 474.
^Ecclesiastical Papers, vol. i, Doc. loa.
132 JOURNEY TO THE NIPMUCK COUNTRY
incouragem*, w'*" they leave to yourselves for the measure; and my humble
request is that it may be hono'"able. If I thought it were needful, I could
p'^sent you w'*' reasons w'^'' I doubt not but would be accepted by you.
This is one, that doth necessarily bring much resort to his house, and of
such as canot in comon civility and humanity be sent away w^'out enter"
tainmen^ Which I intreat your prudent consideration of.
• • •
"The Hon'able Corporation doe require of me to give them intima-
tion how a greater revennue might be best imployed in this work: now
my opinion hath allways bene, y* the sending forth and supporting fitting
instrum" is a necessary and I conceive, the best way, to promote this
worke; and you see y* Divine Providence hath ripened more feilds
toward this harvest, w"^ call for more labourers, and will multiply the
labours of such as he therein imployed; w'^'' affords another reason of an
honorable incouragm* to Capt. Gookin, whose busynesse doth much
inlarge, had he wherew*'' to afford answerable attendance."
In 1668 the Corporation's revenue, "because of losses in
the great London fire," had fallen so low that the Commission-
ers were requested "to abate all charge that is not essentiall to
the being of this good worke." Answering this, the Commis-
sioners said in their reply:
"Nor doe wee understand that your caution therein respects Captain
Gookin, whose great labour and good success therein is of such use that if
not attended by him must bee by some other or the want thereof wilbee
The account given by Daniel of a journey which he and
Eliot took to visit seven "new praying towns in the Nip-
muck country," affords a life-like picture of these devoted men
engaged in the work they had so much at heart.
"The Indians of some of these towns began to hearken
unto the gospel about three years since, or thereabouts. In
July 1673, Mr. Eliot and myself made a journey to visit some
of them, and encourage and exhort them to proceed in the
ways of God.
"This year again, on the 14th of September last, 1674, we
both took another journey. Our design was to travel further
among them, and to confirm their souls in the christian
religion, and to settle teachers in every town, and to establish
AT CHABANAKONGKOMUN 133
civil government among them, as in other praying towns.
We took with us five or six godly persons who we intended
to present unto them for ministers.
"The first of these new praying towns is Manchage,^ which
lieth to the westward of Nipmuck river, ahout eight miles;
and is from Hassanamesitt,^ west and by south, about ten miles;
and it is from Boston about fifty miles, on the same rhumb
. . . For this place we appointed Waabesktamin, a hopeful
young man, for their minister . . .
"Above five miles distant from hence is a second town
called Chabanakongkomun^ ... Mr, Eliot preached unto
this people, and we prayde and sung psalms with them, and
they were exhorted by us to stand steadfast in the faith. A
part of one night we spent in discoursing with them, touching
matters of religion and civil order. The teacher Joseph and
the constable James went with us unto the next town which is
called Maanexit^ . . . The inhabitants are about twenty fami-
lies, and, as we compute, one hundred souls. Mr. Eliot
preached unto this people out of the xxiv"' Ps. 7 to the end:
Lift up your heads, O ye gates, and be ye lift up, ye everlasting
doors, and the king of glory shall come in &c. After sermon was
ended, we presented unto them John Moqua, a pious and
sober person there present, for their present minister, which
they thankfully accepted. Then their teacher named, and set,
and rehearsed, a suitable psalm, which being sung, and a con-
clusion with prayer, they were exhorted, both the teacher to
be diligent and faithful, and to take care of the flock, whereof
the Holy Ghost had made him overseer, and the people also
to give obedience and subjection to him in the Lord."
"Being straightened for time," they passed by the fourth
village, and proceeded to Wabquissit, in the southwest corner
of what is now Woodstock, Connecticut.
"We came thither late in the evening, upon the 15th of
September and took up our quarters at the sagamore's wig-
wam, who was not at home: but his squaw courteously admit-
^The northeast part of Woodstock, Conn.
134 AT WABQUISSIT
ted us, and provided liberally, in their way, for the Indians that
accompanied us. This sagamore inclines to religion, and keeps
the meeting on sabbath days at his house, which is spacious,
about sixty feet in length, and twenty feet in width. . . .
"We being at Wabquissit, at the sagamore's wigwam, divers
of the principal people that were at home came to us, with
whom we spent a good part of the night in prayer, sing-
ing psalms, and exhortations. There was a person among
them, who sitting mute a great space, at last spake to this
effect: That he was agent for Unkas, sachem of Mohegan
who challenged right to, and dominion over, this people of
Wabquissit and said he, Unkas is not well pleased, that the
English should pass over Mohegan river, to call his Indians
to pray to God.
"Unto which speech Mr. Eliot first answered, that it was
his work to call upon all men every where, as he had oppor-
tunity, especially the Indians, to repent and embrace the gos-
pel; but he did not meddle with civil right or jurisdiction.
"When he had done speaking, then I declared to him, and
desired him to inform Unkas what I said, that Wabquissit
was within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and that the gov-
ernment of that people did belong to them; and that they do
look upon themselves concerned to promote the good of all
people within their limits, especially if they embraced Christi-
anity. Yet it was not hereby intended to abridge the Indian
sachems of their just and ancient right over the Indians, in
respect of paying tribute or any other dues. But the main
design of the English was to bring them to the good know-
ledge of God in Christ Jesus; and to suppress among them
those sins of drunkenness, idolatry, powowing or witchcraft,
whoredom, murder, and like sins. As for the English, they
had taken no tribute from them, nor taxed them with any
thing of that kind.
"Upon the i6th day of September, being at Wabquissit, as
soon as the people were come together, Mr. Eliot first prayed,
and then preached to them in their own language out of Mat.
vi. 33. First seek the kingdom of heaven, and the righteousness thereof,
and all other things shall be added unto you. Their teacher Samp-
COURTS HELD AMONG THE INDIANS 135
son first reading and setting the cxix Ps. ist part, which was
sung. The exercise was concluded with prayer.
"Then I began a court among the Indians. And first I
approved their teacher Sampson, and their constable Black
James; giving each of them a charge to be diligent and faith-
ful in their places. Also I exhorted the people to yield
obedience to the gospel of Christ and to those set in order
there. Then published a warrant or order, that I had pre-
pared, empowering the constable to suppress drunkenness,
sabbath breaking, especially powowing and idolatry. And
after warning given, to apprehend all delinquents, and bring
them before authority, to answer for their misdoings; the
smaller faults to bring before Wattascompanum, ruler of the
Nipmuck country; for idolatry and powowing to bring them
before me: So we took leave of this people of Wabquissit,
and about eleven o'clock returned back to Maanexit and
Chabanakongkomun, where we lodged this night.
"We took leave of the christian Indians at Chabanakong-
komun, and took our journey, 17th of the seventh month, by
Manchage, to Pakachoog; which lieth from Manchage, north
west, about twelve miles. We arrived there about noon. This
village lieth about three miles south from the new road way
that leadeth from Boston to Connecticut; about eighteen miles,
west southerly, from Marlborough ; and from Boston about
forty four miles. It consists of about twenty families and
hath about one hundred souls therein. This town is seated
upon a fertile hilh and is denominated from a delicate spring
of water that is there. We repaired to the sagamore's house,
called John, alias Horowanninit, who kindly entertained us.
... As soon as the people could be got together, Mr. Eliot
preached unto them ; and they attended reverently. Their
teacher, named James Speen, being present, read and set the
tune of a psalm, that was sung affectionately. Then was the
whole duty concluded with prayer.
" After some short respite, a court was kept among them,
My chief assistant was Wattascompanum, ruler of the Nip-
' Probably the hill called Boggachoag, situated partly in Worcester and partly
136 ARROGANCE OF COLONISTS
muck Indians, a grave and pious man, of the chief sachem's
blood of the Nipmuck country. He resides at Hassanamesitt;
but by former appointment, calleth here, together with some
others. The principal matter done at this court, was first to
constitute John and Solomon to be rulers of this people and
co-ordinate in power, clothed with the authority of the English
government, which they accepted: also to allow and approve
James Speen for their minister. . . .
"After this business was over, it being night before we had
finished the court, there was an Indian present, which came
into the wigwam about an hour before. He was belonging to
Weshakim or Nashaway. This Indian desired liberty to
speak; which being admitted, he made a speech with much
affection and gravity to this effect: To declare that he belonged
to Washakim near Nashaway; and that he was desirously will-
ing, as well as some others of his people, to pray to God; but
that there were sundry of that people very wicked and much
addicted to drunkennesss, and thereby many disorders were
committed among them; and therefore he earnestly impor-
tuned me, that I would put forth power to help in that case,
to suppress the sin of drunkenness. Then I asked him,
whether he would take upon him the office of a constable, and
I would give him power to apprehend drunkards, and take
away their strong drink from them, and bring the delinquent
before me to receive punishment. His answer was, that he
would first speak with his friends, and if they chose him, and
strengthened his hand in the work, then he would come to me
for a black staf? and power. 1 asked him whether he were
willing to have Jethro to go and preach to them: to which he
readily complied, and seemed joyful thereat. After this dis-
course, we concluded with singing a psalm and prayer; and so
retired to rest. And the next morning early, being September
the 1 8th, we took our leave of the Indians, and passed to
Marlborough; and from thence returned to our own habita-
At the time these words were written, in November, 1674,
Daniel estimated the number of Indian conv^erts to be no less
than eleven hundred souls. The greatest obstacles against
A SLANDEROUS REPORT 137
which Eliot and Gookin had to contend arose even more from
the arrogance and cupidity of their fellow colonists than from
the savagery and intractability of the Indians. "I am not
ignorant," Daniel wrote, "that there are some persons, both
in Old and New England, that have less thoughts of this work,
and are very prone to speak diminutively thereof." When
Major Gibbons was sent against the Narragansetts, in 1645,
he was instructed "to have due regard to the distance which
is to be observed betwixt Christians and Barbarians, as well
in wars as in other negotiations." By the common people
the Indians were generally regarded with mingled contempt
and fear. Insolent and even brutal treatment by the whites
was far too frequent. And, to quote Daniel Gookin's words,
"though all strong drink is strictly prohibited to be sold to
any Indian in the Massachusetts colony, upon the penalty
of forty shillings a pint; yet some ill-disposed people, for
filthy lucre's sake, do sell unto the Indians secretly, though
the Indians will rarely discover their evil merchants — they
do rather suffer whipping or fine than tell. Hereby they are
made drunk very often ; and being drunk, are many times
outrageous and mad, fighting with and killing one another, yea
sometimes their own relations." In another place he says: "I
have often seriously considered what course to take, to restrain
this beastly sin of drunkenness among them ; but hitherto
cannot reach it. For if it were possible, as it is not, to prevent
the English selling them strong drink; yet having a native
liberty to plant orchards and sow grain, as barley and the like,
of which they may and do make strong drink that doth inebri-
ate them: so that nothing can overcome this exorbitancy,
but the sovereign grace of God in Christ; which is the only
antidote to prevent and mortify the poison of sin."
Although the noble and disinterested character of Daniel
Gookin's work among the Indian converts committed to his
charge was appreciated at its true worth by the principal men
of the colony, among the less intelligent of the people slander-
ous tongues were not wanting to defame him when anything
occurred to awaken the fear and hatred with which many of
them regarded their savage neighbors. In the spring of 1671,
138 LETTER TO THOMAS PRINCE
when apprehension was caused by the threatening attitude of
King Philip, a report was circulated that the testimony given
by an Indian at Plymouth implicated Daniel as having used
words to inflame the truculent chief toward the people of that
colony. The suggestion that this testimony was given out
by the Plymouth authorities led Daniel to address a spirited
letter to Thomas Prince.
DANIEL GOOKIN TO GOVERNOR PRINCE^
I understand, by a paper brought hither by Mr, Southworth, (being a
copy of some Indian testimony left upon record there), wherein I am
accused for speaking words to a Natick Indian, tending to animate Philip
and his Indians against you. Sir, I look upon it favoring of as little charity
as justice, to receive, record, and publish Indian reports, tending to the
infamy of any christian man, much more a person in public place, with-
out any other demonstration than such figment and falsehood as usually
accompany the Indians' tales. I charge no person with doing this thing;
neither do I desire to know who it is; the Lord forgive him or them as I
do, that have been the inventors or fomentors of such a false and reproach-
Sir, let me say to you in the words of truth and soberness, and upon
the fidelity of a christian, and in the presence of God, before whom all
things are naked and open, that such a thing never entered into my heart,
much less into my lips; neither did I, to my remembrance, either see or
speak with any Natick Indian for several months before I heard of this
report; nor ever did I speak or lisp to any Indian of Natick, or other, the
least word about the business, since first I heard of those differences
between your colony and the Indians. At the court of assistants, March
sitting last, at the time when your letter came, and the court considered of
it, my own conscience, and others present there, can witness how for-
ward I was to strengthen your hands in that matter; but first to try all
ways of prudence to issue your controversy : but in case the Indians be not
reduced to order, then to give forth our utmost assistance, as the case should
require. And of this, both yourself and all others may rest assured, that
this report is a devised thing; and I may say of it as Nehemiah, (vid.
Nehemiahvi, 8.) that there is no such thing, but the authors of it have
feigned it out of their own heart, to this end my hands might be weak-
ened in the work God hath committed to me: but I trust in God, he will
disappoint satan, and do my duty.
Sir, thus much I thought expedient to write unto you about this mat-
ter; not that I stand in need of an apology, for my innocency is to me a
^Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Ser. i, vi, 198, 199.
c! n> Ma> }t'>-H h^mt . fKevt CoJma. di,,c*l»T fcyj 'Ar>^ l: \
a^*il ^"O* <-**•< ^4 /«/ ^"-6i2iA 6,
T'^ Z^-^'^S '-^^J^r^. /^^,f..^^
fi/i^f a.f- /^imJ-
~2l</'iTV^ /i^A /-> ir/.£. i*'aj tfOi^C itt-rmif rA'*^ ^ /fajf^ 'if*'*^ /4'(-^ i^titr
tncUjeij ^ivocc^r^ <^ ^ ^^ *^ c/'^C ^ «'27^'^ ^ ^^^>^-
AoL^r^l^ t^ i^fCi, tj^'f^'t^m^ ^4*€jud.r^ fr,yr^^,^
^ ^ ^»Jm«*JL at, ,
GOVERNOR PRINCE'S REPLY 139
sufficient shield in that respect; but if I should be altogether silent, it
might be interpreted that I am guilty. Sir, I trust yourself and other your
magistrates will put on such christian charity as not to credit such reports;
but I am not unwilling this should be searched to the bottom, and see my
accusers face to face and not to shun any scrutiny therein.
Thus desiring to present my due respects to yourself, and the rest of
the magistrates, I remain
Your assured loving friend
Cambridge, the I2th of April, 1671.
The falsity of the accusation is shown by Governor Prince's
reply, which shows also that he held his correspondent in high
GOVERNOR PRINCE TO DANIEL GOOKIN
Yours of 14th instant I received yesterday, by which I perceive you
are much troubled about a copy of an Indian testimony by Mr. Southworth
to Boston; not because we took it for truth, but that we might know
whether there were truth in it or not, (reports being indeed very false, not
only among Indians but many English also), which, for aught I yet see,
might lawfully be done, without the least impeachment or diminution to
charity or justice to any christian man, though in place. But whereas
you please to charge us with receiving, recording, and publishing such
falsehoods to your infamy; Sir, I do assure you, in a word of truth, there
is nor was not any such thing; and therefore I might say the charge is
wanting in charity, justice, and truth also. And whereas it is said you
should speak words to animate Philip and his Indians against us; it is
some mistake or misrepresentation, for that paper spoke it not. That
spake of not fi^htin^ with Indians about horses and hogs, but as matters too
low to shed blood, and verily, Sir, we think so too ; and therefore advised
them to keep on the north side of the line, and not go to Philip to fight;
but if any did go, and were killed, they should keep an account of them,
for what end I know not. The last words about keeping an account are
to me enigmatical; but in the whole, not one word of animating Philip and
his Indians to fight against us; and therefore that report cannot be ration-
ally fathered upon that paper. For your readiness, with the rest of the
honoured magistrates, to strengthen our weakness in case of need, we do
and shall acknowledge it as a signal token of your brotherly love and
care for us : and your sending messengers to see the ground or cause
of all their hostile preparations, a high experiment of christian prudence,
he was acceptable to us, and owned of the Lord also, by the good success
most pleased to give to their endeavours and travel; who have, I hope,
so fully informed not only the honourable court that sent them, but all
others, that any scruples or jealousies on our part needlessly to interrupt
I40 HOSTILITIES AVERTED
the peace of the country, is, by that prudent act of yours, removed.
And truly, Sir, what was mentioned in that note, was never so received
by us; but upon your disowning it, we should readily reject it as a
false report, without any of those several kinds of asseverations you
please to express.
Sir, I hope you will still retain a charitable opinion of us, and your
good affection towards us, notwithstanding what weakness you may appre-
hend in us. That must be owned on all hands to be a real truth, in many
things we offend all, and need another manner of covering for our best
actions from the pure eyes of the eternal Judge than our own righteous-
ness, even the perfect righteousness of the Lord Jesus Christ, to whose
grace I unfeignedly commend you and rest.
Sir, your friend and servant,
Plymouth, this 26th of April, 1671 THOMAS PRINCE
These for his very good friend captain
Daniel Gookin, at Cambridge, to be
Before this letter was written the trouble with Philip had
been averted, and not until four years later did open hostilities
begin between him and the white men.
HE outbreak, on June 24, 1675, of the carnival
of burning, pillage, and carnage generally known
as King Philip's War, brought new and arduous
duties upon the Superintendent of the Praying
Indians, and for some years the work he had car-
ried on with the Apostle Eliot was grievously
Warning of the impending conflict was first given by one
of the Christian Indians to Daniel Gookin, who relates that
"About this time the beginning of April, Waban,i the princi-
pal Ruler of the praying Indians living at Natick, came to one
of the magistrates on purpose and imformed him that he had
ground to fear that Sachem Philip and other Indians his con-
federates, intended some mischief shortly to the English and
Christian Indians. Again, in May, about six weeks before the
war began, he came again and renewed the same. Others
also of the Christian Indians did speak the same thing, and
that when the woods were grown thick with green trees then
it was likely to appear, earnestly desiring that care might be
had and means used for prevention, at least for preparation for
such a thing; and a month after the war began." 2
Serenely confident that one white man was a match for ten
'Elsewhere described by Daniel as "a person of great prudence and piety."
He was then "above seventy years of age."
-History of the Christian Indians. Coll. Am. Antiq. Soc. ii, 440, 441. All of
the words of Daniel Gookin quoted in this chapter and the next are taken from this
142 DEFENSIVE MEASURES URGED
Indians, little apprehension seems to have been awakened by
these repeated warnings. In vain did Daniel Gookin urge
the defensive measures of which he speaks in the following
"The situation of those towns was such that the Indians
in them might have been improved as a wall of defence about
the greatest part of the colony of Massachusetts; for the first
named of those villages bordered upon the Merrimack river,
and the rest in order about twelve or fourteen miles asunder,
including most of the frontiers. And had the suggestions and
importunate solicitations of some persons., who had knowledge and
experience of the fidelity and integrity of the Praying Indians been
attended and practiced in the beginning of the war, many and
great mischiefs might have been (according to reason) pre-
vented; for most of the praying towns, in the beginning of
the war, had put themselves into a posture of defence, and
had made forts for their security against the common enemy;
and it was suggested and proposed to the authority of the
country, that some English men, about one third part, might
have been joined with those Christian Indians in each fort,
which the praying Indians greatly desired, that thereby their
fidelity might have been better demonstrated, and that with
the assistance and company of some of those English soldiers,
they'might daily scout or range the woods from town to town,
in their several assigned stations, and hereby might have been
as a living wall to guard the English frontiers, and conse-
quently the greatest part of the Jurisdiction, which, with the
blessing of God, might have prevented the desolations and
devastations that afterward ensued . . . But such was the
unhappiness of their affairs, or rather the displeasure of God
in the case, that those counsels were rejected, and on the con-
trary a spirit of enmity and hatred conceived by many against
those poor Christian Indians, as I apprehend without cause,
so far as I could ever understand, which was, according to the
operation of second causes, a very great occasion of many
distressing calamities that befell both one and the other."
Hostilities began with the attack on the settlers at Swanzy,
on the 24th of June. When, two days later, Major Thomas
OUTBREAK OF KING PHILIP'S WAR 143
Savage, with a foot company under Captain Daniel Henchman,
and a troop commanded by Captain Thomas Prentice set
forth against the enemy, they "at first thought easily to chastise
the insolent doings and murderous practices of the heathen."
But, as Captain Gookin goes on to say, "it was found another
manner of thing than was expected; for our men could see no
enemy to shoot at, but yet felt their bullets out of the thick
bushes where they lay in ambushments. The enemy also used
this stratagem, to apparel themselves from the waist upwards
with green boughs, that our Englishmen could not readily
discern them, or distinguish them from the natural bushes;
this manner of fighting our men had little experience of, and
hence were under great disadvantages. The English wanted
not courage or resolution, but could not discern or find an
enemy to light with, yet were galled by the enemy,"
Although the General Court had rejected Daniel Gookin's
suggestions for utilizing the Christian Indians in the defense
of the colony, the Governor and Council were more ready to
listen to him. They "judged it very necessary," he says, "to
arm and send forth some of the praying Indians to assist our
forces, hereby not only to try their fidelity, but to deal the
better with the enemy in their own ways and methods accord-
ing to the Indian manner of fighting, wherein our Indians
were well skilled." Accordingly, on July 2, Captain Gookin
was instructed "to raise a company of the praying Indians
forthwith, to be armed and furnished and sent to the army at
Mount Hope." Messengers were at once sent by him "to all
the praying Indians, ^ for one-third of their able men, who all
readily and cheerfully appeared, and being enlisted were
These Indians, according to the testimony of Major Sav-
age, Captain Prentice and Captain Henchman, under whom
they served, acquitted themselves courageously and faithfully.
It would not have been surprising had it been otherwise, for
they were so shabbily treated by some of the officers and sol-
diers as to cause them great disgust. And afterward, when the
'Though these are his own words, they should be understood as including only
the Indians belonging to the so-called old praying towns.
144 INDISCRIMINATING ANGER
mass of the colonists were overcome by panic-stricken frenzy
and hatred of all Indians indiscriminately, these men reported
that the Christian Indian soldiers "were cowards and skulked
behind trees in fight, and that they shot over the enemies heads
and such like reproaches."
In August the anger of the populace was greatly inflamed
by the sad fate of Captain Hutchinson's expedition to Qua-
baog, or Brookfield. To their irrational passion it signified
nothing that the escape of the survivors was engineered by the
two Christian Indians who accompanied the party, and that,
through the skilful guidance of others, the relief forces under
Major Willard avoided the enemy lying in wait for them.
"Notwithstanding those signal and faithful services done by
those Christian Indians, and divers others not here related,"
wrote Daniel Gookin, "yet the animosity and rage of the com-
mon people increased against them, that the very name of a
praying Indian was spoken against, in so much, that some wise
and principal men advise some that were concerned with them
to forbear giving that epithet of praying. This rage of the
people, as I contend, was occasioned from hence. Because
much mischief being done and English blood shed by the bru-
tish enemy, and because some neighbour Indians to the Eng-
lish at Quabage, Hadley, and Springfield (though none of those
were praying Indians) had proved perfidious and were become
enemies . . . the defection of those Indians . . . had a tend-
ency to exasperate the English against all Indians, that they
would admit no distinction between one Indian and another,
forgetting that the Scriptures do record that sundry of the
heathen in Israel's time, being proselyted to the Church proved
very faithful and worthy men and women."
This temper among the people was too violent to be ignored.
"Things growing to this height," says Daniel Gookin, "the
Governor and Council, against their own reason and inclina-
tion, were put upon a kind of necessity, for gratifying the
people, to disband all the praying Indians, and to make and
publish an order to confine them to five of their own villages,
and not stir above one mile from the centre of such place,
upon peril of their lives." The only result of this order,
UNJUST IMPUTATIONS 145
which was passed at a council held in Boston, August 30, 1675,
was that "the poor Christian Indians were reduced to great
sufferings, being hindered from their hunting and looking
after their cattle, swine, and getting in their corn, or laboring
among the English to get clothes, and many other ways incom-
moded; also, were daily exposed to be slain or imprisoned, if
at any time they were found without their limits."
The very day this order was promulgated, Captain Samuel
Mosely sent to Boston "pinioned and fastened with lines from
neck to neck," fifteen of the Indians residing in Okonhome-
sitt, near Marlborough. Eleven of these were, by a renegade
Indian to secure his own safety, accused of having committed
the murder of seven persons at Lancaster on August 22. The
people, now wrought up to fever heat, would have condemned
them without a hearing, and included in their anger the few
who da,red stand up for them. In the words of Daniel
Gookin: "Notwithstanding the Council's endeavors in the
former orders,^ and the testimony of these English witnesses
on behalf of the Christian Indians, yet the clamors and animos-
ity among the common people increased daily, not only against
the Indians, but also all such English as were judged to be
charitable to them. And particularly many harsh reflections
and speeches were uttered against Major ^ Daniel Gookin, and
Mr. John Eliot, the former of whom had been appointed by
the authority of the General Court of Massachusetts, and
approbation of the Honorable Governor and Corporation for
Gospelizing those Indians to rule and govern those Indians
about twenty years, and the latter had been their teacher and
minister about thirty years, as if they did support and protect
those Indians against the English; whereas (God knows) there
was no ground for such an imputation, but was a device and
contrivance of Satan and his instruments to hinder and sub-
vert the work of religion among the Indians. ... It might
rationally have been considered, that those two persons above-
named, who had (one of them for above twenty years, and the
other about thirty years), been acquainted with, and conver-
^For the segregation of the praying Indians.
^This title was not conferred upon him until May of the next year.
146 DISREGARDING POPULAR CLAMOR
sant among those Christian Indians, should have more know-
ledge and experience of them than others had, and consequently
should be able to speak more particularly concerning such of
those Indians whom they knew (according to a judgment of
charity) to be honest and pious persons. And if at such a time
they should have been wholly silent and remiss in giving a
modest testimony concerning them when called thereunto,
God might justly have charged it upon them, as a sin and neg-
lect of their duty, had they for fear declined to witness the
truth for Christ, and for these his poor distressed servants,
some of the Christian Indians."
It was not, indeed, in the nature of a man of Daniel Goo-
kin's stamp to keep silent under such circumstances. Instead
he put forth all his powers in the interest of humanity and
justice. By his fellow magistrates he was listened to with the
utmost respect and consideration, both for his motives and
the sanity of his judgement. By the insensate people it was
but natural that he should be misconceived. The prevailing
temper toward him is shown in a pamphlet entitled "The
Present State of New England with Respect to the Indian
War, Wherein is an Account of the true Reason thereof (as
far as can be Judged by Men) Together with most of the
Remarkable Passages that have happened from the 20th of
June, till the loth of November, 1675. Faithfully composed
by a Merchant of Boston, and Communicated to his Friend
in London 1675."
"There are" says the unknown author of this tract, "also
another sort of Indians, (best known to the Commonalty of
Boston) by the name of Mr. Elliot's Indiatis or Captain Guggins
"This Mr. Elliot, you must understand, is the Man that
hath by his own great Labour and Study, invented the way of
Printing the Indian Language, and hath also perfectly trans-
lated the whole Bible, with the Singing Psalms in Meeter; the
Assemblies Catechism ; the Practice of Piety, into the Indian
Language; as also Written several Books, very profitable for
understanding the Grounds of Christian Religion: For which
Pains and Labour he deserves Honour from all such who are
A SCURRILOUS PAMPHLET 147
Well-Wishers to things of the like Nature, whose Name will
never Die in New England.
"This Captain Guggins, is a Captain and Justice of Peace
at Cambridg: He receives Thirty Pound per annum from the
English, as fit to Judg among the Indians, to Judg any differ-
ence (not Capital) among themselves, or between them and the
"Toward the latter end of August, Captain Moseley took
eight Indians alive, and sent them Prisoners to Boston, who
were put in prison there; these were the number of Mr.
Elliot's Indians; (as also many of those Indians that were Shipt
off by Captain Sprague, for the Straits and Gales) these men
were at several times tried for their Lives, and condemmed to
Die: Mean time Mr. Elliot and Captain Guggins pleaded so
very hard for the Indians, that the whole Council knew not
what to do about them. They hearkened unto Mr. Elliot for
his Gravity Age and Wisdom, and also for that he hath been
the chief Instrument that the Lord hath made use of, in Prop-
ogating the Gospel among the Heathen; And was their
Teacher, till such time that some Indians were brought up in
the University to supply his place. But for Captain Guggins,
why such a wise Council as they should be so over-born by
him, cannot be judged otherwise than because of his daily
troubling them with his Impertinences and multitudinous
Speeches, in so much that it was told him on the Bench by a
very worthy Person ^ there present, that he ought rather to be
Confined among his Indians, than to sit on the Bench; his
taking the Indians part so much hath made him a By-word
both among Men and Boys: But so it was, that by one and two
at a time most of these eight Indians (and four more sent after-
wards on the same account) were let loose by night,^ which so
Exasperated the Commonalty, that about the loth of September
at nine a Clock at night, there gathered together about forty
^Thus is Daniel's salary as a Magistrate ingeniously made to appear as a com-
pensation for his work among the Indians.
2 "Capt. Oliver."
^Daniel Gookin says only two Indians were released and that they were not
accused of any crime. The others were tried and acquitted, toward the end of Sep-
tember. Coll. Am. Ant. Soc. ii, 460, 466.
148 RAGE OF THE POPULACE
Men (some of note) and came to the House of Captain James
Oliver; two or three of them went into his Entry to desire to
speak with him, which was to desire him to be their Leader,
and they should joyn together and go break open the Prison,
and tdke one Indian out thence and Hang him: Captain Oliver
hearing their request, took his Cane and cudgelled them stoutly
and so for that time dismist the Company; which had he but
in the least countenanced it might have been accompanied with
ill Events in the end. Immediately Captain Oliver went and
acquainted Mr. Ting his neighbour, (a Justice of Peace) and
they both went the next Morning and acquainted the Gover-
nour, who thank'd Captain Oliver for what he had done last
night, but this rested not here: For the Commonalty were so
enraged against Mr. Elliot, and Captain G/z^/V/j especially, that
Captain Guggins said on the Bench, that he was afraid to go
along the streets ; the answer was made, you may thank your-
self; however an Order was issued out for the Execution of that
one (notorious above the rest) Indian, and accordingly he was
led by a Rope about his Neck to the Gallows ; when he came
there the Executioners (for there were many) flung one end
over the Post, and so hoisted him up like a Dog, three or four
times, he being yet half alive and half dead; then came an
Indian, a Friend of his, and with a Knife made a hole in his
Breast to his Heart, and sucked out his Heartblood: Being
asked the reason therefore, his answer, Umh, umh, nu, me
stronger as 1 was before, me be so strong as me and he too, he
be ver strong Man fore he die. Thus with the Dog-like death
(good enough) of one poor Heathen, was the People's Rage
laid in some measure, but in a short time it began to work
(not without cause enough)." ^
^Daniel Gookin makes no mention of this affair in his History of the Christian
Indians. Instead he says that the judges and jurors, through the blessing of God,
were prevented from bringing blood upon the land. The unreliability of the author
of the Letter to London is as evident as is his animus.
LL report travels quickly, and the calumnies
uttered against Captain Gookin were not long in
finding their echo in the neighboring colonies.
In a letter dated Providence, October 20, 1675,
Mary Pray — probably the wife of Ephraim
Pray — wrote as follows, to Captain Oliver: "The
. Indians boast and say those Indians that are caled
praying Indians never shut at the other Indians, but up into
the tops of the trees or into the ground; and when they make
shew of going first into the swamp they comonly give the
Indians noatis how to escape the English. Sir, we have expe-
rience of them that they are as bad as any other; and it is
report by the Indians them selves tha* Cap. Gucking helps
them to powder and they sel it to those that are imployed by
Philip to bye it for him. This we have ground to believe."^
By the end of October the clamor had become so insistent
that an order was passed to remove all of the Natick Indians
from their habitations and to quarter them upon Deer Island,
in Boston Harbor. They were accordingly transferred thither
on the night of October 30, and so "put upon a bleake bare
Hand," to quote the words of John Eliot, in a letter to Hon.
Robert Boyle, "where ye' suffer hunger & could, there is
neither foode nor competent fuel to be had, & y" are bare in
clouthing," they were forced to spend the winter. This removal
was referred to by the author of the Letter to London, as follows:
^CoU. Mass. Hist. Soc, Ser. 5, i, 106.
I50 KATTENANIT IMPRISONED
"Care now is taken to satisfie the (reasonable) desires of
the Commonalty, concerning Mr. Elliofs Indians, and Capt.
Gu^ins Indians. They that wear the name of Praying Indians,
but rather (as Mr. Hezekiah Ushur termed Preying Indians)
they have made Preys of much English Blood, but now they
are all reduced to their several Confinements; which is much
to a general Satisfaction."
About ten days after this, an incident occurred, which though
trivial in itself, gave new life to the popular indignation against
Daniel Gookin. Having been specially ordered by the Coun-
cil to endeavour to gain intelligence of the enemy's movements,
he sent out one Job Kattenanit, a trusty Indian, armed with a
pass to provide for his safe conduct at his return. Shortly after
setting out, Job was halted by some of Captain Henchman's
scouts, and the pass meeting with "hard construction," he was
carried back to Boston and placed in prison. "He had," says
Daniel, "committed no ofTence (that ever I heard of) but was
imprisoned merely to still the clamors of the people, who
railed much against this poor fellow, and fain would have had
him put to death, (though they knew not wherefore). But
those murmurings were not only against the Indian, but as
much against Major Gookin, who granted him the certificate;
some not sparing to say that he was sent forth to give intelli-
gence to the enemy, and such like false and reproachful reflec-
tions upon their friends, that had many ways approved their
fidelity to the country. But this was an hour of temptation
and murmuring, as sometime God's own people are inclined
unto, as at Massah and Meribah. Thus it pleased God to
exercise this poor Job, yet reserved him for greater service
afterward, as in the sequel will appear."
The winter and spring of 1675-6 was for Daniel Gookin a
trying time, as well as a very busy one. Meetings of the
Council were frequent, and amid all his other duties the Indians
were a never-ceasing care. He records that upon December
13, "in a cold and very sharp season," he rode with Major
Simon Willard and Rev. John Eliot to Concord to visit the
Nashobah Christian Indians there domiciled by order of the
General Court, and "to endeavour to quiet and compose the
FAITHFUL INDIAN SPIES 151
minds of the English there, touching those Indians." Again
he says: "About the latter end of Dec, I had (among others)
sometimes opportunity to accompany Mr, Elliot to visit and
comfort the poor Christian Indians confined to Deer Island
who were (a little before) increased to be about five hundred
souls, by addition of the Punkapog Indians, sent thither upon
as little cause as the Naticks were." And when, after the
memorable Swamp Fight of December 19, the Council "were
very desirous to use means to gain intelligence of the state
of the enemy," he went again to the island on the 28th of the
month and secured two trustworthy and capable men to serve
as spies. Daniel tells us that, having spoken to the men, who
were selected after a conference with two or three of the chiefs,
they answered "that they were very sensible of the great
hazard and danger in this undertaking; yet their love to the
English, and that they might give more demonstrations of
their fidelity, ... by God's assistance, they would willingly
adventure their lives."
One of the men selected was Job Kattenanit, who had fared
so ill when setting forth upon a similar mission six weeks
earlier, and who, because he had not thought it necessary to
avoid Captain Henchman's scouts, being armed with a pass
from Captain Gookin, had spent three weeks "in a small
prison, which was very noisome." This time Job got safely
away to the enemies' country, with his companion, who was
named James Quannapohit. James returned on January 24,
"very weary, faint and spent in travelling near eighty miles
upon snow shoes, and was brought to Captain Gookin's house.
He was the bearer of important news, which he gave to the
Council the next day. "Job," to quote Daniel Gookin's
words, "staid behind, and returned not until the 9th of Febru-
ary; and then, about ten o'clock in the night, came to Major
Gookin's house at Cambridge, conducted thither by one Joseph
Miller, that lived near the falls of Charles River. He brought
tidings, that before he came from the enemy at Menemesse, a
party of the Indians, about four hundred, were marched forth
to attack and burn Lancaster; and on the morrow, which was
February loth, they would attempt it ... As soon as Major
152 CALUMNIOUS ACCUSATIONS
Gookin understood this tidings by Job, he rose out of his bed
and, advising with Mr. Danforth, one of the Council, that lived
near him, they despatched away post, in the night, to Marlbor-
ough, Concord, and Lancaster, ordering forces to surround
Lancaster with all speed."
The difficulty of convincing people against their will
becomes an impossibility when they are carried away by a
popular craze. "After the coming back of those spies," says
Daniel, "they were sent again to Deer Island. And although
they had run such hazards, and done so good service (in the
judgment of the authority of the country and other wise and
prudent men), yet the vulgar spared not to load them with
reproaches, and to impute the burning of Mendon (a deserted
village) unto them, and to say that all they informed were lies,
and that they held correspondence with the enemy, or else they
had not come back safe ; and divers other things were muttered
both against the spies and authority that sent them, tending to
calumniate the poor men that had undertaken and effected this
great affair, which none else (but they) were willing to engage
in; which declares the rude temper of those times."
While the Governor and most of the magistrates appear to
have supported Daniel, his friend and neighbor Thomas
Danforth was the most outspoken in defending him from these
aspersions. So actively, indeed, did he second Daniel in his
efforts in behalf of the maligned praying Indians, that heincurred
a share in the popular hostility. A fresh outburst came after
the burning of Lancaster on February loth, followed eleven
days later by the attack on Medfield. The intelligence of
these disasters, says Daniel Gookin, "occasioned many thoughts
of hearty and hurrying motions, and gave opportunity to the
vulgar to cry out, 'Oh, come, let us go down to Deer Island,
and kill all the praying Indians.' "^ It may even be that a
massacre of these poor creatures would have been attempted,
but for the timely discovery of a plot to that end, and a warn-
ing given to the ringleaders who were sent for by the Council.
Foiled in this project, written handbills threatening the lives
' Gookin's Hist, of the Christian Ind., 494.
THREATENING PLACARDS 153
of Gookin and Danforth were posted in Boston. In the State
archives are two weather-stained copies of these placards, both
reading as follows:*
Boston, February 28, 1675
Reader thou art desired not to supprese this paper but to promote its
designe, which is to certify (those traytors to their king and countrey)
Guggins and Danford, that some generous spirits have vowed their
destruction; as Christians wee warne them to prepare for death, for though
they will deservedly dye, yet we wish the health of their soules.
By y® new society
A. B. C. D.
The author of this manifesto was, perhaps, one Richard
Scott, who on the very day these placards appeared, gave vent
to his feeling in the manner set forth in the following testi-
mony which was taken at his trial, less than a week later.
"Elizabeth Belcher, aged 57, Martha Remington, aged 31,
and Mary Mitchell, aged 20, being sworne, doe say, that on y«
28th day of Feb'' last, ab* 10 of the clocke at night, Ri: Scott
came into y^ house of y^ said Belcher, and suddenly after he
came in broak out into many hideous railing expressions ag*
yo wor" Capt. Daniel Gookin, calling him an Irish dog y* was
never faithful to his country, the sonne of a whoare, a bitch, a
rogue, God confound him, & God rott his soul, saying if I
could meet him alone I would pistoll him. I wish my knife
and sizers were in his heart. He is the devil's interpreter. I
and two or three more designed to cut of? all Gookin's breth-
ren at the Island, but some English dog discovered it, the devil
will plague him," etc. Sworn before Simon Willard, Assis-
tant, March 4, 1675/6.2 Scott was fined and imprisoned, but
afterward, having made a very humble confession, he was
Earlier in the day when Scott thus misbehaved, the Gen-
eral Court had adjourned, after having voted to raise an army
of six hundred men to be placed under the command of Major
Thomas Savage; but, as Daniel Gookin tells us, he "was not
willing to undertake the charge unless he might have some of
^ Mass. Archives, xxx, 193.
*Ibid, xxx, 192.
154 INDIAN SOLDIERS PROVE EFFICIENT
the Christian Indians upon Deer Island to go with him for
guides, &c; for the Major, being an experienced soldier, well
considered the great necessity of such helps in such an under-
taking." Among the more intelligent members of the com-
munity the value of the services that these friendly Indians
might render was beginning to be appreciated. In the midst
of the sad tidings of fresh ravages that came thick and fast
in March and April, 1676, Captain Daniel Henchman "made
motions to the Council, once and, again, of his readiness to
conduct these Indians against the enemy." Though his offer
was not accepted, a little later the Council decided to arm and
send forth a company of them under Captain Samuel Hunting.
These had just been got together at Charlestown when word
came of the threatened attack upon Sudbury. The intelli-
gence reached Daniel Gookin at Charlestown. As he says:
"Just at the beginning of the Lecture there, as soon as these
tidings came. Major Gookin and Mr. Thomas Danforth
(two of the Magistrates) who were then hearing the Lecture
Sermon, being acquainted herewith, withdrew out of the meet-
ing-house, and immediately gave orders for a ply of horse,
belonging to Capt. Prentiss' troops, under conduct of Corporal
Phipps, and the Indian company under Capt. Hunting, forth-
with to march away for the relief of Sudbury." In the
encounter that followed the Christian Indian soldiers gave
such a good account of themselves that thenceforward, as long
as the war lasted, they were constantly employed in expedi-
tions against the enemy.
In March Captain Gookin was much occupied with the
problem of securing the release of the wife and children of the
Rev. Mr. Rowlandson, who were among the captives carried
away from Lancaster. The service of taking a message to the
hostile savages was so dangerous that for some time Daniel
was unable to persuade any one to undertake it, though he
went to the Indians' camp on the Island and, as he phrased it,
"did his utmost endeavours to procure an Indian to adven-
ture." Persisting in his efforts, however, at last a messenger
was found to conduct the negotiations, and being sent to
Daniel's house in Cambridge, he was there "fitted and fur-
A NARROW ESCAPE 155
nished for this enterprise," which not only ended in the
redemption of the prisoners, but also, says Daniel, "had no
small influence into the abatement of the enemy's violence
and our troubles."
A mishap that befel the three friends of the Indians,
Gookin, Eliot, and Danforth, early in April, and came near
causing the loss of their lives, is very likely attributable to
the prevailing animosity with which they were regarded. The
story is related by Mr. Eliot in a memorandum entered upon
the Record of his Church.
"1676, on the 7^*" day of the 2^ month, Capt. Gookins, M'
Danforth & M'' Stoughton w^ sent by the Councill to order
matters at long Hand for the Indians planting there, y«' called
me w**" y". In o"" way thithe"", a great boate of about 14 ton,
meeting us, turn head upon us, (wheth' willfully or by negli-
gence, God he knoweth) y^' run the sterne o'' boate w we 4 sat,
under water, c boats saile, or something tangled w**" the great
boat, & by God's mercy kept to it. My Cosin Jakob & cosin
Perrie being forwarder in o'' boat quickly got up into the great
boat. I so sunke y* I drank in salt water twice, & could not
help it. God assisted my two cosins to deliver us all, & help
us up into the great boat. We were not far fr'm the Castle,
where we went ashore, dryed & refreshed, & y° went to the
Hand p'formed c work, returned well home at night praised
be the Lord. Some thanked God & some wished we had bene
drowned. Soone after, one y* wished we had bene drowned,
was himselfe drowned about the same place w we w so won-
derfully delivered, the history w'off is," — here the account
It is recorded that on this occasion Daniel Gookin lost "a
large cloak of drab due berry lin'd through with fine serge,
cost in London about eight pounds," also "a new pair of
gloves cost 2^ and a rattan, headed with Ivory worth i8^"
while Mr, Eliot lost "a good castor hat worth ten shillings."
OR more than twenty years, when the votes for
magistrates were opened in Boston at the spring
meeting of General Court, Daniel Gookin's name
had always stood at or near the head of the list.
In May, 1676, the votes in his favor dropped
from about twelve hundred to 446 and he failed
of election. John Eliot thus recorded the event:
"Month 3 day 4. Election Day, the people in theire distemper left
out Capt. Gookin & put him off the Bench."
The ballot was taken at the darkest time in the war and in
all probability the result was not unexpected. All of the can-
didates known to stand up for the Christian Indians lost votes,
Thomas Danforth getting only 840, Joseph Dudley 669, while
Major Thomas Savage received barely 441.
When the General Court met, the members made haste to
manifest their sympathy for Daniel Gookin, and their confi-
dence in his motives and his ability. One of their first acts
was to promote him to the office of Sergeant-major of the
regiment of Middlesex, or commander-in-chief of the military
forces of the county. This was on May 5, 1676, when he
was "by the whole Court chosen and appointed." The duties
proper to that office had been performed by him since
October 13, 1675, when, in the absence of the Major, he had
been instructed to put the whole command "into a posture of
warr." In compliance with the order he had, on November 2,
MILITARY DUTIES 157
dispatched Captain Joseph Sill with sixty men of Charles-
town, Watertown, and Cambridge, against the enemy. His
letter of instructions closes thus:
"So desiring the ever-living Lord God to accompany you and your
company with his gracious conduct and presence, and that he will for
Christ's sake appear in all the mounts of difficulty, and cover all your
heads in the day of battle, and deliver the bloodthirsty and cruel enemy
of God and his people into your hands, and make you executioners of his
just indignation upon them, and return you victorious unto us, I commit
you and your company unto God, and remain
Your very loving friend
Daniel Gookin, Sen'"^
Other evidences of Daniel's military activity at this period
are not wanting. Service in the field, it hardly need be pointed
out, was not expected of him; that was for younger men.
Moreover he was far too important a person to be spared
from the seat of the government. Various papers that have
been preserved tell of duties that devolved upon him. For
example, on January 11, 1675/6, "the committee of militia of
Charlestown, Cambridge, and Watertown," were "ordered and
required to impress such armor, breasts, backs, and head-
pieces, and blunderbusses, as you can find in your respective
towns, and to give express and speedy order that they may be
cleaned and fitted for service, and sent in to Cambridge to
Captain Gookin at or before the 15th of this instant, by him
to be sent up to the army by such troopers as are ordered to
go up to the army. "2 Again, on April 25, 1676, instructions
were given to Captain Gookin as " Commander-in-chief of all
the forces of horse and foot in this expedition, for the service
of the Colony, against the enemy." ^ A letter written by him
to the Council for the management of the War, four days
before he was given his commission as Major, shows that in
this, as in everything that came to his hand to do, his energies
were put forth unsparingly.
^Mass. Arch., Ixviii, 40. Daniel's signature was afterwards erased from this
letter and "By the Council, E. R. S." substituted.
^Ibid, p. 114.
^Ibid., p. 228.
158 NIGHT ORDERS
I received your orders after I was retired to rest; but I suddenly got
up and issued forth warrants for the dehnquents, and sent away the war-
rant to Capt. Prentice, and also sent warrants to the commander-in-chief
of Charlestown, Watertown, Cambridge, and the Village, Maiden, and
Woburn, to raise one fourth part of their companies to appear at Cam-
bridge this morning at eight a clock. But 1 fear the rain and darkness of
the last night hath impeded their rendesvous at the time; but sometime
today I hope they will appear, or at least some of them. I judge, if the
Captains do their duty in uprightness, there may be about lOO men, or
near it. 1 have written to Capt. Hammond to send up Capt. Cutler to
conduct this company; I am uncertain about his compliance; I desire
your order, in case of failure, and also directions to what rendesvous to
send this company when raised. It is a very afflictive time to be called
off, considering we have planting in hand this week, and our fortification
pressing upon our shoulders.^ But God sees meet to order it so that
this rod must smart sharply. I pray let me have your directions sent away
with all speed. I stay at home on purpose to despatch these soldiers. So
with my dutiful respects to >iour honored selves, I remain
Your assured friend and servant.
May the first, 1676 DANIEL GOOKIN, Sen.^
Having given Daniel his appointment as Major, the Gen-
eral Court, taking notice of "the present distressed condition
of the Indians at the island, they being ready to perish for
want of bread," ordered that a man with a boat be employed
to assist them in catching fish. A few days later it was decided
to remove them "to convenient places for their planting."
Most of the able-bodied men had taken service in the army.
Those who were left were nearly all old men, women and chil-
dren, about four hundred in number. So "the Council ordered
Maj. Gookin & M"^ Eliot to make the seperation" and "Maj'
Gookin to appoint y« committees time & place for reception
of each parcell of Indians & to impress boats, &c., for their
removal forthwith, & that he takes care to arm & dispatch the
The removal was effected on May 12, when, in the words
of John Eliot, as set down in his Church record, "the Indians
^This refers to the stockade ordered built by the town at a meeting held March
27. The attack on Medfield, six days before, had caused great alarm and a feeling
oif insecurity even in the vicinity of Boston.
^Mass. Archives, Ixviii, 247.
REMOVAL OF THE PRAYING INDIANS 159
came off the Hand. Capt, Gookin cars for y" at Cambridge."
Daniel's own account is more specific. "Major Gookin, their
old friend and ruler, . . . forthwith hired boats to bring them
from the Islands to Cambridge, not far from the house of Mr.
Thomas Oliver, a pious man, and of a very loving, compas-
sionate spirit to those poor Indians; who, when others were
shy, he freely offered a place for their present settlement upon
his land, which was very commodious for situation being near
Charles River, convenient for fishing, and where there was
plenty of fuel; and Mr. Oliver had a good fortification at his
house, near the place where the wigwams stood, where, (if need
were) they might retreat for their security. This deliverance
from the Island was a jubilee to those poor creatures; and
though many of them were sick at this time of their removal,
especially some of the chief men, as Waban, John Thomas,
and Josiah Harding, with divers other men, women and chil-
dren, were sick of a dysentery and fever, at their first coming
up from the Island; but by the care of the Major, and his
wife, and Mr. Eliot, making provision for them, of food and
medicines, several of them recovered, particularly Waban and
John Thomas; the one the principal ruler, and the other a
principal teacher of them, who were both extreme low, but
God had in mercy raised them up."
In the autumn, the war being over, the Indians removed,
"some to the falls of Charles river, and some settled about
Hoanantum Hill,i not far from Mr. Oliver's, near the very
place where they first began to pray to God, and Mr. Eliot
first taught them, which was about thirty years since. Here
Anthony, one of the teachers, built a large wigwam, at which
place the lecture and school were kept in the winter 1676;
where Major Gookin and Mr. Eliot ordinarily met every fort-
night; and the other week among the Packemitt^ Indians,
who were also brought from the Island at the same time and
placed near Brush Hill in Milton." Thus at the earliest
moment practicable, did the indefatigable Eliot and Gookin
again take up their interrupted missionary labours. The
'Otherwise known as Nonantum.
^Or Punkapog, now Stoughton.
i6o PERSISTENT PREJUDICE
value of this work to the Colony had been amply demon-
strated by the conduct of the Christian Indians during the war.
But for it there can be little doubt that many of these Indians
would have been arrayed against the English, and that the
terrors of the sanguinary conflict would have been far greater
than they were. Yet even the efficient aid rendered by the
Indian soldiers, and the proof this gave of their fidelity, did
not entirely eradicate the prejudice felt against them and their
defenders. As late as October, 1677, when the Indians had
gone back to their settlements at Natick and Punkapog, one
John Jones having been arrested for attempting to run down
Thomas Danforth, John Marshall testified that on October 9,
"I saw John Joans driveing his trucks, whipping his
horses which caused them to run very furiously; the worship-
ful Thomas Danforth being before the trucks shifted the way
several times to escape the horses, and I was afraid they
would have ran over him ; but having escaped them when the
said Joans came to the wharfe where I was, I asked him why
he drave his trucks soe hard to run over people, and told him
he had like to have ran over Mr. Danforth; he answered it
was noe matter if Mr. Danforth and Major Gucking were
"Sworn in Court. J. Dudley Assistant, 12, 8, '^'j. Said
Jones is sentenced to be admonished, and not to drive a cart
in Boston upon penalty of a severe whipping. J. Dudley, per
order." Thus was the punishment neatly made to fit the
Although a few shallow persons, like Jones, remained obdu-
rate and unconvinceable, the steadfast demeanour of Daniel
Gookin, his calm and unflinching attitude in the time of dis-
turbance, his care to refrain from recrimination when reviled,
and his unselfish devotion to the welfare of the community,
soon silenced most of the outcry against him and brought
about a revulsion of feeling in his favour. When election day
came around, in May, 1677, he was once more chosen Assist-
ant, and reinstated in his place upon the bench.
ILITARY duties, in addition to those that came
to him as magistrate and as a member of the Coun-
cil, made 1677 a busy year for Major Gookin.
Nevertheless he found time in the autumn to
write for the "Corporation for Gospelizing the
Indians in New England," as he styled it, "An
Historical Account of the Doings and Suffer-
ings of the Christian Indians in New England, in the years
1675, 1676, 1677." This work, accompanied by an epistle ded-
icatory, dated December 18, 1677, was sent by him to Robert
Boyle, the Governor of the Society. No doubt he hoped that
the society would see fit to publish it, but for some reason this
was not done, and the manuscript was lost until 1835, when
it turned up in the hands of an English clergyman. By him
it was loaned to the Rev. Mr. Campbell of Pittsburgh, from
whom it was borrowed by Mr. Jared Sparks, who brought it to
the attention of the American Antiquarian Society, and, in 1836,
it was published in Volume II of "Archaeologia Americana"
— the Transactions and Proceedings of that society.
This work formed a supplement to an earlier treatise
entitled "Historical Collections of the Indians in New Eng-
land," which Daniel finished in 1674, and transmitted to Mr.
Boyle in December of that year. This manuscript, like the
other, was long forgotten, but finally coming to light in a library
in England, it was first printed in 1792 in Volume I of the
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society. A sepa-
i62 GOOKIN'S HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND
rate edition was also issued the same year, "at the Apollo
Press in Boston, by Belknap and Hall."^ Although complete
in itself, this work was designed as a part of a general History
of New England which he had projected upon a plan more
comprehensive and philosophical than was attempted by any
one else for more than a century after his time. In a post-
script to the treatise he outlined the scope of the history and
his reasons for undertaking its preparation, in words which tes-
tify alike to his modesty and his eminent fitness for the task.
Concerning this matter the reader may please to understand, that
when I first drew up these Collections, it was intended for a second book
of the history of New-England. But that being not yet above half-finished,
and this concerning the Indians being destinct from the other, which
treateth principally of the Indians in New-England, although it was no
great incongruity, had it accompanied the rest: But for some reasons at
this juncture, I have thought it not unseasonable to emit this of the Indians
first. The scope and design of the author in that intended history, you
may see in what follows, setting forth the number and subjects of each
THE HISTORY OF NEW-ENGLAND, ESPECIALLY OF THE
COLONY OF MASSACHUSETTS, IN EIGHT BOOKS,
FAITHFULLY COLLECTED BY DANIEL GOOKIN,
ONE OF THE MAGISTRATES THEREOF.
BOOK I. Describeth the country of New-England in general: the
extent thereof: the division of it into four colonies: the situation of the
several harbours and islands: the nature of the land and soil: the com-
modities and product both of the earth and sea, before it was inhabited by
the English nation: and divers other things relating thereunto: with a
map of the country, to be placed at the end of the first book.
BOOK II. Treateth of the Indians, natives of the country: their
customs, manners, and government, before the English settled there: also
their present state in matters of religion and government; and in especial
of the praying Indians, who have visibly received the gospel; mentioning
the means and instruments that God hath used for their civilizing and
conversion, and the success thereof through the blessing of God : the pres-
ent state of these praying Indians: the number and situation of their
towns, and their churches and people, both in the colony of Massachu-
setts, and elsewhere in the country ; with divers other matters referring to
^A copy of this edition, perhaps unique, is in the library of the Wisconsin
Historical Society at Madison. The volume of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections
containing it has been twice reprinted ; in 1806 and again in 1859.
GOOKIN'S HISTORY OF NEW ENGLAND 163
BOOK III. Setteth forth the first discovery, planting, and settling
New-England by the English: as the time when it was undertaken;
the occasion inducing them to transplant themselves and families; the
condition and quality of the first undertakers; especially those of Massa-
chusetts colony; and the grounds and motives for their removal from
their native country unto New-England : with divers other matters con-
cerning the same: and in the close of this book, a brief account of the
author's life, and the reasons inducing him to remove himself and family
BOOK IV. Discourseth of the civil government of New-England;
particularly of the colony of Massachusetts, which is founded upon the
royal charter of king Charles the first, of famous memory; with a recital
of the chief heads of the said charter or patent: with the several grada-
tions of the courts, both executive and legislative: together with a brief
mention of the state of the confederacy between the united colonies of
New-England, viz. Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Plymouth, with
the publick benefit and safety occurring to the whole country thereby.
BOOK V. Of the present condition and state of the country: as
the number and names of the counties and towns ; A conjecture of the
number of people in the country: the military forces of horse and foot:
their fortifications upon their principal harbours : their navigation and
number of ships and other vessels : their money and commodities raised in
the country, for use at home, or commerce abroad : of foreign commodities
most suitable for the country's use, to be imported : of their manufactures;
with the opportunities and advantages to increase the same, which hitherto
hath been obstructed, and the reason thereof: with some arguments to
excite the people unto more intenseness and diligence in improving the
manufacture of the country.
BOOK VI. Giveth an account of the worthies in New-England,
and especially the magistrates and ministers in all the colonies: their
names and the characters of some of the most eminent of them that are
deceased: with the names of the governours of Massachusetts, from the
beginning until this present, and the times of their death: and sundry
other matters appertaining thereto.
BOOK VII. Mentioneth some of the most eminent and remarkable
mercies, providences and doings of God for this people in New England,
from the first beginning of this plantation unto this day; wherein many
wonderful salvations of the almighty and our most gracious God hath
showed and extended towards them, which they should declare unto their
children and children's children, that so the great name of Jehovah may
be magnified and only^ exalted.
BOOK VIII. Declareth their religion and the order of their church
government in New England : with a rehearsal of their faith and platform
^Thus printed in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections, but possibly a misreading of
the word "duly."
i64 QUALIFICATIONS FOR AUTHORSHIP
of church discipline, drawn out of the word of God : with a vindication
of this people from the unjust imputations of separatism, anabaptism, and
other heterodoxies : also a brief mention of the college at Cambridge in
New-England: the present state thereof: the care and faithful endeavours
used, that it may be upheld and encouraged for the education of learned
and able men, to supply both orders of church and state in future times :
also a brief commemoration of the names of the presidents and fellows,
that have been of that society; with other learned men, dead and living,
that have been graduates there from its first foundation.
You may here see my design, which I earnestly desired might have
been drawn by a more able pen: and I have often earnestly moved able
persons to undertake it: but not knowing of any, and being unwilling
that a matter of so great concernment for the honour of God and the good
of men, should be buried in oblivion, I have adventured in my old age,
and in a plain style, to draw some rude delineaments of God's beautiful
work in this land. I have, through grace, travelled half way in this work,
as is said before ; but in truth, I find myself clogged with so many avoca-
tions; as my publick employ among the English and Indians, and my
own personal and family exercises, which by reason of my low estate in
the world are the more obstructive and perplexing : so that I cannot pro-
ceed in this work so vigorously as I desire. Yet I shall endeavour, by
God's assistance, if he please to spare me life and ability, to make what
speedy progress 1 can. If this tract concerning the Indians find accept-
ance, I shall be the more encouraged to finish and send forth the other;
which although it should prove very imperfect, by reason of the weakness
and un worthiness of the author; yet I shall endeavour that it be drawn
according to truth; and then, if it be of no other use, it may serve to
inform my children, or possibly contribute some little help to a more able
pen, to set forth the same thing, more exactly and exquisitely garnished,
in after times.
The language of this statement would alone be enough to
certify his mental equipment for the undertaking. No other
man in New England had better opportunities for ascertaining
facts, no other had such certain poise, such breadth of outlook.
It is impossible to peruse his works, and in especial his history
of the Christian Indians, and not feel a growing admiration
and respect for him both as a man and as a writer. The entire
absence of bitterness even when referring to the brutal reviling
to which he was subjected, bears silent witness to his largeness
of mind and the sweetness of his disposition. The tranquil
tone is that of a strong man resting secure in the conscious-
ness of rectitude, and upheld by an unshakable faith in the
A WELL-DESERVED TRIBUTE 165
beneficence of God and by resignation to His will. "As we
study his writings," says Moses Coit Tyler, "we see shining
through them the signals of a very noble manhood, — modesty,
tenderness, strength, devoutness, a heart full of sympathy for
every kind of distress, a hand able and quick to reach out and
obey the promptings of his heart. Then, too, we are impressed
by his uncommon intellectual value. We find that he had
width and grip in his ideas; his mind was trained to orderly
movement ; his style rose clear and free above the turbid and
pedantic rhetoric of his age and neighborhood; his reading
was shown, not in the flapping tags of quotation, but in a dif-
fused intelligence, fullness, and poise of thought; as an histo-
rian, he had the primary virtues — truth, fairness, lucidity." ^
It would be difficult to add anything to a pronouncement at
once so just and so appreciative.
How nearly Daniel was able to complete his History of
Massachusetts we shall probably never know. The family
tradition is that the manuscript was destroyed when the tavern
kept by his grandson, Richard Gookin, at Dedham, was burned
in 1742; and as extended and careful search has failed to yield
any trace of it, this tradition may be assumed to be correct.
Its loss, as has been well said, is indeed, "a calamity to early
American History." 2
An intimation that Daniel was the author of a third tract
relating to the Indians, is found in a letter addressed by John
Eliot to Robert Boyle, under date, November 4, 1680.' "We
are in great aflliction by the Manquaoy Indians," he writes;
"more than 60 at several times have been killed or captived;
a narrative whereof Major Gookin presented to Lord Cul-
pepper, who was affected with it. Also he presented a copy
thereof to Sir Edmond Andros, who was likewise affected with
it though it is said, that he might have prevented it. . . . Major
Gookin intendeth to present your honour with a copy of the
same narrative." Some day, it is to be hoped, one of these
copies may yet come to light.
^ History of Am. Literature, i, 151.
'Birch's Life of Boyle, London, 1744, p. 436.
HE name of Daniel Gookin is so intimately
connected with the establishment of the city of
Worcester, that he may not improperly be re-
garded as in a sense its founder. *'To ascribe^
to Major General Daniel Gookin the title of
Father of Worcester," says Ellery B. Crane,
"would be conferring a compliment well de-
served, and at the same time impart an honor to Worcester
which she need not feel ashamed of or reluctant to accept."^
The first action looking toward the forming of a settlement
was taken by the General Court on October ii, 1665, when in
answer to a petition by Lieut. Thomas Noyes of Sudbury and
several others, the Court, "understanding that there is a meet
place for a plantation about ten miles from Marlborough west-
ward, at or neere Quansicamug Pond, which, that it may be
improved for that end, & not spoyled by granting of farmes,"
named Captain Gookin, Captain Edward Johnson, Lieut.
Joshua Fisher, and Lieut. Thomas Noyes, as a committee "to
make a survey of the place."
The death of Lieut. Noyes and other impediments pre-
vented this Committee from doing anything, and so the matter
rested until May 15, 1667, when the Court again nominated
Captain Daniel Gookin, Captain Edward Johnson, Samuel
Andrew, and Andrew Belcher, Senior, "as a committee to take
an exact view of the said place as soone as conveniently they
^Historical Notes on the Early Settlement of Worcester, p. 20. ,
THE FOUNDING OF WORCESTER 167
can." The report of this Committee was not made until
October 20, 1668. It recommended the place as suitable for
a small plantation, whereupon, on November 7, the Court
appointed "Capt. Daniel Gookin, Capt. Tho. Prentice, M'
Daniel Henchman, & Leiften"' Beare, or any three of them
to be a comittee, whereof Capt. Danil Gookin to be one," to
lay out and establish the settlement.
Taking several prospective settlers with them, all four
commissioners visited the site early in May of the next year.
They found it "very commodious for the scittuation of a
towne," but in part taken up by grants of the Court, and there-
fore unavailable for the purpose, unless the grantees should be
dispossessed and provided for elsewhere. In consequence,
four more years elapsed before the settlement could begin.
The first book of "Records of the Proprietors," consisting
of twenty-eight closely written pages in the hand of Daniel
Gookin, shows that by 1673 the difficulties had been cleared
away and lots had been assigned to thirty-two persons. Only
fourteen of these perfected their titles by paying their share of
the expense incurred by the Committee, which included Indian
purchase money. Among the fourteen were Daniel Gookin,
his son Samuel, and Daniel Henchman, who, next to Gookin
was the most active member of the Commission.
In the autumn of this year a house situated "a little beyond
the brook," was built by the Committee. This, with the houses
of Ephraim Curtis and Thomas Brown, finished in 1674, are
all that are certainly known to have been erected prior to the
Indian war which broke out a year later, when they were burned
by the savages. Though the Committee resumed their labours
after the war was over, they found it exceedingly difficult to
secure acceptable men who were willing to settle in the new
town. The matter had come so nearly to a standstill by 1682
that the General Court gave notice that unless substantial prog-
ress was made in the near future the place would be forfeited.
Accordingly it was arranged that a new survey should be
made, which was done upon a new plat and the lots reassigned
in difl^erent and more widely scattered locations, only five per-
sons, of whom Daniel Gookin was one, appearing as proprie-
i68 THE NEW SETTLEMENT NAMED
tors in both grants. This was in 1683. The next year a few
log houses were built, and Captain Daniel Henchman went to
Worcester to reside and to give the settlement his personal
superintendence. His efforts were short-lived, for he died at
his home there, on October 15, 1685.
At a General Court held in Boston on October 15, 1864,
"Upon y« motion & desire of Ma)° Gen^n Daniel Gookin,
Cap* Thomas Prentice & Daniel Henchman this Courts Com-
mittee for y« setling of a new Plantation neare Quansikomon
pond. Humbly desireing y* y« Court will please to name y«
Town Worcester," that name was accordingly bestowed upon
it. What reason Daniel Gookin may have had for this selec-
tion can only be conjectured. The view has been advanced
by Senator George F. Hoar, Ellery B. Crane, and others that
it was intended as a tribute to the memory of Oliver Cromwell.
That Daniel should wish to do him honour is most likely, not
alone because he was an ardent admirer of the great defender
of the liberties of the English people, but also because of the
close relation that had existed between the Protector and sev-
eral members of the Gookin family. Daniel's employment
as Cromwell's agent in his cherished scheme of building up
the colony of Jamaica has already been related. His cousin
Vincent Gookin, the leader of the Moderate party in the three
Cromwellian parliaments; the protagonist of the Irish, who,
by his determined efforts, frustrated the movement for their
wholesale transplantation to Connaught; Commissioner of the
Admiralty; Commissioner General for the Revenues of Ire-
land; and Surveyor General of Ireland under the Protectorate,
was the personal choice of Cromwell for the public offices
that he held. Captain Robert Gookin, Vincent's younger
brother, was a zealous and faithful adherent to whom Cromwell
directed that a large grant of land in Ireland should be made,
in spite of the opposition of Fleetwood and others; and still
another cousin, Samuel Gookin of London, the son of Dan-
iel's uncle John, was appointed one of the Commissioners for
Compounding with the Loyalists, commonly known at the time
as the Drury House Trustees, from their place of meeting,
and sometimes referred to as the "Treason Trustees."
WHY NAMED WORCESTER? 169
Clearly there were strong personal reasons why Daniel
Gookin may have had Cromwell in mind when naming the
new settlement. Yet it may be doubted whether these were
uppermost in his mind. In its military aspects the battle of
Worcester cannot be considered as one of Cromwell's great
achievements. To the Puritans of his day, however, the vic-
tory gained there was one of deep significance. Hugh Peters
gave voice to their feelings in his address to the militiamen
who had taken part in the battle, — "When your wives and
children shall ask where you have been and what news: say
you have been at Worcester, where England's sorrows began,
and where they are happily ended." As these words were
printed in the " Diurnal," it is not improbable that they reached
Daniel Gookin and made a deep impression upon him. He
was in England in 1650, and from his familiarity with the dis-
tressing conditions that prevailed there he could well under-
stand why the defeat of the King's forces at Worcester in the
succeeding year should be regarded by Cromwell as "a crown-
ing mercy." Whether the impression was still strong enough
thirty-three years later to determine the choice of a name for
the Quinsigamond plantation is a question to which no certain
answer is forthcoming. So far as is known, however, Daniel
Gookin had no personal associations with the English city,
and it may well be that he was influenced by both of the con-
siderations here set forth.
In 1685 a controversy arose between two of the settlers.
Captain John Wing and George Danson, in regard to their
lands. This was finally ended by a committee appointed on
June II, 1686, on the application of Wing and other propri-
etors of the town. The committee consisted of Major Gen-
eral Daniel Gookin, Captain Thomas Prentice, William Bond,
Captain Joseph Lynd, and Deacon John Haynes. They were
instructed to regulate the affairs of the settlement and to con-
firm titles to lands in Worcester, and "any three of them were
empowered to act provided Major Gookin was one of the
Daniel Gookin, now an old man and nearing the end of his
career, kept up his interest in the settlement as long as he
170 SHERIFF DANIEL GOOKIN
lived. It was out of the question that he should go there to
dwell. But it was on his recommendation that the town was
laid out, and, under more favorable circumstances, it is prob-
able that his endeavors to build it up would have met with
greater success. The set-back caused by Philip's war, how-
ever, was too lasting to be overcome until long after Daniel
had been laid to rest.
The lots in Worcester granted to Daniel were not disposed
of by his heirs until 1720, when they were sold to John Smith
for the sum of ^120.
When, in the year 173 1, the county of Worcester was
formed, Daniel Gookin's grandson and namesake, the son of
his son Samuel, was commissioned Sheriff, and he held the
office until his death in June, 1743.
OON after the restoration of Charles II to the
crown, a controversy began with the colonists
over their charter privileges, which continued
with scarcely any intermission for more than
twenty years. Both sides were desirous of avoid-
ing open rupture, yet neither showed the least
disposition to yield. The tenacity with which
the colonists held to what they regarded as their rights, was
matched by equal determination on the part of the crown to
exercise authority over them. The men at the head of the
Colonial government showed themselves adepts at clever fenc-
ing, and for a long time a crisis was averted. Gradually,
however, the tension became more acute. In the years follow-
ing the Indian war much fuel was added to the flame by the
machinations of that "evil genius of New England," Edward
Randolph. And when, in 1681, a royal mandate was received,
directing that authorized agents be sent to London to repre-
sent the colony and answer to a land claimant, it was perceived
that at last the issue had been presented in a form that could
no longer be evaded.
The seriousness of the situation was admitted by all, but
grave differences of opinion arose as to the best policy to pur-
sue. The government divided into two parties, both agreed
as to the importance of the privileges conferred by the char-
ter, but differing as to their extent, and upon the measures
that should be taken to preserve them. Governor Brad-
172 GROWING POPULARITY
street, and with him William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, and
William Brown, were for bowing to the storm, hoping thus it
would pass by and leave them unharmed. Opposed to this
view was the other party, of which Thomas Danforth and
Daniel Gookin were the leaders. Arrayed with them were
several of the principal members of the court, and they appear
to have had the support also of the more intelligent part of
For several years Major Gookin's popularity had been
steadily growing. In his opposition to the arbitrary measures
proposed by the crown, he displayed the same spirit of dog-
ged determination with which he adhered to the cause of the
Christian Indians in the face of popular delirium. Of possible
consequences to himself he took no note in either case. As
he stood between the unhappy red men and the enraged col-
onists, while clearly recognizing the danger of personal vio-
lence to himself, so now he came forward and openly advocated
the policy he believed to be right. To yield to the king's
demands he clearly foresaw would be a fatal mistake. So he
stoutly stood for a strict construction of the charter. He
opposed the sending agents to England. He opposed sub-
mission to the acts of trade. Resistance might endanger their
charter; submission would certainly destroy its substance.
Not for himself did he take this stand. He was sixty-
eight years old, and it could make little difference to him per-
sonally, during the few remaining years that he could hope
would be his portion. Yet from the fullness of his heart did
he draw up the following paper which he desired might be
lodged with the Court as his dying testimony.
Honored Gentlemen: — Haueing liberty by law (title Liberties com-
mon) to present in speech or writing any necessary motion, or information,
whereof ih.2ii meeting hath proper cognizance so it bee don in conuenient
time, due order and Respective manner — 1 have chosen the latter way
and hope I shall attend the qualifications as to time, order and manner.
It is much upon my hart to suggest to your prudent, pious and
serious consideration my poore thoughts touching the matters lyeing
before you, which (to my weake understanding) is a case of great con-
cernment, as to weale or woe of thousands of the Lord's poore people in
this wilderness, yt for the testimony of Jesus transplanted themselves into
PROTEST AGAINST COLONIAL AGENTS 173
this wilderness yn vnhabited; and here purchasing ye right of the natives
did sit downe in this vacuum, as it were, and who with great labour and
sufferings, for many yeares conflicting with hard winters and hot summers
haue possessed and left to yr posterity Those inheritances so rightfully
allotted to ym According to the Law of God and man; those considera-
tions render the matter most momentous to me.
Your present work (as I understand) is, to draw up instructions for
An Agent or Agents to bee sent for England, in complyance with his
ma'ties commands in his last letter, which requires vs to send Agents,
within 3 months duly impoured to Answer a claime made by one Mr.
Mason claiming title to a certaine tract of land within this jurisdiction,
particularly between the riuers of Naumkeike^ and Merimack, upon wh
land many of our principal townes are seated, and many thousands of
people interested and concerned who haue right to these lands by the
Generall Court's grant, Indian Title, and yt impoured, and that for about
fifty yeares, and without any claime made by Mr. Mason, or his predeces-
sors, and besides their title hath beene established by o'r law till possession,
printed and published, when conuenient time was granted to enter ye
ciaimes if any, and upon the pr'mises many sales and Alienations haue
(doubtles) beene made; and diuers of the first planters deceased, leaving
their inheritances to ye quiet poss'ion of yr posterity; All this notwith-
standing by the Letters aforesaid (wch there is good ground to think hath
beene procured and sent ouer more by the solicitation of our enimies yn
any disposition in his moste excelent ma'tie (o'r gracious king) to quel so
great disquiet and disturbance to his poore inocent and Loyal Subjects,
inhabiting in this place, as is occassioned therby, in requiring us to send an
Agent or Agents to Answer before him and unto Mr. Mason's ciaimes, on
behalf of these proprietors called Ter tennants, and to abide by the termi-
nation y't shall be there giuen; Could wee promise o'rselues, that the
conclusion would bee in o'r fauor, which we have no assurance to expect,
yet the scruple with me for sending at all as the case is circumstanced is
not remoued, but remains vntouched.
I. Because this pr'cedent in conceding to send Agent or Agents for
the tryalls and to Answer particular complaints and claymes in England
before his ma'tie touching proprieties,^ will (as I humbly conceue) have
a tendency, if not certenly subuert and destroy the mayne nerves of o'r
Government and Charter, lawes and liberties. Besides (as I apr'hend)
it will bereaue us of o'r liberties as Englishmen, (confirmed many times
by magna charta, who are to bee tryed in all their concernes, ciuil, or crimi-
nal by 12 honest men of the neighbourhood, under oath and in his ma'ties
Courts, before his sworn Judges and not before his ma'ties Royal person;
surely o'r com'g 3 thousand miles under security of his ma'ties title, and
by his good leave to plant this howling wilderness hath not deuested us
* Otherwise, Salem.
^I. e., proprietorship of lands.
174 PROTEST AGAINST COLONIAL AGENTS
of that native liberty w'h o'r countrymen injoy. Now if Mr. Mason haue
any claime to make, of any man within this jurisdiction, his ma'ties Courts
heere established by charter are open to him : And he may implead any
man yt doth him wrong before ye Jury and sworne Judges; according to
law and pattent heretofore and lately confirmed by his Royal ma'tie as
under his signet doth or may appeare.
2d. To send Agents not duly impoured as his ma'ties It'r requires
will probably offend and prouoake his ma'tie rather yn please him and
give him occasion either to imprison o'r Agents, until they be fully
impoured or otherwise pass a final! Judgment in the case (if Agents bee
there) though they stand mute and doe not plead to the case. And on
the other hand if Agents are sent duly impoured to Answer as the letter
requires, yn let it bee considered whether wee doe not, at once, undoe
ourselues and posterity, in being obliged to Respond any complaint or try
any case, ciuill or criminal wch it shall please any person, that delights in
giuing us trouble, is pleased to bring thither, the Greevous Burden and
inconvience whereof would bee intolerable. I conceue, if one of the
twaine must bee submitted to, it were much Better to desire yt A Gen-
eral Gouernor or Commission'rs might bee Constituted here in the
country to try all cases ciuil, criminal and military according to discretion,
as was Attempted by the Commissioners Anno 1664, 1665. But then
God was pleased to influence his people with such a degree of virtue and
courage, firmely to Adhere unto o'r charter and the Laws and Liberties
thereby established; and God of his grace and goodness was then pleased,
upon our humble Adreses to o'r King, to incline his ma'ties Royall hart to
accept of o'r Answer and not to give us further trouble, the consequence
whereof was yt we have enjoyed o'r mercys 15 years longer, and who
knows But it may bee so now if wee make our humble Adreses and give
o'r reasons for not sending Agents; surely o'r God is the same, yesterday
and to-day and for euer; and our king is the same, inclining to fau'r the
Righteous caus of his poore inocente and loyal subjects and I doubt not
if wee make triall and follow our endea'r by faith and prair but God will
appear for us, in mercy, & make a good Isue of this affayre.
The sending of Agents will contract a very great charge and expenses
wch the poore people are very unable to stand under, considering the great
diminishings yt wee haue had by warr, small pox, fires, sea loses. Blastings
and other publicke loses, for my part, I see not how mony will be raised
to defray this charge unles it bee borrowed upon interest of some partic-
ular man ; moreouer the country is yet in debt and pays interest for mony
yearly; especially to bee at so great cost for no other end (in probability)
but to cut us short of o'r Liberties and priviledges as too late experience
in o'r former Agent's Negotiations doth evidence.
Besides this matter of Mr. Mason's claims wee are required to send
Agents to Attend the Regulation of o'r Government, &c., and to satisfy
his ma'tie in Admitting freemen as is proposed in ye letter. And to give
COGENT ARGUMENTS 175
an Acc't what incouragement is giuen to such persons as desire to wor-
ship God According to the way of the church of England.
Now to send Agents to Answer and attend these things, who sees not
how grate a snare It may proue unto us, for Touching our Government
wee are well contented with it and o'r charter and desire no change. If
there should bee any Lawes yt are Repugnant to ye Laws of England,
(I know not any,) they may be repealed.
Concerning Freemen's Admission, nothing is more cleare in the char-
ter, yn this, that the Gouern'r and Company haue free liberty to admit
whome they thinke meet.
As for any that desire to worship God According to the manner of
the church of England, there is no law to pr'hibite or restraine ym neith'r
is it meet to make any law to yt effect because it would bee repugnant to
the law of England. But for this Gou'ment to declare or make a law to
Encourage Any to practise yt worship here, may it not bee feared this would
offend God, and bee condemning the doings and sufferings of o'rselues and
fathers that first planted this country.
These things considered and many more I might Aleadge giue mee
cause to desire your pardon that I cannot consent or iudge it expedient to
send An Agent or Agents at this time as things are circumstanced.
Therefore I conceiue it is much the Best and safest course not to send
any Agent at all and consequently the committe may forbeare to draw up
Instruction for them but rather pr'sent to the court the difficulties in the
case; and if you please, I am not unwilling that this paper bee pr'sented to
the Honored Court to consider of.
And rather if you see meet to draw up and pr'sent to the Gen'll
Court a humble and Argumentative Address to his Sacred ma'tie To par-
don his poore yet Loyal people in this matter so destructive to the quiet
and so inconsistent with their well being.
But to this it may be objected,
I objection, that it is our duty to send Agents because the King
commands it, otherwise we may be found Breakers of the fi'th command.
Answer — I humbly conceue wee ought to distinguish of o'r duty to
Super'rs, sometimes possibly they may require vnlawful things as the
Rulers of the Jewes did of the Apostles; Acts, 4:18. 19. — in wch case
[the] Holy Ghost tels us our duty in yt text. 2dly. Rulers may com-
mand things yt considered in their tendencies and circumstances and
comixture with religion, may be of a morall nature and consequently
unlawful and not to be allow'd in doing. But rather Runne the Hazard
of Suffering, of which nature I humbly conceaue is the pr'sent cause, for
if wee send agents as the letter requires wee doe destroy ourselues in our
greatest concerns as I apr'hend : now selfe preseruation, is a moral duty
and not only Reason and Religion but nature, doth teach us this. Againe,
if this Gouernment of ours bee of Chhts establishing and gift and a part
of his purchase, as I judge it is, will it not bee a moral end for us to bee
176 OBJECTIONS ANSWERED
Active in parting with it. I remember yt eminent Mr. Mitchell, now in
heaven, in his publicke lecture (February 1660,) speaking of Cht's Kingly
Gouernment upon a ciuil Acct, did Declare that this Gouernment setled
in ye Massachus'ts according to pattent and laws was as hee said a speci-
men of that ciuil Gour'nt, that the lord Cht Jesus Design'd to establish
in the whole world where in such as are godly p'rsons, and vnder his
Kingly Gouernment in his church should bee electers and elected to
pouer. And therefore said hee who eu'r hee bee yt shall goe about to
subuert or undermine this Gouernment, hee sets himselfe against Cht
Jesus, and hee will (then) haue Cht for his enimy. Also Reverend Mr.
Shepard in his booke of the ten Uirgins, 25 math, in ye I part, page 166,
speaks to ye same purpose. These persons were burning and shineing
lights in yr Generation and much of God's mynd did they know and
Object. 2. But if wee send no Agents wee must expect sad conse-
quences yrof such as putting us out of his ma'ties Allegeance, damning
o'r patent, inhibiting trade, and such like.
Answer i : Something hath been spoken aboue to this matter to wh
2 : I verily Belieue yt so gracious a prince as o'r king is will bee very
slow to deale so seuerely against his poore loyall subjects yt Are not con-
scious wee haue shewed any disloyalty to him or his pr'desc'rs, nor have
been unwilling to obey him in the lord. But when the case is so circum-
stanced yt we must be Accounted offenders or Ruine o'rselues; of 2 evels
ye least is to be chosen.
3 : But if it should bee soe yt wee must suffer in this case wee may
have ground to hope yt God o'r father in Cht will support and comfort
us in all o'r tribulations and in his due time deliuer vs. Much more
might be s'd Touching the pr'my'es. But I have been too tedious And
longer yn I intended for wch I crave yr pardon and humbly intreat a can-
did construction of this paper a coveringe of all the imperfections yr off:
This case, as is aboue hinted, is very momentous and therefore I intreat
you candidly to peruse what is s'd, if there bee little waight in it (as some
may thinke) it is satisfactory to me, that I haue offered it to yr considera-
tion, and yt I have in this great cause (before I goe hence and bee no more
wch I must shortly expect) giuen my testimony and declared my judgment
in this great concerne of Jesus Cht, To whome I commit all and yorselues
also desiring him to be to you as hee is in himselfe, the mighty counsel-
lor, King of Kings and Lord of Lords.
I remaine your most humble seruant
and His ma'ties most Loyal Subject,
Daniel Gookin, Sen'r.
Cambridge, February 14, 1680.
These for the Hon'rable Symon Bradstreet Esq. Gouernour, and
Thomas Danforth Esq. Deputy Gouernor, and the Rest of the Honored
PUBLIC APPROBATION 177
Gent, of the Committee of the Generall Court appointed to draw up and
prepare instructions for Agents to bee sent for England Sitting in Boston,
The emission of this paper not only won the day for the
contention of the radical party, but also gained for its author
a measure of public approbation that must have been pecu-
liarly sweet after the obloquy so unjustly visited upon him five
years before. The defender of the red men was now hailed
as the champion of the people. At the next General Election,
May II, 1681, he was made Major General, or commander-in-
chief of all the military forces of the colony. Thus did the
people manifest their respect and esteem, and their confidence
not alone in his judgement in civil matters, but in his capacity
as a commander. As he was already a magistrate, it was,
indeed, the highest honor within their power to confer, unless
they had elected him governor, which would have violated all
their traditions, the custom being to retain faithful public
servants in office as long as they were able and willing to
The five years during which Daniel Gookin held the posi-
tion of Major General was a time of ever-increasing distress
in the affairs of the colony, until finally these troubles culmi-
nated, in 1686, with the abrogation of the charter government
by James II. In the struggle with the crown, the active
leadership during this acute stage fell to Thomas Danforth,
but Daniel Gookin, despite his years and the multiplicity of
his employments, was his zealous and able second. Together
they fought Edward Randolph at every turn, incurring, as was
natural, the enmity of that infamous self-seeker, who, on May
29, 1682, wrote the Bishop of London:
"I think I have so clearly layd downe the matter of fact, sent over
their lavves and orders to confirme what I have wrote, that they cannot
deny them : However, if commanded, I will readily pass the seas to attend
at Whitehall, especially if Danford, Goggin, and Newell, magistrates,
and Cooke, Hutchinson and Fisher, members of their late General Court
and great opposers of the honest Governor and majestrates be sent for to
appeare before his Majesty; till which time this country will always be a
shame as well as inconveniency to the government at home."^
^Hutchinson's Coll., p. 499.
178 THE CHARTER ABROGATED
King James, however, was too closely occupied with more
important things to heed this suggestion. Danforth and
Gookin maintained their attitude resolutely to the end; and
though at last they were overborne, yet in the sequel, when
the colony was reduced to a position little better than slavery,
the validity of Daniel's arguments was made manifest.
Chief Justice Sewall's diary affords a glimpse of General
Gookin in the sorrowful days when the colony was deprived
of its charter.
"Satterday, May 15, 1686.
"Gov Hinkley, Major Richards, Mr Russell and Self sent to by Major
Dudley to come to Capt. Paige's where we saw the ExempHfication of
the Judgement against the Charter . . . before we returned, the Magis-
trates were gone to the Governour's and from thence they adjourned till
Monday one o'clock. Major Generall came home and dined with me."
Monday, May 17th, 1686.
"Generall Court sits at One aclock. I goe thither, about 3. The Old
Government draws to the North-side, Mr. Addington, Capt. Smith and I
sit at the Table, there not being room: Major Dudley the Praesident,
Major Pynchon, Capt. Gedney, Mr. Mason, Randolph, Capt. Winthrop,
Mr. Wharton came in on the Left, Mr. Stoughton I left out: Came
also Capt. King's Frigot, Gov' Hinkley, Gov"' West and sate on the Bench,
and the Room pretty well filled with Spectators in an instant.
" Major Dudley made a Speech, that was sorry could treat them no
longer as Governour and Company; Produced the Exemplification of the
Charter's Condemnation, the Commission under the Broad Seal of Eng-
land — both: Letter of the Lords, Commission of Admiralty, openly
exhibiting them to the People ; when had done, Deputy Governour said sup-
pos'd they expected not the Court's answer now; which the Praesident
took up and said they could not acknowledge them as such and could no
way capitulate with them, to which I think no Reply.
"When gone Major Generall, Major Richards, Mr. Russel and Self
spake our minds. I chose to say after the Major Generall adding that
the foundations being destroyed what can the Righteous do; speaking
against a Protest; which some spake for."
There was, indeed, nothing that could be done, and we
can easily picture to ourselves the grief and bitter feeling of
helplessness that then came over Daniel Gookin and his associ-
ates in the old government. The abrogation of the charter
was a blow that shattered the very foundation of their civil
rights, and with a Papist upon the throne of England the out-
look for the colony seemed dark and cheerless.
RS. MARY GOOKIN, Daniel's wife and his
faithful companion for almost forty-four years,
passed away on Saturday, October 27, 1683,'
leaving his home desolate. It is greatly to be
regretted by her descendants that no contem-
porary account of Mary has been handed down
to our time. All we can know of her is that she
was a pious, godly woman, and the worthy helpmeet of one of
the noblest and purest of men. The one mention of her that
Daniel makes in his writings shows her assisting him in min-
istering to the sick among the Natick Indians after their
release from Deer Island.^ She was the mother of all his
children, nine in number.
Samuel, the eldest, was born in England about 1640, and
died in infancy, in Virginia. Mary, the second child, was born
in Virginia about 1642, and on June 8, 1670, was married to
Edmund Batter of Salem, as his second wife. He died in
August, 1685, at the age of 76, and Mary survived him until
Elizabeth, the third child, was born in Roxbury, Mass.,
March 14, 1644/5. On May 23, 1666, she was married to Rev.
John Eliot, Jr., who died on October 11, 1668. By him she
had a son, John Eliot, who grew up in the household of his
grandfather Daniel Gookin, by whom he was greatly beloved.
>See "Diary of Rev. Noadiah Russell," N. Eng. Hist. Gen. Reg., 1853.
^ Supra, p. 159.
i8o GENERAL GOOKIN'S CHILDREN
Elizabeth remained a widow and lived with her father until
December 8, 1680, when she became the second wife of Col-
onel Edmund Quincy of Braintree. From her all the Quincys
in the United States descend. Colonel Quincy died January
8, 1697/8, and Elizabeth died on November 30, 1700.
The fourth child, Hannah, was baptized in Roxbury, May
9, 1647, and died there August 2 of the same year. Daniel,
the fifth child, was born in Cambridge, April 8, and died Sep-
tember 3, 1649.
Another son Daniel was born in Cambridge, July 12, 1650.
He was at first a fellow of Harvard College, but at the instance
of his father he entered the ministry, settled at Sherburne, and
engaged in the work of preaching to the Christian Indians at
Natick, which he began about the time of his marriage to
Elizabeth Quincy, daughter of Colonel Edmund Quincy by his
first wife, Joanna Hoar. This marriage took place on October
4, 1682. It was a great consolation to the Major General
during his last years that his eldest son, described by John
Eliot as "a. pious and learned young man,"i should devote his
life to the spiritual enlightenment of the savages. He contin-
ued in the work until physical infirmity and advancing years
compelled him to desist. On January 2, 1691, his wife Eliza-
beth died, and on July 21 of the following year he married
Bethiah, daughter of Richard and Thomazin Collacot, of
Dorchester. Daniel died in Sherburne, January 8, 1717/8;
Bethiah died in Dedham, December 12, 1729.
Daniel Gookin's seventh child, Samuel, was born in Cam-
bridge, April 22, 1652, and died there September 16, 1730.
He was Sheriff of Suffolk from 1691 until 1702 and afterward
for many years, until a short time before his death, he held the
same office in the county of Middlesex. His first wife and the
mother of his children was Mary(?Larkin). She died about
1707 and on September 28, 1708, he married Hannah, daughter
of Samuel and Hannah (Manning) Stearns, and widow of
Solomon, Daniel Gookin's eighth child, was born in Cam-
* Birch's Life of Robert Boyle, p. 444.
SECOND MARRIAGE i8i
bridge, June 20, and died July 16, 1654. Nathaniel, the young-
est of the nine, was born in Cambridge October 22, 1656. He
was a man of fine ability and was greatly mourned when he
died, on August 7, 1692, in his thirty-sixth year. He was then
the beloved pastor of the First Church in Cambridge. His
wife, whom he married August 3, 1685, was Hannah, daughter
of his step-mother by her first husband, Habijah Savage.
After his wife's death Daniel's household consisted of only
himself, his son Nathaniel, then beginning the second year of
his pastorate of the First Church in Cambridge, and his six-
teen-year-old grandson, John Eliot. About a year later Dan-
iel married again, taking as a helpmeet in his old age, Mrs.
Hannah Savage,^ daughter of Edward and Mary (Sears)
Tyng, and widow of Habijah Savage. The date of this mar-
riage does not appear to have been recorded. It was, however,
prior to April 10, 1685, on which day Daniel and Hannah,
in consideration of the sum of ^^95 New England money,
conveyed to Major John Child, of London, a farm at Pom-
pasettacutt that had been granted to Daniel by the General
Hannah, who was born March 7, 1640, was married to her
first husband. May 8, 1661. He died before May 24, 1669,
leaving her with three^ young children to bring up. When
she married General Gookin, her son Thomas was aged
twenty, and her twin daughters, Hannah and Mary, were sev-
enteen. Both of the daughters, and probably the son also,
joined Daniel Gookin's family circle when he became their step-
father, and it cannot be doubted that the presence of the young
people in the house helped much to cheer his life during the
two years that yet remained to him. Pleasant, too, he must
have found it, to watch the growth of the attachment which
sprang up between his son Nathaniel and his step-daughter
Hannah, and was soon followed by their marriage.
Notwithstanding his seventy-two years Daniel was still hale
and hearty. His zeal in the Indian work showed no sign of
^This alliance made Daniel brother-in-law to Daniel Searle, Rev. Samuel Wil-
lard, and Gov. Joseph Dudley, the husbands of Hannah's sisters.
■^Possibly four; one, the eldest, died young, but the date is not known.
1 82 A FALSE ACCUSATION
flagging, though it was carried on under great discouragements.
Professions of Interest were made by many, yet Eliot wrote to
Boyle that Major Gookin was his "only cordial assistant."
In another letter he speaks of him as "a pillar in our Indian
work." The majority of the people were apathetic. Illegal
seizures of property of the Indians were not uncommon and
caused Daniel much trouble and annoyance. But the most
frequent obstruction came from violations of the law forbid-
ding the sale of liquor to the red men, under severe penalty.
A typical case is related by Daniel In a deposition made by him
in December, 1681.
"I wel remember That upon the 12'^ of May last in that morning
John Hastings Constable of Cambridge brought from the prison before
me two Indians one called Job Nesutan & the other John Chosumphs:
whome hee had (w*** others) Taken drunke in the street the night before.
These Indians beeing questioned where they had the drink y' made y™
drunk they would not confesse where they had the drink, so I passed a
sentence upon them according to law & comitted them to prison until! it
was performed : After this either the same day or y* next day some of
my family informed mee y* they heard y* Job the Indian in prison had
informed the prison keeper that my son Samuel Gookin had let him have
two pence in drinke w'^'' made him drunk; whereupon I sent for my son
Samuel & told him what I heard Job had said of him about his selling or
giving him drinke. But my son answered that it was a false accusation
for hee had not any strong drink in his house, whereupon I bid him
goe to the prison keeper & bid him come & bring Job before me to
accuse my sonne to his face that hee might cleare himself if need were as
the law allowes: But as I afterwards understood Samuel Goffe interposed
& quarreled with my son & kept the indian from coming before me w"*"
was an obstruction of Justice & contempt of Authority: And about the
same time another indian called John Pachanaharm hearing y*^Job had
accused my sonn hee came before me & told me that he knew where Job
& the other Indians had the drinke that made y" Drunke, for hee was
with them & they drunk as much cider as they desired at 3** a quart w"^
they had at Sam. Goffes house: & therupon hee s*^ if I would p'rmit him
hee would goe presently & fetch cider there w"'' accordingly hee did in
the sight of two English witnesses, hee carried w**" him an empty bottle
unto Sam Goff's house & brought it forth full of cider. So the English
men seased upon him and brought both the indian & cider Before me &
y° I took the Indians testimony of y* former matters. Morou' I know y*
Sam Goffe Lent Job the Indian money to Redeeme him out of prison, as
the Jaylor wel knowes, & moreu' I have good ground to Beeleve by infor-
mation of the Indians that Samuel Goffe persuaded Job to accuse my
SOLICITUDE FOR INDIAN CHARGES 183
son: thereby to blemish My sonne & to conceale his owne guih in selling
the indians cider: further in this case I say not.
Sworn in Court J. R. C. DANIEL GOOKIN
20: 10: 81
Aggression by white settlers caused General Gookin to
write two letters a few years later, which reflect his constant
solicitude for the welfare of his Indian charges.
DANIEL GOOKIN TO WILLIAM STOUGHTON AND JOSEPH
Gentelmen. Cambridge, June 9"' 1684
I understand that some indians are to Appeare before you this day,
to claime title, by young Josias, of some land, belonging to the Township
of Naticke, w'^'' ensigne Grout of Sudbury doth as I conceue, most wrong-
fuly & indirectly endeavor to Beareve the Natick Indians of it. I intreat
you to bee very slow to make any conclusion upon it; or give yo' sense
of it untill you shall haue opertuny to know the Intrigues in the case,
w'^'" canot bee discoured to you in a few lines. Tis most certene y' Josias
Ancesters both father & grandfather haue yelded up all y'' right to y*
English of these land & besides M' Eliot paid to the old Indians a just
compensation for all their Natural Right & gave it for a Township for y®
Indians of Naticke. The Gen" Court has also granted y" Indians of y*
place the tract of land, as also ye Township haue againe & they haue
possest it by y® law of possessions & their hath beene a title cried in
Charles towne court 2 years since betwen Es. Grout & Natick indians
for y® individul piece of land & the Indians recoured the land & the
Marshal General deleured it to y" by execution & Grout paid all costs,
yet is hee restles & would now (as I heare) by a Title from Josias and
giue y" new trouble. Many things might be s'' more to shew y* unworthy
dealing of F. Groutt in this matter. And y' probably will appeare in
due time; I haue no more to Trouble you at this time beeing in hast,
W*** my due respects & seruice p'sented I remaine
Yo' assured friend & humble Seruant
Daniel Gookin Sen'
The second letter is without date, but was probably written
about the same time as the preceding one.
DANIEL GOOKIN TO JOSEPH DUDLEY, PRESIDENT OF THE
The Indians Belonging to Hassanamesit who are Beare[r]s herof doe
complaine to mee (but I haue noe power to Releeue them) that one
^ Now in possession of Charles B. Gookin, of Boston.
i84 LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH
Edward Pratt a pretended purchaser from John Wompas deceased, Hath
lately Actually built a house within their township of 4 miles square &
very neare unto their orchards & planting fields : at w'^'' they are agreued
& when they aske him the Reason of his actions hee saith y* hee hath
frends lately com ov' & in power y* wil beare him out in it. Besides as
I am informed this fellow sells the indians strong liquors. He is as I
ap'^hend rather to bee reputed a disorderly wandering Rouge than a sober
p'son, hee is a single man Sc hath neither wife nor child. These are
Humbly to intreat you to direct y* Indians what shal be done in the case
& please to send a warrant for said Pratt & here his p'^tensions for his
doings & proceed w**" him as you shal see meet in y'' wisdome; If it
were in my power or limetts I should not giue y"' bono' this trouble.
Also these Indians desire they may be furnished with some powder &
shott to defend them from the M aquas, w'=^ they are in dayley feare of & are
at present Remoued to Mendon but intend as soon as they get some
powder & shot & a little corn they intend to returne to their fort at
Hassanameset. If yo^ please to order y" to receue 6"" of powder & shott
equivalent it may suffice. So w*'' my humble seruice p''sented
The summer of 1686 found Daniel still able to take the
long horseback ride of twenty miles or so to Natick to look
after his Indian charges and to hear his son Daniel preach to
them. Sewall records attending the lecture there on Septem-
ber I and says he ''came home accompanied by Major Gookin
and his son Sam. till the way parted."
The next spring Daniel was stricken with his last illness.
By March 18 the end was near at hand. Sewall wrote in his
diary: *'I go to Charlestown Lecture, and then with Capt.
Hutchinson to see dying Major Gookin. He speaks to us."
And then on the next day: "March 19 1686/7, Satterday,
about 5 or 6 in the morn, Major Daniel Gookin dies, a right
His last days were saddened by the tribulations that had
befallen the colony with the loss of the charter. Though the
greater power lay with the other side in the long controversy,
yet he had the satisfaction of having done all that was possible
for any one to do to avert the catastrophe, and his conscience
ELIOT'S LETTER TO BOYLE 185
The funeral was held on Tuesday, March 22, when his
remains were placed in the burying ground of the First
Church, opposite the gate to Harvard College. The grave is
marked by a brick monument covered with a fiat slab of
brown sandstone bearing the inscription:
Here lyeth intered
y« body of Major Gen"^
DANIEL GOOKINS aged
75 yeares, who
departed this life
yM9 of March
For one in his station in life Daniel Gookin was possessed
of small means, yet he was never so poor that he could not live
as became a gentleman, though simply and frugally as did
most of those by whom he was surrounded. In his later years
his estate was considerably diminished. The income derived
from his public employments was inadequate, and he had lit-
tle time to augment it otherwise. Gradually the lands granted
him by the General Court, as well as those in Virginia and
Maryland, had to be sold. Still he was far from being so near
to poverty as has been assumed from the language used by
John Eliot in a letter to Robert Boyle, written more than a
year after Daniel's death.
JOHN ELIOT TO ROBERT BOYLE ^
Roxbury, July 7, 1688.
Right honourable, deep learned, abundantly charitable, and constant nurs-
I am drawing home, and am glad of an opportunity to take my leave
of your honour with all thankfulness. Sir, many years since you pleased
to commit 30/. into my hand, upon a design for the promoting Christ his
kingdom among the Indians ; which gift of yours I have religiously kept,
waiting an opportunity so to improve it; but God hath not pleased yet
^Printed in Birch's Life of Boyle, p. 448, also in Suffolk Co. Probate, ii, 75.
i86 GENERAL GOOKIN'S WILL
to open such a door. I am old, and desire to finish that matter, and take
the boldness to request your honour, that it may be thus disposed of. It
being in the hand of major Gookin's relict widow, and he died poor, though
full of good works, and greatly beneficent to the Indians, and bewailed by
them to this day; therefore let his widow have lo/. his eldest son, who
holds up a lecture among the Indians and English lo/. and the third lo/.
give it to Mr. John Cotton, who helped me much in the second edition
of the bible. . . .
It would appear that the gift solicited by Eliot was asked
more in recognition of Daniel's services than because of the
urgency of Mrs. Gookin's need. Daniel's will shows that he
left her sufficiently provided for, and that his estate, despite its
smallness, was not much below the average size of gentlemen's
estates in New England at that period. The will is of interest
also for the full and clear confession which it gives of the
essentials of the faith of that time.
"The will & Testament of Daniell Gookin, Senior, Liveing at Cam-
bridg in New England, made & don this ij**" day of Aug' 1685, Being
threw the grace of God at y" present writing hereof, of a perfect under-
standing & of a sound mind", altho. under sum bodily Infirmitye at present,
& Considering allso that I am through God's favour arived to neare sev-
enty three years of aige, & Expecting Dayly when my Chang will come, I
think it my Dutye Incombent upon me. To Set my house in order & to
Dispose of that small Estate (mutch more than I deserve) which God hath
committed to my stuardship, for the prevencion of any Difference among
my Relations after my decease.
In the first place, I commit my Imortall soule, and the concernes
thereof into the everlasting armes of the Infinite & Eternall God, the
father, the son, & the holy goust, three persons, yet but one Essence, the
only liveing & the trew God; I Rely only upon the free grace of God for
my Eternal salvation, through the merritts, satisfaction and Rightiousness
of Jesus Christ, the only begotten sonn of the father full of grace and
truth, being also Equal w**" the father and holy spirrit, one god, blessed for
ever, who for us men, and our salvation, in fulness of tyme, came from
heaven, & took upon him the nature of man, being born of the blessed
Virgin Mary, was Conceived by y" holy Ghoust, and he is god-man in
one person, and is the greate Mediator between god & man, & ever lives
at the Right hand of God, in the Eternall heavens, makeing Continual
Intercession for all the Elect, for whom he shed his precious blood to
Redeem them from sin & y® wrath of god, w'^'' work of Redemption,
performed fully by him is Accepted by god, and I believe that his Right-
iousness, satisfaction, and merritts Imputed to me by faith, & my sinns
GENERAL GOOKIN'S WILL 187
and transgressions, being of god's free grace Imputed to him, I have good
hope, through grace, that I am justified and adopted, & my sinns par-
doned, and in some measure begun to be sanctified by the holy goust, &
that after my Death & Resorection, be perfectly glorified in the full
Injoyment of God to all Eternity, for my body w'^'' though naturally
fraile and Corrupt, yet through Grace, is made a temple of the holy
goust, and therefore my will is that it may be Deacently Interred in the
Earth in Cambridge burying place neare the dust of my wife, but I desire
noe ostentation or much cost, to be expended at my funerall because it is
a tyme of greate tribulacon^ & my Estate but little & weake.
Secondly, touching my outward Estate I dispose of it as follows.
To my Dearely beloved wife Hannah, I give & bequeath to her all that
Estate reall and personal that she was possessed of before her marriage w'*"
mee. Also 1 give unto her for terme of her life my Dwelling house,
barne and out houses, orchard & gardens appertaining to it, & the use of
three commons belonging to it for wood and pasturage (my house lyes
adjoining to the back lane in Cambridge) to have & to hold y" premises
for her use & benefit dureing her Naturall Life, provided she Endeavor
to keepe both houses & fences in Repair. Again I give unto my wife
one Cow or the red heifer w**" a white face. Also I give her one brown
ambling mare. I give to her my second bible, also I give & bequeath to
her for ever a peece of plate either a Cupp or Tankard to be made new
for her marked ^i. Also I give her the use of a feather bed & furniture
dureing her life, but after her Death to be delivered as hereafter shall bee
expressed. Moreover I give her the use of all the tables, cupboards, chairs
& stoles or other necessary household stuff that she desires for her use
while she abides in the house, to the vallue of tenn pounds.
To my sonn Daniel Gookin I give my silver Tankard, my bigest
Carbine w"*" he hath Received already, my best bed & bolster, blew Rugg
and two blanketts & the blew curtaines & vallines belonging to it, w**" the
straw bed under it. Also to him I give my Death's head Ring of gold
w"*" 1 ware on my finger, and halfe my wareing apparell of all sorts w**"
my best hatt, all to be delivered to him or in case of his death before mee,
to his wife & sonn Daniell three monthes after my Death. Also I give
to him my Curtelax^ & a silver spoone to his sonn Daniell.
Unto my sonn Samuell & his children for ever I give & bequeath the
Dwelling house, barne, outhouses and yard, gardens & orchards where he
now Dwelleth & all to it belonging w**" two Commons, and although I
changed this house &c w"" him for that W*" I now Live in unto w'^'' house
he built addition & barne yet forasmuch as he never had from me any
^When this was written judgment had been entered against the Charter, by
legal process, the Freemen having on January 23, 1684, voted nemine contradicente,
not to accede to the demand of its "full submission and entire resignation" to
Charles II. And to make matters worse, Charles had died in February, 1685, and
had been succeeded by a papist.
^A broad, curved sword, used by cavalrymen.
1 88 GENERAL GOOKIN'S WILL
assurance or convayance thereof so had no Legall Right to that house
therefore I thought it Expedient to bequeath this to him in my will that
he may have as full & Legall assurance thereof as if 1 had given him a
deed, and I order y' all y^ writeings, and Deeds y* I had of M' Collins for
y* said house Si. Land be Delivered my sonn Samuell. Moreover I give
unto my sonn Samuell my Rapier and my buff belt w"" silver buckles, my
pistols and holsters, my fowling peece, and one silver wine cupp and the
other halfe of my apparell, & to his three children each of them a silver
Unto my sonn Nathaniell Gookin my house where I live, w**" y* barns
and outhouses thereunto belonging w"" all y® orchard & gardens appertain-
ing, w**" three cow commons and what belongs to them, I give & bequeath
to my son Nathaniel & his Heires forever to be possessed & enjoyed by
him after my wife's decease, unto whom I have given the premises dureing
Life as is above expressed, but in case my son Nath: should dye w^'^out
children and before his present wife Hannah, then my will is that the said
houses and appurtenances be for her use Dureing her Life, and after her
decease to be for him or them unto whome my son Nath'' shall dispose
of them provided it be to some of his Relations by blood. Also I give
and bequeath to my said Sonn Nath" my silver cupp called y* French
cupp, and y* biggest of y* two other silver cupps, and a silver wine cupp.
I mention no bed and furniture here because I gave him that at his
marriage. Also I give him my blew couch unless sonn Daniel Desire it,
being sutable to his bed, but if Daniel have it, he must allow Nath the full
valine of it. Also to my sonn Nath" I give my smallest carbine and a
gold ring w'^'' I weare on my finger, and to him I give a flock bedstead &
appurtenances, & a brass candlestick w"" 2 lights to bee taken in peeces.
Unto my Daughter Batter I give a silver salt seller & another silver
cupp the lesser of the two, the bigest beeing already given to her brother
Nath'. Also I give her after my wife's death, or to her children to whom
she shall give it, a feather bed, bolster & furniture disposed to my wife for
Also I give to Daughter Elizabeth one gold ring of ten shillings valine,
and to each of her children a silver spoon. I mention no more plate bed-
ding or other things because 1 gave her such things at her first marriage
and besides have not been wanting to her haveing helped to breed up her
son John Elliot for 1 7 yeares at my house & y" Colledge.
I give to m"^ Hezekiah Usher and his wife, my good ffriends, to each
a gold ring of ten shillings price.
I give to son Quincy a gold ring of ten shillings valine.
All the rest of my Estate, Reall & personall after just debts &
funerall expences are paid are to be equally divided into six parts, two
parts whereof I give to my Eldest sonn Daniell & his children provided
y' what he received already at his marriage, viz, a feather bed & furniture,
a copper kittle, a greate brass pott, a good Cow, nine sheep & some Linen
GENERAL GOOKIN'S WILL 189
& other things w"** I vallue at ten pounds be Receaved as a part of his
double portion besides y^ particular Legacies above. Unto my sonn
Sam" Gookin & his wife & children I give one sixth part, only he must
recon to have Received in his house and land, a bed. Rug & some other
things, about twenty pounds in part of his portion besides y" Legacies
above. Unto my son Nathaniell Gookin I give one sixth part accompt-
ing he hath already received a bed & furniture some Linen a jack and
Dishes, besides his Legacies above about five pounds. Unto my Daugh-
ter Batter, or in case of her Death to her children equally to be divided I
give one sixth part. Unto John Elliott my Grandchild I give one sixth
part: the Reason of this bequest and not to my other Grandchildren is
w*** Respect to a benefit received from his Grandfather Elliott w"^ he
ordered me to give to John of a greater value than this sixth part.
Lastly I do hereby appoint and ordain my Deare wife Hannah and my
three sonns Daniell, Sam" & Nath' my Executo" unto this my will & tes-
tament. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seale the
day and yeare above written.
Postscript. Whereas I have given several] particular peeces of silver
plate to my Children as is above Expressed according to y" Desire of y'
mother Deceased, but forasmuch as 1 have necessary occasion to borrow
of my sonn Dan" Gookin the sum of twenty five pounds in money for
woh J ingadged by a note under my hand, most of my plate for his Secur-
ity, but since haveing paid him fifteen pounds of that debt and there remains
only tenn pounds due to him w'''' I order my Executo" to pay him in
money, otherwaise each one of the Legatees of the plate whereof himselfe
is one, to pay their proportion of that ten pounds according to the vallue
of y" plate given them. Moreover my will is that my Deare wife Remain
possessed of the silver cupp called the fFrench cupp given in this will to
sonn Nath. untill the Executors get her a silver cupp or Tankard made
and given her according to my will above Expressed. Item I give to my
wife's sonn Thomas, one Gold Ring of ten shillings price & to Daughter
Hannah Gookin and to Daughter Mary Savage my wife's two Daughters,
I give to Each of them a Gold Ring, vallue tenn shillings Each Ring.
Signed sealed & Delivered in presence of us, Sam" Andrew Sen',
Daniel Gookin Sen'
In my accompt book Intitled Ledger N° 1650 ffoll. 112 is Expressed
an accompt of my whole Estate D"" & C' according as I could Rove at it
besides the particular Legacies given to my Dear wife and children in
How long Daniel Gookin occupied the house on Holyoke
street, where he lived during the earlier years of his residence
I90 THE CAMBRIDGE HOMESTEAD
in Cambridge, can only be conjectured. The probability-
would seem to be that the house which was afterward his home
was built by him in or about the year 1671. It was situated
on what is now generally known in Cambridge as the "Win-
throp Estate," on the southerly side of Arrow street ^ at the
easterly angle of Bow street. The grounds extended back to
the Charles River. On August 14, 1671, Daniel mortgaged
the dwelling, styled by him as "my mansion house" which,
together with the "barne, yards, orchard and gardens adjoyn-
ing & belonging thereto, by estimation two acres more or less,
twenty acres of land on the south side of Charles River and
all other outlands, commons & wood lots in Cambridge," as
security for a loan of j[ioo sterling obtained from Mary
Sprague, widow, of Charlestown.^ Not unlikely the proceeds
of this loan and the sum he received for a part of the Shaw-
shin farm, conveyed to Robert Thompson only two days
later,3 were used to pay for building the house. Presumably
it was a somewhat pretentious structure for the time and place.
Together with the outbuildings and gardens it was appraised
in the inventory of Daniel's estate, at ^140. The language of
the will indicates that for a time this house was occupied by
his son Samuel. In all probability this was during the period
between the death of his first wife and his marriage to Mrs.
The entire estate was inventoried at 323/. 3J. 11^. Included
in this total were 120 acres of land at Marlborough, 80/., 236
acres at Worcester, 10/., 50 acres near Concord, 7/., and "one
Mrs. Hannah Gookin, Daniel's widow, survived him little
more than a year. She died October 29, i688,'» and two days
later her remains were laid beside those of her husband in
Cambridge burying ground. Sewall tells how on Oct. 31 he
"went to the Funeral of Mrs. Gookin: Bearers, Mr. Dan-
1 Formerly called the Back Lane.
2 This loan was not released until April 5, 1684. It was then held by the estate
of John Hull, deceased.
^ Middlesex Deeds, xxii, 3 16.
^This is the date given upon her tombstone. The town records give It Octo-
MRS. HANNAH GOOKIN'S FUNERAL 191
forth, Mr. Russell, Sewall and Hutchinson, Eliakim, Mr. James
Taylor and Mr. Edw. Bromfield. Note. The Tide was over
the causey,! and Mrs. Willard, whom Mr. Pain carried, fell
into the water, so that she was fain to goe to Bed presently in
stead of going to the Grave, the Horse verg'd to the right till
fell into the Ditch. Mr. Hutchinson's Coach-Horses also
^The causeway leading to Boston.
LTRUISM is of all the virtues the most diffi-
cult to acquire and practice. It is also the hardest
for the selfish multitude to fathom. Theoretic-
ally they applaud: actually they are apt to look
askance, — the motive being beyond their ability
to appreciate. The brute who rides rough shod
over his fellows, rudely trampling them under
foot in the pursuit of his pleasure or ambition, is accorded a
more prominent place in the temple of fame than the philan-
thropist whose deeds, though less conspicuous, are more truly
heroic. Had Daniel Gookin's talents been devoted to his
own advancement, he might be better known to the world at
large. Instead he chose the nobler part and his reputation is
less wide than deservedly it should be.
By the principal men among his contemporaries in the
colony he was held in the highest respect and esteem. Rev.
John Eliot addressed him as "worshipful and honoured Sir."
To Rev. Thomas Mayhew he was "much honoured Captain
Gookin," and his "worthy friend." Richard Bourne called
him "his much esteemed friend." These were not merely the
current forms of the day; they went beyond the requirements
of courtesy and indicate the personal feeling of the writers.
The truth is, that in whatever aspect the life and character
of Daniel Gookin be regarded, he stands the test of the most
rigid scrutiny. Close study only serves to bring the inherent
nobility of the man into greater relief. His mind was that of
ESTIMATE OF CHARACTER 193
a statesman. The public documents prepared by him attest
his sagacity and skill, the breadth of his outlook, and his
understanding of his fellow men. In all that he said and did
the calm certainty of his judgement is a salient trait. Yet,
though never vacillating, he was never rash: his utterances
have the air of one open to conviction. Logical in argument,
he was singularly dispassionate, and even where his feelings
were most deeply engaged it was not his way to suppress
aught that might make for an opposing view. His vindication
of the Christian Indians is far from being a one-sided plea.
Intent upon showing how pitiable were the sufferings of his
wards, he was yet more intent upon telling the truth without
diminution or enlargement. Because the shortcomings of the
red men are not glossed over, the pathetic recital becomes
an irresistible argument. And through it the personality of
the author shines forth in the clear light of unconscious self-
This careful avoidance of overstatement marks all of
Daniel Gookin's writings. His "wilderness style," as he called
it, is in marked contrast to the rambling and overloaded
phraseology of his day. What he had to say was set down in
a simple and direct manner. His concern was with the sub-
stance of his remarks rather than with their form. Yet he
was appreciative of the graces of diction, as his self-deprecatory
phrases bear witness. And as to his fondness for literature
we have the testimony of John Dunton, who wrote: "Those
Bookish Gentlemen & Ladies who contributed so much to my
well being and with whom I spent some of the most agree-
able minutes of my whole life, those noble friends that I would
here characterize are Christopher Usher Esq., Major Dudley,
Major Gookins, and others/' in America. ^
From the inflexible firmness with which Daniel stood for
every specific right of the colonists he has been called "the
originator and prophet of that immortal dogma of our national
greatness — no taxation without representation." 2 Though the
phrase was not formulated until long after his time, and the
'John Dunton's Life and Errors, p. 355.
* Moses Coit Tyler, Hist. Am. Lit., i, 154.
194 HARSH TREATMENT OF QUAKERS
principle was "substantially established" in English constitu-
tional history as long ago as the year 1297 by the declaration
De Tallagio non concedendo, confirmed in 1628 by the Petition
of Right,^ it was Daniel Gookin who, by his cogent arguments
and fearless resistance to any encroachment upon political or
commercial liberty did more than any other to crystallize the
spirit of opposition that in later years found expression in the
well-known words. To this extent, at least, he may not inaptly
be credited with the authorship of the doctrine that is the cor-
ner-stone of democratic government.
To say that Daniel Gookin had his faults and weaknesses
is only to assert that he was human. Yet so far were they out-
weighed by his virtues, that in the perspective of more than
two centuries it is difficult to discern them. Bigoted in his
religious views he undoubtedly was. And in his treatment of
the Quakers he may perhaps have justified some of their cen-
sure. George Bishop paid his compliments to him in his book
entitled "New England judged by the Spirit of the Lord."
One Elizabeth Hooton (or Horton) having gone through the
streets of Cambridge "crying Repentance through some part
of that town, where no Friend had been before (as she heard of)
she was there laid hold of by a blood-thirsty crew, and early in
the morning had before Thomas Danfort and Daniel Goggings
(two wicked and bloody magistrates of yours, of whom I have
elsewhere spoken, and their wickedness), who committed her,
and whose jaylor thrust her into a noisome, stinking dungeon,
where there was nothing to lie down or sit on, and kept there
two days and two nights, without helping her to bread or water;
and because one Benanuel Bower (a tender Friend) brought her
a little milk in this her great distress, wherein she was liked to
have perished, they cast him into prison for entertaining a
stranger, and fined him five pounds. 2 . . . They ordered her
to be sent out of their coasts towards Rhode Island, and to be
whipped at three towns, ten stripes at each by the way."^
'Hugh Chisholm. Article on "Representation" in Enc. Brit., nth Ed.
*New England judged, etc., p. 414.
'Ibid., p. 415. According to Sewall in his History of the Quakers, p. 327, this
took place in 1662.
A JUST JUDGE 195
Returning to Cambridge she was again imprisoned, and was
whipped there and at two other towns, as before. "This was
the entertainment they received at Cambridge (their Univer-
sity of Wickedness), and from Thomas Danfort and Daniel
Goggin, magistrates, who (viz. Goggin) desired his brother
Hathorne to send some Qualcers that way, that he might see
them lashed, as is mentioned elsewhere in this treatise. "'
The extravagant railing of this fanatic can hardly be taken
literally. Still, when all allowance is made, there can be no
doubt that the punishment inflicted was barbarous. But we
should not measure it by the standards of to-day. Attempts
to subvert the religious faith of the people were then regarded
as fully justifying the cruel punishment fixed by the law. This
law it was Daniel Gookin's duty to enforce. That while doing
so his heart may have bled for the offender is a reasonable
inference from his words and acts. As a judge he was just,
uncompromising and even inexorable; yet he believed in tem-
pering justice with mercy; "'tis not my work to judge men's
hearts," he wrote; "that belongs to God." In his relation with
Indians and English alike, he let it be seen plainly that firm-
ness and kindness were not incompatible. An instance of his
tenderness of heart is revealed by his effort to reclaim his for-
mer slave Silvanus Warro from Captain Jonathan Wade.
In the case of Gookin vs. Wade,^ "William Park aged 75
years Testifieth that when Silvanus Warro was in Jaileat Bos-
ton under the County Courts sentence to be sold for satisfac-
tion of sd Court's sentence to pay twenty pounds to mee this
deponent and for maintenance of his bastard child, s*^ negro
not being able to make any satisfaction, I did advise with the
Worsh" Majo"" Gookin what to Do with him, who Counselled
me to send him to Virginia, and told me he would provide one
that would carry him and put him off for me, but afterwards
Mr. Wade presenting to buy him, I acquainted y" sd Majo"-
Gookin with it and he did freely consent to it rather than he
should be ship^ off, and too my best remembrance went with
me to the Jaile & advised sd Negro to be content to live with
^New England judged, p. 418.
* Middlesex Court files, 1682, Dec.
196 THE CASE OF SILVANUS WARROW
Mr. Wade for else he must be sold out of y^ Country to satisfy
the Court's sentence; and further told him that he might fall
in with Mr. Wade's Negro Wench and live well, upon which
advise with the Court order I this deponent made sale of s<^
Negro and further saith not."
19: 10: 1682
Looking toward his release, the negro had thus bound
"These p''sents witnesseth that I Silvanus Warro negro, in love &
duty to my master Daniel Gookin Esq. in whose house I was borne, Bred
& educated, & my parents Jacob & Maria Warrow ^ were his servants &
vassals; I doe herby freely and voluntary Covenant, agree &: obleidge my
selfe, faithfully diligently & truly to serve & obey him the said Daniell
Gookin ; & his children as he shall please to appoint for the whole term
of my Natural life, hee or they beeing to provide mee, meat drinke, lodging
& apperel, or a sertene some of money by apris" yearly as may be agreed,
& to take care of mee in sickness & in health as Christian duty requires.
In witness hereof I the said Silvanus Warrow have to this covenant put
my hand & seale the S**" day of November 1682."
Major General Gookin, in his plea, closes thus:
" Neither Deacon Parker, nor Capt. Wade are wronged By my
endeavo" to recover my negro out of this Bondage to them or either of
them. If any have right to him tis myself who Bred him from a child &
his parents were my vassals & his Brother is now my servant & this
poore negro now in his old age is willing & desirous to end his days in
my service & my childrens as covenant shews; although now he be old
& soe myne cannot expect any great p'fit by him, yet I cannot withdraw
my naturall affection to him & to provide for him while he lives & so
much y" rather I doe this Because his father was a Godly man & this
negro died in my service, in the Glorious Name of The Father, Son &
Holy Ghost named upon him in Baptisme.
"I leave all I have said w''' the Honored Court & jury desiring their
tenderness & Justice in this case & do remaine
Camb, 19*'' of December 1682.
As to the outward appearance of "this grand old American
patriarch and sage," as Daniel has been aptly called,^ a little
^They were killed by Indians, at Daniel's Maryland plantation. See supra, p. 76.
^Moses Coit Tyler, Hist. Am. Lit., i, 154.
CONTROVERSY WITH CALEB GRANT 197
may perhaps be inferred from the records of a controversy he
had with one Caleb Grant. The following warrant is preserved
in the Middlesex Court files:
' To the Constable of Cambridge or his Deputy.
You are hereby required in his Majesty's name to attach the goods or
in want thereof the person of Major Daniel Gookin of Cambridge and
take bond of him to the value of twenty pounds with sufficient surety or
sureties, for his appearance at the next County Court holden at Charles-
town the 19"" day of December next then and there to answer the com-
plaint of Caleb Grant of Watertown in an action of defamation for charging
him for stealing of his horse and for pulling of him by the hair and neck-
cloth and punching him with his staff and all this in the King's highway,
and shaking his staff over his head and saying "Sirrah, get you out of the
highway," and coming back again several rods to the said Caleb Grant
with many threatening words, saying "I have had better men than you or
your father to wipe my shoes;" and for all due damages.
Hereof you are to make a true return under your hand.
Dated this 27th of November 1676
By the Court
Endorsed : " I have attached the person of Major Danyell Gookin and
taken bond of him to answer according to the tenor of this attachment.
Andrew Bordman, Const.
29: 9: 1676
The same files yield a record of the testimony at the hear-
ing of the case a month later:
"John Johnson aged about 39 years doth say that sometime in Novem-
ber last near to Mr. Danforth's house he saw Major Gookin with sundry
others among whom was Caleb Grant and some of his brothers and at a
distance I saw Major Gookin hold up his staff over the head of Caleb
Grant and lay his hand on his shoulder but saw no blow given nor heard
"Major Gookin doth confess this testimony, he being greatly abused.
The verdict of the jury follows:
" In the case between Caleb Grant, plaintive and Major Gookin defend-
ant, wee find for the defendant cost of Court."
This view of Daniel standing in the highway seems to
imply that he was a tall, muscular man, and despite his sixty-
198 JUSTICE SEWALL'S DREAM
four years, more than a match for Caleb Grant and his broth-
ers. One more word picture of Daniel, as slight and intangible
as the other, is given by Chief Justice Sewall in his diary.
Sabbath, Dec. 30'" 1688
Last night I dreamed of military matters, Arms and Captains, and of
a suddain. Major Gookin, very well clad from head to foot, and of a very
fresh, lively countenance — his Coat and Breeches of blood-red silk,
beckened me out of the room where I was to speak to him. I think
'twas from the Town-house."
The calls of duty and of friendship never found Daniel
Gookin wanting. In all the relations of life he was ever stead-
fast, great-hearted, scrupulously upright, high-minded and self-
sacrificing. He was indeed, as Chief Justice Sewall said, " a right
Addington, Mr., 178.
Addison, John, 67.
Addison, Thomas, 48, 61, 62.
Andrew, Samuel, 166, 189.
Andros, Sir Edmond, 165.
Angier, Edmund, 80.
Apuldrefield, Agnes, 9.
Ardearne, Alice, 9.
Ardearne, Richard, 9.
Armestronge , 47
Ashhurst, Alice, 9.
Atherton, Humphrey, 128.
Bate, Thomas of Gill Abbey, 54, 55.
Beare, Lieut., 167.
Batter, Edmund, 179.
Beede, Thomas, 67.
Belcher, Andrew, 166.
Belcher, Elizabeth, 153.
Bellewes, the two, 51.
Bennett, Richard, signs Nansemond peti-
Bennett, Philip, Commissioner for Upper
Norfolk, 65 ; carries Nansemond peti-
tion to Boston, 68.
Bennett, Robert, 65.
Berk, Mr., 32.
Berkeley, Sir William, Knt.,65, 66; treat-
ment of Puritan ministers by, 68.
Bernard, Robert, 67.
Bird, see Byrd.
Birde, Elizabeth, 20.
Biscoe, Thomas, 180.
Bishop, George, 194.
Blacke, Sybbell, widow, 6, 9.
Blank, Roger, 62.
Boardman, Andrew, 197.
Bond, William, 169.
Booth, William, 55.
Bourne, Richard, 192.
Bower, Benanuel, 194.
Bowes, Cordelia, 24.
Bowes, Martin, of London, 24.
Boyle, Richard, see Cork.
Boyle, Robert, letters to, 119, 149, 165,
Box, Benjamin, 62.
Box, John, 62.
Bradford, William, 74.
Bradstreet, Simon, 74, 82, 172.
Brewster, William, 74.
Brickhed, Mr., 32.
Bright, John, 67.
Brocas, Capt. William, 65.
Bromfield, Edward, 191.
Brooke, f^lizabeth, 67.
Brown, Thomas, 167.
Brown, William, 172.
Browne, Richard, 67.
Browne, Thomas, 62.
Buckland, John, 62.
Bullock, Hugh, of London, 56.
Bullock, William, 56.
Bullock, Elizabeth, 56.
Bullock, Robert, 56.
Bullock, Frances, 56.
Burbage, Capt. Thomas, 65, 75.
Burdett, Robert, iii.
Burly machies, Mr., 51.
Burden, John, 62.
Burdon, Edward, 62.
Burton, Rev. Richard, 25.
Byrd, Mary, wife of Daniel Gookin of
Carrigaline, 16, 20, 26 ; in London, 50 ;
administratrix of her husband's estate,
54; facsimile of her signature, 54 ; death
Byrd, Peter, 20.
Byrd, Rev. Richard, D.D. , educated at
Cambridge, 16 ; curate at Saffron Wal-
den, 16; tutor to William Cecil, 17;
Sir Edward Stafford's harsh treatment
of, 18 ; letter to Lord Burghley, 18-20 ;
archdeacon of Cleveland, 20 ; Canon
of Canterbury Cathedral, 20 ; death of,
20 ; his children, 20 ; his wife Elizabeth
Byrd, Thomas, of Saffron Walden, 17.
Carr, Sir Robert, 109, no.
Carr, William, 77.
Carrigaline, castle and manor of, granted
Sir Warham St. Leger, 3 1 ; sold to
Thomas Petley, 31; bought from Pet-
ley by Daniel Gookin, 31; sold to
Lord Cork, 33 ; leased to Thomas
Carsley, Henry, 47.
Cartwright, George, 109.
Cecil, William, Earl of Exeter, tutored
by Richard Byrd, 17; becomes Ro-
man Catholic, 18.
Champney, Richard, 80.
Champney, Samuel, 77.
Chandler, John, 63, 64.
Chapman, Phillip, 48, 62.
Chauncey, Charles, 74, 107, 113.
Child, George, 62.
Child, Major John, 181.
Chisman, John, 48.
Chosumphs, John, 182.
Christian Indians, see Praying Indians.
Clarke, Capt. John, 45, 46.
Clarke, William, 47, 62.
Clayton, Sir Randal, 33, 51, 52.
Codne, Mary, 67.
Coe, Thomas, 48.
Cokyn family, 3-4.
Cokyn, William, 3.
Cole, Peter, 93.
Cole, William, 63, 64.
Colkin, John, 4.
CoUacot, Bethiah, 180.
Collacot, Richard, 180.
Collacot, Thomazin, 180.
Collins, Ed\Yard, 78,80, 81.
Combe, Christian, 9.
Condon, Jordan, 34, 54.
Condon, Richard, 34.
Cooke, Edward, 67.
Cooke, Capt. George, 79.
Cooke, Joseph, 189.
Cooney, William, 62.
Cooper, see Cowper.
Copleston, Adam de, of Copleston, Dev-
on, 25 ; arms of, 25.
Copleston, Thomas, of Luckcombe, Som-
Copleston, Margaret, 25.
Cork, Richard Boyle, First Earl of, 32;
clash with Daniel Gookin, 32; buys
Carrigaline from and leases it to Daniel
Gookin, 33 ; perfects title, 44 ; buys the
Coslay, Henry, 62.
Cotton, Rev. John, 73, 74, 186.
Cowper (or Cooper), Rolsert, 6,
Crew, Randall, 65.
Cromwell, Oliver, 81, 85, 86, 87, 92, 105,
Croney, William, 47.
Curtis, Ephraim, 167.
Curtis, John, 48, 62.
Curtis, Thomas, 47, 62.
Cutler, Capt., 158.
Cutts, Capt. John, 76.
Danforth, Thomas, friendship with Dan-
iel Gookin, 80 ; with Daniel Gook-
in upholds charter privileges, 108-110;
signs letter to Boyle, 122 ; incurs hos-
tility of common people by defending
Daniel Gookin, 152; his life threat-
ened, 152, 153; run down in Boston
harbor, 155; result of 1676 election,
156; assaulted by John Jones, 160; with
Gookin leads in controversy with the
crown, 172,177; at Mrs. Hannah Gook-
in's funeral, 190 ; railed at by George
Danson, George, 169.
Darrell, Philip, 54, 55.
Daunt, Thomas of Tracton Abbey, 51.
Davenport, Rev. John, 74, 108.
Davis, Margarett, 67.
Davis, Mr., 104.
Delaware, Esay, (Delywarr, Isaye)47, 62.
de Cogan, Milo, 31.
de Copleston, see Copleston.
de Earde, Isabel, 9.
de Earde, Robert, 9.
Denne, Amy, 7.
in, 7 ; her ancestry, 7-9 ; death of, 30.
Denne, EUys (Alice), 6.
Denne, Elyzabethe, 7.
Denne, pedigree, 7-9 ; arms of, 9.
Denne, William, of Kingston, Kent, 7.
Dennison, Capt. George, iii.
de Toketon, see Toketon.
Dew, Thomas, 65.
Dolling, Mary, marriage to Daniel
Gookin, 64 ; in list of persons trans-
ported to Virginia by Daniel, 67 ; ad-
mitted First Church, Boston, 73 ; dis-
missed to Cambridge, 79 ; relieves sick
Indians, 159; death of, 179.
Dryland, arms of, 25.
Dryland, Elizabeth, 25.
Dudley, Joseph, 156, 160, 172, 178, 181,
Dudley, Thomas, 74.
Dunster, Henry, 74, 79.
Dunton, John, 193.
Durrant, Amy, 4, 5, 6.
Durrant, Elizabeth, 6.
Durrant, Jane, 4, 6.
Durrant, John, of Littlebourne, 5; arms
of, 5; pedigree of descendants, 6.
Durrant, John, of Howlets, 4-6.
Durrant, Mildred, 6.
Ebsworth, Anne, 47.
Ebsworth, Anthonie, 47.
Edgeworth, Francis, 36, 44.
Edgeworth, Rev. Lovel, 37.
Edgeworth, Maria, 37.
Edolph, Jane, 10.
Edolph, Simon, 10.
Eliakim, Mr., 191.
Eliot, Rev. John, friendship with Daniel
Gookin, 73 ; in Indian work assisted
by Gookin, 83, 126; studies Indian
Language, 127; preaches to Indians,
127 ; on his petition Gookin appointed
Superintendent of Praying Indians,
129; weary journeys, 130; letter to
Commissioners of the Colonies, 13 1;
journey to Nipmuck country with
Gookin, 132-136; aspersions by popu-
lace during Philip's war, 144-155 ; vis-
its Nashobah Indians, 150; run down
in Boston Harbor, 155; records removal
of Indians from Deer Island, 158; re-
sumes missionary work, 159; letters to
Boyle, Robert, 149, 165, 185 ; his re-
spect for Daniel Gookin, 192.
Eliot, Rev. John, Jr., 179.
Eliot, John 3d, 179, 181, 188, 189.
Elgar, Richard, 6.
Ellis, William, 62.
Elsworth, Ann, 62.
Elsworth, Christ, 62.
Endicott, John, 100, in.
Fauntleroy, arms of, 25.
Fauntleroy, John, 25.
Fauntleroy, Margaret, 25.
Fenton, Lady Alice, 34, 35.
Ferrar, John, 39, 46.
Field, Thomas, 62.
Fisher, Lieut. Joshua, 166.
Fiske, David, Tj.
Fiske, John, 70.
Fitz Edmond, David Terry, 33.
Floyd, Richard, 83.
Foockes, William, 47.
Foster, Hopestill, 109.
French, William, 83.
Frost, Edmund, 80.
Garner, John, 62.
Garret, James, master of the Hopewell,
loi, 104 ; lost at sea, 105.
Gedney, Bartholomew, 125, 178.
Gibbons, Major, 137.
Godby, Joane, 48.
Goffe, Edward, 80.
Goffe, Col. Edward, 106, 107, no.
Goffe, Samuel, 182.
Gookin, Amy, dau. of Thomas, 6.
Gookin, Amy, dau. of John, 12.
Gookin, Anne, 12.
Gookin, arms of, 12-14.
Gookin, Arnold, 3, 4.
Gookin, Charles B., 183.
Gookin, Cicely, 7.
Gookin, Daniel, son of John, 12.
Gookin, Daniel, of Carrigaline, birth, 12 ;
marriage, 16; removal to Munster, 30;
buys Carrigaline, 31; clash with Lord
Cork, 32 ; sells Carrigaline to Cork and
takes lease, 33 ; the Longford planta-
tion, 35; sells to Francis Edgeworth,
36; contract with Virginia Company,
38; sails for Virginia, 40 ; refuses to
obey concentration order, 42; returns
to England, 43; his income from Car-
rigaline, 45; sends The Providence to
Virginia,45; servantsat Marie'sMount,
47 ; sells lease of Carrigaline, 50; ob-
tains grant of St. Brandan's Isle, 52;
decease, 54 ; dealings with Sir Ferdi-
nando Gorges, 1 17.
Gookin, Major General Daniel, descent,
3; seal used by, 14; birth, 61 ; grant of
Virginia lands to, 62 ; lists of colonists
transported to Virginia by, 62, 67; mar-
riage to Mary Dolling, 64; in Virginia,
64-66; another grant, 66; signs Nanse-
mond petition, 67; acquires Maryland
plantation, 70 ; removes to Massachu-
setts, 71 ; friendship with John Eliot,
73; removal to Cambridge, 78; captain
of trained band, 79; deputy to General
Court, 81 ; visits England, 81 ; Speaker
of General Court, 82; Assistant, 82, 85;
appointed Cromwell's agent to colon-
ize Jamaica, 87-91 ; letters to Thurloe,
93-102; sails for England, 104; Collec-
tor of Customs at Dunkirk, 105; Depu-
ty Treasurer at War, 106 ; return to
New England, 106; pretended effort to
apprehend regicides, 108 ; opposes en-
croachments on chartered rights, 109 ;
refuses to answer Commissioners, no;
his many activities, n4; declines to act
as licenser of the press, n5 ; conducts
negotiations for purchase of Maine,
117-125 ; in charge of Praying Indians
128; journey to Nipmuck country,
132-136; letter to Governor Prince, 1 38;
rage of populace against him during
Philip's War, 145-155 ; his life threat-
ened, 152; run down in Boston har-
bor, 155; appointed Major, 156; re-
sumes Indian work, 159; re-elected
Assistant, 160 ; his books about the
Indians, 161 ; his History of New Eng-
land, 162-165 ; founds town of Wor-
cester, 166-170 ; leads in controversy
with the crown, 172 ; appointed Major
General, 177 ; death of his wife, 179 ;
his children, 179 ; marriage to Hannah
Savage, 181 ; last illness and death, 184;
his will, 186-189 ; his homestead, 189;
estimate of his character, 193 ; treat-
ment of the Quakers, 194 ; the case
of Silvanus Warrow, 195 ; controversy
with Caleb Grant, 197; Justice Sewall's
Gookin, Daniel, second son of General
Gookin, Rev. Daniel, of Sherborn, third
son of General Gookin, birth of, 81 ;
biographical sketch of, 180; preaches to
the Indians, 184; bequests in his fa-
ther's will, 187-189.
Gookin, Daniel, son of Daniel of Sher-
Gookin, Daniel, of Worcester, 170.
Gookin, Edward, 29, 54, 56, 85, 105, 106.
Gookin, Elizabeth, dau. of Thomas, 6.
Gookin, Elizabeth, dau. of John, 12.
Gookin, Elizabeth, dau. of General
Gookin, 79, 179, 180, 188.
Gookin, Hannah, 180.
Gookin, Jhoane, 7.
Gookin, John, of Ripple Court, parent-
age, 6 ; marries Catherine Denne, 7 ;
removes to Appleton, Kent, 10 ; pur-
chases Little Betteshanger, 10 ; sub-
scribes to Spanish Armada defense
loan, II; purchases Manor of Ripple
Court, II; children, 12; arms of
i2; removal to Ireland, 30 ; living at
Carrigaline, 33 ; death of, 49.
Gookin, John, of Northbourne Kent, 12,
Gookin, John, grandson of John, sells
Ripple Court, 11 ; dovecote at Ripple
Court, built by, 12; royalist and resi-
ding in France, 81.
Gookin, Capt. John, granted lands in
Virginia, 57; marriage to Mrs. Sarah
(Offley) Thorowgood, 57; decease,
57; inscription on tombstone, 58; joins
in conveyance of Marie's Mount, 63 ;
complains of Indian outrages, 66.
Gookin, John, of St. Dunstan's in the
Gookin, Katherine, 12.
Gookin, Margaret, 10, 12.
Gookin, Mary, dau. of John, 10, 12.
Gookin, Mary, 56.
Gookin, Mary, dau. of Capt. John, 57.
Gookin, Mary, dau. of General Gookin,
79 ; Marriage to Edmund Batter, 179 ;
bequest in her father's will, 188, 189.
Gookin, Mary, wife of General Gookin,
Gookin, Rev. Nathaniel, 181, 188, 189.
Gookin, Richard, of Cork, 29, 54, 56.
Gookin, Richard, of Dedham, 165.
Gookin, Capt. Robert, 81, 168.
Gookin, Samuel, of London, 81, 168.
Gookin, Samuel, eldest son of General
Gookin, 67, 71, 179.
Gookin, Samuel, fourth son of General
Gookin, 83, 167, 180, 182, 187-189.
Gookin, Solomon, 85, 180.
Gookin, Thomas, of Bekesbourne, 4, 5, 6,
Gookin, Thomas, of Ripple Court, 3, 12,
Gookin, Thomas, of Harbledown, 10,
Gookin, Thomazin, 6.
Gookin, variant spellings, 4-5.
Gookin, SirVincent,birthof, 12; settles in
Ireland, 29; executor of his father's
will, 49; high sheriff of Cork, 52;
knighted by Lord Cork, 52; trustee for
children of his brother Daniel, 55; liv-
ing at Bitton in Gloucestershire, 57.
Gookin, Vincent, appointed Commission-
er of the Revenue for Ireland, 81 ;
member first Protectorate Parliament,
86; author of "The Great Case of
Transplantation in Ireland discussed,"
86; acquaintance with Cromwell, 87;
offices to which he was appointed by
Gorges, Ferdinando, 117.
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 51, 52, 117.
Granger, William, 62.
Grant, Caleb, 197, 198.
Grant, Thomas, of Eythorne, 12.
Green, Samuel, 197.
Griffin, Charles, 62.
Griffin, Rise, 47.
Griffin, Richard, 48.
Grout, F., 183.
Hammond, Capt., 158.
Harris, Elinor, 47
Hastings, John, 182
Hastings, Walter, 77.
Haynes, John, 74, 169.
Heath, Ferdinand, 67.
Henchman, Capt. Daniel, 143, 150, 151,
154, 167, 168.
Hever, John, of Cranbrooke, Kent, 9.
Hever, Margaret, 9.
Higginson, Capt. Humphrey, 65.
Hill, John, 65.
Hillier, John, 62.
Hinkley, Gov., 178.
Hoar, Joanna, 180.
Hobart, William, 43.
Hooker, Thomas, 74.
Hooker, William, 62.
Hopkinson, Daniel, 62.
Horton, Elizabeth, 194.
Hough, Francis, 65.
Hull, John, 67.
Hunting, Capt. Samuel, 154.
Hutchinson, Capt., 144, 184.
Hutchinson, Mr., 191.
Hymerford, Margaret, 26.
Hymerford, William, 25.
Ibottson, Elizabeth, 48.
Ince, Mr., 104
Jackson, Edward, 80, 81.
Jackson, John, 80.
Jackson, Richard, 80.
James, Rev. Thomas, 68, 69.
Jamaica, conquest by Penn and Venables,
86 ; Cromwell turns to New England
colonists, 87; Daniel Gookin appointed
his agent, 87 ; mortality among garri-
son, 92, 99, loi; fate of planters from
Nevis, I02; condition remedied by
Gov. Brayne, 103.
Jewell, William, 62.
Jewell, see Joule.
Johnson, Capt. Edward, 79, 166.
Johnson, Cornelius, 41.
Johnson, John, 197.
Johnson, William, 125.
Jones, Hugh, 62.
Jones, Roger, 64.
Jones, John, 160.
Joule (or Jewell), Ingram, 12.
Kattenanit, Job, 150, 151, 152.
Kemp, Richard, 65.
Kenley, Charles, 62.
Kittall, Jane, 9.
Knowles, Rev. John, 68, 69.
Lanmore, Marsoy, 67.
Lawson, Lieut. Col. Anthony, 57.
Leader, Richard, 82.
Leverett, John, no, 119.
Long, Thomas, 6.
Longe, William, 47, 62.
Longford County, plantation of, by Eng-
lish, 35 ; grief of the Irish proprietors,
Longhorne, Thomas, 77.
Lynd, Capt. Joseph, 169.
Lynde, Symon, 113.
Manst, Wal., 62.
Marie's Mount plantation, named after
Mary Gookin, 44 ; Servants at, 47 ;
conveyance of part of, 48, 61 ; remain-
der conveyed to John Chandler, 63 ;
resold to Benedict Stafford, 64 ; title
escheated, 64; granted to William
Cole, 63, 64.
Marfin, Griffin, '62.
Mason, Ann, 56.
Mason, EUinor, 56.
Mason, Mr., 178.
Mason, Robert, 67.
Mather, Cotton, doggerel about Gookin
and Tompson, 69, 70.
Mather, Richard, 74.
Mathewes, Marmaduke, 82.
Maverick, Samuel, 109.
May, John, Bishop of Carlisle, see Meye.
Mayhew, Rev. Thomas, Jr., 104, 128,
Marsh, John, of Marton, Kent, 10.
Marsh, Richard, 10.
Marsh, Thomas, 10.
Marsh, Thomas, Jr., 12.
Martin, Richard, 20.
Meye, Anne, wife of Rev. Richard Pil-
Meye, Arms of, 21.
Meye, Elizabeth, 21, 24, 26.
Meye, Bishop John, birth of, 21 ; arms of,
21; education at Cambridge, 21; Mas-
ter of St. Catherine's Hall, 21 ; Rector
of North Creake, 21 ; Vice Chancellor
of Cambridge, 22 ; Bishop of Carlisle,
22; criticised by the Puritans, 23 ; death
of, 24; children of, 24-25.
Meye, John, of Shouldham Abbey, 24.
Meye, William, Dean of St. Paul's, 21.
Miller, Joseph, 151.
Milton, Thomas, 12, 49.
Mitchell, Rev. Jonathan, 107, 115.
Moqua, John, 133.
Morgan, Edmond, 47.
Morgan, Edward, 62.
Morgan, John, 67.
Morgan, Phillips, 62.
Moseley, Capt. Samuel, 147.
Moseley, Capt. William, 57.
Mosley, Joseph, 47, 62.
Nansemond petition, signed by Daniel
Gookin and others, 67 ; carried to Bos-
ton by Philip Bennett, 68.
Nesutan, Job, 127, 182.
Newce, Capt. Sir William, 39, 40, 55.
Nichols, Col. Richard, 109, no.
Norman, Austin, 62.
Norman, Henry, 62.
Norman, Peter, 62.
Noyes, Lieut. Thomas, 166
Norton, Rev. John, 74, 107.
Offley, Robert, 57.
Offley, Sarah, 57, 58.
Oliver, Capt. James, 147, 148, 149.
Oliver, Thomas, 159.
Osborne, Sir Edward, 57.
Pachanaharm, John, 182.
Page, John, 64.
Pain, Mr., 191.
Paine, William, df.
Park, William, 195.
Parker, Deacon, 196.
Parkman, Elias, 76.
Parks, William, 109.
Parratt, John, 47.
Pelham, Mr., 104.
Pensint, William, 62.
Perkins, James, 67.
Perkins, Thomas, ^"J.
Petley, John, 31.
Petley, Thomas, 31,45, £0.
Petley, William, 51.
Pierce, John, 104, 106, no.
Pilkington, Rev. Riciiard, 25.
Pitt, Mrs. Francis, of Stepney, 56.
Plaisted, Roger, 113.
Pratt, Edvpard, 184.
Pray, Ephraim, 149.
Pray, Mary, 149.
Praying Indians, Daniel Gookin Super-
intendent of, 128; colonists' brutal
treatment of, 137; warning of Philip's
War given by, 141 ; rage of the people
against, 144; confined to their villages,
144; removed to Deer Island, 149;
company of, under Capt. Hunting, re-
lieves Sudbury, 154; removed from
Deer Island, 158.
Prentice, Thomas, in, n3, 143, 158,
Price, Henry, 62.
Prichard, Capt., 81.
Power, David, 34, 54.
Power, William, 35, 55.
Pynchon, John, 74, 122, 178.
Quannapohitt, James, 151.
Quincy, Col. Edmund, 180, 188.
Quincy, Elizabeth, 180.
Randall, Daniel R., 70.
Randolph, Edward, 123, 171, 177, 178.
Remington, Martha, 153.
Richards, Major, 178.
Richards, William, 62.
Richison, Amos, 113.
Ringall, Thomas, 67.
Ripple Court, Manor of, acquired by
John Gookin, n; history of, 11.
Roe, John, 62.
Rowlandson, Rev. Joseph, 154.
Russell, Rev. Noadiah, 179.
Russell, Richard, 122, 178, 191.
Sanders, John, 7.
Saunders, Tobias, in.
Savage, Habijah, 181.
Savage, Hannah, wife of General Gookin,
181, 186, 187, 189, 190.
Savage, Hannah, wife of Rev. Nathaniel
Gookin, 181, 188.
Savage, Mary, 181, 189.
Savage, Thomas, 189.
Savage, Major Thomas, 142, 153, 156.
Scott, John, 62.
Scott, Richard, 153.
Searle, Daniel, 181.
Sears, Mary, 181.
Sewall, Chief Justice Samuel, extracts
from diary, 178; goes to see General
Gookin upon his death bed, 184 ; pall-
bearer at funeral of Mrs. Hannah
Gookin, 190 ; his dream of General
Shepperd, William, 67.
Sherwood, Peter, 47.
Sill, Capt. Joseph, 157.
Sladen, John Baker, n.
Sladen, Col. Joseph, 11.
Shepard, Rev. Thomas, 74, 80, 81.
Smith, Capt. 178.
Smith, John, 41, 42, 43.
Smith, Robert, 47, 62.
Smith, William, 47, 62.
Southworth, Mr., 138, 139.
Speen, James, 135, 136.
Sprague, Capt., 147.
Spry, Oliver, 65.
Stafford, Capt. Benedict, 64.
Stearns, Samuel, 180.
Stearns, Hannah, 180.
Stedman, John, 79.
St. Leger, Sir Warham, 31.
St. Leger, Sir Warham, 3d, 32, 45.
Stockdale, Mr., 51, 52.
Stoughton, William, 122, 155, 172, 183.
Streets, William, 48.
Swift, Jane, 9.
Swinforde, Clement, 12.
Swinforde, William, 6.
Syme, Alice, 6.
Syme, Robert, 6.
Symonds, Samuel, 122.
Taylor, James, 191.
Thomas, John, 62.
Thompson, Robert, 190.
Thorowgood, Capt. Adam, 57.
Thurlby, John, 48.
Thurloe, John, Daniel Gookin's letters
to,93,94, 95,98; 100, 102.
Thurston, Jane, wife of Thomas Gookin
of Ripple Court, 15; litigation with
brothers-in-law, 15, 49.
Thurston, Richard, 15.
Toketon, Elphege de, 9.
Toketon, Sir William de, 9.
Tompson, Rev. William, 68, 69.
Torey, Joseph, 112.
Tufton, Agnes, 7, 9.
Tufton, Nicholas, 7.
Tufton pedigree, 9.
Turner, John, 51.
Tyng, Edward, 122, 148, 181.
Usher, Christopher, 193.
Usher, Hezekiah, 104, 150, 188.
Vaughan, Christ., 67.
Virginia Company, contract with Daniel
Gookin, 38, 59; the Council recom-
mends him to colonial authorities, 40 ;
rejoicing caused by Daniel's arrival in
Virginia, 41 ; revocation of the char-
Vowell, Amy, 25, 26.
Vowell, arms of, 25.
Vowell, Richard, 25.
Vowell, William of Creake Abbey, 26.
Vowell, William of Wells, Somerset, 25.
Wade, Capt. Jonathan, 195, 196.
Wadsworth, William, 47, 62.
Walker, Roger, 47, 62.
Ward, Nathaniel, 74.
Warren, Thomas, 67.
Warrow, Jacob, 67, 75, 196.
Warrow, Maria, 196.
Warrow, Silvanus, 195, 196.
Wayte, Jo., 125.
Webb, William, 67.
West, Governor, 178.
West, Capt. John, 65.
Whalley, General, 106, 107, 1 10.
Wharton, Mr., 178.
Whitfild, Gilbert, 47, 62.
Wilcox, Roger, 67.
Wildly, William, 67.
Willard, Mrs., 191.
Willard, Rev. Samuel, 181.
Willard, Simon, 1 1 1, 144, 150.
Williams, Roger, 74.
Wilson, Rev. William, 17.
Wing, John, 169.
Winthrop, Capt., 178.
Winthrop, Dean, 113.
Winthrop, John, 68, 74, 75.
Wiseman, William, 51.
Wood, Thomas, 38.
Worcester, settlement projected, 166 ;
Daniel Gookin and others view site,
167; settlement interrupted by Philip's
war, 167; new settlement begun, 168;
name bestowed, 168; conjectured rea-
sons for the name, 168-169.
Wormley, Capt. Christ., 65.
Woodhall, William, 17.
Wyatt, Gov., 43,46.
Yardley, Col. Francis, 58.
Yardley, Sir George, 58.
V'. ' » 1