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^be tJahlu^t Society. 


1605 TO 1620. 


1605 TO 1612. 

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1605 TO 1620. 

in 1605, 1606, and 1607 ; to which is added captain ■ 
James Hall's Voyage to Greenland in 1612. 


TO Hudson's Bay in Search of a North-West 

Passage in 1619-20. 

Vtittb. iDitt ^DtM Mb IntT>buflia», 



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Sir Clemekts Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S.. Pra. R.G.S.. President. 

The Right Hon. The Lord Stanley op Alderlev, ViCE-pRtsfOKNT. 

Sir William Wharton, K.CB., Vice-President. 

C. Ravmosd Beazi.ev, Esq.. M.A. 

Colonel G. Earl Church. 

The Right Hon. George N. Curzon, M.P. 

Albert Gray. Esq. 

Alfred Harmsworth. Esq. 

The Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbvrv. 

Edward Heawood, Esq.. M.A. 

Admiral Sir Anthony H. Hoskins. G.C.R 

Reab-Adhiral Albert H. Markham. 

A. P. Maudslay, Esq. 

E. Dei. MAR Morgan, Esq. 

Captain Nathan. R.E. 

Admiral Sir E Ommannev, C.B., F.R.S. 

CuTHBERT E. Peek, Esq. 

E 0. Ravenstein, e:sq. 

Howard Saunders, Esq. 

Charles Welch, Esq., F.S.A. 

William Fostbr.Esq., B.A,, Honorary SecrHary. 


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Editor's Preface ..... 

Introduction : 

^ I.— On the Original Accounts of the Voyages to Greenland 

in 1605, 1606, 1607, and 1613 .... 

S II-— Preliminary Remarks on the Voyages to Greenland in 

1605, 1606, 1607, and 1613 . . . 1 

Postscript . < 

Expeditions to Greenland, 1605, 1606, 1607, and 1612: 

A Report to King Christian IV of Denmark on the Danish 
Expedition to Greenland, under the command of Captain 
John Cunningham, in 1605. Hy James Hall, Chief Pilot 

Another Account of the Danish Expedition to Greenland, 
under the command of Captain John Cunningham, in 
1605. By James Hall, Chief Pilot ; as abbreviated by the 
Rev, Samuel Purchas .... 

An -Account of the Danish Expedition to Greenland, under the 
command of Captain Godske Lindenow, in 1606. By 
James Hall, Chief Pilot ; as abbreviated by the Rev. 
Samuel Puichas ..... 

An Account of the English Expedition to Greenland, under 
the command of Captain James Hall, in 1612. By John 
Gatonbe, Quartermaster .... 

Another Account of Ihe latter part of the English Expedition 
to Greenland, under the command of Captain James Hall, 
in 161Z. By William BafGn ; as abbreviated by the Rev. 
Samuel Purchas 

Appendices : 

Appendix A.— On the " Stockholm Chart". By C. C. A. Gosch 
Appendix B.— On " Busse Island". By Miller Christy 

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Map of Greenland and Davis Slrait, showing the Courses 
followed on the Expeditions of 1605, 1606, and 1612 

Hall's Map of his " Kinge Christianus Forde"(Icivdlek) Facing 

Hall's Map of his " Cuningham's ForJe" (The Southern Kan- 
gcrdluarsuk) .... Facing 

Hall's Map of his " Brade Ranson's Forde" (Serfortak) Facing 

Hall's Map of the portion of the West Coast of Greenland 

explored by him . . . , Facing 

Reproduction of the " Stockholm Chart" Facing 

Reproduction of Seller's Map of "Buss Island" . Facing 

In the Text. 
Map of Itivdlek ..... 

Map of North and South Kangerdluarsuk 
Map of part of Arfersiorfik with Serfortak . . b 

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j N several previous volumes, the 
Hakluyt Society has published 
new editions of the original ac- 
counts of all the English voyages 
in search of a North- West Passage 
to India which were undertaken 
between 1576 and 1632, when, after the return of 
Foxe and James, the search was discontinued for a 
considerable period. These voyages form a distinct 
and connected series. Between the years indicated, 
only one expedition was sent out with the same 
object from any other country than England, viz., 
the Danish Expedition to Hudson's Bay under Jfens 
Munk in 1619-1620; and inasmuch as that expe- 
dition was piloted by Englishmen and was intended 
to follow up the results obtained upon some of the 
English voyages, it may fairly be looked upon as 
closely connected with the latter. It seemed de- 
sirable, therefore, to complete the Society's series of 
works relating to the expeditions in question by 

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adding an English version of Munk's narrative of his 
voyage. There appeared so much the more occasion 
for doing so, as Munk's book, which was published 
in Danish in 1624, had never been translated into 
any other language, and its contents, which are 
interesting in many respects, were known to the 
world at large only through incomplete and un- 
reliable abstracts. On the initiative of Mr. Miller 
Christy, the editor of the last English voyages, viz., 
those of Foxe and James, it was accordingly arranged 
that an English version of V^mv^s Navigatio Sep- 
tentrionalis should be issued by the Society under 
the joint editorship of Mr. Christy and Mr. E. Del- 
mar Morgan, as was announced at the time.' At a 
very early stage, however, the last-named gentle- 
man offered to retire ; after which, I was invited by 
the Council to take his place, which I had much 
pleasure in doing. 

Shortly after, it was decided to join to Munk's 
narrative the accounts of James Hall's voyages from 
Denmark and England to Greenland in 1605, 1606, 
1607, and r6i2. New editions of at least the first 
two of these voyages were, indeed, called for by 
the fact that a very considerable amount of fresh 
material for the elucidation of Hall's discoveries 
had come to light, but had, as yet, been utilised only 
to a small extent. 

In one respect, the arrangement adopted was not 
altogether appropriate : viz. , in so far that the voyages 

• See Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James, p. lUi, note. 

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in question had totally different objects from that of 
Munk, and could not be reckoned amongst those 
undertaken in search of a North-West Passage ; but, 
from several other points of view, there appeared, 
nevertheless, to be not a little connection between 
at least the first three of these voyages to Greenland 
and that of Munk. They were in some respects 
fore-runners of Munk's expedition, and form with it 
a notable chapter in the history of Danish Arctic 
enterprise. Nor were these Danish voyages to 
Greenland without connection with England and the 
English expeditions in search of a North-West 
Passage, seeing that the chief pilot, James Hall, to 
whom the credit of the discoveries made mainly 
belongs, was an Englishman ; and that one of 
the vessels of the expedition was commanded by 
another Englishman, John Knight, who in the 
following year commanded one of the English 
voyages just alluded to. it may be mentioned, 
too, that the expedition of 1605 was commanded 
by John Cunningham, a Scotchman, who afterwards 
commanded one of the vessels on the second 

As regards Hall's own voyage in 1612, its inclu- 
sion in the present work may seem less justifiable. 
It was neither a Danish voyage nor had it for its 
object {like the three preceding ones) the discovery 
of the lost colonies in Greenland. It was a purely 
English voyage, undertaken solely for commercial 
purposes. Moreover, portions of the two accounts 
we have of this voyage have already appeared in 

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one of the works issued by the Hakluyt Society.* 
Nevertheless, it was felt that a new edition of these 
two narratives would not be out of place in connec- 
tion with those of the Danish voyages. Not only 
did Hall on this occasion supplement his discoveries 
made on the previous voyages, but the accounts of 
the voyage of 1612 will be found to assist materially 
in elucidating those of the expeditions of 1605 and 
1606. In many respects, the voyage of 1612 was a 
continuation of the earlier ones, and the accounts of 
the former are only in part intelligible to readers 
who are not familiar with the accounts of the latter. 
Furthermore, by joining together the accounts of 
all the voyages to Greenland in which Hall took 
part, it has been possible to collect in one place all 
that is known of the life and work of a man who 
occupies a very honourable place amongst early 
English Arctic explorers. 

The present work consists, therefore, of two 
distinct parts, or " Books", each constituting a 
volume, with its own index, and so far complete in 

Book I contains reprints from Purchas his Pil- 
grimes ( 1 625), of Hall's own accounts of the voyages 
of 1605 and 1606, and of Baffin's account of the 
voyage of 161 2; as well as a reprint, from Churchill's 
Collections of Voyages and Travels, of Gatonbe's 
account of the latter voyage. To these are added 

• Tht Voyages of William Baffin, edited by Sir Clements 
Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1881). 

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another account of the voyage of 1605 by Hall 
himself, accompanied by maps, now printed for the 
first time, from a manuscript in the British Museum ; 
and translations of two Danish accounts of the 
voyages of 1605 and 1606. There are also two 
Appendices, treating respectively of an old chart 
(" The Stockholm Chart"), which is of much interest 
in connection with Hall's Voyages, and of " Buss 

Book II contains a translation of Jens Munk's 
Navigatio Septentrionalis, made from the edition of 
1624, corrected by means of Munk's original manu- 
script. This is followed by a Commentary, contain- 
ing, partly, explanatory matter which would otherwise 
have had to be given in footnotes of inconvenient 
length, partly a discourse on Munk's map, which 
has not hitherto received the attention it may justly 

That the work, thus extended in scope, now 
appears under my name alone is due to the fact 
that Mr. Christy, who had initiated it, decided 
to withdraw from participation in the editorship 
before the completion of the work. As the 
latter, however, was far advanced at the time, it 
becomes my agreeable duty here to record the 
part borne by Mr. Christy during the time of our 
joint editorship. Partly by mutual arrangement, 
partly by force of circumstances, the main part of 
the literary work fell to my share, whilst Mr. Christy 
was good enough to undertake the more technical 
business of seeing the work through the press. 

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arranging the execution of the illustrations, etc. But 
he has not by any means confined himself to this. 
Besides Appendix B, containing an exhaustive dis- 
course on the imaginary "Buss Island", Mr. Christy 
has contributed to Book I that part of the Intro- 
duction which treats of the English expedition of 
1612 (pp. cii-cxi), as well as most of the notes to 
Gatonbe's and Baffin's accounts of that voyage, 
and a number of notes to other portions of the 
book, mostly containing information on questions 
of biography and natural history, or referring to 
obsolete words and various defects in the texts of 
Hall's narratives, which were reprinted from Pur- 
chas under Mr. Christy's special superintendence. 
To Book II Mr. Christy has contributed the second 
chapter of the Introduction, containing a Notice 
of ,the English Voyages which preceded Munk's 
{pp. Ixviii-xciv) ; furthermore, the map of Churchill 
Harbour, and some notes. To Mr. Christy's active 
inquiries are due besides several interesting extracts 
from English records. With these exceptions, the 
editorial matter is my own work ; at the same time, 
it is a matter of course that, in what each of us has 
written, we have benefited by mutual assistance 
in minor matters, in which respect my indebted- 
ness cannot but be the greater considering the 
proportionate bulk of our parts. 

It may be mentioned in this connection that the 
large chart of Hudson's Bay and Strait placed at the 
end of Book II was originally prepared for, and 
used in, Mr. Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and 

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fames; but as it equally well serves our purpose 
here, it is used again, with slight alterations, Munk's 
route being revised. 

Several English correspondents, whose names are 
mentioned in the proper places, have kindly afforded 
information and assistance. 

It will be easily understood that a considerable 
proportion of the information required for the 
elucidation of the voyages edited in these volumes 
had to be obtained from Denmark, and that I am, 
consequently, much indebted to friends and corre- 
spondents there. 

I have much pleasure in recording my best 
thanks to M. Bruun, Principal Librarian of the 
Royal Library at Copenhagen, for the loan to 
London of a copy of the rare first edition (1624) of 
Munk's book ; to Dr. Birket Smith, Principal 
Librarian of the University Library at Copenhagen, 
who kindly made arrangements for me to copy 
Munk's original manuscript at a time of the year 
when the Library was closed to the public ; to M. 
Jorgensen, Keeper of the National Archives in 
Denmark, for special facilities of research ; and to 
Count Snollsky, Principal Librarian of the Royal 
Library at Stockholm, for permission to have a copy 
executed of the interesting old chart which 1 have 
described as "the Stockholm Chart". I am, more- 
over, beholden to all these gentlemen, as well as to 
Dr. Wieselgren, Sub-Librarian at Stockholm, and 
others, for information and kind assistance of various 
kinds. Finally, I am under great obligations to 

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Capt. J. A. Jensen, of the Danish Royal Navy, 
who, during the years 1878, 1879, 1884 and 1885, 
partly executed, partly superintended, the mapping 
of the West Coast of Greenland between lat. 64° 
and 68°, and has kindly placed at my disposal a 
large number of maps and map-sketches of various 
localities on that coast, which were visited by Hall. 
These have been of very great use, and, with Capt- 
Jensen's permission, three of (hem have been repro- 
duced in the first volume. 

C. C. A. GoscH. 

August, 1897. 

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1605, 1606, AND 1607 ; 


GREENLAND in 1612. 

[From Purchas Hii IHlgrimei, Churchill's Collection of 

Voyages and Travels, and a Manuscript in the 

British Museum.] 

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I.— On the Original Accounts of Ihe Voyages to 
Greenland in 1605, 1606, i6oj, and i6i 2. 

N T I L within the last fifty years, 
very little was known about the 
Danish Expeditions to Green- 
land in 1605 and 1606, beyond 
what could be learned from the 
accounts of James Hall (who 
acted as pilot), which were published in Purchas his 
Pilgrimes} In several respects, however, these 
narratives are defective, notably as regards the 
geographical exploration of the coast ; and, if it is 
now possible to give a fairly-complete account of 
these voyages, this is due to the fact of important 
fresh material having come to light within the period 

' " Hakluylus Pos/humus, or Purchas Ms Pilgrimes ; Contayn- 
ing a History of the World, in Sea Voyages and Lande TrautUs, 
fy Englishmen and others." ♦ * ♦ By Samuel Purchas, B.l>. 
(London, 4 vols,, fcp. fol., 1625), vol. lii, pp. 814-826 

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The foremost place amongst these new sources of 
knowledge must be conceded to Hall's original 
Report to the King of Denmark on the voyage of 
1605, of which a copy is preserved in the British 
Museum.-' The chief importance of this document 
lies in the fact that it is accompanied by 
four maps, drawn by Hall, which constitute the 
earliest attempts at anything like accurate mapping 
of any portion of the west coast of Greenland, and 
which, as such, are extremely creditable to Hall. 
These maps not only illustrate the Report, but, as 
regards one portion of the voyage, they really repre- 
sent nearly all the information concerning it that 
we have from Hall himself. After having reached 
a convenient port in Greenland, where the com- 
mander of the expedition might wait for him in safety. 
Hall set out in a smaller vessel in order to explore 
the coast northwards, as far as he could in the course 
of three or four weeks; but, in the "Report", he 
gives no description at all of this portion of the 
voyage, or of its result, referring merely to his 
maps, from which alone, therefore, the reader is 
left to gather where Hall went and what he 
discovered. These maps do not accompany the 
accounts published by Purchas : hence the great 
importance of their having come to light. It was 
Mr. Clements Markham who, in 1881, first drew 
attention to the existence of this manuscript and the 

^ MS. J3iii. Jieg., 17A, xlviii, p. 26;. 

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maps in his work on William Baffin'; but. as they 
came under his notice only in connexion with the fact 
that Baffin served under Hall in 1612, Mr. Markham 
did not enter further on the subject. His observa- 
tions, however, led to the manuscript and the maps 
being copied for the use of the Danish Commission 
for the Exploration of Greenland, and the maps were 
reproduced (though mostly on a reduced scale) in an 
interesting paper by Mr. K, J^ V. Steenstrup, on 
the ancient Scandinavian settlement in Greenland, 
published in 1889.' Hall's report itself was not 
then published, and is now printed for the first time 
in the present volume, accompanied by full-size 
reproductions of the maps.' 

> 7& yoyiigfi of William Baffin, 1612-1622 (Hakluyt Society, 
1881), pp. xxi, 17, and 13. 

* Om Oittrbygden, in Meddtieher em Gronland [Reports on 
Greenland], vol, ix {1889), p, 1-51. These Meddelser (which will 
be often quoted in the sequel) constitute the regular organ of the 
Commission for the Exploration of Greenland, and contain a vast 
amount of information on that counCiy. 

' The manuscript consists of zi leaves, small quarto, and is 
bound together with others of a similar size. The watermark of 
the paper, as far as visible, represents two towers. The leaves 
have no original numbering or pagination, but the second to the 
twentieth leaf have subsequently been marked in pencil, i to 19, 
by some librarian. All the pages are bordered all round by fine 
red double lines, which extend beyond the comers where they 
meet to the edges of the paper, except on the pages prepared for 
maps, on which the border-lines are not so continued. The first 
leaf has no writing on it, and the report commences on the front 
page of the second leaf, without any title-page or heading. The 
text is closely and very neatly written in the same hand all 
through, but whether by Hall himself, or by a professional scribe 

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How this document {which, one would think, 
would naturally have found a place in some Danish 

— which latter seems to be the more probable — camiot be 
decided in the absence of even the smallest authenticated scrap 
of Hall's own handwriting. The text extends over 11 pages, 
ending at the foot of the front page of the seventh leaf, the back 
of which does not exhibit any writing. On the front page of the 
eighth leaf is written in red : — " The Demonstration of the 
fordes, rivers, and the coste", and on the reverse of this leaf the 
first map is drawn. The description of, or key to, that map 
occupies the opposite page (viz., the front page of the ninth leaf), 
on the back of which the second map is drawn. The tenth, 
eleventh, and front of the twelfth leaf are similarly occupied by 
maps and their descriptions, but the back of the last-named folio 
contains nothing of the kind, though it is prepared for a map, as 
are also the back pages of the remaining leaves, excepting the 
last. As, however, they have not been utilized, the manuscript 
ends virtually on the twelfth leaf. On all the pages intended for 
maps (13 in number), the rectangle formed by the border-lines is 
divided into quarters by black lines, and a compass is drawn — 
rather carelessly — in the centre. On all of them, the fleur-de-lys 
(or "fly") of the compass has been originally drawn pointing to 
the right, but subsequently erased. On the eight last map-p^es, 
it has been redrawn in the same position, over the erasure ; but, 
on the first five of these pi^es, it has been replaced by another, 
pointing upwards. As regards the maps themselves, we refer the 
reader to our reproductions. As, however, these have had to be 
done in black only, in order to save expense, it should be noticed 
that the originals are coloured. They appear to have been origi- 
nally drawn — the outlines at least — with a lead pencil, and 
afterwards blackened with ink. The water is tinted a pale dirty 
blue ; the land, light green ; the mountains, dark brown. In 
addition to the border-lines, the reference-letters on the maps, as 
well as the corresponding letters in the descriptions, and the 
headings of the descriptions, are in red. The compasses of 
all four maps are coloured red, blue, and yellow; and the 
Royal Arms of Denmark on the fourth map are roughly, but, 
as far as it goes, correctly, blazoned in colours. 

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Archives) came to this country and found its way to 
the Royal Collection of MSS. is not known ; but 
more than one way can be imagined in which this 
may have come about. The most probable ex- 
planation is, perhaps, indicated by the fact that 
the MS. is prepared for more maps than the four 
we have. The Report announces itself as written 
in the year 1605 — as, indeed. Hall's original account 
must have been, because the King would require an 
immediate report on the exploration of the coast, 
which formed a primary object of the voyage. But, 
as it is not at all likely that Hall would have had 
time then to elaborate a document like the one before 
us, the probability is that he submitted a preliminary 
account, accompanied by some sketches sufficient for 
the purpose, and that he afterwards, at his leisure, 
prepared a finished copy for presentation on some 
future occasion. Supposing (which is by no means 
improbable) that the sketches brought home from 
the first voyage were not quite sufficient for the 
purpose. Hall may, on the second voyage, have sup- 
plemented them, as far as the localities then visited 
were concerned ; and he may have postponed the 
execution of the remaining maps until he should 
have visited the other places a second time, for 
which he would naturally expect to have an oppor- 
tunity in 1607. As, however, in that year, he v/as 
ordered to proceed to a different part of Greenland, 
and as, after that, the expeditions were discontinued, 
Hall may never have been able to finish the maps ; 
and, when his engagement in Denmark terminated 

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soon after, he may have carried the document with 
him to England and even finished it here.* 

Whether a similar report on the second voyage 
ever existed is not known, but it is not probable, 
because the geographical exploration of the country 
was not, on that occasion, further extended. 

A comparison between Hall's Report to the 
King and his account of the first voyage, as printed 
in Purckas his Pilgrims, shows that the latter, upon 
the whole, is fuller, containing a number of details 
which would interest a general reader, but which 
would not be in their proper place in a Report to the 
King, such as the names of the ships and their com- 
manders, many details of navigation, etc. The 
principal addition is a so-called " Topographical 
Description of Greenland", evidently written as an 
entirely separate piece, a kind of appendix to the 

' This is Mr. Gosch's view. It seems to me more probable 
that an official report to the King of Denmark would be made in 
Danish, rather than in English, even though the reporter was an 
Englishman, and though the King is known to have had many 
other trusted English servants, who could at any moment have 
translated the report for him. I cannot, therefore, regard the 
interesting MS. in the British Museum as the actual original 
Report to the King. It appears to me more likely that the MS. 
was either Hall's first draft, from which a translation intended 
for the King (and now lost) was made, or a copy of his Report 
to the King which Hall retained for his own private use. It is 
quite possible, as suggested by Mr. Markham ( Voyages of Baffin, 
p. xxi), Chat, whatever this MS. is. Hall retained it, and brought 
it with him to England, and presented it to King James ; or it is 
just conceivable that it is a copy sent by the King of Denmark 
(Christian IV), as a matter of courtesy, to his brother-in-law King 
James. — M. C 

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account of the whole voyage, which the editor, in an 
extremely clumsy manner, has thrust into the middle 
of it — VIZ., in the place where Hall's account of his 
excursion in the smaller vessel would have stood, if 
he had given one. It seems as if Purchas had felt 
that something was wanting here, and had tried to Bll 
up the gap by means of this piece. It has a separate 
heading and commences quite abruptly, without 
any connexion with the preceding ; but the conclu- 
sion is worked up with the continuation of Hall's 
account of the voyage. Apart from these differ- 
ences, and the one other particular point alluded 
to above, the agreement between the two accounts 
with regard to what is told, how it is told, 
and, not least, with regard to what is noi told, 
is so close that the account printed by Purchas may 
properly be described as an amplification of the 
Report, done of course by Hall himself from his 
notes, and so far equally original, but with a view to 
publication, and very likely intended to be entrusted 
to Hakluyt, from whom Purchas most probably ob- 
tained it at the death of the former in 1618, as he 
did many other narratives.* There is, however (as 
already mentioned), one very important difference 
between the account in Purchas and the Report, viz., 
that the former is not accompanied by maps, nor is 
there any mention of, or reference to, any such. If 
the two narratives had not, in other respects, been 
so closely alike as they are, there would have been 

* $ee J^urchas Us Pilgrimes, vol i, Pre(ac« to th? Reader- 

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nothing particularly noteworthy in this fact. But, 
under the circumstances, it is remarkable that Hall, 
in this later account, should have, as it were, skipped 
his exploring excursion in the pinnace, exactly in 
the same manner as he does in the Report to the 
King, and yet not have referred his readers to maps, 
as he does in the Report. If he had not intended 
the account printed in Purchas to be accompanied by 
the maps, surely he would have given a description 
of this excursion, as of course he could easily have 
done. It is true that Purchas himself says that the 
account which he prints is " abbreviated" from the 
original, and in many places there is evidence of this 
abbreviation having been done with too little care. 
But it cannot be supposed for a moment that who- 
ever executed this abbreviation would have left out 
what could not but be regarded as one of the most 
important portions of the narrative. It seems, there- 
fore, most probable that Hall intended his account 
to be accompanied by copies of the maps with which 
his Report to the King was illustrated, and that his 
account originally contained references to them, 
similar to those contained in this last-mentioned 
document, but that Purchas (or whoever arranged 
the narrative for publication) suppressed the allusions 
to the maps, as he did not intend to publish the 

It is, of course, quite possible that Purchas may 
never have come into possession of the maps ; 
but, in that case, we believe it must be assumed that 
the abbreviation of the accounts was not done by 

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him, because it seems to be proved by a certain 
passage in a note appended to the account of the 
second voyage that the person who brought Hall's 
narratives into the shape in which we now have 
them in Purchas was acquainted with the maps. 
The note in question (see pp. 79-80) consists 
of disjointed statements, evidently culled from 
Hall's unabbreviated narrative by somebody who 
appears to have considered that they ought not 
to have been omitted from the abstract, and, there- 
fore, added them at the end. One of these state- 
ments is the following : " Bredaransies Ford is most 
northerly." Now the locality here alluded to was 
visited by Hall on his exploring excursion in the 
pinnace in 1605, and was shown on his map under 
the name of " Brade Ranson's Ford" ; but it is 
not mentioned in his narratives, because in that 
of the first voyage nothing is said about the 
geographical results of the excursion, and on the 
second voyage the place in question was not 
visited. Whoever wrote this note must, there- 
fore, have seen the maps ; and, if any proof were 
wanted that this was not Hall himself, we have 
it in the corruption of the name, which can not 
reasonably be attributed to Hall. If Purchas wrote 
the note, he must have had this information from 
the map (IV, k) ; and, as he is known to have 
suppressed Baffin's map,* he may have suppressed 

• See Purchas his Piigririus, vol. iii, p. 847, note ; also Mark- 
hsim's Voyagts of Witliam Baffin, p. liv. 

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Hall's also. At the same time, in favour of the sup- 
position that he received the narrative in the state in 
which he printed it, we may adduce the consideration 
that, if he had himself collected these additional 
statements from Hall's original MS., he would 
probably have inserted them in' the abstract in 
their proper places, instead of presenting them to 
his readers in such a crude form. In any case, 
whether Purchas or another wrote the note, this 
much is certain : That, not only was the abbre- 
viation made and the note written, but the accounts 
of Hall, in their present form, and his maps 
were seen by persons interested in Arctic Research 
before 1612, because several of Hall's local names 
mentioned in these accounts (and particularly also 
" Bredrans's R.") appear, more or less corrupted, 
on the map published in 1612 by Hessel Gerritsz. 
The date may even have been earlier, because 
Gerritsz's map is generally (and no doubt rightly) 
supposed to be, in the main, a reproduction of 
Hudson's "card", which (apart from the portions 
discovered by Hudson himself) may be taken 
as representing his ideas of the results of arctic 
explorations previous to his own setting out in 
1610. If those names were found on Hudson's 
"card" (as is quite possible), he must have 
had access to Hall's accounts, or to information 
derived from them. We have, however, no means 
of knowing whether those names were on the 
"card"; and it is, perhaps, more probable that 
Hessel Gerritsz put them on his map from informa- 

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tion of his own, as the names mostly appear in a 
corrupted form, which can scarcely have been 
derived from Hudson's " card". The misspelling 
' Bredrans R," of course points to the above- 
mentioned note as its source ; but another of the 
names (" Romborts R." for Ramelsljord — on Hall's 
map " Romlesford") does not occur in Purchas. 

In Purchas' work, Hall's accounts are accompanied 
by numerous side-notes, nearly all merely intended 
for reference. Of these, some seem due to Hall, be- 
cause of the employment of the first person, as : 
" Our departure in the pinnace"; "We meet again 
with the Lion", etc. ; but we have reproduced 
only a few of them, which convey additional in- 

Next in importance to Hall's Report to the King 
of Denmark on the expedition of 1605, and the maps 
belonging to it, stands the manuscript Journal of 
Alexander Leyell, who was one of the crew of the 
pinnace in which Hall made his excursion north- 
wards. Leyell's notes, short as they are, supple- 
ment, in a most fortunate manner. Hall's narrative, 
as will be shown more fully in the proper place. 

A Journal similar to that of Leyell, but relating 
to the second voyage in 1606, has also been 
preserved. It was kept by Hans Bruun, who was 
in command of one of the vessels employed on that 

A third contemporary manuscript, which refers 
to the expedition of 1605, gives a short account of 
the Greenlanders who were at that time brought 

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down to Denmark. It is anonymous, and is of 
little importance for our present purpose. 

Finally, we have to mention a manuscript chart 
of the beginning of the seventeenth century, which 
is of interest in connexion with these expeditions, 
because all the principal names bestowed by Hall 
on various localities in Greenland in 1605 are 
inserted upon it, even such as are not mentioned 
either in the accounts printed by Purchas, or on 
Hessel Gerritsz's map, but only appear on H all's own 
■ map of the coast explored by him. We shall allude 
to this chart hereafter as the " Stockholm Chart" ; 
but, as the observations we have to make on it 
are rather lengthy, we have printed them in form of 
an Appendix (A), to which we refer the reader. 

It is curious that these four documents, like Hall's 
Report to the King, are not preserved in Denmark. 
They all belong to the Royal Library at Stockholm, 
forming part of a volume of manuscripts which is 
generally supposed to have been carried away from 
Denmark, together with other literary treasures, by 
King Carl X Gustaf during his war with Denmark 
in 1658-59.' 

' The four MSS. above mentioned are bound, together with 
several others, in a parchment cover dating from the seventeenth 
century (Catalogue-mark, K. 29). This is marked on the side 
"No. Ij". On the back, near the top, is written : Karl Knuds\{)\ns 
I OchGronlands \ histor^t\ mscr. | // Farther down, is written: 
Anti^uitets Call. s. sign K 2^, which latter inscription is thought 
to be the only portion dating from the period subsequent to the 
removal of the volume to Sweden. On the first flyleaf is written : 
Antrox Lymvicj Cimbrj 8j, apparently indicating that the volume 

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The three first-named documents were made use 
offer the first time by Dr. C. Pingel, and published 
in 1845 in his vahiable paper entitled Nyere Reiser 
til GrSnland (Modern Voyages to Greenland).' 
Complete translations of the Journals will be found 
in the following pages, partly in. our general account 
of these two voyages, partly in our notes to 
Hall's accounts ; but, as they consist entirely of 
short disconnected entries, it has not been thought 
necessary to print them separately and as a whole 
amongst the texts. Nor have we seen sufficient 
reason for translating the account of the Green- 
landers. The Stockholm Chart was brought to 

(or, at any rate, the first manuscript contained in it) once vas the 
property of a native of Jutland, named Anders Lemvig, which is 
a Danish name. Leyell's Journal consists of six leaves (21 by 
16.5 cm.), of which the first only contains the following title : 
Sandferdigk Beretnirtgh om ihenn Groenlandess retse som Kmtng. 
May. 3 Skiff giorde Anno 1605. Alexander Zeyeil. (" A truthful 
Account of the Voyage to Greenland which three of H.R.M. 
Ships made in the year 1605, A, L.") This is repeated as a 
heading to the Journal, which commences on the second leaf. 
The last leaf contains only four and a half lines of text, besides a 
note signed Wyllm Hendricks ij Egebtck. The handwriting is 
the same all through, neat and firm, excepting the note at the 
end and another in the margin of the second page of the fourth 
leaf, which are both in the same, much inferior hand. Bruun's 
Journal is written on three leaves (10,7 by 16.8 cm.), in a less 
good hand than Leyell's. It has neither title-page nor heading. 
The anonymous notice of the Greenlanders occupies three leaves. 
With r^ard to the Stocliholm Chart, we refer the reader for parti- 
culars to Appendix A. 

^ In Groniands historiske Mindesmarker, vol. iii, pp. 615-794. 
Copenhagen (The Royal Society of Antiquaries), 1845. 

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light in 1 886 (though the bare fact of its existence 
was known before) by Mr. K. J. V, Steenstrup, of 
Copenhagen, who wrote an article on it in the 
periodical Ytner^ accompanied by a reproduction of 
the Chart. As, however, this periodical will not be 
accessible to the majority of our readers, we have 
caused a new facsimile reproduction to be made for 
the present volume. 

Until the discovery of Hall's Report and the pub- 
lication of his maps and the two Journals above- 
mentioned, the history of the two first Danish 
expeditions to Greenland was, as already stated, 
chiefly known from Hall's accounts in Purchas's 
work ; but it must not be inferred that no contem- 
porary Danish accounts were known to exist. As a 
matter of fact, two were known ; one by Jens 
Bielke and the other by C. C. Lyschander, both of 
them well-known Danish authors, and both of them 
unmistakeably supplied with information by persons 
who had taken part in the expeditions. But, un- 
fortunately, both of these narratives are popular 
compositions in verse, aiming rather at the enter- 
tainment of the reader than at conveying accurate 
information ; and, though the geographical explora- 
tion and mapping of the coast are mentioned, no 
details of a precise nature are given. We have, of 
course, adduced whatever these treatises contain that 

' Ymer, 1886, Stockholm (Svenska Sdilskapet for Anthropolegi 
oek Geografi [The Swedish Anthropological and Gec^;niphical 
Society]) p. 83-88. 

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is serviceable for our purpose ; but, as this is only 
very little in comparison with their bulk, we have 
not translated them in full. 

Bielke's Relation otn Gronland, as it is called, 
treats only of the Voyage of 1605, and has never 
been published.' Lyschander's account is to be found 
in his printed work, Den Gronlandske Chronica, 
which was published in 1608^ and reprinted in 

' The original manuscript is preserved in the Royal Library 
at Copenhagen {Gl. Kgl. Samling, No. pp6), and forms part of a 
stately volume (30 by 20 cm.), bound in blue velvet with gilt 
edges. This contains 39 leaves, besides the flyleaf, of which 
Bielke's Reialion occupies 39. 

" Den Gronlandske Chronica ; Huontdi Kaarteligen beskriffuis, 
Huorledis Landet i fordum lid \ erjorsifunddet : Besat met Indbyg- 
gere \ haffuer ligged til Konggemis Fadebuer vdi Norrig \ Anammet 
den Christelige Tro : Varet vndder de Erchebispper aff Trundhiam 
I och haffd sine tgne sardelis Bispper : . . . | me/ Siormetiige 
I . , . konning Christian den fjarddis . . . ireitdde fycksalige 
Togh. De irandde forste giordde paa den Suduasie side afLanddet. 
Anno Christi i6oj oc 1606. Dend Tredie stillet effler Erieksfiord 
oe dend fordum Norske Seyiadts, i6oy. Allt Danskt oc JVbrdbag^r 
HI j£re och Amindde, Prendtet vdi Kiobenhawn \ Aff BenedicAt 
Laurentz. 1608. 8°, Title, two prel. leaves, A-Z iij ; unpaged. 
The full title reads thus in English -.—The Greenland Chronicle: 
In which is briefly described how that land in olden time was first 
discovered, vas settled by inhabitants, was appropriated to the larder 
of the Kings of Norway, received the Christian Faith, was subject to 
the Archbishops of Trondhiem, and had its man particular Bishops ; 
together with a clear and orderly list of many Kings of Norway and 
of all the Bishops of Greenland, and other Norwegian and Icelandic 
ei'ents and such of the South Islands [Suderoeme or Syderoeme (the 
South Islands) is the ancient Danish and Norwegian name for the 
Hebrides] | referred to their proper times and years, as much as 
one may gather from the ancient antiquities and records of Denmark, 
Norway, England, Scotland, Frisland, Iceland, the Isle of Man, 

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1726.' In this work is narrated the ancient history 
of Greenland to the cessation of communication with 
it, as well as the voyages undertaken for its redis- 
covery (amongst them Frobisher's) down to, and 
including, the three Danish expeditions of 1605-6-7, 
of which there is a full account. 

The last-mentioned circumstance is very fortunate, 
because no other account of the third expedition — 
that of 1607 — is now known to exist. Purchas, 
after recounting the events of the second voyage, 
merely says :* " I have also Master Halts Voyage 
of the next yeere, 1607, to Groenland from Den- 
niarke, written and with representations of Land- 
sights curiously delineated by losias Hubert of 
Hull; but the Danes (envious, perhaps, that the 

and of other neigMourirtg kmgdona and countries ; and fitrtker- 
more, the three luecess/ul expeditions of the most mighty, highborn 
Prince and Lord, King Christian the Fourth, King of Denmark, 
Norway, the Gothes and Vandals, etc., the two first being made to 
the South- IVesiem part of the country in the years i6oS and 1606, 
the third directed towards Eriksfiord and the ancient Norwegian 
route in 160J. JVinled for the honour and rememhrance of all 
Danes and Norwegians at Copenhagen by Benedict Laurentt, 160S. 
The author's name appears only under the preface. This first 
edition is so rare that we know of no copy existing in England. 
Our references to the work will, therefore, be to the second edition. 

' This is a reprint with modernized spelhng. The title has the 
additional words : Og nu paa nye trykt udi Hans Kgl. Majesirats 
privil, Bogtrykkerie, 1726 ("and now printed anew in H. R. M. 
privileged Printing-house, 1726"). The work is an octavo, and 
consists of four preliminaiy leaves, including title, and 144 pages. 
Pages 139-144 are occupied by different matter. The account of 
the expeditions of 1605-1607 occupies pp. 93-139. 

' Purchas his Pilgrimes, vol. iii, p. 837. 

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glory of the Discovery would be attributed to the 
English Pilot), after the Land saluted, mutinied, 
and, in fine, forced the ship to returne for Island. 
For which cause, [ have here omitted the whole." 

That Hall should not have written this account 
himself, as he wrote the others, seems rather 
strange ; but it may very well be that he did not 
think it worth while, as the voyage really was a 
failure. In any case, there is no reason that we are 
aware of, for thinking otherwise than that Josias 
Hubert wrote it from Hall's notes, and that the 
"land-sights" (which Hall, as we know, was very 
capable of drawing) were his work. There is, as 
far as we are aware, no further indication that Hubert 
accompanied Hall on any of his voyages.^ 

' Josias Hubert (otherwise Hubart and Hubbert) was, like Hall, 
a Hull man. Unless the above may be talcen to indicate that he 
sailed with Hall in 1 607, we know nothing of him till the year 1 61 z, 
when he sailed under Button, probably as mate or pilot of one of 
the vessels. Some observations of his, made on this voyage and 
printed by Luke Foxe {North-^mest Fox, p. 120; see also Miller 
Christy's Visages of Foxe and James, p. 171), show that he 
was both a skilled scientific observer and a very intelligent man. 
He made a chart of the western coast of Hudson's Bay (see 
Purckas his PUgrimes, vol. iii, p 848; North-west Fox, p. 161 ; 
and Voyages of Foxe and James, pp. 163 «., 178 «., and 241) 
which is now lost. He seems to have been of the opinion that a 
passage from Hudson's Bay to the Pacific should be sought 
in Churchill Bay, whence that Bay came to be known as 
" Hubert's Hope " (see Voyages of Foxe and James, p. 1 78 nolt, 
etc.). He probably sailed with Bylot and Baffin to Hudson's 
Bay in 1615, and is known to have accompanied them on their 
remarkable voyage to Baffin's Bay in 1616 {North-west Fox 
p. 159, and Voyages of Foxe and James p. iji) 

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Lyschander's Chronica has — as, indeed, is na- 
tural — never been translated into any other language 1 
but the main contents of it have become widely 
known through Isaac de la Peyrere's Relation du 
Groenlande. This writer accompanied Mons. de la 
Thuillerie on his embassy from France to Denmark 
and Sweden in i644-45.and utilized the opportunity for 
collecting information on the countries of the extreme 
North, which he embodied in two treatises. Relation 
de thlande and Relation du Groenlande. The latter 
was published anonymously at Paris in 1647. About 
one-half of it consists of an abstract of Lyschander's 
Chronica, which is alluded to as the "Danish Chroni- 
cle", Lyschander's name being scarcely mentioned. 
It obtained extraordinary currency on the Continent 
through numerous reprints and translations, and 
exercised a very considerable inHuence on the ideas 
of educated people concerning the far-away countries 
in question. Unfortunately, however. La Peyrere's 
accounts are far from reliable. He did not under- 
stand the Scandinavian languages, and had to trust 
largely, not only to translations, but to verbal 
communications, which he evidently often misunder- 
stood. Many and serious mistakes thus arose, and 
regrettable errors concerning the matters treated 
of in his book obtained, in consequence, wide accept- 
ance. As it is more particularly in connection with 
Munk's voyage that the different translations of 
this book have interest, we refer to our bibliographic 
notice on that voyage for further information on the 
subject, and content ourselves with mentioning those 

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which have appeared in this country. The earliest of 
these was published in 1704 in Churchill's Collection 
of Voyages and Travels (vol. ii, pp. 447-477). Next 
followed a very full abstract of those portions of 
the book which treat of the early history of 
Greenland proper, and of the voyages undertaken 
for the rediscovery of it, mainly from Lyschander, 
which appeared in 1818 in the second English 
edition of Hans Egede's Description of Greenland} 
Finally, a complete translation of the Relation du 
Groenlande WBS published in 1850 by the Hakluyt 

Of Hall's own expedition from England to 
Greenland in 161 2, there are two accounts: one, 
comprising the whole voyage, by John Gatonbe (or 
Gatenby), which was not published till 1732'; the 
other, by William Baffin, which only commences on 
July 8th, 1612, and was published — in an "abbre- 
viated" form as usual^ — in Purchas his Pilgrimes} 
The former is the fuller and more complete of the 
two, and has the advantage of various illustrations 
and a map, but several details are given only in 
Baffin's narrative. The latter, as well as that of 
Gatonbe down to July loth, 161 2, were reprinted 

* In Hans Egede's Deseriplwn of Greenland .... K'Uh an 
Historical Introduction. Second edition, London, 1818, 8vo, 
pp. xiv-lxxxvi. 

* A Collection of Documents on Spitsbergen and Greenland .... 
Edited hy Adam White. (London, 1850, 8vo), pp. 175-249. 

* In Churchill's Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol, vi (1732), 
pp. 341-151- ' Op. eii. (1615), vol. iii, pp. 831-836. 

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and annotated by Mr. Clements R. Markham in his 
work on Baffin.' We have reprinted them both in 
full, but we have not reproduced the map which 
accompanies Gatonbe's account, for reasons which 
will be found explained hereafter, in our preliminary 
remarks on the voyage of 1612. 

Finally, it should be mentioned that the accounts 
of all four voyages published by Purchas were 
abstracted in 1635 by Foxe, in his Nortk-West Foxe? 

II. — Preliminary Remarks on the Voyages to 
Greenland in 1605, 1606, 1607, and 1612. 

The discovery of Greenland by Icelanders in the 
tenth century and the subsequent fate of the Scan- 
dinavian colony planted there have been told so 
often that there is no occasion for us here to enter 
at length on that subject. Suffice it, therefore, to 
remind our readers that Greenland, like Iceland, 
became, in the thirteenth century, subject to Norway, 
and, with that Kingdom, subsequently became a part 
of the dominions of the King of Denmark ; but that 
the communication between Greenland and the 
Scandinavian countries, after having been kept up 
for five centuries, entirely ceased in the course of 
the fifteenth century, owing to various causes. 

^ The Voyages of Wiiiiam Baffin, 1613-1622. London (Hakluyt 
Society), 1881, pp. 1-37. 

* Op. at., pp. 50-61. See also Miller Christy's Voyagei of 
Foxe and James (Hakluyt Society, 1894), pp. 86-101. 

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Of these, the principal one was, perhaps, the fact 
that, the revenue from Greenland being specially 
allotted to the Royal household, the trade became a 
monopoly and was neglected when more pressing 
affairs took up the attention of the King. 

The existence of this distant dependency was, 
however, not forgotten ; and, during the sixteenth 
century, the question of re-opening communication 
with it was mooted several times, partly on account 
of the interest felt by well-informed persons in the 
fate of the Scandinavian colonists there (who had so 
long been left to their own resources, but who were 
still supposed to exist), and partly, no doubt, on 
account of the commercial and financial advantages 
to be expected, the land being described in many 
old accounts as fertile and well-to-do. Nothing, 
however, was effected till the matter was taken up 
by King Christian IV. This able and energetic 
young Sovereign, who took every opportunity of 
extending the trade and shipping of his subjects, 
sent out three well-equipped expeditions in the 
years 1605-6-7 for the purposes of ascertaining the 
best route to Greenland, of exploring the land, of 
searching for the old colony, and of re-establishing 
the dominion of the Danish (or, rather, Norwegian) 
Crown there. 

No copy of the Letter of Instructions given to 
the commanders of the expedition in 1605 now 
exists ; but in what light the King viewed this 
undertaking, and what it was intended to effect, may 
be gathered from the expressions used in the Sea- 



passport, or Letter of Credence, with which the 
commanders of the vessels were furnished. In this 
document, which is dated April 18, 1605, we read 
as follows : — 

" We, Christian the Fourth [etc.], .... Inas- 
much as the sailing-route to and from our land 
of Greenland has become somewhat doubtful and 
uncertain, because, for a long space of time, it 
has not been frequented by our people, and inas- 
much as we have thought it a part of our duty 
of government to ascertain the state of that our 
dominion, in order that we may in future provide 
for it whatever may be necessary in respect of 
Religion and the administration of Law and Justice : 
We have sent our Captain .... with orders to 
investigate the route to this our aforesaid dominion 
of Greenland and the harbours of it, in order that, 
when those have been found and report has been 
made to us upon them. We may take such measures 
as we shall think advisable and required by the 
circumstances . . . ." etc., etc.^ 

The expedition consisted of three vessels called 
Trosi, Den RSde Love (or simply Loven), and Katten. 
The first of these names is a German word meaning 
" Consolation", and the vessel was probably so 
called from some canine favourite of the Queen, 
who was a German princess. Both Bielke and 
Lyschander continually refer to the vessel as Hiin- 

1 Sjallandske Register [a calendar of letters, etc., issued from 
the Danish Chancery] for 1605. 

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den (the Dog), or Skjodehunden (the Lap-dog) ; and, 
as might be expected, they indulge in a good deal of 
punning on the name in connection with those of the 
two other vessels ; for the English equivalents of the 
names of the two last-mentioned vessels would be 
the Red Lion (or simply the Lion) and the Cat} 

The vessels mentioned all belonged to the Danish 
Navy, and were probably amongst (he best of their 
class, as they are frequently mentioned as being in 
commission. In a list of vessels employed in 1610 
and 161 1, Trost and Katten are classed amongst 
the newer ships, Loven amongst the older ones. 
The first had been built by David Balfour, a Scotch- 
man (b. at St Andrews, 1574), who during the 
greater portion of the period from 1597-1634 was 
employed in building ships for the Danish Navy. 
She was a fast vessel, as also was Katten; but 
Loven is described as rather slow and unhandy 
when sailing close to the wind. There does not 

> As we shall often have to mention these and other Danish 
ships' names, we may observe in this place that, in Danish, the 
names of ships do not take the article as in English. One would 
not, in Danish, say, the Sultan, the Victoria, but simply Sultan, 
Victoria. The article is used only when the name is really an 
api>ellative, as in the case of JJiven and Katten, and then it forms 
an integral part of the name, being af!ixed to the last syllable and 
inflected with it (unless an adjective is added). As the article, 
therefore, in such cases, cannot be separated from the substantive 
and translated by itself, and as it would be surplusage to say the 
den Rode Llype, or the Katten, we cannot, in these cases, use the 
English article, unless the whole name is translated. We may say 
the Trosl, and we might say the Riide Love, but we must say 
l,iiven and Katten, or else The Jjon and The Cat. 

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appear to be any official record of their sizes, crews, 
or armaments; but Hall states in his account of 
the first voyage {see p. 20) that Trost and LSven 
were of the burthen of 30 or 40 Lasts, while Kaiten 
was of 1 2 Lasts ; and, in the note at the end of his 
account of the second voyage (see p. 80) it is 
stated that Trost was of 60 tons, L&uen of 70 
tons, and Katteu of 20 tons, which statements 
agree fairly well, the Danish Last, formerly used 
for the measurement of ships in Denmark, being 
nearly equal to two English tons. Hall also 
states (see p. 80) that, on the second voyage, 
their respective complements were 48, 48, and 
1 2 men ; and on the first voyage it was most 
likely about the same. According to a list of 1648, 
on which Trost is still mentioned as an old vessel 
carrying 16 guns (which, if the figure be correct, 
must have been of small calibre), Loven appears 
to have carried only six. Katten was probably 
only armed with a couple of small pieces. Vessels 
of her class served only as tenders, and she was, 
in this case, no doubt chiefly intended for the 
exploration of bays, harbours, etc. She appears 
afterwards to have gone by the name of " The 
Greenland Cat". 

John Cunningham, a Scotchman of notable 
family, was Captain of Trost and Chief Com- 
mander of the expedition.* He is said to have 

' In Denmark, he was generally called " Konig", but the name 
was corrapted in various ways. Lyschander, in one place, calls 
him " Hans Keymand". 

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travelled much and far, before he settled in Den- 
mark, where he became a Captain in the Navy in 
1603. He left the service in 1619, when he was 
made Lehnsman of Vardohuus, that is, Governor of 
the Province of Finmarken, in the North of Nor- 
way. This post he retained until 1651, and he died 
soon after at an advanced age. 

The name of Cunningham's lieutenant' (who 
appears at the same time to have been " skipper", 
or navigating officer) is stated by Hall to have 
been Arnold, but nothing further is known of him. 

Cunningham's first-mate, who acted as "pilot" of 
the expedition, was James Hall (in Denmark called 
"Jacob Hall" or " Hald"), the author of the accounts 
already often referred to. He was a native of Hull, 
and may have belonged to a family of that name 
settled there, and of which several members are 
known to have been brethren of the Trinity House 
at Hull in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.* 

^ The word " lieutenant" is not used here to denote a particular 
class of officers so called, which did not exist in the Danish navy 
previous to 1620. It is used in its general sense of a person 
empowered to take another man's place in case of need. A sea- 
captain's "lieutenant" might be another captain, a navigating 
officer, etc. 

* We are indebted to Mr. E. S. Wilson, SecreUryto the Trinity 
House at Hull, for the information that, in the course of the 
sixteenth century, a Hugh Hall (afterwards Sheriff of Hull), a 
Walter Hall, and two men of the name of John Hall, were 
members of that Corporation, as well as a Samuel and a Roger 
Hall in the seventeenth century. The accounts show that, for 
one of them, a pair of fur-lined breeches, very suitable for an 
Arctic Expedition, were made in 1610, but his name was John. 

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Although we have made careful enquiries in Hull 
and elsewhere, we have failed to obtain a single 
scrap of information as to Hall's family history, 
antecedents, and personality — as to which absolutely 
nothing appears to be known. 

That an Englishman should have been thus 
selected for the post of Pilot of a Danish Arctic 
Expedition is easily explained when it is taken 
into consideration that, whilst ancient sailing- 
directions for the voyage from Norway (more 
especially from Bergen) to Greenland existed in 
various old writings and were well known (such 
as those of Ivar Bardsen'), the generation of 
Danish or Norwegian mariners who, of their own 
experience, knew anything about Greenland or its 
coasts, had long since died out ; and, as the most 
notable recent voyages of discovery (such as those 
of Frobisher, Davis, and Weymouth) to that 
region had proceeded from England, it was from 
thence that a competent pilot was most likely to 
be had. Nor was Hall the first Englishman who 
had been employed by a King of Denmark to re- 
discover the lost Danish Colonies in Greenland. 
Captain John Allday had commanded an Expedition 
with that object in 1579^; but, on that occasion, as 
on several others, though the land was sighted, it 
could not be reached for ice. 

' See B, F. Decosta's Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson, . . . 
from the Old Danish of Ivar Bardsen. Albany (N.Y.), 8vo, 

^ See Dr. C. Pingel, Nyere Reiser HI Groniand, pp. 639-650. 

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In what manner, or through what channel. Hall 
came to be engaged is not known. Perhaps a hint 
in this direction may be afforded by an order, dated 
May 1606, to the Custom House officers at Elsi- 
■ note (a copy of which is still extant),^ in which the 
King commanded them to stop the first English 
mate, suitable for the King's service, that should 
arrive there, and to send him to Copenhagen, 
where the King would cause negotiations to be 
opened with him. It is not at all impossible that 
King Christian IV may have obtained the services 
of Hall the year before in this manner. At the 
same time, being brother-in-law to James I of 
England, Christian IV may have been able to hear 
of a suitable man direct from England. Moreover, 
one of his most trusted servants was a Scotch- 
man, Andrew Sinclair {b. 1555; d. 1625; from 
1607 a Councillor of the Realm), who conducted his 
English correspondence, and was frequently sent on 
business to England, where he was in high favour 
with James I. His first recorded embassy was in 
16 ID, but he may, nevertheless, have been the inter- 
mediary in this affair. 

Howbeit, all writers agree that Hall was engaged 
on account of his real or supposed knowledge of the 
regions to be visited. .Lyschander says^that he had 
been before "to Frisland and other neighbouring 
lands towards America", but nothing is known from 

I Sjali. Segist, 1606. 

' Dtn GrSnhfuUke Chronica, ed. 1726, p. 96. 

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Other sources about his previous Arctic experiences. 
Nowhere in his accounts does he refer distinctly to 
any such, but his language throughout (especially 
in the Report to the King) is that of a man 
who has a practical, and not a merely theoretical 
or hear-say, knowledge of the navigation of Davis 
Strait. On several occasions, when the Danish 
officers expressed doubts as to the route he was 
following, he told them confidently that, if they 
would follow him, he would conduct the fleet " to a 
pte of the land without pester of ice"; and, more- 
over, he gave the mate on board Loven " directions, 
if he should lose us, to gett [to] that pte of Groine- 
lahd cleare without ice" {see pp. 6, 7, and 27). Later 
on (see p. 8), he encountered the great ice-bank, which 
is well-known to lie in the middle of Davis Strait, 
" which banke [says Hall] I knewe verie well to lye 
in the mid-streeme between Afnertca and Groine- 
iand". Then, having reached the termination of the 
ice-bank, and " pfectlye knowinge myselfe [says 
Hall ; see p. 9] to be shott in the latitud. of the 
cleare ptes of the coast of Groineland, I directed my 
course E. by N. for the lande, the whiche .... we 
fell withall the next daye." 

On the whole, we think that anyone reading Hall's 
narratives will be inclined to believe that Hall had 
accompanied some earlier Arctic explorer, though 
it may have been in a subordinate capacity ; and, as 
he appears to have had particular knowledge of 
Davis Strait, whilst no earlier voyages to that region 
in which he can have taken part are known to 

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have been undertaken, except those of Davis, it 
seems that, if Hall had been there before, it must 
have been with him. Of course Hall may not 
really have known more than what he could gather 
from the published accounts of Davis's voyages, 
especially concerning the ice along the coast of Green- 
land. But, on the other hand, the conclusion that 
he had been with Davis is not a little strengthened 
by the only reference to Davis in connection with 
Hall's knowledge of the geography of Greenland 
which can be adduced. We allude to John Gatonbe's 
statement, in his account of the voyage of 1612 
(see p. 89), that, on the 14th of May, they had sight 
of land, " and our master made it Cape Farewel, so 
called by Captain Davids at the first finding of the 
country in anno 1585. because he could not come 
near the land by 6 or 7 leagues for ice." There 
seems to be about these words a smack of personal 
knowledge ; at the same time, they do not read 
as if they were intended to convey Gatonbe's own 
information, but rather appear to be a repetition 
of what he had heard from Hall on the occasion 
referred to. But, if so, whence had Hall this 
knowledge ? Certainly not from Davis' accounts of 
his voyages. The only passage in these which can 
refer to this matter is the following, in the account of 
Davis' second voyage (1586)' : " And the 15th June, 

* Hakluyt's Visages, vol. ni (1600), p. 103 ; see also Admiral 
Maikham's Voyages and Works of John Dm'is (Hakluyt Society, 
1880), p. 15. 

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I discovered land in the latitude of 60 degrees, and 
in longitude from the meridian of London westwards 
47 degrees, meightily pesteredwith yce and snow, so 
that there was no hope of landing. The yce lay in 
some places tenne leagues, in some 20, and in some 
50 leagues off the shore, so that we were constrained 
to beare into 57 degrees to double the same and to 
recover a free sea, which, through God's favourable 
mercy, we at length obtayned." There is no de- 
scription of the country here — no mention even of 
any promontory ; indeed, the name of Cape Farewell 
does not occur once in Davis' accounts of his voyages. 
The earliest publication in which it -occurs, and 
through which it has come into general use, is 
Hessel Gerritsz's map, which was published in 
1612; but this Hall can scarcely have known, as 
it was published (according to the explanation 
on the back of it) sometime after the dispatch of 
Button's expedition in April 1612, and Hall sailed 
before Button. Of course Hall may have had 
the name from the same source (to us unknown) 
from which Hessel Gerritsz had it ; but, what- 
ever this may have been, it is not in the least 
likely that Hall could thence have obtained (any 
more than from the map, even had he known it) 
such a description of Cape Farewell as would 
enable him, not only to recognize it, but to dis- 
tinguish it from others. Yet that is precisely what 
he did. If Hall had known no more of Cape 
Farewell than what be might have gathered from 
Gerritsz's map, from Davis' account, or from any 

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tradition that might have survived from Davis' time, 
it may be considered almost certain that, when he 
sighted Cape Christian, he would have taken this for 
Cape Farewell. But he never did so : he does not 
appear for one moment to have confounded them ; 
and it seems difficult to see how he can have acquired 
the necessary knowledge for this if he had not been 
with Davis when the latter saw and named Cape 
Farewell in 1586. 

That Hall was an experienced navigator may be 
inferred from a document preserved in the Danish 
State Archives,^ amongst papers referring to the 
voyage of Jens Munk in 1619-20, and which professes 
to record the opinion of Hall regarding the proba- 
bility of a North-West passage to China. As we 
shall have to allude further to this document in another 
place, it may suffice to say here that it mentions, 
inter alia, some experiences of Hall's whilst on a 
voyage to India some years before he sailed in the 
Danish expeditions to Greenland. The fact of his 
having been consulted on the above-mentioned 
subject may, perhaps, be taken as strengthening the 
supposition of his having been on some previous 
expedition in search of a North-West passage. 

On what terms Hall served on the expedition of 
1605 is not known ; but it appears that, on his 
voyage in that year to Denmark (probably after 
having been provisionally engaged before), he 

' Indkomne Breve til CancelHtt (Communications received by 
the Chancer]^), 1619. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


travelled by way of Norway, because there is 
among the Danish State Papers an Order to the 
Treasury, dated February 26, 1606, to repay the 
local authorities at Bergen the sum of 45 Rix dollars, 
by them advanced to Hall for board and other 
expenses, "when he had been summoned by Us to 
this Realm".^ 

Leaving Hall's subsequent career in Denmark 
and elsewhere until his death in 1612 for notice in 
the proper place, we may briefly mention the officers 
of the other vessels composing the Expedition of 

Den Rsde LSve was commanded by Godske 
Lindenow, a well-known Danish officer, who after- 
wards became chief of the Dockyard, besides seeing a 
good deal of active service before his death in 
1612.^ His lieutenant was Karsten Mannteufel, 

1 Sjallandske Tegnelser (another Calendar of Chancery Letters), 
XX, fol. 6sa. 

^ Isaac de la Peyrtre states (Jiel. du Groenl., p. 160) that Linde- 
now held the supreme command of the Expedition, and this error 
has been repeated by many writers, such as Forster ( Voyages and 
Discoveries in the North 1786, p. 467) and Barrow {Chronological 
History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions, 1818, p J7»). Linde- 
now, as a native and a nobleman, would, as such, according to 
the custom of the time, no doubt, take precedence over Cunning- 
ham, a foreigner ; but, as Ha)!, the Pilot of the Expedition, was 
English, and very likely knew but little Danish, it was no 
doubt thought better for Cunningham, a Scotchman, to be placed 
in command. On the second voyage, however, when Lindenow 
had gained experience and Hall had probably become familiar 
with Danish, their respective positions were reversed, and 
Lindenow held the supreme command. 

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who had been page to Christian IV, and after- 
warxls became a captain, as was often the case 
at that time, both in the army and in the navy. 
He belonged to a still-flourishing German family. 
In Denmark, his name seems to have been generally 
translated into Manc^ie^ue/ {Ma.n-devi\). Lindenow's 
mate was Peter Kieldsen, of whom Hall implies 
(see p. 32) that he had served, eight years before, on 
some other Arctic exploring expedition, and had, on 
that occasion, shown want of pluck and enterprise. 
This seems, however, to rest on some mistake. No 
Arctic expedition in which he could have served is 
known to have been made about the year 1597 ; 
and, although he is known to have served as skipper 
or navigating officer in 1596 on board a vessel 
which was sent to the north of Norway, no 
discreditable conduct is reported of him. Kieldsen 
may, however, have been out on whaling expeditions. 
He became afterwards a Captain in the Navy.^ 

• That he was afterwards considered a man of Arctic experience 
may be inferred from the circumstance that his name appears, 
together with that of another Styrmand and a certain Biscayan, 
under a written opinion, dated May 6, 1619 (amongst the papers 
referrii^ to Munk, Indk. Breve til Cane., z6jq), concerning the 
best route to be token on some voyage, not further specified. It 
is to the effect, that it would be best to make for " Terhaffen 
or Madelin Bay, on the coast of Greenland". From this it may 
be concluded that the voyage was probably a whaling expedition, 
undertaken or contemplated by the Greenland Company, which 
was founded in 1619 at Copenhagen. That Maudlin Bay is 
described as being situated " on the coast of Greenland", is, of 
course, accounted for by the fact that Spitzbeigen, at that time, 
was believed to form part of Greenland. 

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The pinnace Katten was commanded by an Eng- 
lishman, John Knight. With regard to him also, it 
is stated by some writers that he had been engaged 
on account of his knowledge of the Arctic Regions ; 
but of his antecedents nothing is known'. He is 
not reported to have had any permanent engage- 
ment in Denmark ; and, whilst Hall remained there 
until at least 1607, Knight returned to England after 
the first voyage in 1605, and died in the following 
year on an English expedition for the discovery of 
a North-West passage, of which he had obtained 
the command, very likely on the strength of his 
having been employed on the Danish expedition of 
1605. On board Katten was Alexander Leyell, 
who wrote the Diary already mentioned (see p. xv). 
In the first entry, after mentioning the names of 
the ships, Leyell says : " and Katten carried with 
her this truthful report". In what capacity he 
took part in the expedition, is not known. At 
the end of his journal, is a note in another hand- 
writing, signed " Wyllm Hendrichs ij Egebeck", 
to this effect : " The elevation on the line is not 
indicated in this Report : whether on purpose or 
by neglect, I do not know ; but the mate ought to 

• Some seem to have mixed him up with Hall, ascribing to 
him the position and work of the latter, as, for instance, the 
author of the Historical Introduction to Egede's Dtscrtption of 
Greenland (ed. 1818, p. Ixv). La Peyrfere did probably the same, 
because he does not mention Knight, but describes Hall (whose 
name he does not give) as "Captain and Pilot" (p. 150) or as 
" the English Captain" (p. 155). 

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have noted it." From this ' it may, perhaps, be 
inferred that the writer of the note {who, from 
another annotation of his, appears to have been 
a contemporary) thought that Leyell had occupied 
the post of mate. Nothing further seems to be 
known of him ; but a certain Villom Leyell (perhaps 
a relative), who was employed in the Danish navy In 
the early part of the seventeenth century, is stated 
to have been a native of Elsinore'. 

The expedition sailed on the 2nd of May, taking, 
not the course recommended by the ancient Scandi- 
navian Sailing Directions, but that which had been 
followed by English explorers starting from the East 
Coast, namely, between the Orkneys and Shetland, 
past Fair Is]e,and thence, as straight as circumstances 
would allow, for Davis Strait, the entrance of which 
is but little to the north of Fair Isle. The voyage 
across the Atlantic was uneventful. Lyschander 
says that they came within sight of America, and 
thence steered into Davis Strait^; but, as neither Hall 
nor Leyell mentions this, the statement is probably 
founded on some confusion with the second voyage, 
on which they really went so far West that they 
sighted America. As he passed near the spot 
where the imaginary Island of Buss (a few remarks 
on which will be found in Appendix B.) was then 
commonly supposed to be, he kept (see p. 24) a 

1 According to H, D. Lind, Kong Christian den Fjerde og haus 
Mandpaa Bremtrhelm (Copenhagen, 1889), p. 260. 
' Den Gi^nlandske Chronica, 1736 Ed., p. 98. 

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sharp look-out for it, but, of course, without success. 
When not far from Greenland, the vessels became 
separated in a thick fog, and this caused the captain 
oi Lihien and his mate to request Hall to furnish them 
with a chart by which they might proceed on the 
voyage (or, at any rate, return home) if such an 
eventuality should again occur. Hall says that he 
thereupon gave them "a Sea Chart for those coasts", 
together with necessary directions (see pp. 6 and 27). 
The Chart thus given was presumably a copy of 
the one by which Hall himself was sailing, and the 
interesting question arises ; What Chart this can 
have been ? The marine charts of that time are 
but little known ; but it has been suggested that it 
may have been a copy of the " Stockholm Chart" 
(see p. xvi), with regard to which we refer our 
readers to Appendix A. 

Some days after this occurrence, Godske Lindenow, 
with his ship Den Rode LSve, separated himself from 
the other vessels, and endeavoured to reach his 
destination by a different course. Hall's account 
of this matter leaves the impression that, already 
when Lindenow and Kieldsen asked him for a chart, 
he suspected that they intended to render themselves 
independent of him, and that he yielded to their re- 
quest only after receiving from them the most solemn 
promises to the effect that they would not do so. 
When they eventually stood off, he appears to have 
thought that they did so partly out of fear, being 
alarmed at the dangers of navigation among the ice, 
and partly out of sheer perversity, feeling themselves 

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independent with the chart they had obtained. The 
Danish chronicler, Lyschander, however, puts a 
somewhat different complexion upon the affair. We 
have already remarked that the course taken by Hall 
was different from that recommended in the old sail- 
ing-directions, of which the tradition had survived. 
Lyschander alludes to this matter in mentioning 
Hall's engagement, adding that nobody could tell 
for a certainty whether the route proposed by Hall 
really was the better one, but that "the Norwegian" 
i^Baggen) knew for a perfect certainty that it was 
not the one by which Greenland had formerly been 
approached, this old route lying further to the north.^ 
Whether Lyschander, in speaking of " the Nor- 
wegian", alluded to the fact that the ancient commu- 
nication with Greenland was chiefly from Bergen in 
Norway, or was thinking of Peter Kieldsen (who 
may have been a Norwegian), is not clear ; but, 
in any case, it appears that a strong difference 
of opinion had shown itself at the very outset. Hall, 
following his own ideas, had sailed up Davis Strait 
to the north, out of sight of land, hoping {with good 
reason, as it turned out) that he should be able to 
get round the northern end of the great icebelt, 
which prevented access to the south-west coast of 
Greenland ; but, whether it be that he had not ex- 
plained himself sufficiently to the Danes, or that they 
did not consider his reasoning conclusive, they appear 
to have feared that, by following Hall's course, they 

' Gen Gronlandske Chronica, 1726 Ed., p. 96. 

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should only get farther away from the goal of their 
voyage. It must be remembered that they were 
not merely to find Greenland, but particularly to find 
the old settlements, which were at that time univer- 
sally believed to have been situated near the southern- 
most point of Greenland, and on the east coast, 
opposite Iceland ; in which case, of course, they 
could not be reached by the route Hall was follow- 
ing. It was, according to Lyschander,' for this 
reason that Lindenow left the Admiral. At the 
same time, his expressions seem to disclose a certain 
amount of national jealousy ; "The Dane," he says, 
"is also able to effect something, when he is obliged 
to do without the foreigner"; and it is unmistakeable 
that the Danes were strongly inclined to rely upon 
Kieldsen, who seems to have been an energetic and 
self-confident man, rather than upon Hall. 

That the matter was afterwards hotly discussedj 
and that opinions were divided, may be concluded 
from Bielke's mode of dealing with it Where he 
mentions the separation of the ships, he merely says 
that those on board Loven were tired of always 
being left behind, their vessel being slower than the 
others ; and, after narrating the exploits and the 
return of Lindenow, he adds, diplomatically enough, 
that whoever wishes to know why the ships did not 
remain together may learn it by asking some one 
who was present ; that it was difficult to write 
about such matters so as to please all ; but that 

> Op. at, 1726 Ed, p. 98. 

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he did not doubt they all had wished to do their 

Howbeit, on the nth of June, in the morning, 
Lindenow and his companions in Den Rode Lifve 
stood off with a parting gun, steering S.E. before 
the wind, in order, if possible, to force their way to 
the coast. As Hall, of course, does not mention 
the subsequent doings of Lindenow, we may here 
briefly narrate them, following Bielke and Ly- 
schander. He succeeded soon in coming near the 
coast, and Mannteufel went off in the ship's 
boat to explore it, Lindenow awaiting his return 
at anchor in some comparatively sheltered place. 
Mannteufel, however, seems to have lost his way, 
and to have rejoined the ship only after several 
days' absence, during which he and his men had 
incurred great danger and hardships. Meanwhile, 
a gale had supervened, and the Lion had lost her 
anchor and nearly all the cable. They were oppo- 
site an inlet, which they named " King Christian's 
Harbour",^ but there was so much ice that they 
could not enter, and they had to sail a consider- 
able distance southwards along the coast without 
being able to effect a landing. At last they found 
a good harbour without ice. This they called 
" Godske Lindenow 's Harbour", and there they 
remained three days, purchasing from the natives 

' This harbour (which cannot now be identified) must not be 
confused with the one Hall subsequently (see p. lo) named 
"King Christian's Fjord". 

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great quantities of fur and other articles, after which 
they left for Denmark. Lindenow arrived at 
Copenhagen on the 28th of July, after a seventeen 
days' sail, and was received with great enthusiasm. 
We have no means of identifying the place where 
he landed. In the short treatise above-mentioned, 
describing the Greenlanders who were brought home 
in 1605, it is stated that Trost and KatUn came 
to land 60 Ueger sdes to the north of the place 
where Lindenow landed ;' and, as these ancient 
Danish sea-miles are supposed to have been equal 
to Danish geographical miles, of which 15 make a 
degree, this would imply that Lindenow landed 
somewhere between lat. 62° and 63°. Bielke states 
that Lindenow sailed something like 80 miles south- 
ward before he found a harbour, but these state- 
ments are too loose to be of any practical value.* 

Before his departure from Greenland, Lindenow 
secured and carried away two of the natives against 
their wish. It seems as if the Home Authorities 
had ordered the commanders of the vessels to bring 
home some of the inhabitants, an order which is 
easily understood when it is remembered that it 
was confidendy expected that descendants of the old 
Norwegian settlers would be met with. The com- 
manders appear, however, to have thought that they 

• See C. Pingel, Gronl. hisl. Mtndesm, iii, p. 689. 

^ The Ilua River (in lat. 60° 10') is called Lindenow's Fjord in 
his honour, but there is no reason for thinking that he ever was 

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were, in any case, to bring some of the natives, and 
did it by stratagem or force, as they could not 
converse with them. The captured men, when 
they realized their position, were at first very 
violent, but had to put up with their fate. Their 
countrymen, who, to the number of 300, attacked 
the ship, were easily frightened away by the dis- 
charge of a cannon. The captives arrived safely 
in Denmark." 

That Hall afterwards was ill-pleased with Linde- 
now and Kieldsen for thus having succeeded in being 
the first to return to Copenhagen with the news 
that Greenland had been reached, and thus, as it 
were, to skim the cream of the affair, is very 
natural, and, very likely, accounts for the tone of his 
narratives with reference to them. However, he 
and Cunningham executed work of much more 
permanent value. Whilst Lindenow had contented 
himself with reaching the country and proving the 
possibility of re-opening communication with it, they 
had exerted themselves in carrying out that further 
part of their orders, which bade them examine the 
coast and harbours of the country. 

After the departure of Lindenow, Cunningham 
and Hall, with the two remaining vessels {Trosi and 
Katien), continued their course towards the N.W. 
Lyschander says* that Hall sighted and sailed along 
the American coast until he had sight of Jack- 

• Lyschander, op. cit., pp. 99-107. 

' Den GrSnlandske Chronica, 1726 Ed., p. i 

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man's Sound, on which he bestowed the name of 
Fretum Danis, whereupon he turned eastwards. As 
neither Hall nor Leyell mention anything to which 
this could refer, the statement probably rests on 
some misunderstanding ; but it is of interest in 
so far that, whereas Lyschander elsewhere appears 
to share the common mistake that Frobisher's Strait 
was on the east side of Greenland, the passage 
referred to implies an appreciation of its true 
position on the western coast of Davis Strait, 
provided that he was aware that Jackman's Sound 
was on the southern coast of Frobisher's Strait. 

According to both Hall and Leyell, the expedi- 
tion ultimately reached the coast of Greenland on 
the 1 2th of June; and, after having spent a week 
in examining the bay to which they had come (and 
which they named King Christian's Ford) and its 
vicinity. Hall set out in the pinnace on June 20th 
in order to explore as much of the coast to the 
northward as he could in the time at his disposal. 
This exploring excursion, from which he returned 
on July 7th, after an absence of two weeks and a 
half, appears to have been very successful, a con- 
siderable extent of coast having been examined ; 
but (as we have already had occasion to point out ; 
see p. vi) Hall does not give any account of this 
excursion, either in his Report to the King or in 
the fuller narrative published by Purchas. In his 
Report, he refers to the maps with which it is 
illustrated, and we have adduced reasons for be- 
lieving that copies of those maps originally accom- 

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panied the fuller narrative. But, even with them. 
Hall's brevity is very disappointing. It is not only 
that, without the written account, one loses the 
historical interest which cannot but be felt in 
following closely the steps of a notable explorer ; 
but {although the maps, no doubt, express Hall's 
ideas of the configuration of the coast in general, 
and of the localities specially explored, faithfully 
enough, and better than any lengthened descrip- 
tion) it would have been almost impossible to 
identify many of the places visited, if we had 
not been able to obtain from other sources some 
of the information which Hall omits to give. At 
the same time, it does not seem difficult to explain 
Hall's comparative brevity with regard to this part 
of the voyage, even supposing that it is not due 
to accidental causes, as it well may have been. 
A primary object of the voyage was to solve the 
question as to the best route to Greenland ; and 
materials for judging of this could be afforded only 
by a circumstantial account of the voyage from 
Denmark to Greenland with special regard to the 
navigation. But, once arrived there, the expedition 
had a different object before it— vis., to supply the 
Home Authorities with as accurate information as 
could be obtained concerning the harbours, road- 
steads, convenient landing places, etc. ; and this 
could be conveyed far more clearly and concisely by 
means of maps than by means of lengthy descriptions. 
An abstract of the log-book kept on Hall's excursion 
northwards would have had much interest for us. 

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but would have been of little use to the Authorities 
in Denmark, whilst it would have extended the 
Report to a much greater length. It is not, there- 
fore, very surprising that Hall in this, document, 
should have been content to refer the King to his 
maps. At the same time, it must be admitted that 
these considerations would not apply to the account 
published by Purchas, which is evidently written 
for different readers. Here a somewhat detailed 
account of that excursion would have been in 
place ; but its absence seems to be sufficiently 
accounted for when it is remembered that most 
likely this narrative was written later, after Hall's 
return to England, when he may have been quite 
able to amplify the Report from memory, but may 
not have preserved his notes sufficiently complete to 
be able to write out a detailed description of the 
excursion in the pinnace. In point of fact, there 
would be nothing unreasonable in supposing that 
Hall's notes taken down on that excursion had been 
lost soon after the event, whereby, of course, he would 
have been prevented from giving a detailed account 
of it, either in the Report or afterwards. 

There is one item which Hall does not mention, 
either in that document or in the fuller account of the 
voyage, and with regard to which a special explana- 
tion may seem necessary. It is known from Hall's 
account of the expedition of 1606, as well as from 
other sources, that, on the excursion in 1605, some 
member of the party— whether Hall himself or 
another is not known — discovered what was believed 

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to be valuable silver ore. That Hall does not 
speak of this in his Report to the King is easily 
understood, though of course he might have men- 
tioned this discovery without giving a description 
of the other events of the excursion in question, just 
as he might have given the latter very fully without 
alluding to the ore. But it was a matter of which 
the King would be informed by other persons 
whose duty it was, whilst it lay entirely outside Hall's 
department, which was the navigation and matters 
connected therewith. Nor is it surprising that it 
is not mentioned in the account published by 
Purchas, inasmuch as the latter has the character of 
an amplification of the Report ; but it is strange 
that we read nothing about it in the " Topographical 
Description of Greenland", where it would have 
found a very natural place. Considering that the 
account has been abbreviated by Purchas, this may 
be accidental ; but, if it was intentional on the part 
of Hall, an explanation may be found in the fact 
that Hal! (as appears from Gatonbe's account of 
the voyage of 1612 ; see p. 105) continued to believe 
in the reality of the discovery ; for which reason he 
may, when writing the account of the voyage of 
1605, have wished to keep to himself what he 
regarded as a valuable piece of knowledge. If 
so, he must, however, have changed his mind 
about it ; because, in the account of the voyage 
of 1606, he does allude to it and even indicates the 
locality (see p. 66) ; nor was any secret made of 
it in Denmark — at least, not for long — because it 

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is mentioned in Lyschander's Chronica, published 
in i6o8.> 

We have already mentioned (see p. xv) that 
Leyell's Diary, fortunately, in a great measure, fills 
the gap in Hall's narratives. He accompanied 

' It seems to me (although Mr. (iosch differs from me) that 
so remarkable an omission was, without doubt, intentional, it 
being desired — at firet, at any rate— to conceal the position of 
the silver mine. Probably the discovery of it was communicated 
privately to the King, who, doubtless, commanded that no 
account of the branch Expedition should appear in the formal 
report to himself on the voyage, as a document of that nature 
could hardly be kept secret. Such a motive would be by no 
means unusual at the time. In the earliest account of Frobisher's 
voyages the figures indicating latitude were omitted in order to 
conceal the situation of the supposed gold mine which he dis- 
covered ; while there are many other instances in which pains were 
taken to keep secret the results of an exploring expedition from 
which great results were expected. Button's voyage in 1613-13 
may be cited as an instance (see The Voyages of Foxe and James, 
p.xxxii). Furthermore, we know(see p. xcvii) that explicit instruc- 
tions were given to the Commanders of the third Danish Expedition 
in 1607 that, on their return, they were to give no information 
whatever to anyone, save the King; and, if we had the formal 
instructions given for the two earlier voyages, we should no doubt 
meet with a similar command. The fact that, in Hall's account in 
Purchas, there is also no reference to the discovery of the supposed 
silver mine, though, at the time it was published, all conceivable 
motives for secrecy had long since disappeared, cannot be cited 
in opposition to the suggestions made above ; for we do not know 
exa.ctly when those accounts were written, or under what circum- 
stances they were " abbreviated". It is very likely that Hall may 
have sent the account of his first voyage to Hakluyt or Purchas 
(see p. xi) whilst secrecy was still thought desirable, and that he 
was, therefore, as silent about the mine as in his Report to the 
King.— M. C. 

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Hall on his excursion in the pinnace, and noted 
down the movements of the party from day to 
day. His Diary, therefore, forms a very valuable 
commentary to Hall's maps, which we may, accord- 
ingly, most suitably consider further in this place. 

Hall's maps are four in number and are accom- 
panied by explanations of the letters of reference 
inserted on them. The three first represent particular 
localities, and are drawn on a large scale : the fourth 
is a general map of the whole coast explored. On 
each of them, a compass is inserted, but only the 
general map is drawn true to this. Of the 
others, the two first show a westerly, the third an 
easterly, deviation of the North point. Degrees of 
latitude and longitude are not indicated on the 
maps ; but, in the explanation of the General Map, 
the latitudes of the places mentioned are given. 
The figures, however, do not always agree with 
those given in Hall's narratives. Hall states in the 
text printed, by Purchas that he explored the coast 
from lat. 66° 30' to lat. 69° ; but the General Map only 
extends from Queen Ann's Cape (IV, a), which in 
the explanation he places in 66°, to Christen Friis' 
Cape (IV, /), which he places in lat. 68° 35'; nor is any 
other place mentioned in the text to which a higher 
latitude could be ascribed. As regards the southern 
limit, no place is mentioned as visited by Hall that 
is really farther south than Trost Sound, which ex- 
tends from lat 66° 27' to 66° 29'. The coast south 
of this, as far as lat. 66°, Hall no doubt saw from a 
distance ; but, as regards , the coast between iat 

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68° 35' and lal. 6g°, this is not possible, because, 
beyond the first-named point, the coast-Hne turns 
easterly into the Bay of Disco, and could not be 
seen by Hall unless he had entered the bay, 
of which there is no evidence, although he may 
have been far enough to be aware of its exist- 

In endeavouring to identify the places visited 
and named by Hall (for which purpose we refer 
to the large track-chart accompanying this volume), 
we may commence our survey with the locality 
from which he set out on his special exploring 
expedition, and which is also the first locality 
mentioned of which there is a special map 
(Map 1), viz., the inlet which he calls King 
Christian's Ford, or simply King's Ford — the last 
word, of course, representing the Danish Fjord. 
For the identification of this, we find in Hall's 
account two data — viz., the latitude of 66° 30' for the 
entrance of the fjord, and 66° 25' for their anchorage 
therein (see p. 37), and his statement that, on the 
northern shore, not far from the entrance, a moun- 
tain, shaped like a sugar-loaf, and to which he gave 
the name of " Cunningham's Mount", forms a con- 
spicuous landmark (see p. 10). As long as Hall's maps 
had not been brought to light, and it was not known 
what reliance could be placed on his observations of 
latitude, it was tempting to identify his Mount Cun- 
ningham with a mountain of similar appearance on 
the Amerdlok Fjord, near Holsteinborg, well known 
to all colonists and navigators ; and this has, there- 

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fore, generally been done, although Kjaerlingehsetten, 
the mountain in question, stands some 25' farther 
north than the latitude given by Hall for King 
Christian's Fjord. Some have, accordingly, identi- 
fied the latter with Amerdlok Fjord : others, while 
holding KJEerlingehEetten to be Mount Cunningham, 
have considered the Ikertok - Fjord to 'be King 
Christian's Fjord — in both cases attributing to Hall 
a degree of inexactitude for which there was no 
occasion. With Hall's maps before us, the matter 
stands differently. As soon as these became known 
in Denmark, those who were best acquainted with 
the localities in question at once recognized the 
identity of Hall's King Christian's Fjord with the 
Itivdlek Fjord, which is situated within a couple of 
minutes of the latitude indicated by him, and in 
which all the notable features marked by him may 
readily be traced. Capt. J. A. Jensen, who has 
mapped the whole of this coast, and had suspected 
the truth before seeing Hall's map. discusses this 
question at length in his paper on the results of 
his explorations. Referring to KJEerlingehEetten, on 
the Amerdlok, which had hitherto been identified 
with Mount Cunningham, he says' :— 

"At the entrance of the Fjord of Amerdlok 
there is certainly a very conspicuous mountain, 
Kjserlingehsetten (2,470 feet), but the same is the 
case at Itivdlek. Near the entrance, on the northern 
shore, a very characteristic mountain, Kakatsiak, 

' Meddekhtr em Gronland, vol. viii (1889), pp. 44-45. 

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which at once attracts attention, rises to a height 
of 3, 2 50 ft "^ 

Further on, he says' : — " In comparing the map 
[«>., Hall's] of King Christian's Fjord with the 
map which I have executed of the Fjord of Itivd- 
lek, important points of similarity will at once 
be noticed. Among them, 1 would particularly 
draw attention to the shape of the fjord, which 
terminates inland with a slight turn towards the 
south ; to the large bay, directed towards the 
N.E., on the north side ; to the small bays, marked 
b and c^ on the south side ; to the decided advance 
of the coast, with a large bay on the west side, 
opposite Mount Cunningham ; to the very peculiar, 
long, narrow island on the south side, separated from 
the mainland by a narrow sound ; and, finally, to the 
small island — ' Trost Island' — near the entrance of 
the Qord." Several other points might be adduced 
if necessary, one of which may be mentioned. 
Hall states that the entrance of the ^ord is in lat. 
66° 30', but that their first anchorage inside was in 
lat. 66° 25'; and, although these figures are slightly 
too low, and the difference too great, yet they imply 
an important peculiarity of the fjord : viz., that the 
westernmost portion of the southern shore trends 
somewhat to the S.E., which is a very rare feature 

1 He adds, in a note, that mountains in Greenland bearing 
this name, even if not particularly high, always are very conspicu- 
ous, on account of their being isolated ; for which reason he found 
them very useful for the triangulation. 

' i- €., \i. 45. 

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in Greenland ijords south of Disko, nearly all of 
them having a decided main direction towards the 
N.E. In illustration of this, we subjoin an outline 

of Itivdlek, traced from an unpublished map by 
Capt. J. A. Jensen, made during his survey for the 
Danish Government, and drawn to about the same 

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scale as Hall's map. In order to facilitate com- 
parison, this outline is drawn (as, also, are those of 
the two following maps), as nearly as may be, in the 
same position as Hall's map of Itivdlek (Map I), 
for comparison with which it is mainly intended. 
The latter is not drawn north and south, though it 
pretends to be so. The true north is indicated on 
the outline-map annexed.^ 

Mr. Steenstrup, who has been in Greenland, 
in his paper already quoted, entirely endorses* 
Capt. Jensen's view that the " King Christian's 
Fjord" of Hall is the Itivdlek Fjord, and there can 
be no doubt of its being correct. An important 
starting-point is, therefore, gained for the identifica- 
tion of the other places mentioned by Hall. The 
various localities within the Fjord which are marked 
with letters on Hall's special map of King Christian's 
Fjord (I) will be referred to in connection with 
Hall's account of his visit to each of them re- 

It was on the 20th of June, in the evening, that 

* It should be observed that only the western half of Itivdlek 
Fjord is represented within the border-lines of Hall's map (I), 
The inner portion, which has a more decided S.E. direction, was 
never explored by Hall himself; but, on his return from his 
excursion to the North, he learnt from the officers of the Trost, 
who had examined it m his absence (see p. 46), that it was not, as 
they had first thought, a great river, but a closed bay ; and this 
fact he has apparently indicated by a slight addition to his draw- 
ing, outside the border-line of the map, which only encloses the 
portion examined by himself. 

* In Meddek/ser om Gronland, vol. ix (1889), p. 46. 

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Hall set sail from King Christian's Fjord (Itivdlek) 
on his excursion northwards in the pinnace Katten, 
steering north (see p. 42). Leyell's entry for the 
21st is as follows: "21. The wind East; their 
course N. by E., and they came into a harbour 
which they called Captain Konningem's Harbour." 
This is, of course, what Hall calls Cunningham's 
Ford (see Map II and pp. 66 and 80) ; and, on the 
first night, they no doubt remained in the place on 
the south side, not far from the entrance, which on 
the special map is marked a, and described as " The 
first place of ancoring in this ford." 

Leyell continues: "22. The wind S.W. ; their 
course S.E. They came into a harbour which 
they called Kattvigh. where they remained until the 
24th of June." The course indicated shows that they 
had been sailing up Cunningham's Fjord, in con- 
firmation of. which we find, marked b on Hall's 
map, a place higher up, which he describes as 
"Catt Sound or Weike."' The name, Catt Sound, 
may be derived from the name of the pinnace,* but 

* The last term is, doubtless, the Danish word Vig, meaning 
a creek or small inlet, which Hall has adopted. It is very com- 
monly used in combinations, and is the same which occurs so 
frequently in the form of " wlch", in the names of Danish settle- 
ments in England. That Hall uses the alternative of " sound " 
seems to imply that he was not quite sure whether it was a sound 
or merely a bay. 

* We may take this opportunity ot alluding to another name 
which may have been derived from this vessel, though not men- 
tioned in any of our accounts of this voyage, viz., "The Catt's 
Chance", which occurs on Hessel fleiriiz's map. True, he places 

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may, perhaps, have an origin similar to that of an- 
other name afterwards mentioned by Leyell, namely, 
Pustervig, in connection with which we shall refer to 
it again. The small creek marked c, and named 
"Green Sound or Weike", is not mentioned in any 
of the texts. It was near the anchorage marked d 
on Hall's map, and named " Mussel Sound", that 
he stopped on the return journey, and discovered 
what he thought to be silver ore (see p. xlix), for 
the sake of which he again visited the place in 
1606, and which also was a main object of the 
Expedition of 1612. Hall's account of this second 
visit, in 1606, enables us to identify his Cunning- 
ham's Fjord. He says (see p. 67) that, on the 
morning of August 3rd, they rowed five or six 
leagues up the fjord, and, " seeing it to bee but a 
Bay"— an expression which implies that they at first 
supposed it to be the lower reach of a river — they 
returned to the islands at the mouth of the fjord, 
which are described as being very numerous, and 
after supper they rowed some three leagues up 
another ijord, where they passed the night. In the 
morning, they set out early to return to their ship, 
but had difficulty in reaching her, on account of a 
strong southerly wind. From this it follows that 

it in 6a° 30' — that is, in a locality which Hall never visited ; but 
it would not be surprising if he had made a mistake in that 
respect. It is clear from other evidence that GerritK had in- 
formation from persons who knew about the voyage of 1605 ; and 
the name is so peculiar that this is the source from which he 
most reasonably can be supposed to have obtained it. 

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Cunningham's Fjord was a river-like inlet, sufficiently 
long to allow of their rowing up it more than fifteen 
miles, but not longer than that, by so doing, they 
could ascertain it "to be but a bay"; moreover, that 
close by, to the north of it, there was another similar 
inlet more than nine miles long ; finally, that the sea 
outside was studded with islands. In addition to 
this, Hall gives the latitude as 67° 25', from which 
we may conclude at least this much : that it was 
not far north of the present Holsteinborg ; and, as, 
on this portion of the coast, there are only two fjords 
answering the above description of Cunningham's 
Fjord and its northern neighbour — viz., the two 
Kangerdluarsuks,^ just to the N. of Holsteinborg-^ 
we have no hesitation in identify ingthe more southerly 
of these with Cunningham's Fiord. In this respect, 
we may further point out that, according to Leyell, 
they steered S.E. in sailing from their first anchor- 
age near the southern shore to Catt Sound on the 
northern shore ; and, even making due allowance 
for the variation of the needle {which Leyell may not 
have taken into consideration), it is evident that this 
statement necessarily implies that the main direction 
of the fjord — or that part of it — was decidedly S. of 
E. This, as we have already observed, is a very 
rare feature in the fjords in this part of Greenland ; 
but it is unmistakeable in the western portion of the 

' This word really means " fjord", and it occurs ii 
combinations ; but many fjords in Greenland have no more par 
ticular name. 

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Southern Kangerdluarsuk. * The inner half of the 
Qord turns northerly, but Hall has not drawn more 
than the lower part up to this bend, which, however, 
is plainly indicated in his map(II). Catt Sound and 
Green Sound may, with great probability, be identi- 
fied with two of the sounds between the islands 
which here narrow the fjord very considerably, and 
almost fill a semi-circular bay on the northern shore ; 
from this bay, too, a creek turns off in a northerly 
direction, which very likely may have rendered Hall 
doubtful whether he ought to describe these places 
as "sounds" or "weikes". These details will be 
easily recognized on the subjoined outline of the two 
Kangerdluarsuks, traced from the same map of 
CapL Jensen's from which that of Itivdlek was 
borrowed. It will be observed that, in this case. 
Hall's scale is considerably larger than in his map of 
King Christian's Fjord. The similarity which will 
be observed on comparing Hall's map with the 
above is, perhaps, not quite so striking as in the case 
of Itivdlek, but we think it unmistakeable. At any 
rate, nothing can be pointed out in the way of 
difference that could invalidate the conclusion, to 
which we have come by the considerations above 
detailed. It was, then, in the Northern Kangerdluar- 
suk that Hall's party passed the night of the 3rd of 
August 1 606, after having rowed there amongst the 
islands ; and a glance at the map shows at once that> 
in the face of a strong southerly wind, they may very 
likely have had much trouble in regaining their ship, 
which was anchored south of the entrance of the 

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Southern Kangerdluarsuk, particularly when they 
lost for a time the protection of the numerous islands. 
Our identification of Cunningham's Fjord with the 
Southern Kangerdluarsuk agrees perfectly with the 
various statements in the texts with regard to the 
position of this fjord in relation to others ; but it 

will be more convenient to postpone the demonstra- 
tion of this, and to resume for the present the further 
consideration of Hall's excursion in the pinnace. 

After remaining in Cunningham's Fjord two 
days — no doubt employed in exploring the inlet 
and preparing his map of it — Hall continued his 
excursion towards the North. Leyell's next entry 
is as follows: "[June] 24. The wind W.S.W. ; 

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their course S.E. to E. They came into a large 
fjord which they called Pustervich, and remained 
there still for two days." This name does not 
occur in Hall's list of fjords, harbours, etc., but 
there can scarcely be any doubt of its signify- 
ing the same place, which is marked on Hall's 
General Map under the name of " Prince Chris- 
tianus ford" (IV g). It is as little probable that 
Hall would have omitted a large fjord where he 
spent two days, as it is that Leyell would have 
omitted a fjord of so great importance as this one 
must have been, to judge from Hall's map. The 
latitude given by Hall {viz., 67° 30') corresponds 
nearly to that of Nagsugtok; but we believe that 
another large fjord, Isortok, is really meant, although 
the entrance to the latter is in lat. 67° 10'. Hall's 
General Map is not, of course, to be taken as 
intended to give an accurate delineation of the 
different capes, bays, and ^ords, but rather as 
indicating their relative positions. At the same time, 
a glance at King Christian's Fjord and Cunningham's 
Fjord, as thereon represented, shows that the outlines 
are not by any means fanciful or carelessly drawn, 
but are meant to convey a notion of some of the 
principal features, such as the peculiar small island to 
the right of the entrance of Itivdlek and the small 
islands narrowing the passage in the Southern Kan- 
gerdluarsuk. Bearing this in mind, we would point 
out that Prince Christian's Fjord is drawn on the 
map with a branch on the right side from the en- 
trance, having a decided southerly direction, which 

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may very well represent the similar branch of the 
Isortok, called Isortuarsuk, whilst no such feature is 
found in Nf^sugtok. The main continuation of the 
fjoTd is not represented on Hall's map, though its 
existence is indicated by the absence of an outline 
closing the bay ; from which circumstance, we 
may fairly infer that it was In this southern branch 
that they stayed. This would also explain Leyell's 
otherwise unintelligible statement that their course 
was S.E. by E. ; because, although this cannot apply 
to the day's sail £tsa whole (the coast trending, as it 
does, from south to north), it would correctly apply to 
the last portion of their sail that day, if this brought 
them to an anchorage in Isortuarsuk. Moreover, 
there is another instance (see p. Ixxvi) where Leyell's 
statement of the course sailed unquestionably applies 
only to the end of the journey. In favour of identi- 
fying Prince Christian's Fjord with Isortok, we might 
adduce the fact that, according to Hall's statements, 
the difference of latitude between Prince Christian's 
Fjord and Cunningham's Fjord, was only 5' ; but, 
as the figure given by Hall for the latter place 
is erroneous, if our interpretation be right, we 
cannot attribute any great weight to that point. As 
against our interpretation may be mentioned that 
Prince Christian's Fjord, on Hall's map, is repre- 
sented as having a decided south-easterly direction 
for some distance from the entrance, whilst both 
Isortok and Nagsugtok, in their lower portions, run 
very decidedly N. to S.W. ; but, as Leyell expressly 
describes Pustervich as a /ar^-e fjord, and as Hall 

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has drawn Prince Christian's Fjord as such, it seems 
that the choice must, nevertheless, remain between 
those two — the only large fjords on this part of the 
coast — and .that, the circumstance in question must be 
attributed to some incompleteness of the notes, etc., 
by means of which Hall drew his map — a defect 
whichwould also explain why no special map of it 
was given. 

Finally, the names require a few moment's 
attention. Hall would naturally wish to choose for 
the newly-discovered localities names of Danish 
origin or form. Lyschander expressly states' that 
certain places in Greenland were named after locali- 
ties in Denmark to which they bore some re- 
semblance, though his grandiloquent words ill accord 
with the few instances of such naming which we 
find in our accounts of the voyage. It would seem 
that Hall, on this expedition, being himself insuffi- 
ciently acquainted with Danish, left the suggestion 
of names to some Dane on board, whose taste in 
this respect was not of the best. Pustervich, the 
name given by Leyell for this fjord, is the same (only 
spelled in the old-fashioned way) as Pustervig, a 
name still borne by a street in Copenhagen, which 
occupies the site of an ancient creek or watercourse, 
formerly outside the town ; and, if some native of 
Copenhagen amongst the crew was allowed to 
propose a name on that occasion, that of Pustervig 
may very well thus have been suggested for the 

> Chronica^ 1736 Ed., p. 11 3. 

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Greenland fjord. One is the more inclined to think 
of this origin because the name " Catt Sound", in 
Cunningham's Fjord, recalls that of another street at 
Copenhagen {Kaitesundet), so called from an ancient 
branch of the harbour now filled up ; whilst a third 
name among those mentioned by Leyell equally 
reminds one, as we shall see, of another locality in the 
Danish capital. In any case, nothing would be more 
natural for Hall, when, after his return, he worked 
up his Report, and had become acquainted with the 
original Pustervig, than to change this vulgar ap- 
pellation for the far more genteel one of Prince 
Christian's Fjord, in honour of the infant Crown 

After remaining in Prince Christian's Fjord 
(Isortok) over the 25th of June, they continued their 
voyage northwards, and arrived on the following 
day at another fjord, which, Leyell says, was called 
" Romsoefjord". This name is not mentioned by 
Hall ; but, as the next halting-place mentioned by 
Leyell, where they stopped on the return journey, 
is marked on Hall's General Map as the most 
northerly but one of the localities visited (not counting 
Christen Friis's Cape), Romsoeijord must be identi- 
cal with the northernmost of the fjords indicated 
on Hall's map, which, in the explanation of the 
General Map (IV, k), is called " Brade Ranson's 

^ Prince Christian of Denmark, son of King Christian IV, had 
been bom two years earUer, namely, in 1603. He never came to 
the throne, dying in 1647 before his father. 


D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


Ford". Hall states that this fjord was in lat. 
68°, near which parallel there are two large fjords, 
the Atanek and the Arfersiorfik ; and, but for Hall's 
special map{in),itwouIdbedifificult to say with much 
probability which of them is meant, in spite of the 
difference which they really exhibit. The Atanek — 
the more southerly of the two — opens direct on the 
sea with a wide mouth, and is continued a consider- 
able distance inland, gradually diminishing in width, 
without exhibiting anything remarkable in its con- 
figuration. Arfersiorfik, the more northerly of the 
two inlets, consists of an outer portion of very 
irregular shape, bounded on the northern side 
mostly by islands, and an inner portion, of the 
usual Greenland type, which is entered through a 
narrow sound of very peculiar shape, called Ser- 
fortak, and this, we think, is easily recognised in 
Hall's map of Brade Ranson's Fjord {HI). The 
latter is evidently intended to represent only a 
fragment of the fjord, but the sharp headland 
pointing northwards, the narrow sound winding 
round towards the S.E., and exhibiting a deep 
round bay pointing N.E., are, as it seems to us, 
readily identified on a map representing Ser- 
fortak on a sufficiently large scale such as the 
subjoined outline copy of a sketch drawn on the 
spot by Capt. Hammer, who accompanied Capt. 
Jensen in his exploration of this coast in 1879.' It 

1 On this sketch, we have put in the north point only approxi- 

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is true that, on Hall's special map, the bay on the 
west side of the headland is drawn too deep before 
taking a westerly turn, and that the northern shore 
of the fjord is continued westwards directly from 
the round bay (whilst in reality it trends away in a 
northerly direction for some distance) ; but this does 
not seem sufficient to outweigh the strong points of 

agreement ; and so much the less as, on the General 
Map, where these features are clearly indicated, the 
coast in question is drawn in this respect exactly as 
it really is. On the General Map, the part repre- 
sented in the special map is drawn disproportion- 
ately large, and the outer channel is much shortened ; 
but this need not surprise us if we remember that 
Hall spent only one evening and one morning 
in the locality. From Isortok to Serfortak is a 
sail of some ninety miles ; but, as the wind 


D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


was W.S.W., it was favourable all the way; and, 
as the shortness of the midsummer night in 
those latitudes would permit an early start, this is by 
no means more than what they may have accom- 
plished in one day. The coast from Isortok north- 
wards is flat and uninteresting, and would not tempt 
them to stop on the way out, whatever they might 
do on the return journey if they had plenty of time. 

As regards the name : we may observe that it 
may very well be that the place was originally 
called Romsoefjord, as Leyell has it, and that Hall 
afterwards changed it ; in which case, it would be 
derived from Romso, a local name which occurs at 
least twice in Norway ; but RomsO may also be a 
mistake for Ranson. This, in its turn, is very likely 
a corruption. Rane is a Scandinavian name, and 
there may have been a Brade Ranson on board; but 
the probability is that Ranson is meant for Rantzau, 
and that it was intended to name the fjord in honour 
of Breide Rantzau,^ a distinguished member of the 
Council of the Realm, like Henrik Ramels and 
Christen Friis> after whom other localities were 
named. Bielke says expressly that several localities 
were named after Councillors. 

On his special map of Brade Ranson's Fjord (III), 
Hall marks and names three places : — a, Shoulde 
Vik ; 6, Henrik's Pass ; and c, ClifFe Road. The 
last of these names clearly means a roadstead near 

' Breide Ranszau, of Rantzausholm, was bom in 1566 and died 
in 1618. 

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a cliff ; of Shoulde Vik (which seems to be meant for 
a Danish name), we can offer no explanation ; but the 
meaning of " Henrik's Pass" may be gathered from 
Leyell's entry for the 26th, which is to this effect : 
— " 26. The wind the same, with some fc^. They 
came into a fjord, which they called Romsoefjord. 
There they put on shore a disobedient son, by 
name Hendrich Hermansen, for the chance of 
his keeping himself alive as a pedlar." In the 
margin is added, in the same handwriting as the 
note at the end of the journal, alluded to above 
(see pp. xvii «., and xxxviii) : — " His father lives 
at Elsenore and is called Herman Roos." No 
doubt " Henrik's Pass" indicates the spot where this 
unfortunate man — probably under sentence of death 
— was given this miserable chance of life. In 
ordering him and another convict (see p. 49) to be 
left in Greenland, the Danish Authorities (who, of 
course, were quite ignorant of the state of things 
there) were no doubt influenced by the idea that 
descendants of the old Scandinavian settlers were 
still to be found, and imagined that the two outcasts 
would have a better prospect than they really had. 
Very likely, too, it was thought that, in the future, 
they might prove useful intermediaries.' 

The place where, according to Leyell, Hall's party 

> It will be remembered that Frobisher, in 1577, was similarly 
uUng out some "condemned men", but that he put them on 
shore at Harwich in consequence of instructions received from 
the Queen. 

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Stopped at the end of the following day (June 27th) 
is marked as Bauhouse Sound on Hall's General Map 
(IV, y), and as it is to the south of Brade Ranson's 
Fjord, it follows that it was on that day that they 
turned back, after having been as far as Christen 
Friis's Cape. In his report to the King of Denmark, 
Hall implies (see p. 14) that this Cape was in 69°; but, 
in the explanation to the General Map (IV, /), the 
latitude is stated to be 68° 35/ That the latter figure 
is the more correct, is evident from the consideration 
that, in order to reach a point on the coast of Green- 
land in lat. 69°, Hall would have had to travel a 
very considerable distance round the Bay of Disko ; 
but no such thing is indicated in Hall's accounts or 
on his map ; nor could he possibly have reached so 
far and returned to lat. d"]" 56' in the course of one 
day. The Cape is clearlymarked on the General Map 
as pointing to the W., on the same line of coast as 
the places until then visited. In lat. 68° 35' there 
is no particularly noticeable promontory or cape ; 
but, from about that point, the coast begins to trend 
eastwards, into the Bay of Disko, and this circum- 
stance may well have been the cause both of Hall 
singling it out amongst other capes and of his having 
turned back at this point. According to Hall's 
account, he turned back in deference to the wishes of 
his companions, who feared to proceed further (see 
D. 46), and the circumstance which we have mentioned 
affords a plausible explanadon of his so doing. Sup- 
posing that they did advance far enough to see the 
vast bay open out towards the east, this sight may 

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very likely have called forth Hall's eagerness as an 
explorer so forcibly as to render his companions 
strongly sensible of the danger in venturing too far. 
The situation in which Hall found himself must, in 
that case, have been very like that of Hudson. 
Fortunately Hall was wise enough not to insist, 
but to content himself with looking, as it were, 
round the comer and, perhaps, across to the big 
Island of Disco, and thus, in a measure, extend- 
ing his examination of the coast as far as lat. 69°, 
which, as we have seen, he claimed to have done. 
Indeed we do not see how he could have expressed 
himself to that effect, unless he had advanced far 
enough to observe the entrance of the Bay of Disco. 
Our view that he did so appears to be not a little 
confirmed by the fact that on the Stockholm map, 
the turn of the coastline into the Bay of Disco is 
indicated, though it is not continued far, and the 
name of the cape is placed so as to refer rather to 
a point looking N., just inside the bay. From this 
we may, at any rate, conclude that the information ■ 
of the person who inserted Hall's names on this 
map was of a nature to suggest that Hall had 
rounded the southern shoulder of the bay. In fact, 
we believe that we may claim for Hall the discovery, 
or rather the rediscovery, of the Bay of Disco. 
This was doubtless known to the ancient Scandina- 
vians, and perhaps even to later navigators whose 
observations were not published ; but Davis, the 
only more modern explorer who is known to have 
passed the locality (in 1586), does not mention it. 

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nor is it marked on the New Map (1600). That 
nothing is indicated referring to this either in 
Hall's account or in Leyell's journal need not 
surprise us, as Hall says but very little on the 
events of his expedition in the pinnace, and as 
Leyell's entries are extremely laconic. 

We have no further means of identifying Christen 
Friis's Cape, but the latitude (68° 35') agrees very 
closely with the western extremity of the island of 
Sarkardlek, the identification of which with that 
cape entirely falls in with the above considerations. 

Leyell does not mention their having proceeded 
as far as Christen Friis's Cape, on June 27th, and 
then relumed, as we have seen that they must have 
done, but simply says: "27. They came into a 
harbour and called it Baahus hafn." On Hall's map 
{IV, y) it is called " Bavhovse sound". The name 
is probably borrowed from Bohus-lehn, a district on 
the shore of the Kattegat, north of Gothenburg 
which at that time belonged to Denmark. As the 
population is mostly seafaring, there may very likely 
have been a Bohus man on board the pinnace. On 
Hall's maps, the letter j^ which indicates this place, 
is inserted close to the coast-line, which is here drawn 
quite straight, from which it may be inferred that 
Bauhouse Sound was a sound between an island and 
the mainland, or between two islands near the coast. 
The latitude given by Hall is 67° 56', but there are 
so many islands in this neighbourhood (such as 
Nunarsuak, Rifkol, Agto, etc.) that to fix upon any 
of them would be mere guess-work. 

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Leyell continues his journal thus : — " 28. The 
windS.S.W, They came into a harbour, which they 
called Arenntsund, and remained there until the 
3rd of July ; and, on the 2nd of July, five Green- 
landers came to them, each of whom the steersman 
presented with a fish-hook, in order that they might 
come to us again ; but they and many others all 
rowed northwards, and none of them returned." 
Here, again, we meet with a name which does not 
occur on Hall's map ; but there can be no doubt 
that it applies to the same place mentioned on Hall's 
map (IV, A) under the name of " Arnold's Sound ", 
because, as they remained there several days, the 
place cannot be otherwise than be mentioned by both 
Hall and Leyell. Arnold's Sound — probably so 
called after the skipper, or navigating oflScer, of the 
Trosi, whose full name, for aught we know, may have 
been Arnold Arents— is marked on Hall's map in the 
same manner as Bauhouse Sound, and would therefore 
presumably be a similar locality. The latitude being, 
according to Hall's list, 67° 45', it may, with very 
great probability, be identified with the sound be- 
tween the mainland and the island of Kangek, which 
extends from 67° 38' to 67° 48'. According to Leyell, 
they remained there four clear days, but he does not 
say why such a prolonged stay was made. As, 
however, he states that the wind was S.S.W., it 
would, of course, be unfavourable to their pro- 
gress southward. 

Leyell's next entry is the following : " [July] 4. A 
light northerly wind in the forenoon ; in the after- 

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noon, a gale from the S.W., with rain. They 
came into a harbour which they called Mussel Har- 
bour and stayed there two days. There they found 
in a mountain precious ore, which they carried 
home with them." This is, of course, the "Mussle 
Sounde", already alluded to (see p. Iviii) as being 
marked on Hall's special map of Cunningham's 
Fjord (II, (i) and situated just south of the entrance 
of the latter. All accounts agree that it was here 
that the supposed silver ore was found. 

Leyell continues : "6. The wind as before ; their 
course N.N.W. ; and they came into a large Qord, 
which they called Rommel's Fjord, and on the same 
day into another fjord, which they called Skaubo- 
fjord, and there they set up three beacons." Ramel's 
Fjord (as it is correctly spelled in the account 
printed by Purchas, whilst on Hall's list it is called 
"Henrik Romle's ford") was no doubt so called 
after Henrik Ramel, a wealthy and influential 
Danish nobleman, who was member of the Council 
of the Realm, and much interested in trade and 
shipping. Skauboljord may have been called so 
from some Skaubo, that is, nativeof Skagen(theScau), 
on board. At the same time, as two other localities 
have had names given to them identical with those 
of places in Copenhagen (see p. Ixv), we may fitly 
mention that there is at Copenhagen a Skoubo Street, 
which forms a corner with Kattesundet, and the name 
of which is often pronounced very nearly as Skaubo. 
In Hall's explanation of his General Map, he places 
Ramel's Fjord (IV, c) in lat. 66° 35', from which it 

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follows that the two names Ramelsfjord and Skaubo- 
ijord must refer to two of the three broad inlets be- 
tween Holsteinborg and Itivdlek. The latitude given 
for Ramel's Fjord would, of course, suit the southern- 
most best ; but, as Skaubo Fjord must be understood 
to be south of Ramel's Fjord, the latter name cannot 
mean any place south of Ikertok, the second of 
these inlets ; and, as a matter of fact, Ikertok itself 
has, though on different grounds, been considered to 
be Ramel's Fjord. But Hall's account of his return 
from Cunningham's Fjord on the second voyage 
(see p. 68) does not agree with this identification. 
He says that, having brought Ramel's Fjord E, 
by N. of them, they towed on with their boats 
until they came to and entered a bay, which conse- 
quently mu^t have been to the south of Ramel's 
Fjord. This bay, which he calls Foss Bay, he de- 
scribes as a river — that is, as comparatively narrow 
and long. As regards this latter point, we may note 
that, on the first night, they proceeded a considerable 
distance up the fjord — farther than Hall thought 
advisable. In the course of the night, one of the 
vessels drifted several miles further up, followed on 
the next day by the other vessel, and, from this 
anchorage, they rowed up as much as lo leagues, or 
30 English miles. The fjord in question must con- 
sequently be one which penetrates far into the main- 
land ; and the description, therefore, seems applic- 
able to no other fjord, between Holsteinborg and 
Itivdlek, than Ikertok. If, then, Foss Bay be 
Ikertok, Ramel's Fjord, which is north of Foss 

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Bay, must be Amerdlok. Hall's map is of no 
use for determining this question, because Foss 
Bay was not visited on the first voyage, and is 
therefore not put down on his map, which only 
shows one inlet between Cunningham's Fjord 
and Itivdlek. Our identification of Ramel's Fjord 
with Amerdlok of course implies that the latitude 
(66° 35') ascribed to the former in Hall's explanation 
of the General Map is too low' ; but, as we already 
have noted several instances in which his latitudes are 
undoubtedly erroneous, and in what follows shall 
have to point out others, each of them must be dealt 
with on its own merits, and the circumstance cannot 
be held to outweigh the considerations adduced. 

It remains to identify Leyell's " Skaubofjord", in 
reference to which we may recall his statement (see 
p. Ixxiv) that the course was N.N.W. when they 
arrived at Ramel's Fjord, a statement which (as in 
another case already mentioned ; see p Ixlii), can be 
understood only of their final course. The only 
other Qord into which they can have arrived, under 
these circumstances, is Ikertok, viz., through the 
narrow sound connecting it with Amerdlok. Leyell's 
Skaubofjord must, therefore, be identical with Hall's 
Foss Bay ; and, in this case, as in that of Pustervig, 
Hall must be supposed afterwards to have changed 
the name originally given. 

We stated above (see p. Ixi) that our identi- 

^ Baffin, in his account of the voyage of i6i2(5ee p. 126), gives 
67°, which is as much too northerly as Hail's figure is too 

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fication of Cunningham's Fjord with the southern- 
most of the two Kangerdluarsuks, just north of 
Holsteinborg, would be found to agree very well 
with what might be gathered from the various 
accounts as to the position of Cunningham's Fjord 
relatively to other localities; and, as these indications 
refer primarily to Ramel 's Fjord (Amerdlok), they 
may be suitably mentioned here. In his account of 
the voyage of 1606, Hall says (see p. 65) that in the 
morning he had sight of the coast and found himself 
thwart of Ramel's Fjord, when he decided to pro- 
ceed to Cunningham's Fjord, where he arrived in 
the afternoon. On the 6th of August, they left the 
latter and came to an anchor the same night in Foss 
Bay, south of Ramel's Fjord, but we learn from 
Bruun's Journal that they did not leaveCunningham's 
Fjord till towards evening. Baffin states, in his 
account of the voyage in 161 2 (see p. 125), that, on 
the day when Hall died, they buried him and after- 
wards set out rowing in the shallop for Cunningham's 
Fjord, where they arrived in the morning, after 
having passed the night on some island. They set 
out on their return journey in the evening, and 
arrived early next morning at their ships, which were 
at anchor on the south side of Ramel's Fjord. He 
states that the distance was about 1 2 leagues, which 
would place the entrance to Cunningham's Fjord, 
where the supposed mine was, about 15 miles N. 
of Holsteinborg. All of this is in keeping with our 
view that Cunningham's Fjord is the Southern 

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There remain for identification the two "capes", 
Queen Anne's Cape and Queen Sophia's Cape. 
These are shown not only on Hall's General Map 
(IV, a and IV, d), but also in the sketch of the 
coast which is inserted in Hall's Report to the King 
of Denmark (see p. 9), and which is well worthy 
of attention, especially in this connexion. We see 
Mount Cunningham (Kakatsiak) in the middle, 
the point of view being just opposite the entrance of 
Itivdlek, so as to exhibit the mountain to its base ; 
on both sides of this, the coast is seen stretching 
away north and south, the mountains diminishing 
in the perspective, apparently ending in a low point 
towards the north as well as towards the south. 
Captain Jensen says^ that, from whatever position 
out at sea this coast is viewed, the mountain of 
Kangarsuk (1,730 ft.) to the north, and the island of 
Simiutak (930 ft.) to the south, present themselves 
as limiting the visible line of coast, and therefore 
appear as promontories. From this, it Is a fair con- 
clusion that these are the two points indicated to the 
extreme left and right of Hall's sketch. But we 
think it is a mistake when, on the strength of this. 
Queen Sophia's Cape has been identified with 
Kangarsuk, and Queen Anne's Cape with Simiu- 
tak. There is no necessity to refer these two names, 
as inserted over the sketch, to the two extreme 
points, and Hall's references to them in his text 
(which have not hitherto been taken into considera- 

' MeiitUher om Griinland, vol. viii (1888), p. 46. 

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tion for the solution of this question) prove, we 
believe, that they refer to points inside the two 
extremities. On Hall's map, Queen Sophia's Cape 
is placed between Cunningham's Fjord and Ramel's 
Fjord, which is in keeping with all the statements 
concerning it in the different accounts. Neither in 
his own account of the first voyage, nor in that 
of Leyell, is the passing of the cape mentioned, 
either in going north from Itivdiek or in returning ; 
but in his account of the second voyage. Hall states 
{see p. 68) that, when they returned from exploring 
Cunningham's Fjord, and the other one close by 
{to the north of it), the wind being against them, 
they sailed along the land amongst the islands until 
they came outside the latter at a point which 
he says was about three leagues to the north of 
Queen Sophia's Cape, which implies that the Cape 
was south of Cunningham's Fjord. Baffin, in his 
account of the voyage of 1612, also states (see 
p. 1 25) that they passed Queen Sophia's Cape in 
going from Ramel's Fjord to Cunningham's Fjord. 
It follows that, if the latter is the southern of the 
two Kangerdluarsuks, just north of Holsteinborg (as 
we consider that we have proved). Queen Sophia's 
Cape cannot be Kangarsuk {which is to the north 
of that fjord), but must be a point on the pro- 
jecting part of the coast north of, and near to, 
Holsteinborg ; and, as it must have been very con- 
spicuous in the landscape as seen from the sea, it 
cannot be anything else than the Frsesteijeld, which 
rises just north of Holsteinborg to a height of 

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1,770 ft. (or, more accurately, an outrunner from it) 
which, although not really forming a promontory, 
would appear to do so when viewed from the south. 
In this case. Hall's indication of the latitude is of 
little avail, except quite indirectly, as It is manifestly 
erroneous, being inconsistent with his other state- 
ments of latitude. It is only in the explanation to 
the General Map that the latitude of Queen Sophia's 
Cape is stated ; but the figure (67° 45') cannot be 
what Hall meant, because Cunningham's Fjord, 
which, according to his own map, is further to the 
north, is here stated to be in 67° 25'. The figure 7 
is written on an erasure, and though we may 
pretty safely guess that 66° 45' is meant, no direct 
argument can be founded on this. At the same 
time, however. Knight's Islands, which are com- 
monly (and, doubtless, rightly) identified with the 
Kagsit Islands, are stated by a similar (no doubt 
clerical) error to be in 67° 58', — that is to say, 
rather to the north of Queen Sophia's Cape. This 
would rightly express the relative position of these 
localities, if Queen Sophia's Cape be the Prsestefjeld, 
but not if Kangarsuk is supposed to be that cape, 
their real latitudes being : Kangarsuk, 67° 4' ; 
Knight's Islands, 66° 59'; Praestefjeld, 66° 55'. 

For the identification of Queen Anne's Cape, we 
have in Hall's accounts only two data — the latitude 
(66°) and the circumstance that it is spoken of in 
language which seems to imply that it was a notable 
landmark, not only as seen from the west, as in Hall's 
sketch, but also from the south, in coming up Davis' 

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Strait. Thus it was the first point which Hall 
"espyed" on his arrival in 1606 (see p. 65). This 
could hardly apply to the island of Simiutak, which 
projects only slightly from the coast-line, and attains 
no greater elevation than 930 ft, but would be applic- 
able to the mountain of Kingatsiak, just to the north 
of it, which reaches a height of 1,740 ft, and, as it 
seems, must be noticeable, looming up over the lower 
land to the south. There is, however, in Gatonbe's 
account of the voyage of 161 2, a passage exactly to 
the point, viz., the entry for June 23rd, in which he 
says (see p. roc) that, within a league of Queen 
Ann's Cape, travelling northwards, they had to cross 
a great river, in which the flood caused an exces- 
sively strong current, by doing which they came to an 
island, where they rested till the flood was spent, 
evidently in order to enable them without trouble to 
cross the other branch of the river, north of the 
island; after this, resuming their journey, they rowed 
past the Cape. There can be no doubt that the 
river was the Kangerdlugsuak (Sonder Stromfjord in 
Danish), of which the main branch, south of the island 
of Simiulak, opens in 66°, whilst the mountain of 
Kingatsiak is just beyond the northern branch. 
For these reasons, we believe that the inscription, 
" Queen Anne's Cape" on Hall's sketch refers, not 
to the extremes! southern point of the sketch, which 
we take to be the island of Simiutak, but to the large 
knoll just inside those lower rocks, which we take 
to be Kingatsiak. 

If we now turn to the interpretation of Hall's 

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sketch (see p. 9), we cannot do better than take 
Captain Jensen for our guide for the central portion. 
"The mountains", he says,^ "to the left of Mount 
Cunningham (Kakatsiak) represent the high land 
of Akugdlersuak in connection with the mountain of 
Kakatokak, situated behind ; the lower knoll, to the 
right of Mount Cunningham, may be intended for a 
mountain called Nagtoralinguak,near thesea,southof 
the Fjord; and the smaller knoll in front of that must 
then represent the highest summit of the island 

Inugsugtusok Behind these two knolls, the 

high jagged mountains of Tininilik, Kingartak, and 
others appear, which form a wild Alpine landscape 
south of the outer portion of the Fjord of Itivdlek. 
Even one of the very characteristic parabolic 
valleys which occur here is clearly indicated in the 
drawing." Captain Jensen does not continue his 
interpretation to the lateral parts of the sketch ; 
but, following our own light, we recognise beyond 
this group of mountains, to the right, the moun- 
tain Kingatsiak, which we consider to be Queen 
Anne's Cape, at the foot of which the lower 
island of Simiutak appears. Returning to the 
northern half of the landscape represented in Hall's 
sketch, we observe, to the left of the mountain 
district of Akugdlersuak, that the mountains, one 
behind the other, fall off to some compara- 
tively-straight fjord, penetrating far into the main- 
land, which fjord we take to be the Ikertok. The 

^ MeddeUhtr om Grmland, vol. viii (1888), p. 47. 

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small knoll to the left of this we take to be the 
islands of Sarfanguak and Manetorsuak ; behind 
which, and beyond the Intervening Amerdlok Fjord, 
KjaerlingehEMten raises its cone ; behind the small 
knoll further to the left, would be the entrance to 
Holsteinborg harbour; and, beyond that again, a 
more distant knoll represents, in our opinion, Prseste- 
fjeld. To the left of this, a break in the coast-line, 
as seen from this point, is noticeable, which we con- 
sider to correspond to the receding part of the coast, 
where the two Kangerdluarsuks enter, which would 
be hidden behind the Prsestefjeld ; beyond this 
break, the coast appears again, and this we consider 
to be the promontory formed by the lower outrunner 
from the mountain of Kangarsuk, the summit of 
which may be covered by the Praestefjeld. 

Before leaving this question of the identification 
of the places visited by Hall in 1605 and 1606, we 
may observe that, if this has not been solved before, 
it is due to the fact that Hall's maps were not 
in the hands of the explorers of the country till a 
few years ago. Capt. Jensen, to whom we owe the 
first attempt at rational identification {viz., in respect 
of King Christian's Fjord), expresses his regret' that 
he was not acquainted with Hall's maps before he 
went to Greenland to map the coast, as he would 
then have been able to pay far more attention to 
details important in that respect. Autopsy is in 
these matters of very great importance, but we cherish 

1 Meddekher om Groniand, vol. viii (1888), p. 45. 

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the hope that future explorers on the spot will agree 
with the conclusions to which we have come in our 

On the loth of July, Hall returned from his 
excursion to the north in the pinnace and rejoined 
the Trost, lying in the King's Fjord (Itivdlek), and 
from this point he resumes his detailed account. 

Directly after Hall's return, the expedition sailed 
for Denmark, carrying away four natives whom 
Cunningham had captured, acting, no doubt, on his 
instructions. Lyschander says' that one of them 
was so violent that Cunningham found it necessary 
to shoot him, and that the natives in great numbers 
tried to prevent the departure of the vessels, but 
were frightened away by the discharge of cannon. 
The homeward voyage, however, was uneventful. 

On the loth of August, the expedition arrived 
back at Copenhagen, where they appear to have met 
with a very hearty reception. That Greenland had 
been reached ; that there was no insuperable difficulty 
in re establishing communication with it ; and that 
certain valuable commodities could be obtained 
thence was known already from Lindenow's report ; 
but (not to mention that some anxiety may have 
been felt about the ships which had continued 
their voyage further north) it seems evident that 
the fact of a large portion of the coast-line having 
been carefully explored was highly appreciated. 
Both Lyschander and Bielke state that, when the 

' Den GrSnlandske Chronica, 1726 ed., pp. 112-113. 

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ships sailed into Copenhagen Harbour, a map of 
Greenland (doubtless on a very lat^e scale) was 
exhibited in the prow of Trost ; and they are profuse 
in their praises of Hall's skill and diligence in pre- 
paring his maps. From their expressions (which, 
however, contain no information beyond what is 
known from other sources), it is clear that copies of 
Hall's maps had been seen by them, as, no doubt, 
by many others. 

Within little more than a month of the return of 
the Expedition of 1605, Hall was permanently 
appointed, by Royal Warrant, dated September 
20th,' a mate {Styrmand) in the Danish Navy, with 
obligation to serve whenever and wherever he 
might be called upon to do so. There is no mention 
of expeditions to Greenland, or any other particular 
service ; but that his appointment really was speci- 
ally for the intended further voyages to Greenland, 
on which the King intended him to act as pilot, 
is evident from the wording of the above-mentioned 
order to the Treasury (of Feb. 26th, 1606; see 
p. xxxvi), in which he is described as "our well- 
beloved Jacob Hall, of Hull, our Greenland 
mate". By his appointment, he was to have a 
salary of 500 Rixdollars (about .^85) a- year, 
besides free lodging and various articles from the 
Royal victualling yard (such as an ox, so much 
barley, bacon, butter, etc.) annually, the pay, etc., 
to commence from September 6th. By way of com- 

Sjall. Reg., XV, fol. 50''. 

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parison, it may be mentioned that, according to a 
pay-list of 1658, the ordinary pay of mates in the 
Navy, even at that time, was from 50 to 90 Rixdollars 
annually, and that the pay of his captain, John 
Cunningham, was only 300 Rixdollars in cash, be- 
sides the usual emoluments. The officers of the 
Danish Navy at the time were mostly noblemen of 
private means, who did not require high pay ; but 
the proportion sufficiently shows that Hall's engage- 
ment was on terms highly favourable to him. 

That Hall's services were again secured and 
on such terms shows not only that he had given 
satisfaction personally, but also that, in Denmark, 
great advantages were expected from future expedi- 
tions to Greenland. More particularly it appears 
that very high hopes had been raised with regard 
to the mineral wealth of the country. Lyschander 
says^ that the ore brought down by Hall was found 
to contain silver, 36 Led (lii oz.) having been ex- 
tracted from a hundredweight of ore ; and, although 
this statement must rest on some mistake, great 
expectations were doubtless entertained at the time. 

In one respect, the expedition of 1605 had not 
brought the desired result : the ancient colonies had 
not been found. The Greenland natives who had 
been brought home were, of course, objects of great 
curiosity, but they were not descendants of the 
ancient colonists. On the contrary, they were evi- 
dently so-called Skrmllinger, which were mentioned 

' D€n Groniandske Ckronica, 1726 ed., pp. iio-iii. 

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in the old Sagas as bitter enemies of the colonists. 
However, in this respect, it was permissible to hope 
for better results in the future. Meanwhile, the 
Greenlanders who had been brought down were 
treated with kindness, in the hope that, when they 
returned with a subsequent expedition to Green- 
land, they would prove valuable as interpreters and 
as intermediaries generally. 

It was soon decided to send out a fresh expe- 
dition in 1606, on a larger scale ; and, as this 
would entail considerable expense, the King (who 
had defrayed the cost of the first expedition out of 
his ordinary revenue) demanded from the Danish 
Parliament, which assembled early in 1606, a 
special tax, in order to raise the necessary funds. 
This was granted, and in May a second expe- 
dition started, under the command of Godske 

The expedition of 1606 consisted of no less than 
five ships : viz., the three which had been to Green- 
land the year before, a fourth called Omen (the 
Eagle), and another smaller vessel, which had 
been bought in Scotland, and was properly called 
the Gilliflower, but which was generally known as 
the Gillibrand, Giltbert, or Angelibrand. Trostv/as 
on this occasion commanded by Godske Lindenow, 
who also held the supreme command of the entire 
expedition. Hall was again first mate and acted as 
pilot to the fleet. Den Rode Love was commanded 
by John Cunningham, but the name of his mate is 

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Ixxxviii DANISH AkCTlC EXPEDITIOUS, 1605-1620. 

not known. KatUn was commanded by Anders 
Nolk. of Bergen, in Norway, one of the regular 
mates of the navy, Knight having returned to 
England. Omen was under the command of Hans 
Bruun, according to Hall (who translates his name 
into Browne), a Norwegian by birth. He was a 
captain in the navy, and saw much service. In 
1610, he commanded Enktbtningen, which Jens 
Munk took to Hudson's Bay in i6ig. On the 
voyage to Greenland in 1606, he kept a journal, 
which has been preserved, and which has been 
mentioned above (see p. xv). Though consisting 
only of short entries, it is of value as a supplement 
to Hall's account, and the contents of it will be 
found in our notes to Hall's account, Bruun 's 
lieutenant and first mate was Philip de Foss, a 
native of Dunkirk. The seamen of, that town 
possessed a great reputation for boldness and 
ability, but had at the same time a bad name, as 
being inclined to piracy, smuggling, and similar 
irregularities. Foss had been arrested in Norway 
on some charge of this kind, but, as it would 
seem, not convicted ; for he not only remained 
in Denmark, but obtained an appointment as a 
captain in the navy. That he sailed in an inferior 
capacity on this occasion may, perhaps, be ac- 
counted for by his own desire to take part in the 
expedition. Omen is mentioned in several con- 
temporary lists of Danish men-of-war, and is credited 
in one list with four, in another with 12 guns. She 
is descrit)ed by Hall (see p. 80) as a vessel of 100 

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tons, with a crew of 50 men. The GUlifiower 
was commanded by Carsten Richardson, a native of 
Holstein, who had served in the navy in the reign 
of Frederick II, and afterwards distinguished him- 
self as an officer on foreign service in Poland and 
Hungarj'. According to Hall (see p. 80), the Gilli- 
ffower was of 40 tons and carried sixteen men. 
She was probably but lightly armed 

According to Lyschander, there was a good deal 
of excitement in Copenhagen in connection with 
this expedition ; but, says he, none were more eager 
to start than the Greenlanders, who were permitted 
to accompany the ships to the intent that they might 
be useful in the intercourse of the expedition with 
the natives. 

Neither Hall nor Bruun report anything very re- 
markable as having occurred on the outward journey. 
It is, however, worth noting that Hall kept a sharp 
look-out for the imaginary Island of Buss, as he had 
done on the first voyage ; and, on this occasion, he 
explicitly declares that he sighted some land which 
he took to be the island. There can hardly be 
a doubt, however, that he was mistaken in this. 
The point is discussed hereafter in Appendix B. 
Lyschander implies^ that the weather was unfavour- 
able, and only two of the vessels — Trosi and Omen 
— seem to have reached the shores of Greenland. 
There they remained from July 27th to August loth, 
but seem to have been principally concerned about 

' Den Grenlandske Chrenka, 1726, ed., p. lai. 

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bringing home as much as they could of the supposed 
silver ore. The expedition first put into Cunning- 
ham's Fjord (the Southern Kangerdluarsuk), whence 
boat-trips were made to the Northern Kangerd- 
luarsuk and other places in the vicinity. On 
August 6th the ships removed to Foss Bay (Iker- 
tok), which they explored, setting sail for home 
on the loth. Trade with the natives was very 
slack, partly because the latter seemed backward 
in offering their goods, partly {as Lyschander 
seems to imply) because the ship's crews were so 
worn out by the toilsome voyage that they thought 
more of resting and refreshing themselves than 
of trading. On the day before the expedition left 
Greenland, a young man who had been servant to 
Lindenow the year before was sent on shore in 
order to remain in the country. He was supplied 
with various requisites, the better to enable him to 
maintain himself there. This was done by way of 
punishment, or, rather {as Lyschander implies), by 
way of commutation of the punishment he had in- 
curred for some misconduct which is not specified. 
Lyschander says that he was at once torn to pieces 
by the Greenlanders, thus receiving his punishment 
at their hands, after which the Greenlanders fled 
at once, but he adds that no pity was felt for the 
man by the Danes, and that these were not inclined 
to quarrel with the Greenlanders on that account. 
This explains the fact that, in the afternoon of the 
same day, several natives came to the ships, of 
whom five ( Lyschander says six) were secured, 

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with their boats, and carried captive to Denmark, 
probably because the most intelligent of those 
which had been brought down the year before had 
died.* The homeward voyage was commenced on 
August loth, and Copenhagen was reached on 
October 4th. 

It may be of interest here to notice the subsequent 
fate of the Greenlanders brought down to Denmark 
by the two expeditions. According to Lyschander* 
and the anonymous treatise relating to the Green- 
landers, the two whom Lindenow captured in 1605, 
were very different from those afterwards brought 
down from the West Coast, being of a very savage 
disposition, coarse in manners, inclined to bite like 
dogs, and greedily eating anything they could lay 
hold of. Lindenow, however, succeeded in taming 
them to some extent, and taught them to run about 
the ship in obedience to signs from him. When 
he arrived home, and the King and the Queen 
came aboard Den R&de Ldve, Lindenow made the 
Greenlanders show their prowess in propelling their 
kayaks, on which occasion they held their own in a 
race against a boat of sixteen oars. The three 
brought down by Cunningham were much more 
tractable ; they soon associated with the crew ; 
and, when the Trost entered the harbour of 
Copenhagen, they outraced the sailors up the 
stays to take in the topsail. Lyschander narrates 

' Lyschander, Chronica, 1726 ed., p. 134. 

' Den GrSnlandtke ChronUa, 1726 ed., pp. 114-118. 

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that, just then, a Spanish Ambassador arrived 
at Copenhagen, in honour of whom various fes- 
tivities took place. On one occasion, he was shown 
the Greenlanders with their implements, etc., and 
three of them, in their boats, performed a kind of 
dance, cutting figures with their kayaks in a wonder- 
ful manner. The Ambassador was so delighted 
that he sent them handsome presents of money, 
which they laid out in fashionable clothes, mantles, 
hats with ostrich feathers, swords, and spurs, in 
which attire they marched up to the Castle "like 
Greenland Grandees". They were well taken care 
of, fed with such things as they were accustomed to, 
and had very much their liberty. The King, him- 
self a devoted sailor, took much interest in their 
performances with their boats, and had one built on 
the Greenland pattern, but arranged for two men. 
Thus the winter passed by no means unhappily ; 
but, when spring of 1606 arrived, they availed them- 
selves of their liberty to attempt an escape in their 
boats. Whether all of them, or some only, took part 
in it, Lyschander does not say ; but, in any case, the 
runaways did not get far. They came on shore 
somewhere in Skaane, and were detained by the 
peasants. After that, they were more carefully 
watched, the intention of the authorities being to 
send some of them back to Greenland with the next 
expedition, in the hope that, if they returned to their 
friends and told them how well they had been 
treated and what they had seen in Copenhagen, the 
natives would meet the expedition with confidence, 

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and friendly relations would be permanently estab- 
lished. A difficulty was the language, which the 
Danes could make nothing of: two words were all 
that they could catch— y^'s., Oxa a.i\di Judecka, which 
were thought to be the names of two of them. 
When the second expedition sailed, at least two of 
them were put on board — Oxa on Omen, another 
(whose name Hall gives as Omeg, possibly the 
same as Lyschander's Judecha) on board Trost. 
Unfortunately, they both died on the voyage up, 
and the intention of the government was thus 
entirely frustrated. Whether the other vessels had 
Greenlanders on board is not known with certainty ; 
but, as they never reached Greenland, this is of no 
consequence. As it was, the fact of none of the 
captives returning could not but be very prejudicial 
to the intercourse between the expedition and the 
natives. Some more, however, were secured with 
the same intention, four of whom arrived safely in 
Denmark ; but, as the expeditions to West Greenland 
ceased, neither they nor those who had been brought 
down before, ever had an opportunity of returning. 
Nothing further is told of them in any contemporary 
record ; but Isaac dela Peyr^re, who came to Copen- 
hagen nearly forty years later, gives, in his Relation 
du Groeniande, some particulars, based on what was 
told him, concerning them. He says, what will 
readily be believed, that, in spite of all care, they did 
not survive long, though a couple of them lived ten 
or twelve years in Denmark. Moreover, he nar- 
rates, but without giving his authority, that, when 

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only two were left, one of them was employed in 
the pearl-fishery, and died from exposure, the 
work having been continued too late in the season. 
The solitary survivor made a desperate attempt to 
return to Greenland, but was overtaken and brought 
back, after which he pined away and soon died.' 

As the expedition of 1606 did not visit any locali- 
ties other than those which had been visited the year 
before, no fresh geographical discoveries were made ; 
and, as the ore brought down turned out valueless, 
the result of that voyage was altogether disappointing. 
It became clear that, whatever profit might be made 
by private traders, expeditions like those of 1605 
and 1606, sent out at the expense of the State to 
the parts hitherto visited, would not pay in the long 
run. The portions of Greenland which had been 
visited did not at all correspond to the descriptions 
given by the ancient writers, which implied the 
existence of comparatively fertile land, suitable at 
least for grazing, and upon the whole much more 
favourable conditions of existence than those dis- 
closed by the reports of the two expeditions. At 
the same time, there remained still unsolved the " 
question of the sites of the ancient Scandinavian 
colonies, of which no vestiges had been found. This 
negative result, however, was not altogether dis- 
couraging, as the settlements were generally supposed 
to have been in the southernmost part of Greenland, 

' Ij Peyrtre, Relation du Groenlande, pp. 183-185. 

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not far to the east of its southern extremity, more 
particularly in the neighbourhood of a certain large 
ijord, called Eriksfjord in the ancient writings. 

Moved by such considerations, King Christian 
IV resolved to make one more attempt, and a third 
expedition was sent .out in 1607, with the special 
object of finding Eriksfjord. It was on a much 
smaller scale than the foregoing ones — only two 
vessels, under the command of Carsten Richardson, 
being employed. 

Whilst the Letters of Instructions given to the 
commanders of the expeditions of 1605 and 1606 
have not come down to us, an official copy of the 
corresponding document with reference to that of 
1607 is still in existence.^ It is an elaborate and 
interesting document, dated May 6th, 1607, but too 
long to be reproduced here.^ After referring to 
the two former voyages, and setting forth the 
statement of the ancients concerning the Icelandic 
settlement in Greenland, and especially that on 
Eriksfjord, the document enjoins those entrusted 
with the King's commands to sail from Cape 
Lindesnaes by a W.N.W. course, so as to approach 
the east coast of Greenland, between lat. 60° 
and 61°, in which part Eriksfjord was thought 
to be situated. Having found that locality, they 
were to examine diligently the condition of the 

> Sjall. Reg., 1607. 

^ Ttie principal portion of it has been printed ii 
<l QronlaHd, vol. ix, pp. 12-14. 

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harbours, to ascertain the movements of the ice and 
the best time for sailing there, and they were ordered 
to erect beacons to indicate good anchorages. They 
were further to inquire whether the churches, 
monasteries, farms, etc., which were found enu- 
merated by the old records, were still there ; also 
whether there were any bishops, clergy, or civil 
authority. Considering their own small number, 
they were to be very careful in landing, and they 
were to treat the natives with the greatest friend- 
liness. " We do not doubt" — the Instructions say— 
"but that they understand Icelandic or Old Norse, 
and We have therefore ordered persons from Norway 
and Iceland to be sent, that may be able to converse 
with them, and thus learn everything so much the 
better." Having acquainted themselves with every- 
thing at Eriksfjord, the members of the expedi- 
tion were to explore the country further north, and 
they were not to commence the homeward journey 
before the 3rd of August. The crews on both 
vessels were to be entirely under the command of 
Carsten Richardson, but "Jacob Hald" alone was to 
direct the navigation, in which the commander and 
his men were to assist him, unless they should per- 
ceive that he did not act in good faith. It is 
especially mentioned that Trost was not to carry 
more sail than would permit the smaller vessel to 
keep pace with her, — an order which reminds one of 
Lindenow's complaint on the first voyage (see 
p. xlii) that he was continually left behind. They 
were specially ordered not to give any information 

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to anybody on their return, but immediately to 
report everything to the King. 

Besides Trost, commanded by Carsten Richardson, 
a smaller vessel was sent, which was called The 
Greenland Bark, probably on account of her being 
destined to take part in this expedition. As it is 
stated in the Instructions that the total of the crews 
would only be forty-four, it is evident, both that the 
second vessel must have been quite small, and that 
the complement of the Trost had been a good dejil 

Lyschander says* that Hall especially prepared 
himself for this voyage by studying the accounts of 
previous voyages, particularly those of Frobisher. 
In explanation of this, we must bear in mind that 
Sir Martin Frobisher, misled by the map of the 
Zeni, mistook Greenland for the imaginary island 
of Frisland. That Frobisher and his company were 
under no mistake as to where the localities which 
they discovered and named Frobisher's Strait were 
situated, is evident from Capt. Best's account and 
the map which accompanies it.' On the latter, 
Frobisher's Strait is seen extending just north 
of Labrador, from the eastern to the western 
coast of America ; but in Frobisher's time it was 
not known — at any rate, he did not know — that 
Greenland was separated from the continent of 

^ Den Gronlandske Chronica, 1736 ed., p. 129. 
* See Besfs True Discourse (1578), and Collinson's Three 
Voyages of Frobisher (Hakluyt Socieiy, 1867). 


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America by a great branch of the sea, afterwards 
explored by Davis ; he did not know that Greenland 
was aught but the East coast of America, and thus it 
came to pass that he, as he says, judged the land 
which he discovered and named " Meta Incognita", 
to be a part of Greenland. To us, with our geo- 
graphical knowledge, it is clear enough that 
Frobisher's description of his " Strait" and other 
localities near it as being situated in Greenland 
rested on a mere misnomer. But the geographers 
of the day clung blindly to the name ; and, when 
Davis had recognised Greenland as Greenland, they 
transferred Frobisher's Strait from the East coast of 
America, where Frobisher had placed it, to the East 
coast of the real Greenland — first to a position near 
the southern extremity of the country, and afterwards 
to a higher latitude more in harmony with Frobisher's 
statement. Under these circumstances, it was quite 
natural that, just as Davis (who really followed close 
in Frobisher's footsteps) had no idea that he was 
going over the same ground, and, when he passed 
Frobisher's Strait, thought that he had made a new 
discovery and called it " Lumley's Inlet", so Hall, 
when he was ordered to search for Eriksfjord on 
the south-east coast of Greenland, thought that he 
was going to explore the land where Frobisher had 

The expedition of 1607 left Copenhagen on the 
13th of May, and took, according to Lyschander,' 

' Chronica, 1726 ed., p, 128-139. 

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the same route as before (stopping as usual at Flek- 
kero) as far as Fair Isle ; but then they stood more 
northerly. On the 8th of June, in lat. 59°, they 
sighted the east coast of Greenland, though at a 
considerable distance. Approaching nearer, they 
searched in vain for anchorage. The weather was 
unfavourable, and storms separated the vessels more 
than once ; the bark particularly seems to have had 
difficulty in clearing herself. Advancing to lat. 63', 
they imagined themselves to be opposite the place 
where Frobisher had reached land ; but the ice 
prevented approach. They sailed to and fro, ranging 
as far north as lat. 64°, and at last, on the ist of July, 
made a desperate effort to force their way through 
the ice ; but, after incurring great danger, they had 
to give it up. "There stood the captain and the 
steersman," says Lyschander, "and looked like 
Moses into the land of Canaan, but they were forced 
to remain outside." Meanwhile, the crews had 
suffered greatly from fatigue and cold, and complained 
that they could not stand it much longer. At the 
same time, their fresh-water supply began to give out. 
A terrible gale then supervened, and Hall (says 
Lyschander) thought that they were in the same 
neighbourhood whence formerly some Spanish ships 
had been driven as far as the Coast of Russia. 
They at last decided to run for Iceland, in order to 
refresh the crew, but the tempest prevented them 
from reaching it, and they set sail for home. Having 
reached the southern extremity of Norway, they 
endeavoured to put into Mandal, but were again 

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prevented by stormy weather, and they arrived back 
at Copenhagen on the 2.'ith of July, without having set 
foot on land since they left Flekkero on the voyage 
ouL They at once reported their failure to the 
King, who was on the point of starting for Norway. 
Lyschander says' that, although no success had 
attended this last expedition, the King did not 
mean to give up the matter, otherwise than for a 
time. But, as a matter of fact, it was not till the 
middle of the century that another attempt was 
made to discover the site of the lost colonies. 

Before we proceed to consider the English 
Expedition of 1612, which was commanded by 
Hall, a few words with regard to his personal life 
may suitably find a place. 

When the expeditions to Greenland were aban- 
doned for a time. Hall's services as "Greenland 
pilot" would naturally cease to be required ; but it 
is not known when his engagement in Denmark 
terminated. I n any case, it is not likely that he con- 
tinued long on such extraordinary terms as those 
above detailed (see p. Ixxxv). 

It appears from a document to which we have 
already alluded (see p. xxxv), and which will also be 
mentioned in our Introduction to Munk's Voyage, 
that, at some lime not specified, the Danish Govern- 
ment consulted Hall as to his opinion on the possible 
existence of a North-West Passage and on the best 

Chronica, p. 139. 

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way of searching for it. But, as there is no date 
to this paper, it affords no evidence as to how long 
Hall remained in Denmark. In fact, as to how 
Hall was occupied during the interval between 
his return, in July 1607, from the latest Danish 
voyage with which he is known to have been 
connected, and his departure upon his last fatal 
voyage in April 161 2 — a period of nearly five 
years — we have no information whatever. That 
he was at sea during the whole, or the greater 
part, of this period, we can hardly doubt, for such 
an able and experienced seaman would not be likely 
to remain long unemployed ; but, as to whether he 
sailed in the Danish or in the English service, or on 
his own account, there seems to be no record to 

That a return of Hall to the Danish service 
(if, indeed, he ever left it) was afterwards thought 
of may, as it seems, be inferred from a Royal 
warrant of March ist, 1611,^ concerning the ap- 
pointment of eleven new captains "to serve by 
land and by sea", with a salary of 200 Rixdollars 
annually and certain other emoluments. One of 
the names on this list is that of " Jacob Halle", 
which can scarcely refer to any other than our 
Jiunes Hall. Another was that of Jens Munk, 
of arctic celebrity. That so many were to be 
appointed together was, doubtless, due to the im- 
minent commencement of hostilities with Sweden. 

1 SJall. Reg., XV, f. 327 a. 

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There is, however, no evidence of Hall having 
served, or, indeed, of how his name came to be on 
the list ; but its appearance shows, in any case, 
that he had left a good reputation behind him. 

That Hall's occupation during these years, what- 
ever it may have been, was more or less satisfactory 
to him pecuniarily, we may, however, infer from the 
fact that he was himself an "adventurer" in the 
voyage of 1612. 

As regards the origin and object of the Expedi- 
tion from England to Greenland commanded by 
Hall in 1612,^ the information now available is ex- 

^ There appears, at first sight, to be some grounds for supposing 
that the year should be 1613. These appearances, however, are 
certainly delusive, and probably rest upon some confusion — per- 
haps merely upon clerical errors^for the reference by Gatonbe 
(see p. 85) to Good Friday as falling upon April loth, together 
with numerous statements in both his and Baffin's accounts as 
to the incidence of various dates on certain days of the week, 
proves conclusively that the Expedition sailed, as has been 
hitherto supposed, in 1611. Neither Gatonbe nor Baffin mention 
the year expressly in the body of their narratives, though 1612 is 
given in the headings of both. These headings are, however, 
open to doubt, as being possibly due, in one case, to the editor 
of Churchill's Colkction of Voyages, and in the other to Purchas. 
It will be noticed (see p. 85) that Gatonbe, in his Dedication, 
which is dated February 25th, 1615-16, speaks of having been 
prevented from completing his narrative by absence from home 
" these two yeares". The two years were, apparently, 1614 and 
1615, which seems to show that the expedition went out in 1613. 
Furthermore, the label on the Kayak at Hull (which was presum- 
ably brought home by Hall's last Expedition) speaks of the voyage 
having been made "Anno Domini 1613" (see p. iia, «. ; also 

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tremely meagre ; though, of the voyage itself, we 
have two fairly-good accounts (see pp. 82-137). 

Gatonbe, the author of one of these accounts, 
says (see p. 82) that it was equipped by "the 
Merchant Adventurers of London", Sir James Lan- 
caster, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Richard Ball, and 
Mr. (afterwards Alderman Sir) William Cocken, 
or Cockayne, whilst Hall himself (besides being in 
command) had a share in the venture. By the term 
"the Merchant Adventurers of London", Gatonbe 
probably does not mean the members of "The Com- 
pany of Merchants of London, discoverers of the 
North- West Passage".^ At the same time, the four 
gentlemen named as having been associated with Hall 
were all, except Ball, members of that Company. 
This, however, was probably a coincidence merely ; 
for, as stated elsewhere (see pp. 83 «. and 84 «.), 
they were leading merchants of their time. No 
doubt the Expedition was not undertaken by any 
of the Chartered Trading Companies of the time, 
but it was sent out jointly by the five gentlemen 

Markham's Voyages of Baffin, p. 28 n.). It is remarkable, too, 
thai Foxe in 1635 (see the North- West Foxe, p. 57, and Christy's 
Viyages of Foxe and James, p. g6), omitted to mention the year in 
which it was undertaken, as though he was in some doubt upon 
the point ; and this is the more remarkable because Foxe evidently 
had some personal knowledge of the Expedition, inasmuch as he 
states that it sailed from Kingston-upon-HuU, a fact which is not 
stated by Purchas (upon whose narrative Foxe clearly based his), 
while Purchas gives the date 1611, which Foxe omits. 
^ See The Visages of Foxe and James, pp. xx and 642, 

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As to the precise object of the voyage we can 
only guess. The formal Letter of Instructions 
from the " adventurers" to the Commander is 
missing. Gatonbe {or his Editor) describes it as 
"a voyage into the North- West Passage", but it 
cannot be regarded as a voyage in search of a 
North-West Passage (see p. 82, «.*). Certainly, 
just at that time, immediately after Hudson's 
discovery of the inland sea called after him, no 
object of an expedition to the North could be more 
popular. But there is nothing in the accounts 
themselves to show that any other object was aimed 
at, than to trade on the coast of Greenland and to 
fetch home silver-ore from the mine, which Hall 
imagined himself to have discovered in 1605. For 
this purpose, a goldsmith was sent out with the 
expedition, in order to ascertain, on the spot, 
whether the substance in question was argentiferous 
or not. That Hall himself still believed in the 
reality of his discovery, notwithstanding the negative 
results obtained at Copenhagen, is evident from 
passages in both the accounts we have of the voyage 
(see pp. 105 and 1 23). It is therefore not improbable 
that he himself may have been the prime mover in 
starting the expedition. However that may be, it 
was commercially a failure, for no silver-ore was 
discovered ; and, if an attempt to find a North- West 
Passage was originally contemplated, it had to be 
abandoned after Hall's death, which took place at 
the hands of the Esquimaux on the Greenland coast 
Nor was it at all likely that a voyage would have 

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been undertaken in search of a North- West Passage 
in 1612 ; for Button's Expedition left England 
within a few days of the one in question and it 
was hardly likely that any further expeditions having 
the same object would be sent out until Button 
had returned. 

Nevertheless, the voyage is of interest as a con- 
tinuation of the voyages of 1605 and 1606 ; while 
the geographical results were not inconsiderable. 
The expedition reached land on the west coast 
of Greenland further south than on the previous 
voyages, and was thus enabled to explore a fresh 
line of coast ; besides which, some of the places 
previously discovered were revisited. It will have 
been noticed that the information given concerning 
these in the accounts of the voyage of 161 2 is of 
not a little assistance in identifying them. 

The Expedition consisted of two ships, the 
Patience {"Admiral") and the Heart's Ease ("Vice- 

The Patience (in which Hall himself sailed) was 
a vessel of 140 tons burden, and carried a crew of 
forty hands. She had come home from Bordeaux a 
short time before starting for Greenland, as appears 
from the following entry among the Records of the 
Trinity House at Hull : — 

" The Account of Mr. John Woodmancy for his 
first Quarter ending March, 1612. 

" Item. — Of the Patience from Bordeux." 

This means that the vessel had arrived at Hull 
from Bordeaux a short time previous to the date 

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named, and was then paying dues to the Cor- 
poration. It may be further explained that every 
year, in the month of September, the Brethren 
elect a Senior and a Junior Warden. The " First 
Quarter" of the former is from September to 
December. The Junior Warden then acts from 
December to March, and then the Senior again 
from March to June, the Junior Warden winding 
up the year of office by acting from June to 

Hall's master or chief mate on board the Patience 
was William Gordon, who afterwards served in 
the same capacity on Jens Munk's expedition to 
Hudson's Bay in 1619, under which we shall notice 
his antecedents. John Gatonby {or, as he spells 
it, Gatonbe), who wrote one of the accounts of the 
voyage (see pp. 82-119), was one of the quarter- 
masters of the same vessel, though, after Hall's death, 
he became chief-mate on board the Hearts Ease, He 
doubtless belonged to a family of mariners of good 
standing in the town of Hull, members of which, at 
various times during the sixteenth century, held 
prominent positions in connection with the Trinity 
House there. Thus, according to Mr. Markham 
{Voyages of Baffin, p. 2), a Nicholas Gatonby was 
Steward in 1577, and Warden in 1587, 1591, 1596, 
1602, and 1609. This man was, in all probability, 
the father of the John Gatonbe in question, who 
incidentally mentions (see p, 84) that his father's 
name was Nicholas. It is to him, too, that the 
following entry, which is taken from the Register of 

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Admissions of Freeman in the Hull " Bench Book 
No. i" (fol. 70), probably relates : — 

" Nicholaius [«V] Gatonbie decimo quarto die 
Januarii anno regni domine nostra Elizabeth' Dei 
graciie Ang'lie ffraunc', et Hibernie regine, fidei 
defensoris etc. decimo sexto [1573-4] admissus & 
iuratus est burgensis huius ville per apprenticium 
Thome Brewster, marinarii, si resident etc., aliter 
non, etc, et adiudicatur solvere iijj, iiiji/. eo quod 
venit post terminum eiapsum." 

Another entry in the same Book (fol. 201), which 
relates, with very little doubt, to the John Gatonbe 
in question, runs as follows : — 

"[i80ct, 1610]. JohannesGaytonbie,diepredicto, 
admissus et iuratus est burgensis viile predicte per 
patrimonium Nicholai Gaytonbie, patris sui, si, etc. 
Et iuratus est domino Regi, etc." 

Furthermore, a John Gatonby (probably not the 
man we are discussing, but perhaps his uncle) 
was Steward in 1570 and Warden in 1578 and 
1586; while a Nicholas Gatonbe (perhaps the one 
above-mentioned, but more probably his son), who 
very likely owned the Patience, made voyages in 
her to Greenland and brought home cargoes of oil 
in 1616 and 1618, the whale-fishery having at that 
period been energetically prosecuted from Hull. 

The Hearts Ease, a vessel of 60 tons burden, 
belonging to Hull, and having on board a crew of 
twenty hands, was commanded by Andrew Barker, 
a man of high standing in the sea-faring community 
at Hull In Gatonbe's account (see p. ro8), he is 

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described as a wise, ancient, and influential man, 
who had had charge of ships as much as twenty 
years earUer, and had also held other responsible 
commands in various parts of England. Barker 
was admitted a younger brother of the Trinity 
House at Hull in 1594, and was elected Warden in 
the years 1606, 1613, and 1618. The following 
entry concerning him appears in the above-mentioned 
Register of Freeman (fo. 1 50) : — 

"[22 Dec, 40 Eliz. (1597)]. Andrew Barker, 
eodem die et anno, admissus et juratus est Burgensis 
huius ville per apprenticium Roberti Tailor, Alder- 
manni, et marin", si resident, aliter non, et quid venit 
post terminum elapsum etc. solvit pro fine xxs, 
quos solvit." 

He placed in a compartment of the east window 
of the old Chapel of the Trinity House at Hull a. 
stained-glass figure of St. James-the-less, which, how- 
ever, has now disappeared.' He was still living at 
least as late as 1 62 1 ; for a letter from the Trinity 
House in London, dated June 4th in that year, and 
having reference to Harbour Dues, was addressed to 
" O' loving friend Master Andrew Barker, Collect' 
of the Duetyes for the Lights and Booyes of Castor 
and Stamport in the Port of Hull".' On board the 
Hearts Ease was also William Huntriss, who, as a 
boy, had been with Hall to Denmark and had 

' See Markham's Voyages of Baffin, p. 27, «. 
^ Trimly House Transactions, 160^1625, among the records 
of the (London) Trinity House. 

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accompanied him on his voyages thence to Green- 
land. Huntriss probably held the post of master ; 
for, when, after Hall's death, Barker took chaise of 
the Expedition, he became captain of the Heart's 
Ease. On board this vessel, too, was young 
William Baffin, who wrote the account of the 
voy^e of which Purchas printed a portion. He 
afterwards became famous as an Arctic Explorer, 
but what post he held on this occasion is not known 
(see p. 1 20, «.). 

The incidents of the voyage require but brief 
notice here. Hall, on this occasion, adopted a 
plan different from that he had followed in 1606. 
He had then sailed up Davis Strait, as far as lat. 
66°, to the westward of the great bank of ice which 
occupies its central portion, and had then struck 
eastward for the west coast of Greenland. He now 
made direct for Cape Farewell (as he had done in 
1605), and kept close along the belt of ice lying off 
the shore, in order to avail himself of any oppor- 
tunity of getting through to the land. He was, in 
consequence, able to examine a portion of the coast 
which he had not visited on any of the Danish Ex- 
peditions. He first came to land on May 27th in the 
vicinity of what is now the Settlement of Godthaab, 
in lat. 64°, some two degrees south of the southern- 
most point he had touched on any previous occasion. 
This locality Hall called the Harbour of Hope,' and 

' If, as we believe {see p. wxii). Hall had been with Davis, he 
probably was familiar with this haibour; for Davis (ihe only man 

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he also named several other places in the vicinity. 
Here the Expedition remained several days in order 
to fit together a pinnace and a shallop ; but they 
departed on June i6th, and the next day came into 
a harbour they called " Cockenford", which appears 
(see p. 99, «.) to have been the Southern Isortok 
Fjord. Here Hall left his larger ship, the Patience, 
and proceeded in the smaller, the Heart's Ease, on 
an exploring trip along the coast to the northwards, 
very much as he had done in 1605. He was accom- 
panied by Gatonbe and twenty-two men and boys. 
On the 26th, he reached the King's Fjord (Itivd- 
lek), the southernmost locality he had visited on 
the expeditions of 1605 and 1606. By the 26th, 
he had returned to the. Patience in "Cockenford"; 
and, by the 15th of July, he arrived once more 
in the King's Fjord ( I tivdlek) with both his 

From the King's Ford, on July i8th, Hall again 
started off northwards in the Heart's Ease, his 
object being to reach the supposed silver mine in 
Cunningham's Fjord(the Southern Kangerdluarsuk), 
the Patience being meanwhile left anchored in the 
King's Fjord. Halting, however, on the 22nd, in 
Ramel's Fjord (Amerdlok), Hall was killed by a 
Greenlander with a dart as he was in a boat by the 
ship's side. He was buried on one of the islands 
near the shore, and his men afterwards proceeded to 

known to have visited this coast previously), in 15S5, had named 
the harbour Gillx'rt Sound, after Sir Humfrey Gilbert. 

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the mine ; but, when the goldsmith had tried the ore 
and pronounced it valueless, they decided to return 
to the Patience in the King's Fjord, where they 
arrived on the 25th. After some quarrelling, 
Barker was chosen " General" of the Expedition, 
with Gatonbe as his first mate on board the 
Patience, while H untriss took command of the 
smaller ship. Then, Hall being dead, preparations 
were at once begun for the return home, which 
commenced on August the 4th. 

On the voyage, the vessels became separated, the 
Patience reaching London on September 19th, while 
Hearths Ease arrived (contrary, apparently, to 
Barker's order; see p. no) on the 17th at Hull, 
to which port she doubtless belonged. The following 
entry relating to her appears among the records in 
the Trinity House at Hull : — 

" The Account of Mr. Robert Tailor for his 
First Quarter ending March, 1613, 

" Item.— Of the Patience from northward." 

Gatonbe's account of the voyage of 1 6 1 2, as printed 
in the Churchill's Voyages and Travels, is accom- 
l^anied by a map of Greenland, on which the names 
of the places visited, and of a few other places, are 
inserted ; but, in the text, there is no reference to 
such a map, nor is anything stated by the editor 
as to its origin. The circumstances fairly inter- 
preted imply that the editor thought that it 
belonged to the account ; but, as this was printed 
about 1 20 years after it was written, we have no 
means of knowing with any certainty whether or 

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not it did originally belong to it, or by whom it was 
drawn. Two circumstances are in favour of 
ascribing it to Gatonbe, or to some other member 
of the expedition of 1612 — viz., that it exhibits some 
of the peculiar misconceptions of that time (such as 
the presence] of Frisland and Busse Island); and, 
secondly, that amongst the names there is one which 
does not occur in any of Hall's accounts of his 
voyages, nor on any map then published, but only on 
Hall's unpublished General Map of his discoveries in 
i6o$,^is., Prince Christian's Fjord (IV,^), here trans- 
formed into "Princeford". Nevertheless, the map is 
of no use for the identification of the localities, as it 
is drawn on much too small a scale to pretend to 
anything like accuracy, beyond the most general 
features ; several names are misplaced (Wilkinson's 
Islands being far from the Harbour of Hope ; the 
"Silver Mine Supposed" far north of Princeford); 
while the scale of latitudes (very likely added after- 
wards) is quite erroneous, not at all agreeing with 
Hall's statements in the explanation to the General 
Map, or even with those in his text. Of course 
these circumstances deprive the map of any great 
interest as Illustrating the account of the voyage, 
or as a contribution to the history of cartography ; 
and this is the reason why we have not reproduced 
it. The names appearing on the south and west 
coasts of Greenland, proceeding northwards, are as 
follows : Cape White, Cape Farewel, Cape Desola- 
tion, Cape Comfort, Wilkinson's Islands, Mount 
Hatcliff, Harbour of Hope, Cape Cheese, Cocken- 

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ford, Queen Anne Cape, Mount Cunningham, 
Kingsford, Romblaford, Princeford, and " Silver 
Mine supposed". For all of these, except Cape 
White (which occurs on Hessel Gerritsz.'s map) and 
Cape Cheese (which we cannot explain), the text and 
our preceding remarks will account. For some 
further observations on this map, see Appendix A, 
p. i6i. 

The track map facing the title-page, to which we 
alluded on p. i, is destined to show the routes taken 
by the expeditions of 1605, 1606, and 1612, within 
Davis Strait ; but it has no reference to the ex- 
pedition of 1607, which remained on the east side 
of Greenland, and of which we possess too little 
information to be able to lay down the track 
followed. The red lines on the map are intended 
to represent the actual sailing of the expeditions in 
question as accurately as the scale of the map and 
the available information permit ; the letter « after 
the date indicating the places where the latitude 
was observed. Some portions, however, of these 
tracks must necessarily be more or less conjectural, 
owing to the defects of the records. With regard 
to these conjectural portions, some explanations, 
which ought to have been given in foot-notes to the 
corresponding passages of the text, may find place 
here, together with a few other additions and cor- 
rections, for which we beg the particular attention 
of our readers. 

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Pp. xxix-xxx. As so little is known of Hall personally, it seems 
worth while to slate that, among the marriages recorded in the 
registers of Holy Trinity, at Hull, are those of Anne Hall with 
Thomas Haryson on June 3rd, 1594; of William Ramsden with 
MtB. Anne Hall (both of Holy Trinity Parish) at St. Mary's 
Church, on February 20th, rego ; and of William Bysseele with 
Eline Hall in June 1663. Among the burials recorded in the 
parish of St, Mary are those of Joshua Hali (ex-Mayor, etc.), on 
April 19th, 1643; Mrs. Ann Hall, on Jan. 23rd, 1665; and of 
William Hall (Sheriff),' in October 1691; while, among the 
marriages, that of John Hall (merchant) with Mary, daughter of 
Mrs. Hollis, on Dec. nth, 1656, is recorded. For this informa- 
tion we are indebted to the kind researches of Mr. J. Tindal 
Wildridge, made by permission of the Town Clerk of Hull. As 
Hall is known to have been a native of Hull, some of these 
persons may have been relatives of his ; but as the name is far 
from uncommon, it is, of course, very uncertain. 

P. xliv, /. 17. The Lion's homeward course, as shown on the 
track map, is quite conjectural. 

P. Ixxi, /. 29. For some further remarks on the question of 
Hall's having noticed the Bay of Disco, and on the indication of 
the entrance on the Stockholm chart, we refer our readers to 
Appendix A, See pp. 141-143. 

P. btxvi, /. rg. For "visited", read "explored". The place 
was visited in 1605, as stated just before, but only cursorily. 

P. 7, M. I. As staled on p. 152 «., the name of Cape Desola- 
tion occurs on Barentz's Map of 1599, from which source Hall 
most likely had it. 

P. j8, /. 4-5. On this passage, see Appendix A., p. r46. 

P. 50, n. a. There is no occasion to suppose the latitude 
59* 50' erroneous. Sailing, as Leyell says, westwards, on the 

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3rd, with a N.W. wind and, probably, a strong current from the 
north, they would be very likely to be driven southward, even if 
they did not actually steer S, of W. Hall's statement that, when 
they observed on the 4th, they had been steering N. and N. by 
W. since the morning, and that they had made way W. by N, 24 
leagues (of course since noon on the 3rd), imply that they had 
been further S. on the previous day, as shown on the track map. 

P- .33i '■ ii-i6. It should be noted that these statements 
about the currents in Davis' Strait are not in accordance with our 
present knowlei^e. As is now well ascertained, a strong Arctic 
current descends through Davis' Strait, following the American 
shore, past Labrador, far down the east coast of the United 
States ; whilst a contrary current flows up the eastern side of the 
Strait as far north as lat. 63° or 64°, This is the continuation of the 
Polar current descending along the east coast of Greenland, which 
sweeps round Cape Farewell, and is very marked along the west 
coast of Greenland as far as the latitude mentioned, gradually 
spreading to the west, until it is neutralised and absorbed by the 
current from the north setting through the Strait. The current 
flowing northwards round Cape Farewell is of varying extent and 
force, but does not appear to be wider than from twenty to thirty 
miles. See Capt. Wandel's hydrographlcal observations on Davis' 
StTaxt{Om de hydrop-apkiskeForhold i Davis-Stradet,\nMeddeitlser 
om Grimla^d, vol. vii, 1893). 

P. 49, «. 1. "The Stateh older of Denmarke" was, no doubt, 
the Stadholder, or Governor, of Copenhagen, which post at that 
time was held by Breide Rantzau. This fact seems to corroborate 

our suggesrion (p. Ixviii) that "Brade Ranson", is a corruption of 
Breide Kantzau, as it would be natural to name from the Stat- 
holder the fjord where a criminal was left behind by his order. 

P. 50, n. a. The statement that they accounted themselves to 
have made way S. by W. about ten leagues from noon the 1 1 th to 
noon the rath, is not compatible with the statement that, during 
that time, they had dropped from lat. 66° 10' to 62° 40'. At the 
same time, it is not credible that, however favoured by wind and 
current, they should have made an actual run of something like 
ten miles an hour during those twenty-four hours, including a cast 
N.W. for a couple of hours to avoid the ice. It is strange, too. 

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that, from the 13th noon to the 15th noon, they should have not 
made more progress than what is implied by the differences in the 
latitudes stated to have been observed on those days, viz., 60" 1 7' 
and S9°- It can scarcely be doubted that some confusion has 
here crept into the text, and the most reasonable conjecture seems 
to be that the figures indicating the latitudes observed have some- 
how been inserted under the wrong dates. If we suppose that 
the tigure 60° 17' really belongs to the 14th July, that of 61° 40' 
to the 13th, and that the true figure for the 13th was between 64° 
and 65° (perhaps 64° 40', which might have been confounded 
with 62° 40', and thus occasioned the mistake), the distances 
made on these respective days will appear much more reasonably 
distributed ; and it is on this conjecture — since one had to be 
adopted — that we have here laid down this part of their track on 
the map. Their actual run during the first twenty-four hours 
would, in that case, have been quite 1 10 miles, which, considering 
that for some time they were impeded by ice, would be quite 
enough to excite attention. 

P. 60, «., and p. 63, I. 23. Owing to the absence of any 
information concerning their sailing from the loth to the 13th of 
July, it was impossible to mark their progress during these days 
on the track map otherwise than by a straight line. Something 
similar holds good with regard to their course between the 14th 
and the morning of the i8th, during which time they appear to 
have steered N.E., but really to have sailed N. by W. 

P. 64, /. 12. North-east is obviously a misprint for north-west, 
as appears from the entry under 24th. 

P. 70, «. I. The statement that the tide in Foss Bay flowed 
S.E. and N.W. would apply to the Kangerdluarsuk between 
Ikertok and Itivdlek, a portion of which trends in that direction; 
and it is quite probable that this really is what Hall calls Foss 
Bay. The figure for the latitude, 66° 25', may in that case be a 
misprint for 66° 45', If Foss Bay be this Kangerdluarsuk, the 
argument on p. Ixxv would have to be modified, but it would not 
really affect the identification of Ramelsford with Amerdlok, or of 
Skaubofjord ti'Vih Ikertok. 

P. 78, n. 4. This note should be omitted. 

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P. 78, n. 5. Far "On the aist, in the morning", read"On the 
24th, in the morning", etc. 

P. 82, ff. I. This note should be omitted. See p. cii, ti. 

P- 9O1 i- 5- The word "again" seems to have been repeated 
by a clerical or printer's error, as no previous sailing to the N.E. 
is recorded. When they stood in to land the day before, they 
sailed N.N.W. 

P. 90, /, 17; p. 92, /. 13, and p. iia «. Gatonbe's state- 
ment (on p. 91) that, at noon on the i8th, they were in lat. 59° 
53' and yet only ten leagues away from the land of Desolation, is 
not in accordance with the true position of the latter. With 
regard, however, to this statement, and to the statement on p. 92 
that on the zoth, when in lat. 61° 33', they were some thirty leagues 
northward of Desolation, it should be remembered that Gatonbe, 
as it appears from his entry under Aug. isth (p. 1 la), believed 
the Cape of Desolation to be in about lat. 60° 19'. It is quite 
possible that, on this latter occasion, he may have mistaken 
Sermersok for Desolation ; but his words do not imply that he 
saw any land, or determined the latitude of any cape, at all on 
Aug. 15th. The meaning of his words may simply be that, finding 
himself in the latitude of 60' 19', and believing that Desolation 
(which he had seen repeatedly on his way out) was in about that 
latitude, concluded that itboreeast of him, twenty leagues. In the 
same way. Hall, on his return voyage in 1606, when in lat, 59° 10', 
states (p. 75), by a mere guess, that Cape Desolation then was 
bearing W.N.W, \ N. about sixty-four leagues off, at which dis- 
tance, of course, he could not see it. 

P- 93. '■ 7- On the track map we have credited them with 
a long run due west, on the aand, although nothing is said about 
it in Hall's account, because it seemed possible only by such a 
supposition to account for their meeting ice, on the 22nd, fifteen 
leagues from land, whilst their distance from shore on the 21st 
was only six to seven leagues; and also for their crossing the 63rd 
parallel on the 23rd, only 5 minutes to the north of their latitude 
at noon 22nd, and sailing N.E. at the time. 

P. 113, ». 2. For "(see p. 134)". reed "(see p. 135)". 

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1605. 1606. 1607, AND 1612. 

A Report to King Christian IV of 

Denmark on the Danish Expedition to 

Greenland, under the Command of Captain 

John Cunningham, in 1605. 

By JAMES HALL. Chief Pilot. 

\From AN Original Manuscript in the British Museum . 
{MSS. Bibl. Reg. 17A, xlviii, p. J6l).] 


DOVBTED Prince : fforasmuch as it 

hath pleased God and youre hcighncs 

to appointe me as printipall pilote for 

the conductinge of youre Maiestie's 

shippes vnto^ settinge with mc as 

Captaine an honnest and faythfull Gentleman, Captalne 

John Conningham, youre Maiesties servante*: Therefore 

I can doe no Icsse but in duetye to certify your Heighnes 

of cure proceedinges, to whome of reight it belongeth. 

' Something appears to ha\c heen omitted here, probably only the 
word " Greenland". 
* For a notice of Cunningham, see the Introduelion. 

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Therefore maye it please youre Maiestle to under- 
stande that we depted from Copemanhaven the second 
daye of in this presente yeare of oure redemption, 1605 
we cominge to an anker jthat neight at Elsoftvref- where 
we ankered to take in oure water where in the meane 
tyme, the Captaines and Levetennants, with the other 
steeremen,' eamistlye desired me to sett downe some 
covenantes amongst us for the better keepeinge of 
companie in this our viage the which thinge I did, 
gettinge the same translated into the Dannish toung, as 
youre Maiestie at youre best likeinge maye see more- 
over they settinge to there handes, sweareinge and 
protestinge to keepe the same covenantes so longe as 
possible they coulde, but how well and trewelye there 
othes and covenantes were kept and ^formed shalbe 
further declared in place convenient 

So, haveinge taken in oure water, we depted from 
Elsonvre the third daye at neight we haveinge not beene 
24 howers at sea when y* Captaine of y* Lion with his 
steerman, Peter Kelson, complayned that they weere not 
suffitientlye furnished of wood and water eamistlye in- 
treateinge both the Captaine and my selfe that wee would 
putt into some harbor in Norwaye where they meight 
supplye there wantes thewhich at there earnist desire 

> The departure took place on the and of May 1605. 
* Elsinore, 

' This term (which occurs frequently throughout Hall's narratives) 
is probably a literal tnLnsIation of the Danish Styrmand, which is the 
ordinary equivalent of the English "mates". The grade of both 
HaJI and Kieldsen in the Danish Navy was that of" Styrmand", and 
is so described in all contemporary Danish documents and accounts. 
Hall's position in the Danish Arctic Expeditions would, however, be 
better described in Enghsh as "pilot" (in Daiiish " Lods" ni "Be- 
kjendt Matid"). In any case. Hall would hardly have used the word 
"steeremen" in this place as the equivalent of the modem English 
" steersmen". 

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we consented unto, although both the Captaine and my 
selfe had a better desiie to poeededed' on cure viage. 
So y* upon the 6 daye at noone we came into y" harbor 
of Floeorie} where we supplied oure wantes of wood and 
water till the 8 daye in the aftemoone at which tyme, 
haveinge a faire gayle of winde easterlye we put to 
sea agayne dublinge the Nase of norwaye* that neight, 
at which tyme I defected my course «,«.«'. for the 
Hand of Faireile the which Hand we had seight of 
tbfe 13 daye, about 9 a'clocke in the mominge, and also 
of the south head of sHotland* called swtmbom^ head, 
the which Ilandes showeth, at the first seight thereof, 
in maner & forme followinge : — 

ihtfarme of the sevlhermast part af 
ihotlattd btarting nw A n 10 U^s, 


faireiU fu £ n 5 Iti^s tht sacth headoj ihotlatid 

(txw 6 legj ef 

The Ilande of Fayreile lieth in the Latitude of 59 degr 
20 minuts as I proved by exacte observation it beareinge 
at that instant west somewhat northerlye about 4 teages 

' Probably " to have proceeded" was intended. 

* FlekkerO, a small island with a good harbour on the southern 
coast of Norway, close to the town of ChrJstiansand. Danish ships 
bound for long I'oyages seem to have been in the habit of completing 
Iheir stores at Flekkerfi, as it is almost invariably reported that they 
slopped there. 

' Cape Lindesntes. * Shetland. 

* Sumburgh Head, 

A 3 

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of SO, sayleinge a little to the northwardes of fayreile 
about a english leage from the n.w. pointe of the same, we 
come into a meightJe currente which did sett n.n.\vest of. 
So, leavinge fayreile I defected my course w. h. n. till I 
knewe my selfe shott to the westwardes of y* Lewes which 
lieth on the backe side of Scotland & also of the n. west 
coast of Ireland when I defected my course betweene y* 
west & s.w. b. s., vntill I brought my selfe into the Lati- 
tude of 58 degres 20 minuts at which tyme I went awaye 
w. b. n. and w.n.w. until ye 28 daye in the afternone 
when it began to blowe a storme the sea goinge verye hie 
the which storme continewed till y" 30 daye at noone, when 
it cleared up, but we had lost seight both of the Lyon and 
the Pinnis' ; ffor in the foresayd storme it grewe so haysie 
and thicke that we lost one another so that it beinge 
cleare and seeinge noone of them about 2 a'clocke this 
same daye we had seight of lande which was pte ot 
Groinelande it bearinge n.n.e. of vs 12 leages of beinge 
a verie hie ragged lande lyinge in the latitude of 59 degres 
43 minuts which because it was the first pte of Groineland 
that we did see the Captaine with my selfe concluded to 
name it after youre Maiesties name. Cape Christianus^; the 

* A little farther down, the Report mentions their meeting the 
pinnace again ; but, according to Leyell's Diary, the pinnace remained 
with the leading ^'cssel (see note to the corresponding parage in the 
account reprinted from Purchas on p. 25). 

' This passage has sometimes been understood as if by the name 
Cape Christian, was meant for Cape Farewell. Luke Foxe, for 
instance, in 1635, declared (see his North-Weit Fox, p. 51, or 
Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe arid James, p. 86) : " It can be 
no other but Cape Farewell." As, however. Hall does not say 
that the point in question was the southernmost extremity of Green- 
land, but only that it was the first land they saw, there is no occasion 
for that supposition, which would imply that Hall either failed to 
recognise the promontory seen and named by Davis, or intended to 
propose a new name for it From Galonbe's account of the voyage of 
i6i3, we know that on that occasion Hall made out Cape Farewell ; 

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which cape or headland, at the first seight, riseth in manner 
and forme followinge : — 

TAtfermt of Caft Ckrisliaitus as it risittk ieareiHgt n t h it, 
6 Itagts ef 

So, stadcneinge' all this aftemoone into y« shore to se if 
it weere possible to sease upon* it we comeinge w'in 
3 english leages of the same, founde all the cost so thicke 
besett with yce that it was not possible for anye shippe to 
come into the shore ; yett, notwithstanding, we ventured 
so far within the same as we coutde convenientlye ; for we 
weere, in a manner, compassed abowt with Ilandes of yce ; 
so y' my Captaine, my selfe, with the Heigh botes man* 
and an other of the companie, went overborde upon an 
Hand of yce to defende and beare it from the shippe. 
Thus being for a tyme troubled with the yce, we stood 
forth of the same to seaborde againe all this neight, west 

but there is not the smallest indication of his having before 
described it under another name. On Hessel Gemtsr' map, and 
on the Stockholm chart, both headlands are plainly marked. On the 
former, Cape Farewell is so called, whilst Cape Christian is named 
" Hal's Cape", probably in honour of the discoverer. On the Stock- 
holm chart the latter has the name of Cape Christian written against 
it, while the number " 10" is placed against Cape Farewell, doubtless 
referring to a key. Most likely Hall's Cape Christian is the same 
which is still so-called, the westernmost promontory on Eggers<i, in 
which case Hall's latitude, as given above (59° 43'). is only a few 
minutes too low; while the latitude given in the other narrative 
(S9° So'i *«e P- ^5) '* almost exactly correct 

' Query, "standeinge." 

* To " seiie upon" a coast is to reach or make it. The term is now 

^ This term is a translation of the Danish word HoUaadsmand, 
which signifies the same as the English " boatswain", whilst the 
Danish Baadsmand means a common sailor. 

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and w. b. J., till the morninge, when, by the providence 
of god, we weere cleared of y* same, at which tyme we had 
seight of the Lyon to seaborde of vs.' They haveinge 
esspied us, bore with us. The Captaine, with Peter 
Kellson, his steereman, came aborde of vs, when they did 
both verie earnestlie entreat and humblelie desire me in 
youre maiesties behalfe to give them a sea charte, or 
derections whereby they meight know whether to goe if 
they shoulde lose vs, or at least wise retome home agine, 
Peter Kellson both stayinge & sweareing that yf he did 
loose vs, he knewe not what waye to take ; wherefore, 
consideringe that I had gevcn my faythfull oth and promise 
to youre Maiestie to be trewe both to you and youres in 
this action, I therefore bestowed a sea chart upon him,* 
with derections, if he should lose us, to gett that pte of 
Groineland cleare without yce, p'miseing also unto him 
that, yf he would followe my derections, I would bringe 
them, by Gods heipe, saffe and sound to good harbors, 
without any pester of yce ; he ptestinge agine vnto me by 
manye and severall othes that he would never leave me 
vntill by extranordinarie tempaste' they weere driven fro 
vs by forse.* So, standeinge allongst y* land to y" south- 
ward, so nye as we coulde, as y yce woulde pmitte ffor 
all alongst this lande the yce lieth verie far of; ffor, 
assayeinge divers tymes to keepe by the yce, and so 
to stande longst the lande to dubbte the Cape Desola- 

' According to Leyell, it was somewhat later that the Uon re- 
joined the Admiral (see note to the corresponding passage in the 
text reprinted from Purchas on p. 17). 

* The other narrative (see p. 27) says it was " a Sea Chart of those 
coasts", evidently meaning the coasts of Greenfand. The question as 
to what chart this was, and whence Hall can have had it, has been 
discussed elsewhere (see ihe Introduction and Appendix A). 

* Query, "tempest," 

* Concerning the whole of this incident, see the Introduction. 

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tion,' found* oure selves often suddenlye compassed aboutc 
with yce ; but that, by the heipe of Allmeightie god, who 
delivered us, it was allmost impossible that we shoulde 
esscape forth of the same ; and also, at that tyme, the 
weather was so thick,e and haysie which doth in these 
ptes comonlie hange upon the yce that we could scarse 
se the great and hie llandes of yce till we weere allmost 
upon them ; ncyther coulde we se the shore at anye tyme 
after owre comeinge from Cape christianvs by reason of 
these mistes. Therefore, I thought it conveniente to stand 
of a more southerlie course to seabord to duble the Cape; 
all the companie, my selfe and the Captaine onelie 
excepted, being in dispaire. Peter Kelson also, with bis 
companie, being verie desirous to turne home againe, 
sayeingc he thought it impossible to sease upon the lande 
for yce. But I, still encourageinge them to followe me, 
pmissinge, as before, to bringe them to a pte of the land 
without pester of yce. ffor, if my derections at the first 
had beene followed, we had dubled the cape at y* first, 
w'owt this pester of yce.* So, standeinge to the south- 
wardes, we mett with the pinnis, who had also beene 

* Davis, in 1585, named the southern portion of Greenland "the 
Land of Uesolalion", but there is, in his narratives, no record of 
his having bestowed the name Desolation upon any particular cape. 
If he had done so, it seems natural lo suppose that he would have 
bestowed the name on the very prominent headland forming the 
SDUlhemmost point of his " Land of Desolation" ; but it is generally 
held (and we believe with reason) that Davis himself bestowed upon 
that headland its present name of Cape Farewell (see p. 90, n.). The 
name " Cape Desolation", therefore, seems to be due to Hall, and it 
applies, as the text shows (see also p. 28), and as indicated on Hessel 
Gerritsz's Map of 1613, to another headland further to the north-west, 
probably the same which is still so-called, namely, the one on the 
Island of Nunarsuit, in the Julianehaab district 

' Apparently " we" has been omitted. 

^ This probably refers to his disagreements with Arnold, the 
navigating officer of the Trost, to which allusion is made in the 
n Purchas(see p. 29). 

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amon^t the yce to seeke vs. Thus, by the pvidence of 
God, beinge at this instant both the shippes and the /('««» 
together, I still encouraged them to pceed, promissinge 
them as before : so, standeinge to the southwardes, about 
the latitud of S9 degres j, I then directed againe an 
northerlye course, betweene the n.w. and the n. 6. e., we 
meetinge with some drifte Ilandes of yce, which was of 
no greate daunger ; yett, notwithstandinge, they in the 
Lion beinge so timorous that they would soddenlye cast 
about and stand awaye, without any cause of daunger at 
all, till they had scene vs past the same, they cryeinge 
me still to alter my course and to give over the viage. 
But I, keepinge my course, and also respecteinge the 
good and pformeinge of the viage, encoraged them still 
to pceede, promisseinge them still as before. They 
contineweinge with vs unto the ii daye, in the mominge, 
at which tyme the Captaine and my selfe,^ the neight 
before gone into the Pinnts, costinge longst a great 
banke of yce (which banke I knewe verie well to lye in 
the mid streeme betweene America and Grcineland), 
willlnge both them in the Trost and the Lyon to beare 
after vs, so neere as they coulde, and, yf they did se vs in 
anye apparrante dannger, to beare of againc to sea. Butt, 
the next daye, in the morneinge, not knoweinge anye 
cavse why, they {contrarie to there othes and pmisse) in 
the Lion shott of a peece of ordenaunce and so dented 
awaye fro vs. Butt, before they depted awaye, they spoke 
manye reprochfull wordes to them in the Trost, both of 
theCaptaine&my selfe, willingej4r«aitf, theLevetennante, 
to leeve vs in the pinnis; the which he would not consent 
vnto, but sayd that he would followe vs accordinge to his 
oth and pmisse ;* so, they in the Lion beinge depted fro 

■ The word " having" seems to have been omitted. 
* This incident is referred to in the Introduction. 

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vs, we stocxi all this fforenoone longst the yce till noone ; 
at which tyme, the yce fallinge awaye, and also pfectclye 
knoweinge my selfe to be shott in the latud, of the cleare 
pt« of the coast of Groineland, I detected my course /. b. 
n. for the lande; the which, by gods heipe and assistance, 
we fell withall the next daye, in the morneinge Beinge a 
verye hie ragged land, haveinge the toppes of the hilles 
all covered with snowe, the forme and ffashon of which 
is heare sette downe to youre Maiesties vewe, betweene 
two Cape or hadlandes'; betweene which 2 capes, we 
first fell withall, they lyinge one of the other s. b. w. 
and «. b. e., about 18 english leages. The southermost 
of which capes or Headlandes we named Queeiie 
anns Cape, after the name of youre Maiesties Queene' ; 

The ihafie ami fashiBit of the load as it rise le vi, Qveeiie Ahhs Cape 
beareiag im/lh ) paint eailtrlye 9* Uagii and Qtrtem Sefhiai Cafe 
n.e. b. n. i d foinle nertherlye S le^. 

and the northermost of the said Headelandes we called 
Qveene Sophias Cape, after the name of youre Maiesties 
mother.' This daye, at noone, we came into a verye great 

' Prot)ably the headland rendered prominent by having upon it 
Mount Kingatsiak (1740 ft.), in lat. 66° 10' (see the Introduction and 
also Hall's General Map, IVa). Queen Anna, wife of King Christian 
IV of Denmark, was a daughter of Joachim Frederick, Elector of 
Braodenbui^. She died in 1639. 

* This figure appears in the MS. to have been corrected from 6 to 9, 
which is undoubtedly the more correct, as more nearly corresponding 
to Halt's estimate of the direct distance l>etween the two " capes", viz., 
18 leagues. 

' Prot>ably the westernmost of the headlands at the foot of the 
Prsestefjeld (the Mount Prxste of the English Admiralty Charts) in 

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Baye, which we did suppose to be a great rever, and there- 
fore named it youre Majesties ford.* At, the mouth or 
entrye in of this Baye, on the north side, standeth a great 
mounte or hill, riseinge in forme of a suger loafe, the which 
mounte is the best marke for this place that maye be ; the 
which I called Cvnningehann mounte,* after the name of 
my Captaine. So, sayle' this aftemoone vp into the 
forde, about lo english leages* from the sea, we allwayes 
soundeinge affore the shippe in the Finnis, about 2 a'clocke, 
we came to an anker,' when the Captaine and my selfe went 
a land, we ffalleinge downe on oure knees and thanked 
God for his goodnes ; the which donne, the Captaine tooke 
possession of the same in youre Maiesties behalfe, takeingc 
with him both earth and stones' ; y* which doone, we wente 
allongst the Rever, upon y* topps of hie mountaynes, have- 
inge the Bote still to rowe longst the shore with vs, 
the space of 3 english miles ; when, lookeinge towardes the 
Bote from the hilles, we sawe 4 of them' with there 

lat. 66' 57' (see rhe Introduction and Hall's General Map, IVi^. 
Queen Sophia, Consort of King Frederick II of Denniarkjand mother 
of King Christian IV, was a daughter of Ulrick, Duke of Mecklen- 
burg. . She died in 1613. 

' See Hall's general map (IV^) and the special map of King Chris- 
tian's Fjord (I). The Greenlandish name of this fjord is Itivdiek (see 
the Introduction). 

I Probably Mount Kakatsiak (3,250 fl.), in lat. 66° 38* (see the 
Introduction and Hall's Maps, la). Thenameisnotgiven on the Eng- 
lish Admiralty Chan, but it is found on those of the Danish Admiralty 
(rS66) and of Captain Jensen {MtddeMstr em Grenland, vol. viii, 
plate i». 

' Query, " sayleing." 

< In Hall's other account (see p. 34}, the distance is staled to have 
been 6 or 7 leagues, which is more correct. 

' The anchorage is marked b on map I. 

' This ceremony was quite superfluous, as the Kings of Denmark 
claimed the land as an ancient possession. 

' The word " them" of course refers to the natives and indicates 
that, in the original draught, there was a reference to (hem just before. 

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housses. We soddenlye cominge downe from the hilles 
towardes them, they presentlie fled from vs, one of them 
takeinge of his Bote. Oure people also in the bote haveinge 
esspied him, called to him ; but he woulde not come neere 
them till the Captaine and I came to them ; and, roweing 
towardes him, shewed him a knife and clappinge oure 
hand on oure brestes & holdeinge them vp to the Sonne, 
we called Yliovt. He, doing the same to vs againe, came 
at length to oure Bote and tooke the knife at the handes 
of the Captaine ; and, haveinge gotten the same, rowed 
prcsentlye awaye from vs. The Captaine and my selfe, 
goinge a lande into the hovsses or rather tentes, which 
stood harde by the waters side, we founde them a kinde of 
tentes covered with seale skinnes ; and we founde within 
them certaine seale fish boylinge over a little lampe in a 
kinde of pann, the bottom whereof was of stoone and the 
sides of whale finnes. The people beinge fled awaye, wee 
also found certaine of there cotes lined w'in with ffeath' 
which wc doe suppose to be for the winter, and also verie 
large fox skinnes. We, searchinge further, founde, in a 
vessell or panne, the head of a dt^ge, newlye boyled ; also 
we found, lyinge a' dryinge round aboute the tentes, great 
aboundance of seale fish, with divers other fish, with 2 great 
botes made of seale skinnes, which had certaine thoustes' 
or seates in them for 16 or 20 men, with certaine of there 
weapons ; all which thinges, neyther the Captaine nor 
my selfe tooke anye thinge, but Icfte in there tentes some 
trifles, and so came abord againe ; when, aboute an hower 
after, there came divers of them to oure shippe in there 
botes, bartering some of there apparrill and weapons for 
old yron nayles ; which haveinge donne, they dented away 

' Query, " feathers." 

' "Thoustcs" is doubtless the same as "thoughts", an old word for 
"thwarts", the seats in a boat. It is found in Anglo-Saxoft, and ib still ' 
in use in Danish (TV?*). .: 

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for that neight, holdeing vp there handes to the Sonne and 
cryinge Yliovt. They still cominge vnto vs certaine tymes 
before I dented awaye with the Pinnis ; in which tyme, the 
Captaine, haveinge gotten some of there seale fish, cavsd 
some of the botsmen to make oyle of the same ; and, 
haveinge gotten a barrill full, leavinge the same that neight 
ashore some of the people upon pollicy the daye before, 
helpeinge cure foike not to be susspecteinge came this 
neight and lett the same out of the Barrill ; yett, notwith- 
standeinge, the captaine vsed them kindenes,' shewe- 
inge no manner of discontents vnto them. But, the 1 5* 
daye of Jvne, I bcinge readye to depte in the Pinnis for 
the discoverie of the coast and harbors, my captaine 
promiseinge me not to depte awaye homewardes till the 
end of 3 weekes or a month, he beinge verye desirous to 
have passed himselfe in the Pinnis with me, but for feare of 
the mvtenye amongst the botesmen,* which he did feare ; 
which, indeed, woulde have lefte me in the Pinnis and 
retorned home yf he had not, as an honnest gentleman, 
^vented there determineations. Nowe, beinge readye to 
depte, y* winde at that tyme beinge not good for vs to goe 
downe y» ford, but for the Trost to goe further vp to 
searche y« forde, they dcpted fro vs, leaveinge vs in the 
Pinnis to f forme oure discoverye ; when, beinge gone from 
vs, the Barbarvs people, seinge vs left alone, began, the 
same neight, for to slinge stones at us from themountaynes,* 

' Query, " wilh kindness." 

' From the other accounts (see p. 38), this appears to be a clerical 
error for 16th. 

* This is a literal Iransktion of the Danish word Baadsmand, 
meaning ordinary seamen (see p. 5, note\ and is not the equivalent of 
the modem English " boatsmen". 

* From the other accounts, it appears that this attack was made on 
the I Sth, [wo days after the departure of the larger vessel, the natives 
having already on the 17th shown a hostile attitude, and it was not till 
then that the explorers used their fireanns. 

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we shoteinge oure ordenance at them, but it p'vayled 
nothinge ; for, when they sawe fier geven, they would ducke 
downe vnder the cHppes' till the peeces weere of, and then 
b^in to sling stones againe. The next daye, also,* y* wind 
beinge contrarie, we rod still. The people in the after- 
noone came to vs to the nvmber of 40 or 50 psons ; who, 
all this aftemoone, did so fearselye assayte vs with stones 
from the hilles that there was no man able to stand on the 
hatches vntill such tyme as I cofnavnded to lase sayles and 
bonnittes' a great height rounde about y" shippe, which did 
defende vs from there stones, that they coulde in no wise 
doe vs herte, which they pceiveing haveinge continved 
with vs 6 howers, depted awaye* The next daye, beinge 
still weather, I cavsed the companie to lose and to rowe 
downe the ford with the tyd of ebb. The tyd of flood 
beinge comd, we came to an anker in a venV haven on 
the south sid of the entrye into the forde ; the which 
place, for the coiiiodiousnes thereof, I called Denmarkes 
Haverfi ; the which haven, with other harbors which I have 
discovered, is heareafter sett downe to your Maiesties 
vewe, as I did exactelye discribe ye same. The 20 daye, 
in the morninge, the weather beinge verie fayre and still, 
I cavssed to weye anker and to rowe forth to sea warde. 
when, beinge forth of the forde, amongst the Ilandes, there 
came 100 and od of the people in there botes to vs. I, seeinge 

' " Clippes" is, no doubt, the Danish word Khppe, meanitig a rock, 
which Hall has here adopted. 

* The words " the next daye also" refer to the iSthofJune. 

' Bonnets were supplementary sails attached to the courses or lower 
sails. By lacing these together, a close screen could easily be arranged. 

' This probably occurred in what Hall called, in consequence, 
"Slinge Road". Although ihe name does not apftear in either of his 
narratives of the voyage, it is found on his Map of King Christian's 
Fjoid (I c). 

* Query, " good" or " convenient" is omitted. 

' Marked (/on Hall's special map of King Christian's Fjord (1). 

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them, thought it best at that instante to offer no I'nivrye to 
them ; yett, notwithstandeinge, I cavssed everie man to be 
in readines, if occassion shoulde be offered. In the meane- 
tyme, I bartered with them for such coinodities as I could 
gett, they beinge verie desirous to have vs to anker againe 
in some of the Ilandes, the* sendeinge certaine men with 
dartcs, and bowes and arrowes, and also to gather stonnes, 
to some of the Ilandes to which they did suppose we would 
come. But i, pceiveinge there poUisie, kept me of fro 
the shore without, davnger of ther stones, darts, and 
arrowes, and so stood, to seawardes. They, ^eiveinge 
that I was not determined to anker, threwe certaine shelles 
into oure cok bote, makeinge sines for some of oure men to 
fetch the same. The most of them beinge gon from vs, 
my boye * goinge into the Bote at the intreatie of the shipp,' 
was shott throwe both the Buttockes with a darte ; at 
which tyme, they rowed all awaye, standeinge vpon the 
Ilandes, where they did suppose we woulde have comde, 
aboue 200 ^ones. But, god sendeinge vs a gayle forth of 
the ford at sovtkeast, we gott this eveninge to sea, we 
standeinge to the norwardes, discoveringe the coste and 
harbors allongst vnto y* latitud of 69 d^jres, which Cape 
we called ChrisHn friesses Cape, after the name of the 
Chanceler.* I allso gave name to certaine other fordes. 

* Query, a clerical error for " they", 

» William Huntriss by name (see Introduction). 

* Query, a clerical error for " shipper" (see p. 29, n.). See Leyell's 
account of the occurrence (p. 43, n.). 

* Hall did not really proceed as far north as lat 69°, though he may 
have been able to see that far. The cape he named "Christin 
Friesse's Cape" was probably the western extremity of the Island of 
Sarkandlek, in 68° 35' (see Map IV a). Christian Friis of Borreby 
was bom in 1556. He was a man of considerable ability, and is 
stated to have visited England several limes, first as a young man for 
purposes of educational travel, and afterwards on public business. 
He became Chancellor of Denmark in 1596, and died in 1616, 

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soundes, and Ilandes all allongst this coast, so far as we 
went, it beinge one of the best coastes for harboringe of 
shippes in the whole worlde ; beinge, so far as 1 did dis- 
cover, voide of all yce ; all which cost & harbors, with 
other matters, I have demonstrated to youre Maiesties 
vewe^ When I, haveinge discovered the same, I retorned 
backe againe to the Trost, cominge to them vpon the 10 
of Jvlye, where I found both the Captaine & the rest of the 
companie in pfitt health, thankes be to god. But, after 
oure depting from them, the companie would needes have 
been gone home, and left us in the Pinnis, yf the captaine 
as an honest and faythfull Gentleman, both to youre 
Maiestie and also to me had not withstood them and 
stayed for me. When beinge com to them, I founde the 
Captaine to have taken these 3 jjsons which nowe is 
brought to youre Heighnes.* So, the next daye, beinge y 
1 1 of Jvlye, we tooke oure waye homewardes, thinkeinge 
to keepe the cost alongst to the southwardes ; but, cominge 
to the southwardes of Qveene Annes Cape, we founde great 
bankes of yce, wheby* we weere forssed to stand to sea- 
bord ; where divers tymes we mett with invmerable skvlles 
of whales. Beinge cleare of the yce, we derected oure 
course homewardes loseinge oure Pinnis in a thicke, home- 
wardes, not seeinge her again vnto oure coininge home, 
haveinge all the waye from Groineland to the lies of 
Orkeney such continval fo^es or mistes that it is wonder- 
full to reporte ; in which fogges, vpon the 23 of Jvlye, 
we left the pinis ; and, vpon the first of A^:u5t, we had 

It of this part of the voyage, based on Leyell's Diaiy, 
and for a notice of the maps illustrating it, see the Introduction ; 
where, also, suggestions have been made which may explain why 
Hall, in both his narratives, describes his excursion northwards with 
such remarkable brevity. 

* A fourth was killed in taking them (see p. 48). 

* A clerical error for " whereby". 

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seight of the Ilandes of Orkney; and, upon the 5 daye 
we had seight of the Nase of norwaye ; when, coiiiinge 
into y« sounde, we arived, by godes mertifull pvidence, at 
Elsonvre upon the 10, in the mominge ; and, ankeringe, wc 
went on land. And, heareinge of youre heighnes beinge at 
Copemanhaven, we streight weyed and sett sayle for Cope- 
manhaven, whether we came the same daye, in the after 
noone. fTor which goi)d and pperous vic^e, all glorie be 
to god, both nowe and evermore. 

Yovre maiesties servant, 
to his poxuer James Hall 

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D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

, Google 

, Google 

, Google 

Another Account of the Danish Expedition 

to Greenland, under the Command of 

Captain John Cunningham, in 1605. 

Bv JAMES HALL, Chiek Pilot; 

as abbreviated by the Rev. Samuel 


From PUKCHASHis PiLGRiMES(i<'nal'n, 1625), vol. iii, pp. 814-821,'] 

N the name of God, Amen. We set 

sayle frcrni Copeman-kauen, in Den- 

niarke, the second day of May, in 

the yeare of our redemption 1605, 

with two Shippes and a Pinnace : 

The Admirall,* called the Frosty a 

shippe of the burthen of thirty or fortie lasts,* wherein 

was Captaine and chiefe commander of the whole 

Fleet, Captaine lokn Cuntdngham, a Scottish Gentleman, 

seruant vnto the Kings Maiestie of Dentnarke^ myselfe 

being principall Pilot : The Lyon, Vice-admirall, being 

' Those foot- and side-noies in Purchas which are only intended 
jot reference have been omitted. 

' When reading the following narratives, it should be borne in mind 
that, at the time in question, the individual in command of a fleet was 
known as the " General", while the particular ship in which he sailed 
was known as the " Admiral". 
' Misprint for Trost. 
' A Danish "last" equalled two tons. 
.See p. I. 

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about the foresaid burthen,' wherein was Captaine, one 
Godscaio Lindenose, a Danish | Gentleman,* and Steere- 
man of the same, one Peter Kilson, of Copeman-kauen .-* 
The Pinnace, a Barke of the burthen of twelue Lasts, or 
thereabouts,* wherein was Steereman, or Commander, one 
John Knight, my Countrieman,' So, setting sayle from 
Copeman-hauen, with a faire gale of winde Easterly, wee 
came vnto Elsonure, where we anchored, to take in our 

The third day, we tooke in our water ; at which time, the 
Captaines, my selfe, with the Lieutenants and the other 
Steeremen, did thinke it conuenient to set downe certaine 
Articles for the better keeping of company one with 
another ; to which Articles or couenants wee were all 
seuerally sworne, setting thereunto our hands. 

The sixt, we came to Flecorie, into which harbour, by 
Gods helpe, we came at two a clocke in the aftemoone. 
The seuenth day, we supplied our wantes of wood and 
water. The eight day, about two a clocke in the after- 
noone, we set sayle forth of the harbour of Flecorie. 
About six a clock, it fell calme till about eight ; about 
which time, the Nast of Norway (by the Danish men 
called Lyndis-nose) bare next hand North-west of vs, sixe 

' That is, about Ihe burden of the Trosl. 

* Godske Lindenow (see the Introduction). His vessel was called 
ZJiven (or den Rode Love) in Danish. 

' His name is properly spelled Kieldson (see the Introduction). 

' The name of this vessel was Kailen, but she is often referred to 
under the appellation of " Pinker^' : that is, " the pinnace", in English. 

' Purchas here adds, in a note, the words : " Of whom after", 
meaning that he has inserted Inter on in his work an account of 
Knight's voyage in search of a North-west Passage made in the fol- 
lowing year (1606). Upon this voyage, Knight lost his life, and in 
consequence no fresh discoveries were made. The best account of it 
is in Mr. Clements R. Markham's work on the Voyages of Lancaster 
and Knigkt (Hakluyt Society, 1876). 

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leagues off; at which time, I directed my course West 
North-west, finding the compa.sse varied 7 degrees 10 
minutes to the Eastwards of the true North.^ 

The thirteenth, we had sight of the Hand of Faire lie, 
and also of the South-head of Shoiland, called Swimbome 
head, which are high Lands. At noone, the Hand of 
Faire lie bearing West halfe a point Northerly, foure 
leagues off, I made obseruation, and found vs in the 
latitude of 59 degrees 20 minutes. This night, about 
seuen a clocke, wee came about an English league to the 
Northwards of the North-west end of Faire lie. Wee 
met with a great race of a tyde, as though it had beene the 
race of Portland, it setting North North-west. Being out 
of the said race, I directed my course West and by North, 
hauing the winde North-east and by North. This euening 

' For the sake of completeness, wc may here insert the entries in 
Leyell's Diary which fill up the gaps in Hall's account :— 

" On the 2nd of May, in the'year 1605, sailed three of H.M. Ships 
from Copenhagen to search for Greenland. Of these Troust was Ad- 
miral, and him followed Ihenn Rodt Loffue and Kalten ; and Kattcn 
carried with her this true report. 

" On the same day, they came to Kromborg and sailed from there 
in the evening, at 10 o'clock, with a S. W. wind ; and their conrse was 
N.W. until the 4th. 

" 4. In the evening the wind became westerly ; then they tacked in 
the night between the Scaw and Marstrand. 

" 5. In the morning, al 4 o'clock, the wind became southerly, their 
course W. to S. 

"6. The wind E.N.E., their course S., with much fog and rain; 
and they came that day to Flekkerd and remained there still until 
the 8th. 

"8. In the afternoon, at 4 o'clock, they set sail with an E.N.E. wind 
and came under the Ness in the evening. 

" 9. The wind was a light N.E. breeze and their course N.W. to W. 

" la The wind E. by N., their course W. by N. 

" 11. The wind northerly, iheir course W. by N. 

" 12. Light wind in the forenoon, and they came under Shetland, 
but in the afternoon the wind was W., their course N. by W." 

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{Faire lie bearing East South-east, foure leagues ; Sitn'm- 
bome head. North-east and by North, eight leagues ; the 
Hand of Foole} North-east and by East, seuen leagues'), 
I found, by exact obseruation, the compasse to be varied 
to the East-ward of the true North 60 degrees 10 minutes.' 

The fourteenth, in the morning, the winde came to the 
East South-east, wee steering West and by North away. 
This morning, the Island oi Faire He did shew in my sight 
to bee about ten leagues off; at which time, we did descrie 
two of the Westermost Islands of Orkney, which did beare 
South-west and by South.* 

The eighteenth, the winde at North-west and by West, 
wee laid it away South-west and by West, and sometimes 
South-west This day at noone, wee were in the Latitude 
of 58 degrees 40 minutes. The nineteenth day, the winde 
at South-west and South-west and by West, wee lying as 
the night before, being at noone in the Latitude of 59 
degrees and a halfe. The foure and twentieth day, the 
winde at North-east and by East, we steering still with a 
fresh gale West South-west' This euening, we looked to 

' Foula. 

' This combination of bearings being impossible, il seems that 
those of Foula and Sumburgh Head have been interchanged. Leyelt's 
entry for the 13th is as follows :— 

" 13. The wind N.W., their course N.N.E. four glasses ; after that 
their course W. by S., and they passed Fer« in the evening at 6 o'clock ; 
afterwards the wind became N.E., their course W. by S." 

' This is probably a misprint. The variation in the vicinity at the 
time would have been much nearer 6° 10' £. 

* Leyell's entry is: — "14. As before until the evening; at four 
o'clock they came under Orkney, 3 miles from land." The miles are 
no doubt ancient Danish sea-miles, nearly equal to four nautical miles. 

* The preceding part of Hail's account from the 18th, as here ren- 
dered, is uninlelligibte. The words referring to the 19th, "wee lying 
as the night before", can be understood only as meaning the last- 
mentioned course — S.W. by W. and S.W. ; and the expression 
referring to the Z4th, "we steering still . . . W.S.W.", taken to- 

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haue seene Busse Hand, but I doe verily suppose the 
same to be placed in a wrong Latitude in the Marine 
Charts.' The sixe and twentieth at noone, wee were in the 
latitude of 57 degrees 45 minutes.* The thirtieth day, in 

gether with the preceeding statements, clearly imply that a south- 
westerly course had been steered with little variation from the i8th to 
the 24th. But it is evident that, in that case, they would have got 
much too far South ; nor could they, in that case, have been in lat. 
58° 48' on the i8th and in 59° 30' on the 19th. The fact is no doubt 
that Purchas, in his process of abbreviation, has left out as uninterest- 
ing some of Hall's statements about the course, not observing that, in 
so doing, he rendered the remaining indications meaningless. Leyell's 
Diary fills up the gap and explains the apparent contradictions. His 

" 15. The wind N.W. before noon, their course W. by N., but afier 
noon the wind was W.S.W., their course W.N.W. 

" 16. The wind W. by N., and Ihey tacked before noon, and in the 
afternoon, with a N.W. wind, their course was W. by S. 

"17. Likewise in the forenoon; after noon a gale of W., their 
course S. 

" 18. The wind W.S.W., Iheir course N. by E. 

" 19. Whitsunday, the wind S.W., their course N.W. by W. 

"30-21. The same. 

" 2Z-Z4. A stiff N.E. wind, their course W.S.W." 

From this it appears that on the i8th they laid away 10 the North, 
and that was the course of " the night before", which was continued a 
part of the igth, and by which they came back from 58° 40' to 59° 30', 
This was continued the two following days ; and, though on the 24th 
they were "still" steering W.S.W., it was only since the 22nd that 
they had done so. 

' Busse Island, it will be remembered, was supposed to have been 
discovered on Frobisher's third voyage in 1578 in 57° 30'; from which 
it may be concluded that the expedition on this day was not far from 
that latitude. Bielke says that they went — that is, of course, 
imagined that they went— south of Busse and Frisland. On the 
Island of Busse, see Appendix B, 

' This does not quite agree with Hall's statement in the Report to 
the King (see p. 4) thai he steered between W. and S.W. by S. 
until he found himself in latitude 58° 20', when he went away W. by 
N. and W.N.W., implying that he did not come farther S. than 
58° 20'. But it must be remembered that, in the Report, Hall would 
naturally pay less attention to that kind of detail. Hall does not 

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the morning, betweene seuen and eight, the weather began 
to cleere, and the Sea and winde to waxe lesse. Wee, 
looking for the Lion and the Pinnasse, could haue no sight 
of them, we supposing them to bee asteme off vs, we 
standing still vnder our courses,' This day, the winde 
came to the North-east and by East, being very cold 
weather, we lying North North-west away. Making my 
obseruation at noone, 1 found vs in the latitude of 56 
degrees 15 minutes,* our way North North-west fortie 
leagues. This afternoon, between one and two a clock, 
we descried Land, it bearing North North-east off vs 
about ten leagues off North-east and by North off vs 
about ten leagues* ; it being a very high ragged land, lying 
in the latitude of 59 degrees 50 minutes, lying alongst 
South-east and by South, and North-west and by North, 
This Head-land wee named after the Kings Maiesties 

state when he changed his course for a more northerly one, but 
Leyell's Diary supplies the defect. His entries for these days are :~ 

"25. The wind N.E., their course W.S.W. until noon, but after 
noon the course was W. 

" 26-27. A stiff N.E. and E.N.E. wind ; their course W." 

' Here, too, it is evident that something has been omitted, as there 
is no mention in the preceeding paragraph of any tempestuous weather. 
The Report to the King, however, states (see p. 4) that they were 
assailed by a violent gale on the afiemoon of the 28th. This is also 
mentioned by Leyell, and all three authorities stale that the ships were 
separated ; but, whilst Hall, both here and in his " Report", says that 
both the other vessels were separated from the Admiral, Leyell im- 
plies that only Loven got away from the others. His entries for 
these days arc as follows : — 

"28. The wind N.E., their course W.N.W. ; towards evening a 
siorm came upon them, 

"29-31. As before, so that they could not carry any sail, and to- 
wards eiening their course was N.W. ; at that time then Rode 
Lofflie was separated from the Admiral and Kalten, in a great fog." 

* A misprint for " 59 degrees 1 5 minutes", as the matter following 

' These words are repeated in Purchas, apparently through a 
printer's error. 

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of Denmarke, because it was the first part of Groenland 
which we did see.* This afternoone, about one a clock, 
bearing in for the shoare, we saw an Hand of Ice, which 
bore West South-west of vs, three leagues off ; so, hauing 
the wind at East South-east, we bore in for the shoare, 
where we found so much Ice that it was impossible either 
for vs or any other ship to come into the shoare without 
great danger. Yet wee put our selues into the Ice as wee 
thought conuenient, being incumbred and compassed about 
with the same in such sort as the Captaine, my selfe, the 
Boatswaine, with another of our companie, were forced to 
goe ouerboard vpon an Hand of Ice, to defend it from the 
ship ; at which time, 1 thought it conuenient to stand off 
into the Sea againe, and so, being cleere of the Ice, to 
double Cape Desolation} to the North-westwards of which 
I doubted not but to find a cleer coast ; so, standing away 
all this night West South-west, to cleere vs of the Ice, 
which lay farre from the shoare, being very thicke towards 
the Land with great Hands of Ice that it is wonderfull. 
This euening, the Cape Christian bearing North-east and 
by East, fiue leagues [off], I found the Compasse varied 12 
degrees 15 minutes to the North-westwards. Moreouer, 
standing to Seaward from the foresaid Cape, we came in 
blacke water, as thicke as though it had beene puddle water, 
we sayling in the same for the space of three houres.* 

The one and thirtieth, in the morning, faire weather, 
with the winde somewhat variable, wee steering away 
North-west and by West, betweene foure and fiue in the 

' With regard 10 this land&ll, see the "' Report" (p. 4, note) and 
our Introduction. Purchas, in a side-note, adds : " Cape Christian", 
probably finding that the abbreviator had omitted the name and 
thinking that, without the explanatory note, confusion might arise, as 
ihe Cape is mentioned by name later on. ' See p. 7, note. 

* This incident seems to have impressed them very mtich. Bielke 
also mentions it. It is frequently noted by the early arctic explorers. 

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morning, we had sight of the Lion againe, but not of the 
Pinnasse.* They being a sea-boord off and hauing espied vs, 
they stood with vs, at which time the Captaine, Lieutenant, 
and Steereman came aboord vs, earnestly intreating mee 
to bestow a Sea Chart of the Steerman, and to giue him 
directions if by tempestuous weather they should lose vs, 
they protesting and swearing that they would neuer leaue 
vs as long as winde and weather would permit them to 
keepe companie with vs. By whose speeches 1 being 
perswaded, did giue them a Sea Chart for those Coasts, 
telling them that, if they would follow me, that by God's 
assistance, I would bring them to a part of the Land void 
without pester of Ice, and also harbour the ships in good 
Harbour, by God's heipe ; they swearing and protesting 
that they would follow mee so long as possibly they could : 
with which oathes and faire speeches I rested satisfied, 
thinking they had thought as they had swome, but it fell 
out otherwise.* So, hauing made an end with vs, about noone, 

' In the present account, Hall docs not mention the return of the 
pinnace, but he does so in the " Report" (see p. 7), though without indi- 
cation of dale. In the face of Hall's explicit statement, it is remarkable 
that Leyell, as already mentioned, expressly says that only Leren was 
separated from the others, which implies that the pinnace was with the 
Admiral when Loven relumed. This event, according to his Diary, 
cannot have been earlier than the 1st of June ; his entry for the first 
days of June being simply : " 1-2. A light S.W., their course N. by 
W. ; then they got sight of two large icebei^s, and came into much 
ice i at that time Loffuen came again to ihem." Considering that 
Leyelldoes not mention the sight of land, nor ihe conference on board 
the Trost, the difficulty may perhaps be solved by supposing that the 
small vessel was so far separated from the Admiral as not to have been 
visible from the latter, while those on board the pinnace never quite 
lost sight of the Trost; and, as it appears that LiJven got separated 
again on the 31st, through fog, the pinnace may have come near 
enough for Leyell to see her rejoining the Admiral, and he may have 
thought that she had been away all the time. In itself, of course, this 
is of no consequence, except as bearing on the respective a 
of the two accounts. 

' Fot observations on this incident, see the Introduction. 

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they went aboord againe, wee being this day in the latitude 
of 59 degrees 45 minutes, hauing stood all the night before, 
and this forenoone also, so nigh the shoare as wee could for 
Ice, the Cape Christian South South-east and North 
North-west ; and from the Cape to Cape Desolation the 
Land lyeth East and by South, and West and by North, 
about fiftie leagues. This day, betweene one and two 
a clocke, the Vice-admiral's Boat being newly gone aboord, 
it fell very hasie and thicke, so that wee could not see one 
another by reason of the fog; therefore our Captainc 
caused to shoote off certaine Muskets, with a great peece 
of Ordnance, to the intent theZww might heare vs; which' 
heard of them, they presently stood with vs ; at which time 
the fogge began somewhat to cleere, we hauing sight one 
of another, and so stood alongst the shoare, as nigh as we 
could for Ice. 

The first of June, wee had a fresh gale of winde at South- 
west, wee steering North-east and by North into the shoare ; 
about three in the morning, there fell a mightie ft^ge, so 
that we were forced to lye by the lee for the Lion, playing 
vpon our Drum, to the intent for them to heare vs and to 
kecpe companie with vs, they answering vs againe with the 
shooting of a Musket ; wee, trimming our sailes, did the 
like to them, and so stood awaj- North-east and by East, 
larboord tackt aboord^ halfe a glasse, when we were hard 
incumbred amongst mightie Hands of Ice, being very high 
like huge Mountaines ; so I caused to cast about and stand 
to the Westwards North-west and by West. About tweJue 
of the clocke this night, it being still calme, wee found 

• Query, "being" omitted. 

* Probably "aboord" is a misprint, and the passage really means 
(as on p. sO that they sailed on "larboard tacked" about half a glass. 
At the same time, according to Smyth {Sailor's Word-Boek, p. 13), 
"to haul the taclcs aboard" means "selling the courses", in which 
sense we find it on pp. 35 and 58. 

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ourselues suddenly compast round about with great 
Hands of Ice, which made such a hideous noyse as was 
most wonderfull, so that by no meanes wee could double 
the same to the Westward ; wherefore wee were forced to 
stand it away to the Southwards, South South-west, 
stemming the Current ; for, by the same Current, wee were 
violently brought into this Ice ; so, being incumbred and 
much to doe to keepe cteere of the mightie Hands of Ice, 
there being (as both I and others did plainly see) vpon one 
of them a huge rocke stone, of the weight of three hundred 
pounds or thereabouts, as wee did suppose. Thus, being 
troubled in the Ice for the space of two or three houres, it 
pleased God that we got thorow the same. 

The second day, in the morning, about three a clocke, 
I came forth of my Cabin, where I found that the Shipper,' 
whose name was Arnold, had altered my course which I 
had set, going, contrarie to my directions. North North-west 
away ; whereupon hee and 1 grew to some speeches, both 
for at this time and other times hee had done the like. 
The Captaine, likewise, seeing his bad dealing with we* 
did likewise roundly speake his minde to him ; for at this 
instant wee were nigh vnto a great banke of Ice, which wee 
might haue doubled if my corrse had not beene altered ; 
so that we were forced to cast about to the Southwards, 
South and by East, and South South-east, with the winde 
at South-west and by South or South-west, till ten a 
clocke, when we stood againe to the Westwards, lying 
West North-west and North-west and by West, being at 
noone in the latitude of 60 degrees 18 minutes, Cape 

' The word " Shipper" (which occurs several times hereafter) seems 
to have been in use in English at the lime as a name for the " master" 
of a ship, as dislinguished from the captain. The particular person 
here alluded to (Arnold by name) was the navigating officer of the 
T'Osl. He was, in Danish, according to the usage of the lime, styled 
Skipper. " A misprint for "me". 

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Desolation is, 1 did suppose,^ bearing North and by West 
three or foure leagues off, the weather being so thicke and 
hasie that wee could neuer see the Land. 

The fourth day, betweene one and two a clocke in the 
morning, it began to blow a fresh gale Easterly, we steering 
away North and North and by West, we being at nooiie in 
the latitude of 59 d^rees 50 minutes,* hauing made a West 
and by North way foure and twentie leagues. This euen- 
ing, about seuen a clocke, we had very thicke water, and 
continued so about halfe an houre. About nine a clocke, 
we did see a very high Hand of Ice to the windward of vs ; 
and, about halfe an houre after, with some drift Ice, 
they in the Lion, thorow the fearefulnesse of their Com- 
manders, presently cast about, standing away larboord 
tackt, till they did perceiue that I stood still away as I did 
before, without impediment of the Ice, they cast about 
againe and followed vs. 

The fift, in the morning, being very faire weather, with 
the winde at East South-east, our course North North- 
west, some of our people supposed they had scene the Land. 
Our Captaine and I went aboord the Pinnasse, when, after 
an houre of our being there, we did see the supposed Land 
to be an hasie fogge, which came on vs so fast that wee 
could scarce see one another. But, the Lion being very 
nigh vnto vs, and it being very calme, wee laid the Pinnasse 
aboord of her, and so the Captaine and I went aboord of 

The ninth day, about foure a clocke, it began to blow an 
easie gale at South-east and by South, I directing my 

' Probably this should read : " Cape Desolalion, as I did suppose, 
bearing north," etc. 

' This is probably an error. If correct, they must have been sail- 
ing south, of which, however, nothing is said, but Purchas has omitted 
the events of June 3rd. According toLeyell (see p-31, «.), their course 
on that day was West. 

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course still North North-west, when some of our people 
would not be perswaded but they did see Land ; and 
therefore I stood in North and by East and North-North- 
east, till about three a clocke in the afternoone, when wee 
met with a huge and high Hand of Ice, wee steering hard 
to board the same, and being shot a little to Northwards 
of it, there fell from the top thereof some quantitie of Ice, 
which, in the fall, did make such a noyse as though it had 
beenethe report of fiue Cannons. This euening wee came 
amongst much drift Ice, being both' windwards and to lee- 
wards of vs ; yet, by God's helpe, we got very well through 
the same ; when, being cicere, I directed my course againe 

The tenth day, the winde at South-west and by West, I 
steering still North-west and by North, This forenoone 
also wee met with great Hands of Ice, it being very hasie 
and thicke weather, the which did driue them in the Lt'on 
into great feare ; and, calling to vs very fearfully, per- 
swaded me to alter my course and to returne homeward, 
saying that it was impossible for vs by any working and 
course keeping to sease upon the Land ; which did driue 

' Query, "10" omitted. 

' Leyctl's Diary has the following in continuation of the last-cited 
entry (see p. 27, n.) :— 

"3. A light N.W. wind, their cotirse W. 

" 4. A stiff E.S.E. wind, their course N. by W. ; and that night they 
came into much ice. 

" J The wind easterly, their course N. by W. ; a large dark bank 
appears, which they thought to be the land, and at once the Captain 
of the Admiral and his first male wanted to be landed in the pinnace. 

"6. A stiff W.S.W. wind, their course N. by W. 

" 7. The wind N.W. in the forenoon, their course N. by E., and 
afternoon the wind came northerly ; their course was W.N.W., and 
they were in much ice, 

"8. A light northerly wind, their course W.N.W., and they saw 

"9. The wind S.^.W., their course W., and they saw much ice. 

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all our companie into such a feare that they were deter- 
mined, whether 1 would or not, to haue returned home, 
had not the Captaine, as an honest and resolute Gentleman, 
stood by mee, protesting to stand by me so long as his 
blood was warme, for the good of the King's Maiestie, who 
had set vs forth, and also to the performing of the Voyage. 
Which resolution of his did mitigate the stubbomenesse of 
the people ; yet nothing would perswade those fearfull 
persons in the Lion, especially the Steerman, who had 
rather, long before this time, haue returned home then to 
haue proceeded on the action, as before the said Steerman 
had done when he was imployed, eight yeeres before, in the 
said action or discoverie.^ Therefore our Captaine and 
my selfe, seeing their backwardnesse, now, as before we 
had done, went our selues the same euening into the 
Pinnasse, hauing a mightie banke of Ice of our larboord 
side, and spake to them very friendly, giuing order, both 
to our owne ship and to them, that they should keep a 
Sea-boord of vs (for I did suppose this banke of Ice to lye 
in the narrowest of the Streight, betweene America and 
Groenland, as, indeed, by experience, I found the same to 
be). Therefore 1 determined to coast the Ice alongst till 
I found it to bee driuen and fall away by reason of the 
swift current that setteth very forcibly through the said 
Strait, and then, by the grace of God, to set ouer for a 
cleere part of the coast of Groenland ; so, all this night, we 
coasted the Ice, as close aboord as we could, East-North- 
east and North-east and by East, till about midnight, when 
we found the said banke to fall away. 

The eleuenth day, being cleere of the Ice, I stood away 
North-North-east till sixe a clocke, when we met with 
another great banke of Ice ; at which time, the Commanders 
of the Lion (being now againe very fearfull, as before) came 

' For remarks on this passage, see the Introduction. 

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vp to our ship, perswading the Shipper and Companie to 
leave vs, aud to stand to Seaboord with them. But the 
Shipper, who was also Lieftenatit of the ship, being more 
honestly minded, said that he would follow vs so long as 
he could ;^ with which answere they departed, vsing many 
spitefull wordes both of the Captaine and mee, saying we 
were determined to betray the King's ships ; at which time 
they shot off a peece of Ordnance and so stood away from 
vs.* I, seeing their peruerse dealing, let them goe, wee 
coasting alongst the Ice North- North-east, with a fresh 
gale, it being extreme cold, with snow and hayse, the Sea 
also going very high by reason of a mightie current, the 
which I found to set very forceably through this Strait, 
which, being nigh vnto America side, setteth to the North- 
wards, and on the other side to the contrarie, as by proofe 
I found. So, coasting alongst this mayne banke of Ice, 
which seemed as it had beene a firme Continent, till about 
eleuen a clocke, when we espyed the Ice to stretch to 
windward on our weather bow, wee, setting our starboord 
takes aboord,* stood away East and by South, with the 
winde at South and by East, till wee had doubled a Sea- 
boord the Ice ; at which time, I directed my course directly 
ouer for the cleere coast of Groineland, East and by North, 
which course I directed all the Frost to goe,* wee standing 
away our course all this night, it being very much snow 
and sleete.* 

' The " Shipper" was Amold, with whom Hall had formerly quar- 
relled (see p. 29). 

' For observations on this incident, and for a brief account of the 
subsequent homeward voyage of Loven, we refer to our Introduction. 

' See p. 28, note. ' Thus in Purchas. 

^ Leyell's entries for these days are quite short :— 

" 10. The wind S,, their course as before, amongst much ice. 

" II. The wind S., their course E. with much ice and fog ; at six 
o'clock in the morning then Rode Loffue changed her course, left the 
others, and fired off a piece." 

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34 EXPF.urnoN.s to Greenland, 1605-1612. 

The twelfth day, in the morning, about foure a clocke, 
we espyed the Land of Greenland, being a very high ragged 
Land, the tops of the Mountaines being all couered with 
snow ; yet wee found all this coast vtterly without Ice, 
Wee, standing into the Land, espyed a certaine Mount 
aboue all the rest, which Mount is the best marke on all this 
Coast, the which I named Mount Cunningham} after the 
name of my Captaine. We comming into the shoare 
betweene two Capes or Head-lands, the Land lying 
betweene them North and by East and South and by 
West, the Southmost of which Forelands I named 
Queene Anne's Cape, after the name of the Queenes 
Maiestie of Denmarke, and the Northermost of the two 
I called Queene Sophia's Cape, after the name of the 
Queene Mother.* 

So, standing into the Land, we came amongst certaine 
Hands, where, sayling in still amongst the same, vnto the 
Southermost foot of the foresaid Mount, wee came into a 
goodly Bay, which we did suppose to be a Riuer, being on 
both sides of the same very high and steepe Mountaines. 
Wee named the same King Christianus Foord, after the 
name of the King's ^&iGst\t oi Denmarke? So, sayling vp ' 
this Bay, which wee supposed to bee a Riuer, the space of 
sixe or seuen English leagues, finding in all that space no 
anchoring, being maruellous deepe water, tilt at the length 
we had sayled vp the Bay the foresaid distance, at length 
I brought the Ship and Pinnasse to an anchor in sixteene 
fathom, shelly ground ; at which time, our Captaine and I 
went aland, giuing thankes vnto God for his vnspeakable 
benefits, who had thus dealt with vs as to bring vs to this 

1 Probably Mount Kakatsiak (see p. lo, note). 

' See the sketch of these Capes ia the Report to the King (p. 9) ; 
also see Hall's general map (IV). 

* Itivdlek Fjord (see p. lo, note) ; see also Hall's general map (IV), 
and his special map (I), nn which their anchorage is marked b. 

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desired Land, into so good an Harbour ;' which done, the 
Captaine and I walked vp the Hills to see if we could see 
any of the people, hauing our Boat to row atongst with us. 
Hauing gone alongst the Riuer side vpon the tops of the 
Hills the space of three or foure English miles, at length, 
looking towards our Boat, wee saw vpon the Riuer-stde 
foure of the people standing by their Houses, or rather 
Tents, couered ouer with Seale-skins.* Wee comming 
downe the Hills towards them (they hauing espyed us), 
three of them ranne away vpon the Land, and the other 
tooke his Boat and rowed away, leauing their Tents. Wee, 
being come downe the Hills, called to our men in the 
Boat, and, entering into her, rowed towards the Sauage, 
who was in his Boat made of Seale-skins. Hee, holding 
vp his hands towards the Sunne, cryed Yota ;^ wee doing 
the like and shewing to him a knife, hee presently came 
vnto vs and tooke the same of the Captaine. When hee 
had presently rowed away from vs, wee rowed a little after 
him ; and, seeing it was but in vaine, we rowed aland again 
and went into their Tents, which we found couered (as is 
aforesaid) with Seale-skins ; wee finding by the houses 
two Dogs, being very rough and fat, like in shape to a 
Foxe, with very great abundance of Seale fish,* lying round 
about their Tents a drying, with innumerable quantities of 
a little fish like vnto a Smelt (which fish are commonly 
called Sardeenes), of which fish in all ' the Riuers are 
wonderfull skuls.** These fishes also lay a drying round 
about their Tents in the Sunne in great heapes, with other 

* Here,m Purchas,we find this side-note: "Our first UndinginGroin- 
land." This, from the use of the first person, may be regarded as Hall's. 

' Here also, in Purchas, is a side-note : " Our first sight of the 
people." The Greenlanders are drawn on Hall's map (I). 
' The same as Yliout^ the Greenlanders' greeting {see pp. 1 1, 12). 

* Seals were, of course, regarded as fish in 1603, as they still are by 
the ignorant. 

* Now usually spelled " schools" and used only of Cetaceans. 


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sundrie kindes.^ Then,entring into their Tents, wee found 
certaine Scale skins and Foxe skins, very well drest ; also 
certaine Coates of Seale skins and Fowle skins, with the 
feather side inward ; also certaine Vessels boyling vpon a 
little Lanipe, the Vessell being made after the manner of 
a little Pan, the bottoms whereof is made of stone, and the 
sides of Whales finnes ; in which Vessell was some little 
qiumtitie of Seale fish boyling in Seale oyle ; and, searching 
further, wee did finde in another of their Vessels a Dc^s 
head boyled, so that 1 perswaded my selfe that they eate 
D(^s flesh. Moreouer, by their houses, there did lye two 
great Boates, being couered vnder with Seale skins, but 
aloft open, after the forme of our Boates, being about 
twentie footie in length, hauing in each of them eight or 
ten tosts' or seates for men to sit on ; which Boates, as after- 
wards I did perceiuc, is for the transporting of their Tents 
and baggage from place to place ; and, for a saile, they 
haue the guts of some beast, which they dresse very fine 
and thin, which they sow tc^ether. Also the other sorts 
of their Boats are such as Captaine Frobisfur and Master 
John Dauis brought into England^ which is but for one 
man, being cleene couered over with Seale skins artificially 

1 This fish was no doubt the Angmaksel of the Greenlanders 
{Mailolia arcliats, Cuv.), which is as important as an artiple of food 
in Greenland as the herring is with us ; but, though it is often called 
the Greenland Herring, it has no affinity to the Sardine, as it does not 
belong to the Herring family {Clupeida). It is closely allied to the 
smelt, both being of the Salmon family. 

' " Tosls" are the same as " thousts" (see p. 1 1, note). 

* In Furchas' Pilgrimts, a note is here inserted m which it is staled : 
"There is one of these boati in Sir T. Smith's Hall." Frobisher, in 
1576, obtained from the natives at least one of their boats (Best's 
True Distourse, p. 50, and Tkree Voyages of Frodis/ur, Hakluyt 
Society, 1868, pp. 74 and S6j, while Davis tells that, on one occasion, 
he purchased from them no less than five (Hakluyt, vol. iii, p. 100, and 
Markham's Voyages and iVork of John Davis, Hakluyt Society, 
1880, p. 8). 

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dressed, except one place to sit in. being within set out 
with certaine little ribs of Timber, wherein they vse to row 
with one Oare more swiftly than our men can doe with 
ten ; in which Boates they fish, being disguised in their 
Coates of Seale skinnes, whereby they deceiue the Scales, 
who take them rather for Scales then men ; which Scales 
or other fish they kill in this manner : — They shoot at the 
Scales or other great fish with their Darts, vnto which they 
vse to tye a bladder, which doth boy vp the iish in such 
manner that, by the said means, they catch them. So, 
comming aboord our ships, hauing left certaine trifles 
behind vs in their Tents, and taking nothing away with vs, 
within halfe an houre after our comming aboord, the 
Sauage to whom we had giuen the knife, with three others 
(which we did suppose to be them which we saw first), 
came rowing to our ships in their Boats, holding vp their 
hands to the Sunne, and striking of their brests, crying 
y£>ia. We doing the like, they came to our shippe, or* 
Captaine giuing them bread and Wine, which, as it did 
seeme, they made little account of; yet they gaue vs some 
of their dryed fishes ; at which time, there came foure 
more, who, with the other, bartered their Coats and some 
Seale sktnnes with pur folke for old Iron Nailes and other 
trifles, as Pinnes and Needles, with which they seemed to 
be wonderfully pleased ; and, hauing so done, holding their 
hands towards the Sunne, they departed. 

The thirteenth, there came fourteene of them to our 
ship, bringing with them Scale skinnes. Whale Finnes, 
with certayne of their Darts and Weapons, which they 
bartered with our people, as before. This day, I made 
obseruation of the latitude, and found this Roadsted in the 
latitude of 66 degrees 25 minutes ; and the mouth of this 
Bay or Sound lyeth in the latitude of 66 degrees 30 

* A misprint for " our." 

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minutes. Also, here I made obseniation of the tydes, and 
found an East and West Moone to make a full Sea ; vpon 
the Full and Change more,* it floweth three fathome and 
an halfe water, right vp and downe. 

The fourteenth and fifteenth dayes, we rode still, the 
people comming to vs and bartering with vs, for pieces of 
old Iron or Nailes, Whale Finnes, Scales Skinnes, Morse 
Teeth, and a kind of Home which we doe suppose to be 
Vnicomes Home ; at which time, the Captaine went with ' 
our Boat, to the place where we had scene their Tents, but 
found them remoued ; and the other fish and the Seale 
fish lying still a drying. The Captaine, taking a quantitie 
of the Sea-fish* into the Boat, caused some of the Mariners 
to boyle it ashoare, the Sauages helping our men to doe 
the same, the Captaine vsing them very friendly ; they, 
hauing made about a barrell and an halfe of Oyle, leauing 
it aland all night, thinking to bring the same aboord in 
the morning. But the Sauages, the same night, let the 
same forth. Yet, notwithstanding, the Captaine shewed no 
manner of discontent towards them. 

The sixteenth day, I went into the Pinnasse, to discouer 
certaine Harbours to the Northwards. The wind being at 
East South-east, I loosed and set saile ; but instantly it fell 
calme, and so continued about an houre, when the wind 
came opposite at the West North-west, a stifle gale, we 
spending the tide till the floud being come, I put roome 
againe,' and came to an Anchor a little from the Frost in 
twelue fathomes, sandie ground. About one in the after- 
noone, the Frost departed from vs further vp the Bay, 

• Query, a misprint for " moone," 

' Probably a misprint for "Seal-fish". 

' According to Prot Laughton (Stale Papers relating to Ike Defeat 
of Ike Spanish Armada, vol. i,p. 7,n.), "To room"=io leeward. It is 
only used adverbially, as " to bear room", "to go room", "roomwards", 
and seenis to conceal th^ same idea as th^ still-familjar " to sail large". 

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which we did suppose to be a Riuer, promising to abide 
our returne two and twentie days.* 

The seuenteenth day, the wind continuing at the West 
North-west, blowing very hard; wee rode still, the people 
comming and barterir^ with vs.* 

The eighteenth day, the winde and weather as before, 
wee riding still. This forenoone, there came to the 
number of thirtie of them, and bartered with vs as they 
had done before ; which done, they went ashoare at a 
certaine point about a flight-shot* off vs ; and there, vpon a 
sudden, began to throw stones with certaine Slings which 
they had, without any injury offered at all ; yea, they did 
sling so fiercely that we could scarce stand on the hatches.^ 

> Leyell's entries from the I3th to the 16th are the following :— 

"12, The wind S,W. by S.; their course S.E.; and the Admiral and 
Katten came to Greenland that same day about noon, and sailed up a 
river into the land ; on the same evening, six boats with Greenlanders 
came and bought and sold with them," 

" 13-16. They lay still there, except that they advanced further up 
into the land and called that river Danmark's Hajfn ; and in the same 
river the Admiral came aground, so that they had to work diligently 
before they got him off without hurt," 

It will be observed that here he calls the whole ijord " Danmark's 
Haflh", and a little further on gives the name of " Kongen's Hatfn" to 
the place which Hall describes by the former name ; but, where he 
mentions them a second time, his names agree with Hall's, Whether, 
however, the names really at first were bestowed as Leyell says, and 
afterwards changed, or whether Leyell confused them, there is 
nothing to show. 

' That the natives already on this day were preparing for hostilities 
appears from Leyell's entry ; — 

"17, Fifty skinboats came with Greenlanders, armed with bows 
and slings, and intended to fight them, but they [i>., the Green- 
landers] kept behind high rocks, so that no one could hurt them." 

The rocks were no doubt rocky islets, such as abound on this 

* A " flight-shot" was anciently used as a measure of distance. It 
is said to have been about equal to the width of the Thames above 
London Bridge. 

^ This happened in Sling Road (see p. 1^ ».). 

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I, seeing their brutish dealing, caused the Gunner to shoot 
a Falcon' at them, which lighted a little ouer them ; at 
which time they went to their Boates, and rowed away. 
About one a clocke in the aftemoone, they came againe to 
vs, crying in their accustomed manner, Yliont^ they being 
sixtie-three in number The shipper* inquired of me 
whether they should come to vs or not I willed him to 
haue all things in a readinesse. They comming in the 
meane time nigh to the Pinnasse, I did perceiue certaine 
of them to haue great bagges full of stones. They, 
whispering one with another, began to sling stones vnto us. 
I presently shot off" a little Pistol, which I had for the 
Gunner and the rest of the foike to discharge ; which 
indeed they did, but whether they did hurt or kill any of 
them or not, I cannot certainly tell ; but they rowed all 
away, making a howling and hideous noise, going to the 
same point whereas* in the forenoone they had beene. 
Being no sooner come on Land, but from the Hils they 
did so assaile vs with stones, with their slings, that it is 
incredible to report, in such sort that no man could stand 
vpon the Hatches till such time as I commanded for to 
lose" sailes and bonnets two mens height, to shield vs from 
the force of the stones, and also did hide vs from their 
sight ; so that we did ply our Muskets, and other peeces 
such as wee had, at them ; but their subtiltie was such that, 
as soon as they did see fire giuen to the Peeces,* they would 
suddenly ducke downe behind the Cliffes,^ and, when they 

1 An old-fashioned kind of small gun, about ihe size of a 3-pounder. 

* A misprint for "Vliout". 

» See p. 29, n. 

' A misprint for "whereat". 

' Query, misprint for " lace" (see p. 13). 

■ Their " pieces" were, of course, match-locks, fired by the applica- 
tion of a piece of slow-burning' ropte, called " match". 

' The word "cliffes" scarcely conveys any clear meaning; and, as 
the " Report" clippi's, which is a Danish word meaning rocks, 

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were discharged, then sling their stones fiercely at vs 
againe. Thus, hauing continued there till foure a clocke, 
they departed away.^ 

The nineteenth day, in the morning, about foure a clocke, 
it beeing calme, I departed from this Roadsted, so causing 
our men to row alongst the shoare till the tide of the ebbe 
was bent ; at which time, it began to blow a fresh gale at 
North-west and by West, we turning downe till about two 
a clocke, when, the tide of fioud being come, when I came 
to an Anchor in an excellent Hauen, on the South side of 
Cunnittgkatns Mount, which, for the goodnesse thereof, I 
named Denmarkes Hauen?- 

this is probably the expression used by Hall, which Purchas did not 
understand and transformed into "cliffes" (see p. 13, note). 

' Leyell says that one of the Grecnianders was killed, or at any rate 
hurt, his entry being to this effect : — 

" iS. They were reinforced, and, being twice as numerous as be- 
fore, they attacked forcibly ; then one of them was shot ; after which 
the others hid themselves behind rocks as before." 

* Hall's expressions here seem to imply that the harbour was on the 
same side of the fjord as Mt. Cunningham, viz., the northern, 
where a place amongst the islands, though not exactly S. of the 
mountain, is niarked with the letter h. Of this h, however, no 
explanation is given. The d which marks Denmark's Haven, Is 
found (but, on the original map, difficult to distinguish) near the eastern 
extremity of the island of Tinungasak, close to the southern shore. 
The harbour must, therefore, have been either the eastern entrance of 
the sound between that island and the mainland, or some little creek 
branching off from it. Leyell says : " 19. They ran into another 
harbour which they called Kongen's Haffn, and the Admiral remained 
there until the jth of July, but Katten meanwhile went to sea in search 
of other harbours." As it appears, both from Hall's and from Leyell's 
own other statements, that Trost was not with him when he left for the 
N., the meaning of this passage (which must have been inserted when 
Leyell, after his return, made a fair copy of his Journal) seems to be thai 
Cunningham afterwards went there to await Hall's return, but on the 
Slh of July removed to the other harbour, where Hall found him. From 
Leyell's account of their return to King Christian's Fjord, it would 
seem as if Hall looked for Trost in or about Denmark's Haven. At 
the same time, the statement may merely rest on some little confusion 

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The twentieth day, in the morning, the weather beeing 
very rainie, with a little aire of wind, I loosed and caused 
to row forth of the foresaid Harbour ; and, comming forth 
betweene the Hands and the maine, the people being, as it 
seemed, looking for vs, espied vs, making a hideous noise; 
at which time, in an instant, were gathered together about 
seuentie-three Boates, with men rowing to vs. I, seeing 
them, thought it best to preuent the worst, because we 
were to come hither againe ; therefore, to dissemble the 
matter, I thought it best to enter into barter with them for 
some of their Darts, Bowes, and Arrowes, we finding euery 
one of them to bee extraordinarily furnished therewith ; so 
rowing forth to Sea amongst the Ilandes, there stil came 
more Boats to the number of one hundred and thirtie 
persons ; they still rowing by us, made signes to vs to goe 
to anchor amongst some of the Hands ; but I, preuenting 
their deuices, made certaine Skonces* with our sailes, to 
defend vs from their Stones, Arrowes, and Darts. They, 
seeing this, went certaine of them from vs, rowing to 
certaine Hands, to which they did thinke wee would come, 
leauing no more but about ten men and Boates about vs, 
who rowed alongst the space of an houre with us, making 
signes of friendship to vs. At length, perceiuing that wee 
were not minded to goe forth amongst these Hands vpon 
which the rest of their folke were, they threw certaine 
shels and trifles into the Boat, making signes and tokens 
to fetch them, the which my Boy, called. William Huntries, 
did. He being in the Boat, they presently shot him 

arising out of the circumstance that Leyell, as we have already 
menlioned,wherehefirst speaks of the King's Fjord, calls it Denmark's 
Haven, and in this place gives the name of King's Fjord to the har- 
bour which really had been named Denmark's Haven. 

* A " sconce" is a small fort ; but, in this case, the word seems to 
be used more in the sense of a " screen" or " shelter", a meaninf; which 
according to Nares, it stilt retains in Cumberland. 

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through both the buttockes with a Dart ; at which time, 
they rowed from vs, they mustering vpon the Hands to the 
number of three hundred persons, keeping themselves farre 
enough from our danger. About sixe a clocke this 
Euening, it began to blow a faire gale Easterly. We, getting 
off to Sea, stood all this night North and by East alongst 
the Land.' 

A Topographic^ Description of the Land as I did 
discouer the same} 

Now, hauing proceeded for the discouerie of the Coast 
and Harbours so farre, and so long time as the time limited 
to me, therefore I thinke it conuenient to make a briefe 
description of the same, according as by my short ex- 
perience I found the same to be. 

The Land of Groenland is a very high, ragged, and 
mountainous Country, being, all alongst the Coast, broken 
Hands, making very goodly Sounds and Harbours, hauing 
also in the Land very many good Riuers and Bayes, into 
some of which I entred, sayling vp the same the space of 

■ Leyrll relates these incidents as follows : — " On the zoth, Katltn 
set out thence, and 130 leather boats with Greenlanders came to him 
and gave to understand — out of pure roguery — that they wished to 
trade with him in a friendly way. They rowed with him two sea miles 
[vgcsGes], but they durst not attack, till one of them had cast two red 
shells into the boat. They asked (he pilot to bid his boy fetch 
them. As he climbed down for them, they shot him through both the 
buttocks with a dart and at once they all rowed away." On Hall's 
special map of King Christian's Fjord, a letter h, of which no explana- 
tion is given, is placed amongst some islands on the north side of the 
entrance. Very likely it indicates the place where this encounter 
took place. 

* Similar descriptions of the country and its inhabitants are found 
in the accounts of Lyschander and Bielke, but they contain nothing of 
particular interest with regard to these voyages as such. 

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ten or twelue English leagues, finding the same very naui- 
gable, with great abundance of fish of sundrie sorts. The 
Land also, in ali places wheresoeuer I came, seemed to be 
very fertile, according to the Climate wherein it lyeth ; for 
betweene the Mountaynes was most pleasant Plaines and 
Valleyes, in such sort as, if 1 had not scene the same, I 
could not haue belecued that such a fertile Land in shew* 
could bee in these Northeme R^ions. There is also in 
the same great store of Fowle, as Rauens, Crowes, Part- 
ridges, Pheasants,* Sea-mewes, Guiles, with other sundry 
sorts. Of Beasts, I haue not scene any, except blacke 
Foxes, of which there are very many. Also, as I doe 
suppose, there are many Deere, because that, comming to 
certaine places where the people had had their Tents, we 
found very many Harts Homes, with the bones of other 
beasts round about the same. Also, going vp into the 
Land, wee saw the footing and dunging of diuers beasts, 
which we did suppose to be deere, and other beasts also, 
the footing of one which wee found to be eight inches ouer,-* 
yet, notwithstanding, we did see none of them ; for, going 
some two or three miles from the Pinnasse, we returned 
againe to goe aboord. Moreouer, in the Riuers, we found 
sundry sorts of Fishes, as Scales, Whales, Salmons, with 
other sorts of Fishes, in great abundance. As concerning 
the Coast : all alongst it is a very good and faire Land, 
hauing very faire shoalding of the same ; for, being three 
English leagues off the same, I found very faire shoalding 

' That is, " in appearance". 

• There are neither Partridges nor Pheasants in Greenland. By 
[he former appellation. Hall refers, no doubt, to the Greenland 
Ptarmigan {Lagopus rupestris, Gniel., = Z. reinhardtii, Brehtn.) ; but 
it is difficult to guess what he can have meant by the reference to 
Pheasants, unless he refers to the Pintail Duck {Dafila acuta), which 
is sometimes called the " Sea Pheasant". 

' These were probably the tracks of Reindeer in half-frozen snow, 
not of Musk Oxen (see fi)s(). 

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in fifteene fathomes ; and, comming neerer the same, 
fourteene, twelue, and tenne fathomes, very faire sandie 
ground. As concerning the people : they are (as I doe 
suppose) a kinde of Samoites} or wandring Nation, trauell- 
ing in the Summer time in Companies together, first to one 
place, and, hauing stayed in that place a certayne time in 
hunting and fishing for Deere and Seales with other fish, 
streight they remoue themselues with their Tents and 
b^gage to another. They are men of a reasonable 
stature, being browne of colour, very like to the people of 
the East and West Indies. They be very actiue and war- 
like, as we did perceiue in their Skirmishes with vs, in vsing 
their Slings and Darts very nimbly. They eat their meate 
raw, or a little perboyled, either with bloud, Oyle, or a little 
water, which they doe drinke. They apparell themselues 
in the skinnes of such beasts as they kill, but especially 
with Seales skins and fowle skins, dressing the skins very 
soft and smooth, with the haire and feathers on, wearing in 
Winter the haire and feather sides inwards, and in Summer 
outwards. Their Weapons are Slings, Darts, Arrowes, 
hauing their Bowes fast tied together with sinewes ; their 
Arrowes haue but two feathers, the head of the same being 
for the most part of bone, made in manner and forme of a 
Harping Iron. As concerning their Darts : they are of 
sundry sorts and fashions. What knowledge they haue of 
God, I cannot certainly say ; but I suppose them to bee 
Idolators, worshipping the Sunne. The Country (as is 
aforesaid) seemeth to be very fertile ; yet could I perceiue 

' No doubt Samoyedes are meant. This people, which is still 
living scattered over large tracts in the extreme N.E. of Europe and 
the N. of Siberia, had become known to the nations of western Europe 
through the expeditions for the discovery of a North-East Passage. 
An account of them forms a principal ponion of that collection of 
tracts, published in 1612 by Hessel Gerritsz., which also contains the 
earliest account of Hudson's discovery of Hudson's Bay. 

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or seo no wood to grow thereon. Wee met atl alongst this 
Coast much Drift-wood, but whence it commeth I know 
not. For, coasting all this Coast alongst, from the latitude 
of 66 degrees and an halfe vntill the latitude of 69 degrees, 
I found many goodly Sounds, Bayes, and Riuers, giuing 
names vnto diuers of them^ ; and, purposing to proceed 
further, the folke in the Pinnasse with me did earnestly 
intreate me to returne to the ship againe, alleaging this : 
that, if we came not in conuenient time, the people in the 
ship would mutinie, and so returne home before we came ; 
the which, indeed, had fallen forth, if the Captaine, as an 
honest Gentleman, had not, by seuere meanes, withstood 
their attempts ; who would needes, contrarie to their 
promises, have beene gone home within eight dayes after 
my departure from them. But the Captaine, respecting his 
promise to mee, would by no meanes consent, but with- 
stood them, both by faire meanes and other wayes.* So 
that, vpon the seuenth day of luly, I returned again into 
the Kings Foord, which they in the ship had found to be a 
Bay ; and, comming to the place where wee had left the 
ship, hoping to haue found them there, 1 saw, vpon a 
certaine point, a Warlocke* of stones, whereby 1 did perceiue 

t of this expedition, from June 30th to July 7th, 
based on Leyell's Diary, see the Introduction. 

* The Danish accounts do not allude to any mutinous disposition of 
the crew ; but, considering how often similar troubles occurred on 
English arctic expeditions, Hall's statements are by no means im- 

' This expression is, perhaps, derived from, or akin lo, the Danish 
word Varde, signifying an erection (sometimes of wood, but generally 
of stones) which sen-es as a mark of something, as a memorial, as an 
indication of the right way, or suchlike. This is the term used by 
Leyell in speaking of those particular ones, and both Lyscbander and 
Bielke mention that Varder were set up in suitable places to serve as 
guides to future visitors. The termination "lock" is, of course, a 
diminutive. The.word " warlocke" was very likely in use in English 
at the time ; for Gatonbe hereafter uses it (see poif), while Foxe in 

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DANISH Expedition of 1605. 47 

that they were gone downe the Ford. So, the tide of ebbe 
being come, it being calme, we rowed downe the Foord, 
finding, in the mouth of the same, amongst the Hands, 
many good Sounds and Harbours. 

The tenth day of luly, the wind being at North North- 
west, I beeing in a certaine Sound' amongst the Hands, it 
being high water, I weighed, [and] stood West, forth of the 
Foord, going to Sea on the South side, betweene a little 
Hand and the Maine ; which Hand, at our first comming, 
we called Frost Iland^ after the name of the ship. We 
espied, on the South sides, certaine Warlockes set vp ;' 

1631 {Voya^s of Foxt and Jamts, p. 90) seems to have understood 
its meaning, and omits the words "of stones". ^ also, the derivation 
of the word " humlock", which is also used by Foxe (pp. cil., p. 330), 

I This is not indicated on the map. According to Leyetl, it was 
named Kocksund. Most likely it was the Sound behind the island 
of Tinungasak, at the entrance of which Denmark's Haven was, 
and through which Hall would be sure to sail in search of the Admiral. 

■ Capt. Jensen identiRes this island with one called Kekeriarsuat- 
siak, which is correspondingly situated near the entrance of the fjord 
of Itivdiek. That it attracted the notice of Hall and his companions, 
he explains by the circumstance that, although only attaining a height 
of a few hundred feet, it is visible far and wide, on account of its 
isolated position (Medd. am Gr'onl.^ vii, p. 46). Nothing is said, either 
in this narrative or in the Report to the King, about the island having 
been previously named Trost Island, notwithstanding Hall's statement 
above ; but it is marked t and duly named on Hall's map (I) of the 
King's Fjord. Curiously enough, too, in the following year, he 
bestowed the name on another island much further south (see p. 76). 

> According to Leyell, three beacons. It seems that CapL Cunning- 
bam and Hall had arranged a code of signs by means of beacons. The 
one beacon which Hall saw in King Christian's Fjord told him that the 
Admiral had sought another anchorage ; the three beacons on Trost 
Island, that he was to be found somewhere in that neighbourhood — a 
useful precaution, as even a careful search amongst the islands might 
fail to discover him. Similarly, Leyell states, as already quoted, that, 
before entering the King's Fjord again. Hall had three beacons erected 
on one of the outer islands, no doubt to infonn the Admiral, if 
by chance he should be exploring the neighbourhood, that Hall had 
returned and would be found in the King's Fjord. 

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wherevpon 1 suspected' that the Frost might be there, 
comm&nded the Gunner to shoot off a Peece of Ordnance, 
they presently answered vs againe with two other. We, 
seeing the smoake (but heard no report), bore in to them, 
comming to an Anchor in a very good Sound by them, and 
found them all in health, the Captainc being very glad of 
our comming, forasmuch as hee had very much trouble 
with the company for the cause aforesaid. Also, in the 
time of our absence, the people did very much villanic to 
them in the ship, so that the Captaine tooke three of them ; 
other of them also he slew ; but the three which he tooke, 
he vsed with all kindiiesse, gtuing them MandilUons' and 
Breeches of very good cloth, also Hose, Shoes, and Shirts 
off his own backe.' This afternoone, I, with my Boy, came 
againe aboord the ship, taking in this Euening all our 
prouision of water,* 

The eleuenth day, the wind being at North North-east, 
we set saile forth of the Sound, which we named Frost 
SouTtd * but, before our comming forth of the same, 

' Probably "suspecting" is meant, 

' The Mandillion or Mandeville was a kind of loose garment with- 
out sleeves, or, if with sleeves, having them hanging at the back. 

^ For a reference to the subsequent history of the three Green- 
landers (who were taken alive to Denmark), see the Introduction. . 

* Leyell's entries for these last days are as follows : — 

" 7. A slight S.E. wind until 9 o'clock, afterwards N.W. ; then they 
came back into Kongen's HafTn. 

"8. With a N.W. wind, they searched for the Admiral. 

"9. Alight northerly wind. They passed by Denmark's Hafin,and 
came into a sound which they called Kocksund. 

' 10. The wind W. by N., their course W.S.W. ; they found three 
beacons on a rock, and there was the Admiral lying in a harbour 
which they called Troust HaRh." 

* This is no doubt the sound between the mainland and the island 
f tnugsuglusok, a little S. of the entrance of Ilivdlek. The sound is 

called in Danish Anders Olsen's Sund, from a well-known Danish mer- 
chant of that name, who afterwards erected a great Cafjisonthe island, 
which, says Capt Jensen, is still standing. Near the northern entrance 

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our Captaine commanded a young man whose name was 
Simon, by the expresse commandement of the State- 
holder of Denmarke, to be set aland ; wee also in the 
Pinnasse set another aland, they both being Malefactors ; 
the which was done before our comming away, we gi'uing 
to them things necessarie, as victuall and other things also.' 
Thus, hauing committed both the one and the other to 
God, wee set saile homewardes, we standing forth to Sea, 
South-west and South-west and by West till noone, when, 
making obseruation, Queene Attnes Cape bearing South 
and by East halfe Easterly some ten le^ues, I found my 
selfe in the latitude «f 66 degrees 10 minutes,* when I 
directed my course South South-west till sixe a clocke, 
when wee were amongst much Drift Ice, being to leeward 
two points vpon our lee-bow, so that I was forst to lie off 
West North-west till wee were cleere of the same, at which 

of the sound is a creek on the coast of the mainland, which, on the 
special map of King Christian's Fjord, is marked / and named Trosi 
Haven. The sound itself is not named, and the island is only partly 
included in the map, but may be indicated by one of the small islands 
sketched— rather at random — along the coast, on the general map 

' Leyell's words are ; "11. A stiff Northeaster ; their course S.S.W. 
untill Ihe evening. The Admiral then caused a disobedient son to be 
landed on an island on which no people lived, and that person was 
called Simon Raffn." Hall mentions here the setting ashore of 
another convict from the pinnace, in expressions from which one would 
gather that it was done at the same time ; but, as we have staled in 
the Introduction, it was done on June 26th, while Hall was exploring 
the country to the North in the pinnace. We have been unable to 
leam anything as to the nature of the crimes of these unfortunate men. 
It is difficult to say what official Hall intended to indicate by the term 
" Stateholder", as no Danish official bore that title. 

' This combination of course, bearing, distance, and latitude, is im- 
possible. In 66° 10', Queen Ann's Cape could not possibly bear 
S. by E. half easterly at a distance of 10 leagues. Perhaps, in this 
place, as in another mentioned above, the bearing has been incorrectly 
copied. E. by S. half easterly is far more likely to have been 

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time I directed my course South-west and by South, wee 
sayling so all the night following. 

The twelfth day, the wind at North North-east, wee 
went away South-west and by South till ten a clocke, 
when we were amongst more Drift Ice, wee being' 
againe to lie West North-west, to get cleere of the same, 
which we did about noone, we hauing this day and the 
Euening before a mightie hollow sea, which I thought to 
be a current, the which setteth thorow Fretum Dauis to 
Southwardes, as by experience I proued ; for, making 
obseruation this day at noone, we found our selues in the 
latitude of 62 degrees 40 minutes, whereas the day before 
we were but in the latitude of 66 degrees 10 minutes, 
hauing made by account a South and by West way about 
ten leagues.* This afternoone I directed my course South 

The thirteenth day, the wind as before, we steered still 
South and by West, being at noone in the latitude of 60 
degrees 17 minutes, going at the same time away South 
and by East. This foresaid current 1 did find to set 
alongst the Coast of Gronland South and by East. 

The fourteenth day, close weather, being an easie gale, 
we steering South-east and by East 

The fifteenth day, still close weather til noone, we 
steering as before, being in the latitude of 59 degrees. 
This day, at noone, I went away East South-east This 
afternoone, it was hasie and still weather, when we had 
sight of some Drift Ice. 

The 16 day, close weather with the wind at North-west 
and by West, our course East South-east til about ten a 
clock, when we met with a mightie bank of Ice to windward 
of vs, being by supposition seuen or eight leagues long, wee 

' Query "forced" omitled. 

) It seems that tbere must be some mistake in these figures. 

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steering South South-east to get clecre of the same. We 
met, all alongst this Ice, a mightie scuti of Whales. More- 
ouer, wee tight with a great current, which, as nigh as we 
could suppose, set West North-west ouer for America- 
This day, at noone, the weather being very thicke, I could 
haue no obseruation. This Euening, by reason of the Ice, 
wee were forced to lye South and by West, and South 
South-west, to get cleere of the same, amongst which we 
came by diuers huge Hands of Ice. 

The seuenteenth day, being cleere of the Ice, about foure 
in the morning, I directed my course South-cast by South 
till noone, at which time I went away East and by South, 
the weather being very haysie and thicke. About mid- 
night it fell calme, the wind comming up Easterly. 

The eighteenth day, the wind still Easterly, we lying 
East South-east, away vnder a couple of courses larboord 
tackt^ This day, in the forenoone, we saw certayne Hands 
of Ice. 

The nineteenth day, the wind still Easterly, with the 
weather very hasie.* 

* For comparison and supplement we add the entries in Leyell's 
diary :— 
"12. A stiff North wind, Iheir course S.S.W,, and they were in much 

" 13. As before until noon ; afterwards their course E.S.E. 

" 14-15. As before until noon ; afterwardsa light S.E. wind. 

"16. A stiff N.W. wind; their course E.S.E., and they were 
amongst many large icebergs night and day. 

" 17. The wind W. to North. Their course as before in much ice. 

"18. An easterly gale, with much rain, their course S.S.W. with 
much ice. 

" 19. The wind easterly, with rain and fog \ their course as before ; 
in the afternoon the wind N.E., their course E.S.E. 

" 20. As before in the forenoon. 

" ai. The wind southerly, their course E. 

"2t [no doubt intended for 22]. The wind S.E. by E., their course 

D 2 

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The first day of August, also, it was very thicke weather, 
with a faire gale at South-west and by West. This fore- 
noone, wee met with a scull of Herrings, so that I knew 
wee were not farre from the lies of Orkney ; so, hauing a 
shrinke' at noone, I found vs in the latitude of 58 degrees 
40 minutes, at which time 1 sounded with the deepest 
Lead, finding 42 fathomes, redde sandie ground, with some 
blacke dents.* This euening, betweene fiue and sixe a 
clocke, wee sounded againe, when we had no more but 
twentie fathomes, dent ground, whereby I knew that we 
were faire by the shoare, when some of our men looking 
forth presently espied one of the Hands of Orkeney. It 
being very thicke, wee cast about, and stood with a small 
sayle to Seaboord againe, we lying West North-west off 
all this night. 

The tenth day, about fiue in the morning, we came 
thwart of the Castle of Elsonuere, where we discharged 
certaine of our Ordnance ; and, comming to an Anchor in 
the Road, the Captaine, with my selfe, went ashoare ; and, 
hearing of his Majesties being at Copeman-Hauen, wee 
presently went aboord againe, and set sayle, comming 
thither about two a clocke. The Pinnasse, also, which he* 
had lost at Sea, in which my Countreyman lohn Knight 

' That is, a falling off of the wind, which would render the deck 
steadier, and thus enable Hall to obtain the elevation. The use of 
the word " shrink" in speaking of the wind may stiil survive in 
dialects, but is otherwise obsolete ; it is curious that a corresponding 
term in Danish, Krympe, was likewise used of the wind in olden time, 
but has also become obsolete. 

' The word "dent " really means the mark of a tooth, or a mark 
such as might be produced with a tooth, and is still so used in some 
parts. Such a mark may of course be a mere impression, which, if 
deep, would appear dark, and thus the word has come to be used, as 
here, of simply a dark spot. A little farther down we have "dent" in 
(he meaning of dark-spotted. 

' Probably a misprint for "we". 

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was Commander, came also the same night about foure a 
clocke ; both they and we being all in good health, praised 
bee Almightie God.^ Amen. 

> According to the Report (see p. 15) and Leyell's Diary, it was on 
the 23rd of July that the pinnace was left behind. Otherwise the sail 
of the klter across the Atlantic was uneventful, becatise Leyell has 
no entry between the 23rd of July and their arrival at Copenhagen — 
or, perhaps, has not included any such. in the fair copy of this journal. 
His journal concludes thus :— 

" 23. The wind S.E., with much rain and fog, their course northerly 
by E., and then Kalten was separated firom the Admiral, and did not 
find her again until the loth of August in the evening at 9 o'clock at 
Copenhagen, and then Liiffutn had long been home. God be 

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An Account of the Danish Expedition 

to Greenland, under the Command of 

Captain Godske Lindenow, in 1 606. 

as abbreviated by the Rev. Samuel Purchas. 

[From Purchas his Pilchimes [London, 1625), vol. iii.pp. 821-827.] 

E departed from Copeman-Hauen the 
seuen and twentieth of May, in 
the yeere of our Redemption 1606, 
with foure ships and a Pinnasse. 
The Frost, beeing Admirall, wherein 
went for principall Captaine of the 
Fleet Captaine Godske Lindeno, a Danish Gentleman, 
with my selfe, being, vnder God, Pilot Maior of the 
Fleet. In the Lyon, which was Vice-Admirall, went, 
for Captaine and Commander, Captaine lokn Cunning- 
ham, a Scottish Gentleman, who was with me the yeere 
before,^ In the Yewren^wcnt Hans Browne^ r Gentleman 
oi Nonvay. In the smal ship, called T/te Gilleflowre, went 
one Casting Rickerson,^ a. Dane. In the Pinnasse, called the 

' It should be noted that, whereas, on the first voyage, Cunningham 
had held supreme command and Lindenow the second place, their 
positions were now reversed. 

2 Omen : Commonly called " the Urin", or " the Vritf, in the 
following narrative. 

' Hans Bruun, author of the Journal which we shall have to (juute. 

* Carsten Richardson (see introduction). 

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Ca went one shipper Andres Noli} of Bergen, in Norway. 
So, by the prouidence of God, wee weighed and set salle 
about sixe a clocke in the Euening, with a faire gale at 
South South-west, comming to an Anchor in Elsonoure 
Road to take in our water. 

The nine and twentieth, in the morning, we shot off a 
Peece of Ordnance for all the Captaines and Commanders 
to come aboord of vs ; who, being come, our Captaine 
commanded the Kings Orders to bee read ; which done, 
they returned aboord ; at which time, wee weighed with a 
faire gale at East North-east standing away North and by 
West till I had brought the Coi^ North-east and by East 
off, when I steered away North North-west, and North- 
west and by North. This Euening, about fiue a clocke, 
I set the Annold* it bearing West halfe Northerly, three 
leagues and an halfe. All this Euening, wee stood away 
North-west and by North. 

The thirtieth day, the wind at East South-east, wee 
steering as before, this morning, about sixe a clocke, the 
Lesold* bore West and by North of vs, sixe leagues off. At 
fiue this Euening, the Scaw bearing West South-west, fiue 
leagues, I directed my course West North-west, with the 
wind at North-east and by East. 

The one and thirtieth, in the morning, very hasie 
weather, with a stiffe gale at East North-east, we 
steering West North-west away, till about nine a clocke, 
when we had a shrinke of the Land," which was the wester 

' Nolk (see Introduction). 

* Kullen, along narrow ridge, 615 feet high, forming a conspicuous 
promontory on the Swedish coast at the northern entrance of the 

■ The JsUnd of Anholt, in the Kattegat. 
» The island of L^ssO, in the Kattegat. 

* A" shrinke of the land" would mean a gap in a coastline, just visible 
over the horiion, such as would indicate the mouth of a river or inlet. 
Elsewhere (see p. 53), Hall speaks of a "shrinke of the wind". 

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gate of Mardo} We steering alongst the Land, we came 
to an anchor in Flecorie^ where we were to make and take 
in wood and water. 

The second of lune, we weighed and came forth of the 
Harbour of Flecorie about sixe in the morning, hauing a 
fresh gale at East North-easL About eleuen at noone, 
I set the Nase of Norway, it bearing North North-west, 
foure leagues off. The fourth day, in the morning, about 
two a clock, we were faire by the high Land of the 
Yeddoe? I, causing to cast about, stood to the Southwards, 
West and by South and sometimes West This day, at 
noone, 1 found my selfe in the latitude of 57 degrees 
4S minutes, the Nase of Norway bearing East North-east, 
two and twentie leagues off. This day, at noone, also, 
I cast about and stood to the Northwards, tying North 
with the stemme, hauing the winde at North North-west 
This afternoone dyed one of our Groinlanders called Oxo* 
All this euening and the night following, the winde as 
before, we lying also North with little winde.* 

The seventh day, the winde at South-west and by South 
and South South-west, we steering West and West and by 
North, This day, at noone, we were in the latitude of 
58 degrees 40 minutes. The tenth day, about foure in the 

' Marda or MserdS is a small island at the entrance to ArendaL 
• ' Flekkerfl (see p. 3, note). 

' The only place in the neighbourhood in question which now bears 
a similar name appears to be Ja;deren, a comparatively low and flat 
district along the sea-shore, north of Ekemsund. Hall may here 
refer to some high land adjoining Jiederen. 

* This Greenlander was on board Omen. Bruun says in his Jour- 
nal : — " On the 4ih died my Greenlander." We may take this oppor- 
tunity of stating that Bruun's first entries, down to the fourth of June, 
only record their departures from and arrivals at Copenhagen, 
Elsinore, and Flekkero. 

'■ Here Purchas adds, in a side-note : " The fift and sixt niostwhat 
cajme" — information no doubt derived from Hall's original MS. which 
he was abbreviating. 

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morning, it began to blow a fresh gale at East and by 
South ; at which time, we stood alongst the Land^ to the 
Southward till I had brought the South Head of Slwtland, 
called Swinbome Head,* North-west and by North, about 
three leagues off; and Faire /& next hand, South-west and 
by South, eight leagues off; at which time, I directed my 
course away West, with a fresh gale at East South-east, 
about halfe an houre to three. I set the South head of 
Skotland, it bearing North-east, eight leagues off; Faire 
lie, next hand, South-east, seuen leagues off; foule,' next 
hand. North, foure leagues ; wee still steering away West 
with a fresh gale at East South-east All this aftemoone 
and the night following, it was very thicke and raynie 
weather, the winde continuing as before. This night, at 
midnight, dyed the Groenlander which we had aboord us 
named Omeg.* 

The fourteenth day, the winde as the night before, a 
faire gale, we steering as we did before, with haysie 
weather, hauing a shrinke,* at noone, I found vs in the 
latitude of 58 degrees 40 minutes, hauing made a West 
and by South way Southerly, two and thirtie leagues, 
differing to the Westward from the Meridian of the Nase 
19 degrees 45 minutes.* This aftemoone, we had a faire 

> That is, no doubt, the land of Shetland, the falling in with which 
was probably mentioned before in the unabbreviated MS. 

' Sumburgh head (see p. 3, itole). 

' Foula, originally Fugley ; that is, " Bird-island". 

' Bruun has only two entries for June, after the 4th, viz. : " On the 
loth, we sailed between Hetlandand Fsro", and "on the 13th [maybe 
33rd), in the course of the night, Loffiten was separated from TrosI, 
Gillebrandt, and the pinnace. Next day, ihey came together again." 

* See p. S2, n. 

* This is the only computation of longitude given by Hall in his 
narratives. It was probably from dead reckoning ; and there are, of 
course, no means of ascertaining whether or not it was correa. It 
seems, however, from a passage in Luke Foxe's North-West Fox {16^^, 
p. 180; see also Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James,^. 280) 

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gale at South-east, with thicke weather, we steering away 

The fifteenth day, the winde as before, we steering away 
West, being, by my imagination, in the latitude of 58 
degrees 40 minutes. The three and twentieth day, the 
winde at the North-east, a faire gale, we steering betweene 
the West North-west and the West and by North, being 
at noone in the latitude of 56 degrees 10 minutes, hauing, 
by reason of a Northerly current, contrarie to my expecta- 
tion, made a West way Southerly two and twentie leagues. 
The Compasse, also, as I doe suppose, being varied more 
then a Point to the Westwards. 

The first of luly, wee saw Land, being eight leagues off, 
with a great banke of Ice lying off South-west ; wee, 
setting our tacks aboord,* laid off East and by South and 
East South-east, to double the same. About two a 
clocke, hauing doubled the same, wee went away West 
and by South all this evening and night following. This 
Land I did suppose to be Busse Hand ; it lying more to 
the Westwards then it is placed in the Marine charts* 

that Hall, at some time or other, calculated the longitude of Cape 
Farewell, which he computed lo lie 18° west of the "first Principal 
Meridian" (that of Ferro, in the Canaries). It really lies, however, 
about 26° west of that meridian. Of this, wc read nothing in Hall's 
narratives as we have ihem in Purchas, who very likely cut out, in the 
course of his abbreviation, some passage referring to the matter. It 
may be, however, that Foxe had the information by hearsay from 
Baffin, with whom we know that he was acquainted (see Miller 
Christy's Voyaxes of Foxe and James, p. 370). ' See p. 28, it. 

* Bruun does not note anything between the 13th (? 23rd) of June and 
July 1st, when he merely remarks : " On the 1st, we saw the first ice" ; 
but he says nothing about any land having been observed. Probably 
ne considered what Hall took for land to be only a fog-bank, and 
rightly so. Hall's mistake is easily explained when it is remembered 
that he was on the lookout for Busse Island, the existence of which 
was generally believed in at the time (see p. 24, note). Luke Foxe, 
for instance, in it^^ {Norik- West Fox, ^. 55), appended to this patiage 
the note: "£«*« lie again discovered". 

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The second day, thicke weather, with the winde at 
North North-west, we steering West and by North. This 
afternoone, we were in a great Current setting South 
South-west; the which I did suppose to set betweene 
Busse Hand and Frese/artd over with Amerua ;^ wee steering 
West North-west with a faire gale at North. This night, 
about nine a clocke, the Pinnasse came foule of the Vice- 
admirall,^ where, with her anchor, shee tore out about a 
foot of a planke a Uttle above water and broke downe the 
beakes head.' 

The sixth, making obseruation, I found vs in the latitude 
of 58 degrees 50 minutes, contrarie to my expectation ; 
whereby I did see the Southerly Current to bee the 
principall cause. The seuenth day, the wirtde at North 
and by East, we lying West North-west, being at noone in 
the latitude of 59 degrees 40 minutes, our way North-west 
two and twentie leagues. This euening, 1 found the North 
Point of the Compasse to be varied 12 degrees 5 minutes 
to the Westward of the true North, 

The eight day, the winde came vp more Southerly, 
betweene the South-west and the South-west and by West, 
with an easie gale, we steering away North-west and by 
West ; being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 30 
minutes, hauing, by reason of the Current and Variation, 
made a West way Southerly about ten leagues. 

' II was, no doubt, the East Greenland Current. 

^ This accident Foxe regarded as "A Caveat for Commanders in 
Fleets" (see North- West Fox, p. 55, and Miller Christy's Voyages of 
Foxe and James, p. 92). 

* Bruun's next entries after July 1st are the following : "On the 
4lh, in the night, in a great gale, the pinnace strayed from us", and 
" On the 8th, died my cooper". After this, he has nothing till the 13th 
of July. As there is no further mention of the pinnace in any of the 
accounts, it would seem that she returned home. Very likely her 
commander, Nolle, was not provided with means for independent 

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The ninth day, close weather ; it being calme all the 
forenoone, wee perceiuing by our ships, which lay becalmed, 
a violent current setting South-west. This day, at noone, 
we were in the latitude of 59 degrees 40 minutes. 

The tenth, about foure in the morning, the winde came 
vp to the North North-west. I, casting about, stood to the 
Westwards, lying West with the stemme, being in the 
latitude of 60 degrees 16 minutes. We saw the coast of 
America about nine leagues off; at which time, 1 made 
obseruation of the variation, and found the Needle varie 
24 degrees to the Westwards of the true North. 

The Hill tops were couered with snow, and the shoare 
to the Northwards full with Ice ; but, to the Southwards, 
it seemed cleere. Here I found a great current to set 
West into the shoare ; which, about midnight, did bring vs 
to be incumbred with very many Hands of Ice, hauing 
much to doe to get cleere o^ the same without danger ; 
but, by God's helpe, it being faire weather, with a fresh 
gale at South-west, wee got cleere of the same, standing 
East South-east and South-east and by East.' 

The fourteenth, in the morning, being cleere of the Ice, 
I went away East North-east and North-east and by East 
till eight a clocke, when I directed my course North-east 
and by North, being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees, 
the Cape or Head land which wee saw that night bearing 

> Hall's account, as here rendered, must naturally be understood 
as if it had been on the 10th that they saw America ; but, in Bruun's 
Journal, we find the following : "On the 13th, we had sight of America." 
This dale is probably the right one, because Hall's statement as to 
what happened on Che 14th seems to be an immediate continuation of 
the next foregoing. Aa not a little has evidently been left out here by the 
abbreviator, it Is easy to understand how, by careless contraction, the 
events of the 13th may have been connected with those of the loth, so 
as 10 cause a misunderstanding. Purchas here adds in a side-note : 
" Sight of America in 58 degrees and 30 minutes"— information no 
doubt contained in Hall's original MS. 

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West South-west, sixteene leagues off.* All this afternoone 
and night following, ii was for the most part still weather. 
Thiseuening, I found the variation 23 degrees 55 minutes. 

The sixteenth, faire weather, with a fresh gale at East 
South-east ; our course as before, being in the latitude of 
60 degrees 20 minutes ; the ships way North and by East 
northerly, twentie leagues. This afternoone and the night 
following, the wind as before, we steering still North-east 
and by North.* 

The eighteenth, also* thicke weather, being forced to 
stand away North North-west to double a great banke with 
great Mountaines of Ice almost incredible to be reported ; 
yet, by the helpe of God, wee passed the same, sayling all 
this day by great and huge mountainous Hands of Ice, 
with the winde at South-west and by South, being at 
noone in the latitude of 63 degrees 45 minutes. Wee did 
see our selues beset round about with mightie bankes of 
Ice, being forced to make more saile and to lye to and 
againe all this night to keepc vs cleere of great and small 
Hands of Ice, where many times we were in such danger, 
that we did looke for no other thing then present death, if 
God had not beene mercifull vnto vs and sent vs cleere 
weather, where by his assistance we kept our selues very 
hardly and with great difRcultie cleere of the Ice. 

The nineteenth day, in the morning, cleere weather, 
with a fresh gale at South-west, wee plying amongst the 
Ice to see if wee could get a gut to get cleere of the same ; 

1 Probably cither Nagsarektok (Cape Gulch) or Mount Razorback 
(3000 ft.), forming respectively the southern and northern shoulders of 
the entrance to Nachvak Bay, on the coast of Labrador. 

' Bruun's next entry refers to this date. He says :— "On the 16th, 
we saw many wonderful rainbows on the sky." 

* This word "also" bears further witness of the carelessness with 
which Hall's account has been abbreviated, as no thick weather has 
been recorded before. Probably it happened on the 17th. 

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at which time, wee saw the Land of America, about the 
latitude of 64 d^rees, it lying next hand South and 
North, being high ragged Land couered with snow, the 
shoare being all beset with Ice.^ So. lying off and on 
amongst the Ice, in great peril! till about noone, when God 
of his goodnesse sent vs to espie a little gut, where we 
went through, and^tood South South-east away, comming 
still by many Hands of Ice. Heere 1 did finde, both by 
my course and reckoning (the variation also of the 
Compasse respected), that wee were carried withamightie 
Current to the Westwards ; as, both now and afterwards, 
wee did probably prooue and see the same. For I, setting 
my course from the coast of America, in the latitude of 
58 degrees and a halfe for the coast of Groenland, North 
North-east, with a compasse whose wyers were plaecd, 
more then two third parts of a Point to the Eastwards of 
the North (the variation being 23 degrees 30 minutes 
Northwesting and 24 degrees, as by obseruation I found 
betweene the latitude of 5S and a halfe, and 54 degrees),^ 
yet I did finde my selfe (contrarie either to mine owne 
or to any of their expectations which was in the Fleet with 
me) carried almost foure Points with the Current to the 
westwards ouer our iudgements.' 

' If the laiiiude named (64° N.) be correct, they must have fallen in 
with the coast midway between the entrances to Frobishet's Bay and 
Cumberland Sound. 

' This passage is evidently to some extent corrupted. They had 
nowhere been near 54° of latitude. There can be no doubt that 64* 
(the latitude mentioned above) is meant. Purchas appears not to 
have been able quite to understand the mailer, as he adds in the 
margin the word " Note". 

' In Purchas his Pilgrimes,-*!^ find the following note is added 
here : " Here I did give direction to the olher steerman to direct 
their course to Groenland." This sentence (the connection of 
which with the preceding sentence only appears from the following) 
is most likely to be understood as conveying a fact which had been 

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The twentieth, wee still sayled to the Eastwards, by 
many great Bankes and Hands of Ice, being still com- 
passed in, wee being forced to stand to the Southwards to 
get cJeere ; where, being sometimes becalmed, wee did 
plainly see and perceiue our selucs carried into the Ice to 
the westward very violently. This Current setteth West 
North-west. The twentieth, in the euening, I found the 
Compasse varied 23 degrees. 

The one and twentieth day, in the morning, faire 
weather, wee espyed a gut through the Ice, it seeming 
cleere to the southwards of the same ; where, bearing into 
the same, about noone, wee were cleere of all the Ice by 
the merciful! prouidence of God. Here I obserued the 
latitude, it being 63 degrees 33 minutes. Now, hauing, 
the one and twentieth day, at afternoone, caused the 
Admirall to call the other Captaines and Steermen aboord, 
with whom wee might conferre, and hauing shewed briefly 
my reckoning, with the other events which (contrarie to 
my expectation) had happened, the cause whereof at that 
instant they did plainly see and perceive, they confessing 
the Current (as they did now plainly see) to bee the cause 
of the same. So hauing done, I gaue to the other Steer- 
men directions that, being cleere of the Ice, they should 
goe betweene the East and the East and by North ouer 
for the coast of Groenland, and not to the Northwards of 
the East and by North, because of the former euents. 
And now, at this instant, by God's heipe, being cleere, 
I called to them, giuing the same directions.' This 

left out in the process of abbreviation, but which Purchas (finding, a 
little farther on, what probably is a reference to it) wished to pre- 
serve. The printer, however, did not insert it in its proper place 
in the text, but left it in the margin. 

' There seems to be a want of clearness in the preceding statement. 
The fact seems Co be that, on the 19th, finding himself out of the 

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afternoone and the night following, it was calme. This 
euening, I found the Compasse varied 23 degrees 2$ 

The two and twentieth day, at noone, I found vs in the 
latitude of 63 degrees 20 minutes. The three and twentieth, 
faire weather, the ayre very cold, as with vs in the moneth 
of lanuarie, the winde variable betweene the East North- 
east and the South-east and by East, being at noone in 
the latitude of 63 degrees, hauing made a South-east and 
by South way eleuen leagues. This day, at noone, I cast 
about to the Westwards, the other ships doing the like, 
lying North-east and by North with the stemtne, finding 
this euening the Needle varied to the Westwards 23 degrees 
30 minutes. 

The foure and twentieth, the winde variable betweene 
the South South-east and the South-east and by South, 
with raine and fogge. This day, about eleuen a clocke, 
wee did see much Ice to leeward ; wherefore I cast about 
to the Southwards, the winde comming to the East North- 
east, wee lying South-east with the stemme, supposing the 
ship to haue made a North and by West way halfe 
Northerly, two and twentie leagues. This afternoone, by 
reason of the fogge, we lost sight of the Lion and the 
Gilliflowre, wee looking earnestly forth for them and 
shooting (both we and the Urin) diuers pieces of Ordnance, 

calculated position, Hail explained the fact to his colleagues as a conse- 
quence of unforeseen circumstances beyond his control, and then 
ordered them to keep or continue a N.N.E. course for Greenland- 
But, a couple of days after, still finding' himself carried out of his 
right course, he directed them, in order to make necessary provision for 
the action of the current, to adopt a more directly easterly course, 
explaining to them, as he had done before, the reasons of his change. 
We see now why Purchas — or whoever looked over (he abbreviated 
account — found it necessary to make the addition which appears 
as a side-note to the narrative of the igth, which records the giving 
of the order countermanded on the 2isL 

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but wee could neither see nor heare them ;' at which time, 
the winde came vp Southerly, wee standing away our 
course betweene the East and East and by North. 

The fiue and twentieth, wee had sight of Greenland, 
being about ten leagues to the Southward of Queene 
Annes Cape.* Wee standing away East South-east, in with 
the Land, with the winde at South. Ail this night, it did 
blow very much, wee steering North by West and North 

The seuen and twentieth day, in the morning, was 
reasonable cleere weather, with a fresh gale at South South- 
west, This morning, between foure and fiue of theclocke, 
I espyed Queene Annes Cape to bear East by South next 
hand of mee, and King Christians Foord South South-east 
of me,' being thwart of Rumels Foord, Queene Sophias 

' This incident is mentioned by Bruun, from whose Journal it ap- 
pears that during these days they were much troubled by fog and ice, 
the vessels being on that account several times separated. The 
entries, since the one last quoted, are as follows : — 

"On the 20th, Ornen and GUUbrandt were separated from Trost 
and Z^ffuen on account of a great fog and much dreadful ice; but by 
Cod's help they came together again the same evening, 

" On the 21st, Omen was separated' from Trost, Lqffutn and Gitte- 
brandt, in a great dark fog. 

" On the 22nd they came together again. 

"Onthe24th,inagreat iag, Liiffuen anA GillebraruU vicie sepAVaXtA 
from Trost and Ornen." 

' Bruun, who has no entry on the 25lh, says :— " On the 36th, we 
had sight of Greenland" ; and this would appear to be the right date, 
considering that on the 27th they were opposite Rammel's Fjord, after 
having been, when they sighted Greenland, only ten leagues S. of 
Queen Anne's Cape. Sailing, as Hall says they did, all night in a 
northwesterly direction, ihey would naturally be opposite Rammel's 
Fjord, as he says they were, early in the morning of the 27th, after 
having sighted Queen Anne's Cape the night before ; but it would be 
strange if they had consumed two days over so small a distance. 

' This combination of bearings is impossible, Queen Anne's Cape 
being S. of King Christian's Fjord (Itivdlek). Apparently the bearing 
of the cape should have been given as S. by E., instead of E. by S. 

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Cape bearing North halfe westerly, about fiue leagues off. 
Therefore I thought it conuenient to put into Cunninghams 
Foord, where the siluer was, both in regard that I had 
sworne to his Maiestie as concerning the same, and also 
because wee were expressly commanded to bring home of 
the same.* So, hauing a faire gale at West South-west, 
wee came into the aforesaid Riuer, anchoring in a very 
good Sound, hard by the Vre,^ in sixteene fathoms, at the 
mouth of Cunninghams Foord, about fiue of the clocke. 
There came presently foure of the Countrie people vnto 
vs, after their old accustomed manner. This euening, 
about sixe of the clocke, the Vrin anchored by vs. This 
night, the Admirall, my selfe, and Captaine Browne went 
on Land to see the Myne of siluer, where it was decreed 
that we should take in as much thereof as we could.* 

I Hal] here refers to " the silver" as something which his readers 
might be expected to know all about, although there is no reference to 
it in the earlier portion of this account, as printed in Purchas. Pro- 
bably something was said concerning it in the unabbreviated narrative. 
The supposed silver mine had been discovered on the voyage of 1605, 
though there is no mention of it in Hall's account of that voyage — a 
somewhat remarkable feet which we have discussed in the Introduction. 

' This word, though printed with a capital and in italics (probably 
through confusion with the name of the vessel which Purchas calls 
" the Vrin", i.e., Omen), should doubtless have been " vre", that being 
an old form of " ore" {as used by Gatonbe hereafler), in allusion to 
the supposed silver ore. 

' The gap which here occurs in Hall's account may be filled up by 
means of Bruun's Journal, from the contentsof which we may infer that 
some of these days were spent mainly in quarrying the supposed silver 
ore, after which they commenced to explore the neighbourhood on 
shoit excursions by boat, several times spending the night away from 
the ships. He says :-— 

" On the 27th, vve came into a good harbour, both 7h7j/and Omen; 
and, before we had got our anchors in the ground, the Greenlanders 
came alongside us ; on the same day, we went on shore to view them. 

"On the 31st, died one of my sailors. 

" August! ; On the ist, he was buried in Greenland soil ; on the 
same day we took the last [lot probably of the 01-e] on boaid. 

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On Sunday, the third of August, the Sauages, seeing our 
curtesie toward them, bartered Seales skinnes and Whales 
finnes with vs ; which being done, wee^ went to our Boat 
and, rowing away, three of them, taking their Boats, rowed 
with vs vp the Foord,* calling to other of the people, telling 
them and making signes to vs of our dealing towards them. 
Then they also came to vs and bartered with vs for old 
Iron and Xniiles, for Scales skinnes and coates made of 
Seales skinnes, and Whales finnes, and rowed still all with 
vs. In the end, hauing rowed fiue or sixe leagues vp the 
Foord, and seeing it to bee but a Bay, wee returned alongst 
many greene and pleasant Hands, where wee found good 
anchorings. The people still followed vs, to the number of 
fiue and twentie persons, till about sixe of the clocke, when 
it fell thicke, with some raine, and, the winde being 
Southerly, wee rowed in among the Sounds, at which time 
they went from vs. Wee, rowing our Boat to one of the 
Hands, went to supper. And, hauing supped, wee rowed 
some three leagues vp an other Foord, where we found 
very shallow water, in which place we stayed with our 
Boat all that night' 

" On the second, the Admiral and some of our men went into 
another harbour to explore the country. 

"On the 3rd, we came back [etc, ; see p. 68, n.]." 

' As appears from Druun's Joumal, " we' means Hall and Bruun's 

* "The Foord" means, of course, Cunningham Fjord, which we 
have shown in the Introduction to be the Southern Kangerdluarsuk, 
N. of Holsteinborg. It should be borne in mind thai the ships were 
not anchored in the fjord itself, but amongst the islands outside, to the 
S. of the entrance. From Bruun's Joumal, just quoted, we learn that 
they only that morning fon the 3rd) returned from an excursion, «'hich 
is not mentioned in the account as it stands in Purchas. There is 
nothing to show where they had been to. Perhaps Hall failed to 
record the point, or perhaps the abbreviator cut out his record ; but 
the trip was probably to the S. of their anchorage, as they now went N. 

* This must have been the northernmost of the two Kangerdluarsuk 

E 2 

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The fourth day, in the morning, about three of the 
clocke, wee returned to our ship againe,^ with a gale of 
winde Southerly, being somewhat thicke and raynie 
weather, sayling by the Land among the Hands, till we 
came three leagues to the Northwards of Queene Sophias 
Cape ; when, going without the Hands, wee met with 
a very high Sea, so that wee had much to doe ; but, 
by the prouidence of Almightie God, the Boat was 
preserued from being swallowed vp of the Sea. In the 
end, wee got againe among the Hands; and so, about 
noone, wee came to our ships.* 

The fift day, some of our men went on Land among 
the Mountaines, where they did see reine Deere. 

The sixt day, I, casting about, stood into the shoare 
South-east, till wee had brought Rameh Foord East 
and by North off vs, bearing roome* for the same Foord. 
There goeth a very hollow Sea betweene the Hands 
of the Kings Foord and Ratnels Foord. The winde 

Fjords. Outside these two inlets, the islands cluster very thickly, 
forming a regular " Skjargaard", as it is called in Norway. 

' That is to say, they set out at 3 o'clock in order to return. 

' The wind was southerly, right in their teeth, and it appears that 
they sailed westwards, along the coast, which projects considerably, as 
far as the promontory formed by the Kangarsuk mountain, in the hope 
of being able to tack home in the open sea ; but, when they came 
outside the islands, three leagues to the N. of Queen Sophia's Cape, 
they found it so rough that they were fain to seek the shelter of the 
islands again and had to row back to their ships. Another excursion, 
in which Hall does not seem to have taken part, was made after their 
return, as recorded by Bruun, whose entries for these days are the 
following ; — 

"On the 3rd, we came back. On the same day, Master Hall and 
Phillip, the lieutenant, went into another harbour to explore. 

" On the 4th they returned ; on the same day, the Admiral and 1 went 
into another harbour to explore the country, and saw on that occasion 
a boat so large that zo men might sit in it, and with it other imple- 
ments such as are used in those parts, and we found two tents there." 

' See p. 38, n. 

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being somewhat still, wee towed on head with our 
Boats till wee came thwart of a Bay, in which I was in 
the Vrins Boat, which I named Fes Bay, after the name 
of Pktlip de Fos, Pilot of the Urin. But the Admirals 
wilfulncsse was such that I could by no meanes counsaile 
him therein, though night were at hand, but hee would 
goe vp the Foord till wee came on the starboord side 
of the Foord, to sixe and twentie fathomes, sandie ground. 
The Vrin let fall anchor by vs ; but, the winde comming 
off the Land (our Captaine and Companie being so 
obstinate and wtllfull that I could by no meanes get them 
to worke after my will), the ship draue into the mid-foord, 
where wee could haue no ground at an hundred fathoms, 
till the Tyde of flood came, when the flood set the ship to 
the shoare ; but I, laying out a Cage-anchor,* got the ship 
ofl" and, setting our foresaile, stood for another roade vp the 

The eight day, about foure in the morning, wee came to 
an anchor in twentie fathomes, sandie ground, hauing very 
faire shoalding within vs. About noone, the Urin came 
and anchored by vs.* It floweth in this Riuer South-east 

' A " kedge-anchor" was a small anchor, capable of being carried in 
a boat for such purposes as that here mentioned. 

' Fos Bay we identify with Ikertok. Bruun (who has no entry for 
the 5lh) relates the incident of the sixth in the following manner : — 

" On the 6th, towards evening, we left (hat harbour with Tros/ and 
Omen and came the same evening in another harbour ; in the same 
night, Trost drifted away from us about a inile further up the harbour, 
dragging both cable and anchor." 

^ According to Bruun, this happened on the 7th. In his Journal it 
is stated, in continuation of the above ; " On the 7th, we weighed 
anchor and sailed up the river to where Trost was lying." As Bruun 
was Captain of Ornen, he cannot be supposed to have made a mistake 
in this respect ; nor is it likely that he would have waited more than a 
whole day before joining the Admiral. As there is no mention of the 
7th in Hall's account, as it stands in Purchas, "eight" may very well 
be supposed 10 have been substituted by the abbreviator for 7th, as 
it probably was in Hall's own MS. 

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and North-west, and it standeth in the latitude of 66 
degrees and 25 minutes.^ 

The ninth, in the morning, our Captaine, with the 
Captaine of the Urin, went with their Boates vp the 
Riuer, where they did come to see their winter houses,' 
which were builded with Whales bones, the balkes being 
of Whale's ribbes, and the tops were couered with earth, 
and they had certaine Vaults or Sellers vnder the earth 
foure square, about two yards deepe in the ground. These 
houses were in number about some fortie.' They found 
also certaine Graues made vp of stones ouer the dead 
bodies of their people, the carkasses being wrapped in 
Seales skins, and the stones laid in manner of a Coffin 
ouer them. 

This day, in this place, we set a man on Land, which 
had serued our Captaine the yeere before ; which, for 
a certaine fault committed by him, our Captaine left 
behinde in the Countrie. About noone, our men came 
aboord againe ; and, after Dinner, some of the people came 
vnto vs, of whom we caught fiue,' with their Boates, and 
stowed them in our ships, to bring them into Denmarke,^ 

' This figure for the latitude of Fos Bay can scarcely be the one 
given by Hall, as he always places King Christian's Fjord, which is 
farther south, in 66° 30'. As this bay was not explored on the first 
voyage, it is not put down on Hall's map. Where so many in- 
accuracies seem to occur, one becomes suspicious ; and, even 
apart from that, it seems strange that the tide in the Ikertok 
should (low S.E. and N.W., seeing that its mmn direction is S.W. 
and N.E. 

' The houses of the natives are, of course, meant. 

* Purcbas here inserts in a side-note : " A town found ten leagues 
up the nver", the distance being no doubt obtained from Hall's un- 
abridged MS. 

* See the Introduction for a notice of the subsequent history of these 
Greenlanders in Denmark. 

' Mr. Markham states (f'tyo^r-Jo/^.j^M, p. a8, «ii/*) that: " In the 
curious old Schiffer-Gesellschaft at Lubeck, there is an old Kayak, 

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to enforme our selues better, by their meenes, of the 
state of their Countrie of Groineland, which, in their owne 
language, they call Secanunga, and say that, vp within the 
Land, they haue a great King, which is carried vpon mens 

The tenth of August, in the morning, the winde being 
at East South-east, we weighed and came forth of Rombes 
Foord ■'■ but, being come forth to Sea amongst the Hands, 
the winde came vp to the South-west and by South, the 
Sea going maruellous high, we lying West and West and 
by North to Sea, doubling certaine Hands and Rocks ; 
where the Sea going so wonderfull high had set vs vpon 
the Rocks, where we had all dyed, if God, of his mercy, at 
that instant when wee saw nothing before our eyes but 
present death, had not sent vs a great gale of winde at 

hanging froin the beams, which appears, from the inscription, to have 
been brought to Europe by the Danish Expedition of 1607." As, how- 
ever, that Expedition never landed at all (see IntroductionX the Kayak 
in question is probably one of those here alluded to. 

• Bruun has no entry for the 8th. " On the 9th", says he, " the 
Admiral and I, with some of our men, proceeded further up the 
harbour, in order to explore the country, which we did ; and 
we saw their houses and how they bury each other, and returned 
on the same day to the ship. On the same day, we took five Green- 
landers by force into Omen" Lyschander mentions the setting on 
shore of the young man, who (he says) was at once lorn to pieces by 
the natives. 

• From the preceding, it is clear that they were not anchored in 
Rammel's (Amerdlok) Fjord, but in another close by, which can scarcely 
have been any other than Ikertok. When, nevertheless, Hall says that 
on setting out on theirretumjoumey they came out of Rammel's Fjord 
this may be explained in more than one way. The two fjords being 
connected by a sound, they may have sailed through this into Amerdlok 
Fjord; or they may have kept inside the small islands on issuing 
from Ikertok so far as to enter Rammel's Fjord, from which they may 
then have sailed out into the open sea ; or, finally, Hall may have used 
" Rammel's Fjord" of the whole group of fjords between Holsteinborg 
and Itivdiek, which are all connected and may be considered as 
one bay partly filled up by islands. 

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South South-west,' whereby wee lay West North-west 
away, with a flawne sheat ;* wee, doubling of the Hands 
and Rocks, were forced to goc betweene certaine little 
Hands which lye off Queene Sophias Cape, foure leagues 
into the Sea ; the which Hands, I named the yeere before 
Knights Hands, after the name of Jokn Knight? So, hauing 
passed these Hands, not without great danger, wee found 
betweene them many blinde Rocks, and being cleere in 
the Sea.* 

The thirteenth, at noone, we were in the latitude of 

' That they may have been in great danger of being cast on the 
lee shore in issuing from Amerdlok Fjord with a strong wind from 
S.W. by S, is easily understood, but not how they could have been 
saved by a gale of S.S.W. wind, unless it be [hat at the critical moment 
they had almost reached the corner where the coast turns northerly 
towards Queen Sophia's Cape, so that a change of only a point in the 
direction of the wind sufficed for them to shoot ciear of it. 

' The term "a flowing sheet" is used when the sheets or dues of 
the principal sails are eased otf so that the sails receive the wind more 
perpendicularly than when they are close-hauled, as when the wind 
is nearly at right-angles with the ship's course. 

' The name of Knight's Islands is often used of the whole 
" Skjargaard" of small rocky islands to the W. of Holsteinborg, which 
is also called in Danish Holsteinborg Rev ; but it applies propierly only 
to the Kagsit Islands, which lie farthest to sea, very nearly at the 
distance here indicated by Hall. Knight's Islands are marked on 
Hail's general map (IW). 

* Here the full stop is placed in the middle of an unfinished sentence, 
another instance of the rough manner in which Hall's text has been 
cut to pieces. In the portion cut out, referring to the loth, i ith, and 
i2th of August, Hall most likely mentioned the circumstances that 
only Trost succeeded in getting to sea, in consequence of which she had 
to wait for her consort until the 1 3th or 13th. Lyschander mentions 
the fact, and appears to attribute it to Lindenow's superior seamanship. 
Bruun's entries are as follows ; " On the loth we weighed anchor and 
set sail, but when we came to the outermost rocks, the wind came up 
straight in our eyes, so that we were compelled to turn back into the 
harbour, but Trosl came out to sea that same day." For the nth, he 
has no entry, but he must have been lying in the ijord windbound. 
" On the 12th", he continues, " God helped us with a good wind, and 

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66 degrees 50 minutes, being off Cape Sophia, West and 
by North halfe westerly, about sixtecne leagues,^ 

The eighteenth, about foure in the morning, we got 
cleere off the Ice,' steering South and by West away, it 
being very thicke weather till noone, when it cleered vp ; 
at which time, wee saw the shoare rising like Hands, being 
very high and stretching South and by East and North 
and by West, about foure and twentie leagues, the shoare 
being beset all full with Ice, so that, in that place, it is 
impossible for any ship to come into the shoare. Also, of 
the Southermost of these two Capes,* lay such a great 
banke of Ice, stretching into the Sea, that wee were forced 
to lye West and by North to double the same. 

All this aftemoone, wee were almost compast with Ice, 
we bearing to the same, the winde comming vp to the 
East South-east ; we, standing South to the Ice, were forced 
to loose for one Hand, and to beare roome for another till 
about foure a clocke, when, by Gods helpe, wee got cleere 
off the same ; the winde comming vp to the South-east and 

as soon a.s it was day we weighed anchor and came out of the harbour 
and afterwards stood to sea- On the same day, we saw the first 

' Bruun's entry for this day is only the following: "On the 13th, we 
sailed out of sight of Greenland." Probably on that day the two 
vessels, having met, started off together on a westerly course, in the 
hope of finding clear water in the middle of Davis Strait, 

' As nothing has been said before in Hall's account, as it stands in 
Purchas, about troubles by ice (though Bniun mentions that ice 
was seen already on the tith), it may be inferred Chat something 
has been left out referring to the intervening five days. Bruun's 
Journal also f^ls here, because his only entry between the 13th 
and the 26th is this : " On the 16th, one of my Greenlanders jumped 

^ This expression also proves the abbreviator's carelessness, no " two 
capes" having been mentioned before in what we read in Purchas. 
Probably the capes of Queen Sophia and Queen Anne are meant, as 
they had evidently as yet made very little progress. 

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by South, wee lay South-west and by South of all this 

The two and twentieth, thicke weather, the winde as 
before. This morning, about seuen a clocke, wee saw a 
saile West and by South of vs, we standing to him, for it 
was our Vice admirall the Lion, who had beene greatly 
troubled with the Ice, wee being glad to meete one another 

The eight and twentieth, about foure in tfie morning, 
the storme ceased,* the winde comming vp to the West 
South-west About three a clocke, wee set our sailes, 
standing South-east away. But, being vnder saile, we 
spyed great bankes and Hands of Ice to leeward of vs, 
lying off East and by South ; which Ice I did iudge to lye 

• It will have been observed that no mention has been made, either 
by Hall or by Bruun, of Loven or GiUibrandt since the 24U1 of June ; 
and, as there is no account of their having reached land at all, it seems 
that they never succeeded in doing so, but spent the time in vain 
attempts to get through the ice in a more southerly latitude. Bruun 
does not mention their meeting again with Loven, but he records their 
meeting with GiUibrandt, which is not mentioned in Hall's account as 
we have it in Purchas. " On the 36th," says Bruun, " GiUibrandt a.nA 
Omen came together. On the same day, we saw Greenland again." 
As he expressly says that Omen fell in with GiUibrandt, it seems that 
the squadron had been rather scattered. Very likely, however, that 
may have been on purpose, as they would naturally look for the 
missing vessel, and this latter circumstance may — though it is not 
mentioned — in some measure account for their having spient 16 days 
(as it appears they did) in coming down from the neighbourhood of 
Holsteinborg to the southern extremity of Greenland. 

* No storm having been mentioned before, this passage proves that 
the gap here observable between the «nd and the 28th is caused by 
the abbreviation of Hall's na.rrative. Bruun does not mention it 
either, but says in his next entry after the 26th : " On the 30th, during 
the night, in a great storm, we were separated from GiUibrandt." 
There is no mention of her joining them again, but she probably did 
so, as she is known to have come home, and there is no mention of 
her returning alone. 

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ofFCape Desolation} about eight leagues off; the which, by 
reason of the fogge, we could not see. 

The nine and twentieth, about sixe in the morning, 
the winde came vp to the North-east and by North ; we 
making saile, went South South-east away till noone with 
a stiffe gale, wee seeing in the morning pieces of drift Ice 
to windward of vs ; hauing at noone a shrinke* of the same, 
I found vs in the latitude of 59 degrees 46 minutes, hauing 
from noone to noone made a South-east and by South way 
eight leagues. 

The one and thirtieth, the winde continuing, wee holding 
still our course, with the winde still at North North-west, 
with faire and cleere weather, it blowing very much, so 
that wee stood away vnder a couple of courses low set, the 
Sea very much growne, being in the latitude of 59 degrees 
10 minutes, hauing made an East South-east way some- 
what Easterly foure and thirtie leagues. This afternoone, 
after my obseruation, wee saw some [lands of Ice, with 
some drift Ice, I something maruelling of the same, know- 
ing, both by my account and my noones obseruation, that 
wee were shot too farre from any part of Groinland that 
was described in the Marine Chart ; for the southermost 
part described therein is not in the latitude of 60 degrees,' 
and we being now in the latitude of 59 degrees ten minutes, 
Cape Desolation bearing West North-west halfe Northerly, 
about sixtie foure leagues, and Cape Christian (which was 
the next known part of Groenland) North-west and by 
West westerly, eight and thirtie leagues ; so, holding our 
course East South-east away, about foure a clocke, we had 
sight of Land, being very high Land, it lying alongst East 

' See p. 7, note. ' See p. 55, note. 

* The meaning of this would seem to be that no part of Greenland 
reaches so far south as 60° ; hut he himself placed Cape Christian in 
j9° 50", so there is clearly some confusion. 

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South-cast, about sixteene leagues ; the westermost part 
seemed either to fall away East North-east, and the 
sonthermost point bearing East northerly fell away East 
and by North. This Land is very high, hauing the Hills 
couered with snow, the shoare being very thicke with Ice. 
This place, because I knew not whether it was of the Mayne 
or an Hand, I named Frost Hand, after the name of the 

The first of September, at noone, I made obseruation 
and found vs in the latitude of 58 degrees, hauing made a 
South-east and by South way southerly sixe and twentie 
leagues. This day, at noone, I directed my course East 
and by South, This afternoone, about sixe a clocke, it fell 
calme, and so continued all the night following. This 
euening, I found the variation 10 degrees 50 minutes 
North westing. 

The fourth day, the winde at East and by South, we 
lying South and by East, having a shrinke of the sunne^ at 
about noone, I did suppose vs in the latitude of 57 degrees 
20 minutes, hauing made a South-east and by South way 
southerly about ten leagues. All this day and the night 
following, we lay as before. 

The eight day, faire weather, the winde as before, it 

' This passage is curious. No land lies in the direction indicated. 
What Hall saw must have been a cluster of icebergs and fog-banks, 
Luke Foxe, in 1635, expressed his belief that the land Hall saw (or 
thought he saw) must have been that he had previously named Cape 
Christian (see Norfk-West Fox,-^. 57, and Miller Christy's Voyages 
of Foxe and James, p. 9s). It is strange, too, that HaU should have 
called it Trost Island, as he had previously bestowed that name on 
a locality in Greenland, and alluded to it under that name in the 
preceding account fsee p. 47). 

- Hall elsewhere has spoken of a " shrinke of the wind" (see 
pp. 52 and 75), and of a "shrinke of the land" (see p. 55). The mean- 
ing here evidently is that the sun became clouded over about noon, so 
that he could not get his usual midday observation, but had to be 
content with making a guess, as may be inferred from what follows. 

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being almost calme, wee going away as before, being at 
noone in the latitude of 58 degrees 36 minutes, hauing 
made an East North-east way northerly twentie leagues, 
by reason of the great southerly Sea. All this afternoone 
and the night following, it was for the most part calme. 
This euening, I found tiie Compasse varied about two 
degrees 45 minutes northwesting. 

The ninth day, also, faire weather, the winde southerlye, 
a fresh gale, our course still East, being at noone in the 
latitude of 58 degrees 40 minutes, our way East and by 
North-easterly twelue le^ues. This afternoone, the winde 
came vp to the South, or South and by East, with raine. 
This night, about midnight, thicke weather, with raine, 
the winde comming to the South-east, we lying East 
North-east and North-east and by East with the 

The tenth day, about two in the morning, the winde 
came vp to the South South-west, wee steering our course 
East, being at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 10 
minutes, hauing made an East and by North way easterly 
foure and fortie leagues, wee hauing a fresh gale westerly. 
This day wee saw one of the Fowie the which are, on 
the Hand of Bos in Scotland, called Bas Geese} This 
euening, I found the variation i d^ree 4 minutes north- 

The eighteenth, this forenoone, about nine a clocke, wee 
espyed land, rising somewhat ragged, the Eastermost 
point of the same bearing South-east and by South, and 
the Westermost part South and by West, about eight 
leagues. These Hands, by my account and obseruation. 

* The Gannet or Solan Goose {Suia iassana) is still sometimes 
called the Bass Goose, from the fact that a very large colony breeds 
on the Bass Rock, in the Firth of Fortti, whence also its scientific 

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I found to be the Hands of Ferris^ being at noone in the 
obseruation of 62 degrees 5 minutes. 

The nineteenth, 1 set a little Rocke, called the Monke? 
which lyeth off to the South-east end (it being about 
fiue a clocke), East South-east of vs. three leagues off. 
This night, about ten a clocke, it fell calme. 

The twentieth, wee did see the streame had set vs to the 
Northwards. This streame setteth vnder the Hands of 
Farre^ next hand, East and West So, casting about, wee 
stood to the westwards, lying West South-west, and some- 
times West and by South, and sometimes South-west, it 
being very raynie weather.* About midnight, it fell calme 
and so continued all night vnto the morning.^ 

' The Fasrfi group. By anali^y with the Fferfi near Che coast of 
Scotland, which is called in English Fair Isle, the group in question 
ought to be called Fair Isles. 

' The Monk is the southernmost islet of the Fsero group. 

' The Fsrii group again. 

* Apparently "west" has been five times substituted for "east" in 
this sentence, through a printer's error. 

^ For the filling up of this gap, we have the following entries in 
Bruun's Journal, the only ones for the month of September ; — 

"On the i6th, died my rook, by name Niels. 

"On the 2i5t, in the morning, we saw two or three islands sur- 
rounded by the sea, called Rona. 

" On the 26th we saw in the morning early Fule, and immediately 
afterwards the S. end of Hetland ; the same day we sailed in the 
midst between Hetland and F^ero, and towards night we sailed out of 
sight of them. 

" On the 27th, died one of my sailors, called Anders Jonsson. 

"On the 39th, we had sight of Norway, and were outside Ingren, siic 
miles N. of Lindesnaes. 

" On the 30th, we first saw J utiand." 

The islands called Rona are two small islets, Rona and Barra, N. of 
the Hebrides ; Fule is Foula ; " Ingren " is probably meant for EkerO, 
outside the town of Ekersund, though that is rather farther from 
Lindisness than stated, even if Norwegian miles are meant. There 
is now in the district no place named Ingren. 

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The first of October, in the afternoone, about foure 
of the clocke, we had sight of The Holmes? The second 
day, wee steered away South-east and by South and South 
South-east for The Col ^ and, about eight of the clocke 
this night, wee came into Twro),* where - wee rode all the 
day following. The third day, at night, the winde came 
to the North-east ; so wee weighed and came into Elsenor 
Road. The fourth day, by the prouidence of God, we 
arrived in our desired Port of Copen Hauen, 1606,* 

• The Holmes may be Erteholmene, at the entrance of the 
Kattegat, a short distance inside the Scaw, Bruun says : "October. 
Od the 1st, we first had sight of Norway again", which would imply 
that they wete tacking, as they would otherwise not have come near 
Norway again; and, if they did so very early, they might, going south- 
wards, have sighted Erteholmene in the afternoon. At the same time, 
the vessels may have become separated during the last few days of 
the voyage. 

' The Col means Kullen, which (being about 615 ft. high and 
isolated) is a landmark widely seen (see p. 55), 

• Turco is probably Torckow, a place on the N.side of the entrance 
of Skeider\iken, a bay just N. of Kullen, where they might find an 

• Bniun's Journal here differs somewhat from Hall's account, being 
to this effect : " On the second, we had sight of Skaane ; the same 
night we anchored at Elsenore." Skaane is the province in which 
Kullen is situated ; but Torckow is some 30 miles from Elsenore, 
which is not even visible from there. As neither Hall nor Bruun can 
be supposed to have made a mistake on this point, the explanation is 
no doubt this : that Bruun managed to reach the roadstead of Else- 
nore that night, but that the other vessels were embayed behind 
Kullen and obliged or preferred to stop and wait for a change of wind 
at Torckow, whither they would not otherwise have gone. Bruun 
then waited at Elsenore for the others to come up. " On the fourth", 
he says, " we sailed from Elsenore, and the same day we anchored 
before Copenhagen." 

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The seueraU burthens and numbers of men employed in the 
ships of tite Fleet aforesaid were as followelh^ : — 

The Trust, being Admirall, was of sixtie tunnes, had 
eight and fortie men. The Lion, Vice-admirall, was of 
seuentie tunnes, had eight and fortie men. The Vrin, 
or Eagle, Reare-admirall, of one hundred tunnes, had 
fiftie men. The Gilliflowre was of fortie tunnes, had 
sixteene men. The Pinnasse called the Cat, was of 
twentie tunnes, had twelue men. Bredaransies Foord is 
most northerly.* Cunninghams Foord is next, in sixtie 
seuen degrees and odde minutes. The Foord wherein 
they saw the Towne ten leagues up the same, is two 
leagues' to the South of Cunninghams Foord. The Kings 
Foord is in sixtie sixe d^rees and an halfe. 

William Huntris, of Stowborow, in KiJ^te-shire, is Master 

' As we have already explained in the Introduction, this note was 
probably not penned by Hall, but by Furchas. At the same time, the 
facts mentioned have no doubt been culled from Hall's unabbreviated 
narrative, though, as it appears, without much care. 

' This reference 10 Brade Ranson's Fjord is very remarkable, because 
it is mentioned nowhere in Hall's accounts of his voyages, though it is 
shown on his maps, it having been visited by him on his expedition in 
the pinnace in 1605 (see pp. 11 and 33). Oneof two things must be the 
case : either Hall's unabbreviated narrative must have contained some 
reference to this fjord, or else Purchas (or whoever made the ab- 
breviation and penned this note) must have had the maps before 
him. The first is most improbable, considering the close agreement 
between the "Report to the King" and Hall's account of the first 
voyage, especially with regard to the omission of all information re- 
lating to that expedition. It seems, therefore, 10 fallow that the 
writer of this note must have had the maps (see Introduction). 

* This is of course erroneous. Most likely the statement here re- 
produced was to the effect that the distance was 12 leagues, which is 
the distance given by Baffin (see post) between Cunningham Fjord 
and Ramels Fjord, which is close to Fos Bay, 

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HaU his man, and is allowed thirtie pound by the yeere of 
the King of Denmarke for his skill in Nauigation.' 

' According 10 Mr. Clements R. Markham (Kyvj^j of Wiltiiim 
Baffin, p. 37«), Stowborow is most likely an error for Scarborough. 
The present tense "ly, is rather remarkable, and seems to have been 
carried bodily over from the document from which the statement is 
quoted. Nothing is known from any other source about this grant to 
Huntriss. llic matter is in itself unlikely, and the sum is so large for 
that time {being the average pay of a captain) that there must be 
some mistake. Perhaps on some occasion when Huntriss exhibited 
his dexterity in handling a boat, or something similar, the King may 
have given him a gratuity of 30 Rix doHars. 

\The 6rief reference to the third Danish Expedilion to Greenland 
in 1607, which is found foUmoing the account of the Second Voyage 
in 1606 in " Purchas his Pilgrimei' {vol. Hi, p. 837), has been 
reproduced and discussed in the Introduction.^ 

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An Account of the Engiish Expedition 

to Greenland, under the Command of 

Captain James Hall, in 1612.^ 

By JOHN GATONBE, Quartermaster.' 

[From CkurchitPs Collkction ov Voyages and Travels, vol. vi 

1732), pp. 24I-ZSI-] 

A Voyage into tfw. North- West Passage, undertaken 

in tiie year 1612* 

By the Merchants Adventurers of London, 

Sir George Lancaster,* Sir Thomas Smith,^ 

Mr. Ball,* Mr. Cocken,' and Mr. James Hall, 

being Venturer with Hum, and General 

of both the ships. 

To the Right WorshipfuU Sir CHRISTOPHER 


John Gatonbe wishelhe in this life the contynvance oi 

health and prosper itie, ivith great increase of worship, 

and everlasting felicitie in Christ our Saviour!^ 

Purposing with myselfe to present this jovmall, or travis- 

book, to you, which is vssally kept of seafayringe men and 

mariners, in tlteir navigation of long voyagies and unknowns 

' We have allowed this (the usually accepted) date to stand 
throughout, although we have, in the Introduction, given reasons for 
believing that the voyage really was made in ihe year 1613. 

* Gatonbe {of whom a notice will be found in the Introduction) 
held the post of Quartermaster on board the Patience; but, after 

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covntryes ; and having been leti"^ tites two yeares, being 
travelling ypon the sea to mayntayne my poore estat of -wife 

Hall's death, he became master's male of ihe Hearts Ease. As 
stated in the Introduction, we have omitted the map accompanying 
Gatonbe's narrative. 

' This is the heading in Churchill's Voyages. It may be attributed 
either to Gatonbe (16(5), or to the Editor (1732). The voyage had no 
connection with the search for a North-west Passage, as we now under- 
stand the term. Its object was to make search in Greenland for mineral 
ores and other native wealth (see Introduction). It may be the heading 
is Gatonbe's, and that he considered Davis Strait (to which the \'oyage 
was made) to be a North-west Passage — or, rather, the c 
ment of one : otherwise the heading is meaningless : 

* Sir James {not Sir George) Lancaster commanded the first voyage 
of the East India Company, and was knighted on his return in 1603. 
He died unmarried in 161S. For further information concerning him, 
see Mr. Clements R, Markham's Voyages of Sir James Lancaster 
(Hakluyt Society, 1877), and his Voyages of William Baffin (Hakluyt 
Society, 18S1). 

' Sir Thomas Smith, the leading merchant prince of his day, was 
the first Governor of the East India Company, and an active member 
of most of the great foreign chartered trading companies of the time. 
He died in 1625. A good account of him is 10 be found in Mr. Mark- 
ham's Voyage of William Baffin, pp. i-ix. 

* Richard Ball, an eminent London merchant, who did much to 
extend both commerce and geographical knowledge, died about i6zo. 
A notice of him is given in Mr. Markham's Voyages of William 
Baffin, p, 3. 

' Alderman William Cockayne (or Cocken}, of London, another 
eminent and wealthy merchant, was Lord Mayor in i6t9-za He 
was one of the first " Committees" (or Directors) of the East 
India Company, and "Richard Cockain and Co." contributed the 
largest single amount subscribed on behalf of the first voyage of that 
Company. Rundall says (but on what authority we know not) that 
Alderman Cockayne had been the prime mover in the sending out of 
Hall {Voyages towards the Norih-Wesl, p. gi). He died in 1626. A 
sketch of his life is also given by Mr. Markham. 

' Sir Christopher Hildyard (or Hilyeards), of Wmeslead, near Hull, 
was a member of an ancient and well-known East Riding femily, long 
seated in Holdemess. He became a Member of Parliament, and died 
in 1634. A notice of him will be found in Mr. Markham's work above- 
mentioned. He does not appear to have been an " adventurer" in the 

Y 2 

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and children ; and, tkis -winter, being at Iwme, and remem- 
bring the manyfold cvrtesies skewed by you to my anciente 
father, Nicholas Gatonbe, / thought good this simple labour, 
such as it is, to offer vnto you, right worshipful, desiring 
you to accept it, as a gift that procedeth from such a one 
■who hartily ivislieth you well, and would, if ability served, 
present you ivith a better, seeing and knovjing your worship 
and your ancesters have been alwayes well-wishers to this 
towne and the inhabitants of the same ; wherefor I intreat 
your worship to pervse it over. 

And, First, you shall see the setting out of our voyage, 
what adventures we had with our generall. 

Secondly. The tym of our saylling. 

Thirdly. Our travis upon the sea, with the windes and 
weyther we had. 

Fourthly. The lieight of tlu poll observed. 

Fifthly. The ice we saylled by, with the coldnes of the 

Sixthly. The barrenness of the country, with huge moun- 
tayns lying full of snow. 

Seventhly. The nature and conditions of the inhabitants 
atui salvages of tlu same. 

Eighthly. The thinges we bought of them for old iron, 
with that which happened vnto vs in the countrye. 

Lastly. Of our retume homeward and our safe arrivall. 

Thvs, craving both pardon for my boldnes, and also re- 

" (From p. 82.) To this dedication, the editor of the sinth volume of 
Churchill's Voyagesand Travels appends ihefollowing note: — "We have 
preserved the spelling of this dedication as a specimen of the ortho- 
graphy of the time ; but we thought it proper, for the sake of the 
generality of our readers, to accommodate the spelling of the piece 
itself to the modem way, especially as there was no method observed 
by the writer." 

'" {Frem p. 83.) This old term (meaning, of course, "hindered" or 
"prevented") is now seldom used exrept in legal phraseology. 

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questing your favorable accepting of my simple iravell, I 
cease from further troubling your worship with my i-udnes, 
praying Code to inriche you with tite plenlyfull increase of 
Ihe gifts of his spirite. 

From the poore house of 

John Gatonbe, this 25M 

day of Februarie, 1615. 

HE lOth oi April, being Good Friday. 
we haled both our ships into Hull 
road, the one being of the burden of 
140 tons, called the Patience, we being 
40 men and boys in her ; the other of 
60 tons, called the Hearts-Ease, con- 
taining 20 men and boys. This day, we cross'd both our 
yards and entred into pay. making fit to take the first wind 
to sail withal, 

Monday, April 20, we set sail in Hull road, the wind at 
E.S.E., and bore down to Cleeness^ and anchor'd ; and, 
towards night, the wind came to the N.E., and so we 
return'd into PauP road again this night, being much wind. 

21. This day, the wind came to S.S.W., and so at night 
we went over and rode at the Ness, our pinnace being 
about business at the town. 

22. This day, being Wednesday, we weigh'd and set 
sail, the wind at S.S.W., and came out of Humber at 
12 o'clock at noon, going our course N. and by W. 

23. This day, the wind southerly, we going the same 

' Cleeness is on the Lincolnshire coast, near Great Grimsby, and 
in the parish of Clee. 

* Paul Road was no doubt that part of the Humber opposite the 
Parish of Pault, or Paghill, five miles S.E. from Hull, and on the 
Northern, or Yorksliire, shore. 

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course, being seven le^ues off Whitby at noon ; and, at 
six o'clock at night, we were 9 leagues of Hunclife} it 
bearing from us S.S.W., we sailing N.N.W, 

24. This day, the wind at E.S.E. and very fair weather, 
we being some 12 leagues off" Stabs-head} it bearing 
W.S.W. from us. At noon we observ'd the sun, and found 
the altitude of the pole to be 56° 12'. 

25. This day, the wind at S.E., we sailing N.N.W. ; and, 
at 9 o'clock in the morning, we spake with north-sea 
fishermen, and had fresh fish of them, they belonging 
to Yarmouth, being from Bohomnes^ W.S.W., 9 leagues 
off, the pole being rais'd 58° 30'. 

26. This day, being Sunday, the wind southerly, we 
sail'd betwixt Orkney and Fair lie and Foullay, leaving 
the islands and Shetland oK our starboard side, at 3 o'clock 
in the morning ; and at 6 o'clock we sail'd W. and by N. 
to the sea, Foullay bearing from us N.E., 5 leagues off; 
and at noon the wind came southerly, we sailing then W. 
This day, at night, the wind came contrary, to the S.W., 
we sailing to the northward N.W, 

Fair-Isle shewelk Ihui a Icagvei of. Foullay shrttitlh thus 3 Itagves off. 

Afttr vie farled frvr 

27. This day, we had much wind at N.W., being forc'd 
to take in our topsails for our vice-admiral, she being 
a-stern of us, we sailing W.N.W. ; and, at four o'clock at 
night, we tack'd about to the southward, we sailing S.W. 
and by S., the wind coming to the W. and by S. 

28. This day the wind came to the N.W. with cloudy 

' HuntcHff, near Redcar. > St. Abb's Head. 

' Buchan Ness, the most easterly poinl of Aberdeenshire. 

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weather. This day, at 6 o'clock in the morning, we tack'd 
about to the southward, sailing W.S.W, ; and at noon wc 
did observe the sun, and found the altitude of the pole 
to be 59" 47'. 

29. This day, the wind at N.W., we standing to the 
southward W.S.W ., being thick hazy weather. 

30. This day, calm and misty from 1 2 o'clock to 6 o'clock 
in the morning ; then the wind came to the S.W., we sail- 
ing all the day after W. and by N. 

May I, being Friday, the wind at W.S.W., we sailing to 
the northward, N.W. and by N., being misty and much 
wind ; and at noon it cleared up, and we did observe the 
sun, and found the pole rais'd 61" 31', we tacking about to 
the southward, wending S. and by W., having fair weather ; 
and at 8 o'clock at night we tack'd about and stood to the 
northward, wending N.N.W. 

2. This day, stormy weather, with the wind at S.W. and 
by W., being misty and rain, we standing to the northward 
N.W. and by W. ; and at 10 o'clock it fell little wind and 
calm ; and the wind ran to the N.E., we sailing our course 
W., having a fresh gale of wind at noon. 

3. This day we had fair weather, the wind at E.S.E., 
we sailing W. This day we did observe the sun, and found 
the pole to be rais'd 61" 46'; and at 4 o'clock at night the 
wind came contrary, being westerly, we standing to the 
northward N.N.W. ; and at 6 o'clock we stood to the 
southward again. 

4. This day, the wind at N.W., we sailing W.S.W. ; and 
at 5 o'clock our vice-admiral sprung her fore-mast, whereby 
she was forc'd to take in her top-sails and fore-sails ; and 
so did we in the admiral, till such time as they had fish'd 
it and made it strong.' This day, at noon, we did observe 

' To " fish" a spar which has been sprung is to strengthen it by 
applying to it "fishes", or flat pieces of wood, which arc placed 00 

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the Bun, and found the pote rais'd 61" 8', the wind being 
come to N.N.E., we sailing our course W. 

5. This day, the wind came to W. and by S., and began 
to blow, we standing to the northward N.W. and by N. 

6. This day, the wind at W. ; and at 6 o'clock in the 
morning the wind came to N. and by W. ; and so we steer 
hence W., the altitude of the pole being 61° 36'. 

7. This day, the wind at N.W. and by N., we sailing W. 
and by S. ; and at 2 o'clock in the afternoon it came up to 
the N.E., being cloudy and thick, which tum'd to much 
rain, we sailing our course west. 

8. This day, much wind and rain at E.N.E,, we sailing 
W. ; and at noon we had fair weather, the wind being come 
to the N, This day we hoped to see Fries/an^} yet did not. 

9. This day, the wind at N.N.E.,stormy weather, we sailing 
our course W. ; and at noon it grew fair, and we observ'd the 
sun and found the altitude of the pole to be 59° 5 1'. This 
day our master found by his instrument the compass varied 
1$". to the westward of the north, the occasion we had no 
sight of />i>j/ii«rf,'sai!ing to the southward some 12 leagues; 
so that for our west course we kept, we had made but a W. 
and by S. way ; yet I suppose it to be the current which 
doth set to the southwestward, and so doth set from the 
westermost part of Friesland into the N.W. Pass^e.* 

each side of it and secured by being " woulded", or wound round and 
round with pieces of rope. 

■ The existence of Frisland (an imaginary island taken from the 
Zeno Cha.It and shown on most of the Atlantic Charts of the period) 
was, of course, fully believed in by Hall and his contemporaries. 

' As regards this current, those who are acquainted with the 
accounts of voyages to the North of America in the early part of the 
sixteenth century are well aware that, in estimating the probability of 
the existence of a North-west pass^e, or the neighbourhood in which 
it would be found, the navigators and geographers of that time were 
mainly influenced by consideration of the currents of the sea and the 
set of the tides. In 1612, many beliered that the passage practically 

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F.NCLISH KXPKmriON OF l6l2. 89 

la This day, the wind northerly, we sailing W. and by 
N. ; and at noon we observ'd the sun and found the altitude 
of the pole to be 60" 4', being very fair weather. 

1 1. The wind N., and at noon we sounded, and had no 
ground of 1 50 fathom, it being little wind and calm, sonic- 
times southerly, and sometimes at S.W., sometimes easterly ; 
thus it did continue variable all the day, being fair weather 
and smooth sea, we sailing for the most part W, and by S, 

12. This day, calm ; and at 4 o'clock in the morning the 
wind came to E.N.E., we sailing W. and by N. This day 
the water changed of a blackish colour ; also we saw many 
whales and grampus's. 

13. The wind at E., we sailing W. and by N. This day, 
being hazy, we met with ice, the wind being come to 
N.N.E. Much wind and snow at 9 o'clock at night, so that 
we were forc'd to take in our sails and stand with our fore- 
sail to the eastward, wending E. Also, some of our men 
spied land, yet we could not well discern it, it snowing so 

14. We stood in with the land again at 2 o'clock in the 
morning, wending N.N.W., and had sight of land betwixt 
5 and 6 o'clock in the morning ; and our master made it 
Cape Farewel, so called by Captain Davids at the first find- 

Tht land did riie thus full Df now. Tie cafe 7 leagnei off. N.N. W. 

ing of the country in anno 1 585, because he could not come 

had been found by.Hudson, and spoke of ii accordingly, as Gatonbe 

here does, meaning probably Hudson's Strait, or possibly Davis Strait. 

' This is probably a misprint for "59° S''"i which is much more 

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near the land by 6 or 7 leagues for ice ;' it bearing from 
us N.N.W.,and we sailing along by the ice W.N.W. all the 

1 5, The wind at N.N, W., sailing W. ; and at 4 o'clock in 
the morning we tack'd about again to the ice, again sailing 
N.N.E. ; and at ic o'clock in the morning we tack'd 
about again, being hard aboard the ice, having sight of the 
land, it stretching more to the northward. The ice lieth 
all along it, being as it were a great bay betwixt two head 

16. This day, a cold hazy wind, it being at N.N.W., we 
sailing W. ; and at 7 o'clock in the morning we tack'd about, 
lying N.E. and by N., and at 2 o'clock we met with ice 
again ; we, lying to and fro, hoisted our shallop out, and, 
espying seals lying upon the ice, our shallop rowed to them 
and killed one of them ; the rest tumbled into the water, 
being 20 in a company. This day, we observ'd the sun 
and found the altitude of the pole to be 59° 30', we being 
some 70 leagues within the streights, it being 115 leagues 

' As far as we are aware, this passage is the earliest written state- 
ment to the effect that Cape Farewell was so named by Davis. The 
name is not mentioned in any account of Davis's voyages, nor does it 
occur on any map of earlier date than that of Hessel Gerritsi, 
published in 1612. If this map is, as is generally supposed, in 
the main, a reproduction of Hudson's, it is most probably to him 
that the delineation of the coast of Greenland, and the insertion 
of Cape Fnrewell, is due ; but, in any case, the latter must 
rest on some, till then, unwritten tradition. If Davis did so name 
this promontory, it is strange thai the name does not occur on the 
Molyneux globe or on the Molyneux map in Hakluyt's work ; but 
this may be owing to the circumstance that on these Frobisher's 
Strait and the localities about it are placed in the southern 
extremity of Greenland. When the original author of Gerritsz's 
map had moved them up 10 the latitudes assigned to them by 
Frobisher, the Southern extremity of Greenland could be drawn 
properly, and Cape Farewell put in ils proper place (see the Intro- 
duction and page 7, n.). 

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between the coast of America and Greenland in the 
entrance of this passage.^ 

17. The wind at S. in the morning, we sailing N.W. 
This day we run among the ice, and were inclosed with the 
ice, so that we could get no passage to the northward ; and 
so we were forc'd to stand out again, and were glad that 
God had deliver'd us from amongst it ; it being 4 o'clock 
in the afternoon before we were clear of the ice, sailing 
S.W, to the sea. This day, being Sunday, we had sight 
of the land called Desolation? it being from us 15 le^ues 
N. and by E. 

18. This day, at one o'clock in the morning, we had 
much wind and snow, the wind being westerly ; and at six 
o'clock in the morning it prov'd fair weather. We, tacking 
about into the shore, did wend N. and by W., which did' 
near the land of Desolation ; and at noon we tack'd about 
and stood back again, being ten leagues from the land, it 
bearing N.N.E. of us. The ice hindering of us this day, 
we did observe the sun, and found the pole 59° 53', 

19. The wind southerly, we sailing for the most part 
N.W. by N. and N.N.W. Then the land of Desolation 

Cape Desolnlion risa that, 
15 Itegnts of. N.E. by N. 

• By "this passage" Catonbc refers, of course, 10 Davis Strait ; but 
there must be some mistake in the figures here given, as they 
cannot be made to agi^e. Gatonbe's leagues are very uncertain 
quantities, as appears from not a few other passages in his narrative. 

• Davis, in 1585, named the south-wesiem part of Greenland "the 
Land of Desolation" (see page 7, n.). 

' Query, "bring us" omitted. 

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92 EXPEomONS TO (;RF,liNLAND, 1605-1612. 

did bear off us N.E. and by E, This day we did meet with 
great islands of ice. This day we did observe the sun, and 
found the altitude of the pole to be 60" 35' : also we had a 
forceable current, which we went along the coast with till 
we came to bring Desolation point E. of us. This current 
set from Desolation into America side, and into Hudson's 
streights,^ being so called by his men, they leaving him 
behind them in that country, which was his death, in the 
year 1611. 

20. This day, the wind at N. and by E., we sailing E. 
and by N. to the land, which we had no sight of as this 
day. This day we did observe the sun, and found the 
altitude of the pole to be 61° 33', being to the northward of 
Desolation some 30 leagues. This day we stood to the 
westward ; and at 10 o'clock at night we stood to the cast- 
ward, again meeting ice. 

21. The wind at N.E. and by E. This day we had sight 
of land at 2 o'clock in the morning ; and our master mate, 

E. N.E. E. 

Cape fZointon rise! Ihus, Ikcheigklk o{ Ihe pole luing 6^ 33' , Iht smoolhril itiiij 
and ieU te look la <f all thi country oj Greenland ; ytt wr rould hM cum/ 

John Hemslay, and 1 called it the land of Comfort} And 
we call'd up our men, and tack'd about our ships, the ice 

' This is, of course, a mere sunnise. It shows how much men's 
minds were at the time impressed by Hudson's discoveries. 

' The indications here given are scarcely sufficient to identify the 
locality with any certainty, unless the sketch is so true to nature as lo 
be rect^nised on the spot— a matter as to which we have no means of 
judging. It is described as the best land to look at of all the country 
of Greenland ; but, in the latitude indicated {62° 33';, the inland ice 
approaches nearer to the coast than almost anywhere in South Green- 
land, and presents a wider front to the west than anywhere else. 

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liiiidering us from coming near the land, we sailing along 
the land N., and N, and by W., being distant from it 7 
leagues. And, at noon, we being near the ice, our men 
went with the shallop to it, and killed four seals, and 
brought other two aboard quick, we having good sport 
betwixt them and our mastiff dogs. 

22. The wind at N. and by E. This day we turn'd 
amongst the ice, meeting with many islands of ice, which 
were very high, like great mountains : some of them, we 
judg'd to be 30 yards from the water, fleeting upon the 
seas, being 15 le^ues ofl" the land.^ This day we had 
sight of the land, yet could not come near it for ice. 
This day we did observe the sun, and found the pole 
rais'd 62° 55'. 

23. The wind at N.N.W. This [day], being calm, at noon, 
we sounded with our lead, and had no ground of 1 80 fathom, 
being some 1 10 leagues within the passage. This day we 
found the altitude of the pole to be 63°,* .sailing N,E- and 
by E. in with the land. 

24. This day the wind at N. and by E., we sailing N.W. 
and by W., being thick cloudy weather ; and at 8 o'clock 
in the morning we tack'd about to the eastward, tt being 
little wind and sometimes calm. 

25. This day, calm, with little wind and variable ; some- 
times at N., sometimes at N.W,, we sailing for the most 
part N.E. and by E. This day we sounded by an island 
of ice with our shallop, and found no ground of 1 50 fathom, 
being off the land 21 leagues; and at 10 o'clock at night 
it was thick and misty weather, so that one ship could not 
see the other. 

' By " islands" or "' mtjunUins" of ice, he of course means icebergs, 
which abound in Davis Strait. 

* If they were really [ 10 leagues within Davis Strait, it would seetn 
as if they must have been much further north than, according to 
this statement, they appear to have been. 

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26. This day, the wind at N., we sailing E.N.E,, sailing 
in with land, being very thick and misty weather ; and at 
2 o'clock in the afternoon it clear'd up, and we saw the 
land, being some three leagues from it, it seeming as tho' 
we were hard by it, being a very high land, having much 
snow lying upon it. Also, two of the savages came rowing 
to our ships in their boats, we sailing in still with the land, 

^aSftnnrrt/ &/int^ 

sounding, and having with our lead and line 25 fathom, 
sometimes 20, 18, 15, 12 fathom, it being rocky ground, 
coming amongst many dry rocks and islands. This day 
we look'd for a harbour with our shallops, for the ships to 
ride in safety, and found one which our general call'd 
the harbour of Hope ; for here we came to land with our 
ships ; the which we could not come near [during] the time 
we sail'd along the land, from the sight of Ce^e Farewel 
until we came to this place. 

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27. The 27th day, we harboured in the harbour of H(^t 
(the islands we call'd Wilkinson islands ; the mountain 
we call'd Mount Hatdifef at 2 o'clock in the morning, 
praising our God for our safe arrival in this unknown 
country, having been from home s weeks and 3 days. 

28. The 28th day, our general found a convenient place 
to land the quarters of our pinnace for our carpenters to 
set together, it being an island hard by our ships. This 
day, also, our general caused our ship's boat to be mann'd, 
and our shallop, and went himself to discover the country 

The fashion of Iht salvages rawing in Ihar boats, Ike boali bang made 0/ 
Stat shins, and dos'd in, all but ike plan w/iert he raws in her, and thai is 
cias'd ataul him when he sits in tur, from his viaste dmonviard. His oar 
hath two wris. and he uselh both hands to rpw with. 

and what rivers he could find in the main ; the savages 

' Hall's Harbour of Hope (which is Slated on pp. 99and into have 
been in 64° laC.) was no doubt amongst the islands off the Fjords of 
Godthaab (Good Hope), so called from the trading station of that name 
which is situated there. Davis, in 1 585, had named the same locality 
■ Gilbert Sound The small islands cluster here very thickly, the name 
apparently applying principally 10 the northern portion of them. 
The bay from which Godihaab Fjords enter is surrounded by lofty 
inouT) tains, one of which must be MountHatchfre,very likely the Kingig- 
torsuak (Hjortetakken, 3,760 ft.). Mr. Markham suggests {Voyages 
of W. Baffin, f. 12, n. 2) that Hatcliff may be a misprint for Huntcliffe, 
a point on the Yorkshire coast (see pp. 86 and 1 18), and that it was so 
named from some fancied resemblance. Wilkinson's Islands were, 
doubtless, named after a Mr. Wilkinson who was with the expedition 
as merchant or " doer" for the " adventurers" who had sent it out (see 
pp. 98, 107, 109, and 126). One of the islands in the vicinity (I merigsok) 
is still called the Island of Hope ; but whether or not this name was 
derived from the Harbour of Hope, we cannot say. 

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rowing to and fro to our ships, holding up their hands to 
the sun, and clapping them on their breasts, and crying, 
Elyot, which is as much to say, in English, Are we friends? 
thus saluting us in this manner every time they came to us, 
and we offering the same courtesy to them, making them 
the more bold to come to our ships, they bringing with 
them sealskins, and pieces of unicom horn, with other 
trifles, which they did barter with us for old iron. 

29, 30, 31. These days our carpenters made haste with 
our great pinnace to get her down,' the weather being fair, 
and the wind for the most part easterly ; for our general 
was minded to make what speed he could for to sail along 
the coast further to the northward, being as yet not come 
to the place where he was at afore by 70 leagues.* 

June I. Our general return 'd aboard again,^ having found 
two rivers in the main ; the one he call'd Lancaster river : 
the other, BaU river ;* for Greenland is like Norway, having 
many islands and rocks along the main. 

2, Our master and Mr. Barker,^ master of the Vice 

' Probably a misprint for " done", meaning " finished". 

* The southernmost locality visited in the previous voyages was the 
Itivdlek Fjord (King Christian's Fjord), about i;4 leagues north of 
Godthaab, where they now were lying. 

' Hall had been absent in ihe ship's boat since the 28th (see p. 95). 

* Lancaster River is probably the southernmost of the fjords, called 
in Greenlandish "Ameralik". It was to ihe head of this fjord that 
Nansen and his party descended in September 1889, after their 
memorable journey across Greenland from the east coast. The 
northern fjord is generally called " Godthaab Fjord", but a part of it 
at any rate has retained Hall's name, Ball'^ River, with the difference 
that in Danish it is generally written Baal's River, or Rivier, Ihe spelling 
Baal expressing in Danish the English pronunciation of Ball. In 
Greenlandish, it is called " Kangersunek". Lancaster Riverand Ball's 
Riverwere,of course,named after two of Hall's "Adventurers"(seep.82). 

' Andrew Barker was a seaman of good repute in Hull, where (as 
mentioned elsewhere) he had held the office of Warden of the Trinity 
House. After Hall's death, on July Z3rd, Barker succeeded him as 
Admiral, as will be found related further on (sec also Introduction). 

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Admiral, went in the shallop and rowed amongst the 
islands, and to one of the rivers where they were afore, 
having their fowling-pieces with them to shoot fowl with, 
which that country affordeth small store. 

3- This day, we employ'd ourselves in searching the 
country, which affordeth nothing as yet for the profit of 
our voyage. 

4. At night, one of the savages stole a musket from our 
men which kept the island where our great pinnace was 
set up ; they keeping a bad watch, and leaving their musket 
where they kept centry, being at the fire in the coy,^ the 
weather being cold, it was taken away by one of the wild 
men, they could not tell when. The cause of our watching 
was for that the savages will steal all things they can come 
by, but chiefly iron. 

5. This day we launch'd our great pinnace, which our 
general call'd the Better H<^e. This day, also, James 
Pullay catching hold of one of the salvages, another did 
cast a dart at him, and struck him into the body with it, 
on the left side, which gave him his death's wound. Also 
the salvage he took, we haul'd into the ship ; and by him 
we had our musket again ; for two of the salvages, being 
^ed men and rulers of the rest, came, with great reverence, 
to know the occasion we had taken one of their men. 
We, with signs and other tokens, did shew them the 
occasion, being the best language we all had amongst us, 
delivering their man, his boat, oar, and darts. Our 
general gave unto him a coat, a knife, and a seeing-glass 

' This word does not appear to be now in use in English, nor can 
we even trace it as an obsolete provincialism. It is, doubtless, the 
same as the Dutch AO01, which signifies a confined place, such as a 
beehive, a shed, a shelter for cattle, or a bunk or sleeping-place on 
board ship. In the latter sense, it is used in Danish, in the form of 
Kiiie. " Coy" may, therefore, be taken as indicating some sort of 
shelter which they had constructed on the island. 


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also, to requite the injury we had done; yet he, with a 
frowning look, desiring to be gone from us, we let him go 
out of the ship, and, helping him into the chains, he leapt 
over-board, and the other two did help him ashore; and, 
when he was ashore, the salvages cut off the coat our 
master gave him from his back, so little did they regard 
it It was made of yellow cotton, with red gards* of other 
cotton about it 

6. James Pulley departed this life, to the mercy of God, 
at three o'clock in the morning, and we bury'd him at 
noon upon one of the islands we rode by. This day, also, 
we carry'd the quarters of Mr. Barker's small shallop to 
be set together by the carpenters ashore, that we might 
have our shallops ready to go with "us along to the north- 

7, 8, 9. Rainy weather : otherwise our shallop had 
been done and we gone from hence to the northwards. 

10. The shallop was done and launched this day. Mr, 
Hall, being genera! of both the ships, did hold a parley 
with all the company of both ships, strictly commanding 
that none of us should barter for anything, but Mr. Wil- 
kinson (who was merchant for the venturers) and them 
that were appointed by the merchant, in pain of forfeiting 
their wages ; which articles were wisely answer'd by the 
officers of the ships. 

11. We cross'd our yards and got an anchor home, but 
the wind came contrary, spending our time in rowing from 
island to island ; and the salvages came to and fro to our 
ships, bringing us fresh fish, which we bought for iron nails. 

1 3. One of the salvages brought two young seals, which 
he had kill'd at sea, and our master bought them, and we 
haul'd them into the ship, we wondering he could kill them 
at sea, it blowing so much wind at S.W. 

' Facings or trimmings (Nares), 

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14. This day, being Sunday, we came out' with the wind 
N.N.E., and the salvages rowed to us, being 6 leagues off 
the land, into the sea ; and for that our captain gave one 
of them a knife. This day we observed the sun, and 
found the pole's altitude to be 64°, being the height of 
the place we came out of, being the harbour Hope. Wil- 
kinson's islands and mount Hatdiff we rowed* under, they 
bearing off us K. 

1 5. The wind at E.S.E., we sailing along the land to the 
northward, N. by E,, being fair weather. 

16. The wind at N. by W., we sailing into the shore 
N.E. by E. This day, Mr. Hall And Mr. Barker took their 
shallops, being well mann'd, and rowed into the land to 
discover the country and to see what traffick they could 
have with salvages. This day, lying off and on with our 
ships, they being ashore with the shallops, the wind came 
out of the sea, and we stood of, sailing N.N.W. The wind 
being come to west, and the vice-admiral following of us, 
struck on a blind rock, and took no harm, praised be God ! 
our shallops not coming to us till we were 5 or 6 leagues 
off the land. 

17. The wind at S.E., we sailing along the land to the 
northward N. by E. This day, being Wednesday, we 
row'd with both our shallops into the land, and sounded 
the harbour we anchor'd in, being the second harbour we 
came in.' 

' That is, out of the Harbour of Hope (probably the roadstead oS 
the entrance to Godthaab and Ameralik Fjords). 

* Query, " rode". 

' As appears from Gatonbe's entry for August 9ih, when they re- 
turned to his place, this locality was called by Hall " Cockenford'', in 
honour of Mr. Cockayne, one of the Adventurers. Baffin, who calls it 
Cockin's Ford or Sound, states (see p. 123) that the latitude was 65° 20', 
which is that of the Southern Isortok, a large fjord a little to the S. of 
the present colony of Sukkertoppen, but we have DO means of more 
certain identification. 


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1 8. At 8 o'clock at night we had a sore storm off the 
land at S.E,, with such mighty whirl-winds, which came 
from the mountains that all our cables we* had being new 
ones we bent to our great anchor, and let it fall to keep us 
from the rocks. 

19. In the morning, we broke one of our cables, and 
we rode by our great anchor, having much wind and 

20. The weather faired, and our general caused our great 
pinnace to be made ready, and to row along the coast, he 
going with us himself, we being in her 22 men and boys.' 
This day we rowed some 4 leagues, and came to a great 
island,^ and anchor'd there 3 hours ; and from thence we 
went into a river^ lying E. by N. up the river, 

21. We rowed up the river still, and we found nothing 
in it for any profit, rowing some 3 leagues into it, the ice 
stopping that we could get no further. 

22. We, being iett by ice, return'd and rowed out again ; 
and the salvages follow'd and row'd after us, and so along 
with us, intending to do us some harm ; for, when we came 
near any island, they did throw stones at us with their 

23. The wind at N.N.W., and we row'd amongst the 
islands to the northward, and so came to a great river, 
which troubled us to row over, there went such a forceable 
tide of flood, it being within a league of Queen Anne Cape, 

' It should be noted that what follows, up to the 29th (a period of 
nine days), recounts the incidents of the trip northwards, along the 
coast, which Hall (accompanied, apparently, by Gatonbe, among 
others) undertook in the newly-built pinnace Better Hope^ in order to 
make further discoveries. 

" This island was probably that of Scrmersut, which is the largest 
island on this part 01 the coast, and is situated 65° 30' and 65° 35', 
In Danish, the island is called "Hamborgerland", because it used to 
be a rendez-vous of whalers from Hamburg. 

* The river was, doubtless, the Kangerdlugsstiatsiak. 

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and came to an island, and rested us there till the flood 
was done ; and then we rowed about the cape and came to 
an island, whereon was a warlock,^ and rowed into it and 
found it a good harbour for ships. This day we rowed into 
a river, an wc supposed, but found it to be a bay, we being 
3 leagues to the northward of the cape.* This day our men 
went ashore and kill'd 6 partridges, and spy'd in a valley 
7 wild deer ; yet, as soon as they did see us, they did run 
away as fast as their feet could carry them. 

24, We row'd out again, and so along the land. This 
day we came to a mountain, where we rowed to it amongst 
the islands, taking it for a river our master had been at 
afore, yet it was not The mount we call'd Gabriel mount.' 

* See p. 46, n. 

* The great river which they had so much trouble in crossing on 
account of the strong current caused by the flood tide, cannot have 
been any other than the great Kangerdlugsuak (in Danish called 
" Sfindre Slrttm Fjord"), which at the outfall divides into two branches, 
enclosing the island of Simiuiak. Having with much labour crossed 
the southern branch, which is much the larger, they rested on Simiu- 
tak till the flood was spent, when they crossed the northern arm and 
rounded Queen Ann's Cape, formed by the mountain of Kmgatsiak. 
The southern arm of S. Strom Fjord is in 66°, and the cape in 66° f 
The supposed river up which they rowed 3 leagues was the Kangerd- 
luarsuksuak, which opens into Davis's Strait in about 66° 12'. Gaton- 
he's estimates of distances rowed are r^lher liberal all through. At 
the entrance of the last-named ^ord are several islands, but on which 
of them they saw the warlock we have no means of guessing, lioth 
Lyschander, and Bielke, slate that on the voyages of 1605-1606 
Vardtr were set up for the information of future visitors wherever 
good anchorage was found ; but, in Hall's accounts, there is no mention 
of any beacon having been set up here for that purpose, nor of Hall 
himself having explored the coast so far S, Probably the place 
had been examined and the warlock set up by a party from the 
Trait during Hall's absence to the North from June 20th to July 7th, 


* Of course it was Mt. Cunningham they supposed that they had de- 
scried. The land between Kaugerdluarsukstmk and the Itivdlek Fjord 
is described by Capt. Jensen as a highalpine tract, and se\'eral peaks 

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25, We row'd from thence to an island which lieth two 
leagues off the land, with many broken rocks about it, that 
stretch from the main, and so to the sea-board ; and there 
we rested all that day, the wind blowing very much at N., 
it being against us. This island our master call'd by the 
name of Throughgood island.' Here we got great store of 
mussels, being of a great bignes.*!. Here one of our men 
killed a fox with a fowling-piece, [there] being many in this 
island that run from the main and feed upon fish they 
get off the island. 

26. It being very fair weather, we row'd from thence 
amongst many broken rocks, and so along the land ; and 
at noon we came to the river our master had been at afore, 
he naming it the King's-ford? There is a mount he named 
Cunningham mount. We had traffick with the salvages ; 
and at night we anchor'd in a haven on the south-side of 
the river, call'd Denmark haven,' there being in the en- 
trance 40 fathom deep, and had traffick with the salvages 
for seal skins and some salmon trout. 

exceed 3,000 ix. in height One of these. Hail seems to have taJcen for 
Mt. Cunningham, but there are no means of guessing with any certainty 
which it may have been. Of the origin of the name Gabriel Mount 
we can offer no explanation. 

> Throughgood Island is, doubtless, the Umanarsugsuak of the 
local Greenlanders, though the distance from the shore is nearer two 
miles than two leagues. It was probably called so by Hall, not as 
some might think on account of being so very good, but from some 
person bearing this name, which (like some other similar ones) is not 
uncommon in the .Scandinavian Settlements in England. The mean- 
ing of it is " Thor's priest." 

' King's Ford is, as we have stated before (see p. 10, «.), the 
Itivdlek Fjord. The sketch of the coast is taken from a point fiir- 
ther to the south than Hall's in the Report to the King of Denmark 
(see p. 9), in consequence of which Mt. Cunningham does not here 
present that appearance like a sugar loaf which is so striking in Hall's 

' So named by Hall on June 19th, 1605 (see pp. 13 and 41 ; also 
Map \d). 

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27. We rowed over to the north-side of the river and 
sought for a roadstead for our ships, and found one, having 
12 fathom deep, oieaning to bring our ships thither, with 
God's help. 

28. We rowed to our ships again,' having but two 
days victuals. None could we. get, being from our ships. 
The salvoes eating raw meat, do kill with their darts, both 
fowl, fish, and flesh, so that there was little to get but that 
they brought us. 

29. We came to our ships again, being from them nine 
days, having had much tedious weather, with thicks and 
snow, as we rowed along the coast, it being some 2$ 

Utntu'iM^am Maunf.Jir ^itfA/A/^MtAtcffilfynM, 

leagues betwixt the ships and the Kin^s-ford. The vice- 
admiral welcomed us to our ships with a volley of small 
shot, being all in health, God be thanked. 

30, We made ready to sail to the river we had been at 
with our pinnace, fetching home an anchor and getting 
our yards across. 

I. This day, being the 1st oi July, the wind northerly, 
yet at night it came southerly, and we set sail, hoping to 
have got to the sea, but the wind came westerly, with rain, 
and so we came in again. 

' That is : they rowed back towards their ships, which they had left 
lying in the Southern Isortok (Cockin's) Fjord (see p. 99). 

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2. The wind northerly, and rain, we riding in this 
harbour still. 

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. The wind northerly, we rode still, being 
wind-bound, and much rainy weather ; we buying of the 
salvages such things as they brought us, being fresh fish, 
namely, salmon-trout, nuskfish, codfish, and butfish, a little 
quantity serving for our victuals. 

9. Being calm, we towed with our boats and shallops 
the vice-admiral to sea, our great pinnace going with 
them, our general and 12 of our men being also with them, 
they towing her astern of them, he leaving his two mates and 
the quarter-masters in the admiral, and they to come 
after him in her to the King's-ford. 

10, II, 12. We were wind-bound ; the which time, we 
salted 2 barrels of salmon trout, the salvages brought us, 
we giving them old iron for the same. 

13. At night, we turned to the sea, seeing in the offing 
the other ship, our Vice-Admiral, which had been put 
to the leeward of the place with contrary winds. That 
night, we had much rain. 

14. Much wind southerly, so that we were forc'd to lie 
to and fro, short of our place, being hazey weather and 
rain. This day, one of our small shallopps broke loose from 
our stern, and we had much ado to get her again. Also, 
at afternoon, it became fair weather, so that it clcar'd up 
and we got sight of land and of the Kin^s-ford, and went 
in that night and anchor'd in the roadstead, where we 
sounded afore witli our pinnace, there being 12 fathom and 
oozy ground ; and we called the roadstead Grampus-road} 
for many times grampus's came into it. 

' It appears from the drawing on the opposite page that the road- 
stead was at the entrance of an inlet ; but of such there is only one 
on the north side of Itivdlek Fjord, namely, to the west of Kakatsiak, 
opposite the island of Tinungasak. 

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I S- The Hearts-ease, our vice-admiral, came to us into the 
river ; and, coming in to us, our small shallop being 
mann'd, our chief master-mate, William Gordon^ so-called, 
rowed to her and met them ; and, speeches growing be- 
twixt our general and him, he caus'd Mr. Barker to anchor 
in a little sound on the south side of the river, being from 
us some 3 leagues. Our general, being angry, would not 
come aboard of us, but was in the vice-admiral. At night 
our pinnace came from the Hearts-ease, with commission 
for 4 men more and for bread and beer, and so returned 
aboard the vice-admiral ; our general minding presently 

} (! 

[(7™«;t« ffW.J 

to row with the pinnace to the silver mine, the which he 
promis'd to bring us to, which put us in hopes that we 
should be rich men by it ; yet it proved otherwise, 

16. The wind northerly. This day, we had traffick with 
the salvages for trifling things, as darts and Seals skins, and 
for some unicorns horns. 

17, 18, The wind stUl northerly, yet the vice-admiral 
turn'd out to the sea, going to a river which he called 

> This William Gordon seems afterwards to have been in the 
employ of the Muscovy Company. He also accompanied Jens Munk as 
pilot on his voyage to Hudson's Bay in 1619, and we have noticed 
him in treating of that voyag^e. 

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Romblaesford, distant from us i8 leagues to the north- 

19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24. We rowed to and fro in this great 
river, seeking if we could find any whales, to have kill'd 
one or two, that we might have got something for the 
profit of the voyage ; for Mr. Holly our general, told us 
that, the times he had been there afore, he had seen great 
abundance in this river of whales f and now we could see 
none. Also, we walk'd up the mountains to see if we 
could kill any wild beasts, as bears, or deers, or wolves, 
but we saw none. The cause is, the people of the country 
kill them for meat, as I wrote afore, so that it is rare to 
see any wild beast in Greenland, more strange to catch 
them of us ; yet we see many times their footing. 

25. We wondered that the salvages came not to us, but 
now one, and then one, thinking thty had follow'd our 
vice-admiral, which was too true ; for, this day, at night, 
came our vice-admiral, with our great pinnace at her stern, 
her flag hanging down, and her ancient* hanging down over 
her poop, which was a sign of death ; we, being most of us 
asleep but the watch, were soon awake, for our pinnace 
came aboard of us and told us of the death of our master 
and general, James Hall, and how with a dart he was 

' Here, again, the distance is much overstated From their anchor- 
age in Itivdiek to the outer part of Rammel's (Amerdlok) Fjord 
would be under 3a miles. It should here be noted that Baffin, who 
wrote the other account of the voyage, accompanied Hall on this 
expedition northwards in the pinnace (see p. 122), while Gatonbc, who 
wrote the present account, remained behind with the ship in the 
King's (itivdiek) Fjord. 

^ Hall does not mention this fact in his narrative, but on his map of 
the King's Fjord the heads of four marine animals (which may be those 
of whales, though they look more like those of seals) are shown. 
Whales (two species), Walruses, Narwhals, and Fish, are shown on his 
other maps. 

^ An old and obsolete name for a ship's flag or " colours". 

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slain of one of the salvages, and died the 23d oijuly; for, 
being in the ship's boat, and his man William Huntriff} 
and two more, one of the salvages offer'd to sell him a dart, 
he taking up a piece of iron, in the mean time he threw 
his dart at him, and struck him through his cloaths into 
his body, 4 inches upon his right side, which gave his 
death's wound. Mr. Barker and 20 men more were in the 
great pinnace, on the other side of the ship ; the which, if 
the salvages would, they might have killed most of them 
in the pinnace, there being about them more than 150 
boats of them, our men having no muskets ready, nor any 
other provision to prevent them from hurting them ; for 
our men did think they had come in a friendly manner to 
bai^ain with them ; yet it proved otherwise, to the danger 
of them all and the loss of our general. This news coming, 
contrary to our expectation, made us not a little sorrowful. 
26. Mr. Barker, master of the vice-admiral, being, 
by our general, Mr. Hall, lying on his death-bed, authorized 
to be master and general of the ships, and to dispose 
of all things, according to his liking, for the good of the 
voyage and safety of the men, yet by these controversies 
growing amongst the men,in that Mr, Wtlkinson^^o^'^iox the 
venturers, and William, Gordon, and John Hemslay, master- 
mates, being vex'd, and stomaching that he should be 
master of the admiral and general of both the ships, would 
not consent nor agree to it, they thinking to place one of 
themselves, but they falling to hard words, Mr. Barker 
leaving them, came afore the mast, and, calling the rest of 
the company together, discoursed from point to point the 
will and command of our general, late dcccas'd, shewing 

^ Misprint for " Huntriss". For a notice of him, see the Intro- 
duction. Hall describes Huntriss as "my boy" in 1605 (see p. 42). 
He also accompanied Hall in 1606, and had now risen to be Master. 

* That is "factor", "merchant", or "trader": the commercial 
representative of the " Adventurers". 

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US withall the writings and full consents which he gave, 
with the consent of all the company in the vice-admiral, 
and some of the chief officers who were there in the 
admiral, as the goldsmith, the surgeon, two quarter- 
masters, the cockswain, and master of the pinnace, and 10 
men more of the admiral's company, who set their hands 
to it, being his last will and command, they belonging all 
to the admiral ; yet many of our company, respecting 
neither writing, counsel, nor the consent of our late general 
deceas'd, cr^d out "^John Hemslay shall be our master"; 
which voice being heard in the ship amongst all, we 
quartermasters, with the gunner, boatswain, surgeon, trum- 
peter, and cooper, and other officers of the admiral and 
vice-admiral, ended the uproar of the rest of the company 
with this conclusion : that Mr. Barker was better, wiser, 
more ancient, and more worthy of the place than they, 
having taken charge 20 years before, knowing by ex- 
perience many inconveniences which might befall us, 
besides having been ruler and overseer of many good men 
in great ships in this town of Hull, besides other places of 
this realm, and having been one of the chief masters and 
wardens of the Trinity-house, one that was wise, and one 
that would speak for us amongst our merchants, and other 
great men, if need did require. Thus, we coming amongst 
the company, persuading them that none had more right 
than he, they presently consented, giving their hearty 

27, 28, 29, 30. Having put in William Huntrisse master 
of the vice-admiral, in his own place, he^ went himself 
master in the admiral and head commander of both the 
ships, causing them to be made ready for returning home- 
ward with as much haste as we could make them, taking 
in ballast into both the ships for to make them bear sail, 

' That it, Andrew Barker. 

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finding in the ships two months victuals, which well con- 
sider'd was little enough to supply our want homeward ; 
so that, by the last of this month of July, we were fit to 
set sail with both our ships homeward. 

31. John Gatonbe, one of the quarter-masters of the 
admiral, by intreaty of Mr. Barker and the rest of the 
company of the vice-admiral, went for master-mate of 
her ;• also, two of our men more went aboard of the 
Hearis-ease, with our cloaths, in the room of Mr. Barker 
and two men more that went home in the admiral. 

2.* This day, the ist of August, our general, Mr, 
Barker, Mr. Wilkinson, John Hemslay, and Mr. Warinder, 
being one of the merchants deputies for them, came 
aboard, thinking to have taken 17 pound of unicorn horn 
which was in the vice-admiral, and to have carry'd it 
aboard the admiral ; which the company of us answered 
that it should not go out of the ship, for we were, to 
carry it home in our ship, as able as they ; which, when no 
persuasion would serve, they did sew it up in canvass, and 
deliver'd it to our master, William Huntrisse, before us 
all, to be deliver'd by him to our merchants, when God 
sent us to London, with their letters, if we should be 

2. Our master and I was sent for aboard the admiral to 
dinner ; where, after dinner, Mr. Barker gave us articles 

' The Editor of Churchill's Voyages has probably somewhat altered 
this passage, for Gatonbe would hardly speak thus of himself. 

* A misprint for " 1". 

* The horn of the " Sea-Unicorn" or Narwhal {Monodon monoceros) 
was, at the period in question, commonly believed to be that of the 
Unicom of fable, and most extraordinary properties were attributed 
to it. An enormous value was, therefore, set upon it ; hence the care 
taken of this piece. There has long been in the Royal Castle of 
Rosenborg al Copenhagen a throne largely constructed of these tusks, 
which was formerly regarded as of prodigious value. 

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which should be kept betwixt us till God sent us to 
London, in our way homeward ; also, if we were parted by 
any storm, then we should not come into any harbour till 
we arrived at London, except on some great occasion. 

3. Riding with our yards still across, being ready to take 
the first wind, for the salvage people would not come near 
us, being afraid we should kill some of them for the death 
of our master Hall ; for we rowed up this river, the King's- 
ford, and found it but 20 miles up, no salvages coming 
near us. 

4. We came out of the Kin^s-ford, the wind being at 
E.S.E., and so came to the sea, we turning homeward, 
committing ourselves, our ships, and voyage to God all- 
sufFicient, who having been our guider hitherto, so he would 
continue his loving mercy to us still. This day, we had 
much rain and calm weather, with a great sea that came 
from the southern -board.' 

5. The Wind at E.N.E., we being 8 leagues off the land, 
and Mount Cunningham, the place we came out of bearing 
east of us; it falling calm, and little wind, and came 
southerly ; yet, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we had much 
wind and rain. 

6. The wind at S.S.E., thick and rainy weather ; we 
sailing S.W. from the land ; and at noon we stood into the 
shore, being fair weather. 

7. The wind at E., we sailing S. by W., and at 4 o'clock 
it came to north in the afternoon. This day, we observed 
the sun and found the pole's altitude 66 degrees, being 
quart off* Queen Anne Cape, it bearing off us E. by N. 

* This is a rare, obsolete, and interesting word, meaning, of course, 
the southern side or quarter. The corresponding word, " wester- 
board", occurs in the account of Hawkridge's Voyage in 1617 (see 
Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James, p. 253). 

' Perhaps a provincialism for " thwart." 

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8. The wind at S.S.E., we standing in with the land, 
being much rain ; and, at 8 o'clock in the morning, we 
tack'd about and stood to the sea again. This day, we 
met with two islands of ice. 

9. The wind most part southerly, being quart the 
harbour we rode in the second time we harboured, which 
we called Cockmford}- it being E.S.E. off us 5 leagues, 
tacking about to the sea at 8 o'clock in the morning. 

10. The wind at south-west, we sailing S.S.E. into the 
land, being much rainy thick weather ; and, at ID o'clock 
in the morning, we tack'd about to sea again. 

11. The wind southerly, with thick misty weather, we 
standing off to the sea, and sometimes to shore again. 

12. The wind southerly, and rainy weather. This day, 
we sail'd in to the land, lying at E.S.E. At 8 o'clock in 
the morning, we stood to the sea again, and at noon it 
became fair weather, and the wind came to the north-east, 
we sailing S.S.W. along the land. 

13. The wind northerly, we sailing S.S.W., and at 
8 o'clock in the morning we sail'd south ; and at noon we 
went quart of Wilkinson's islands, so called by us, the first 
place we came to harbour in, when we came into the 
country, amongst these islands.^ Here was our great pin- 
nace set tt^ether. Here was James Pullay slain with a 
dart of the salvages.* The height of the pole is 64 degrees 
here. This day, at 4 o'clock, the salvages rowed to us into 
the sea, and kept us company 2 or 3 hours, our ship 
sailing 6 mile an hour, and then took their farewel.* This 
day, also, afore night, we sailed by many islands of ice. 

• Probably Isortok Fjord (see p. 99, n.). 
» See p. 95- 

' On June Jlh ; see p. 97. 

* As there is no mention of Greenlanders having been taken, 
was probably one of these whom Barker caiitured and carried home ; 

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14. The wind continuing still northerly, we sailing along 
the land south. This day, we pass'd by much ice. This 
day, we observed the sun, the pole's altitude being 62 deg. 
II minutes. 

15. The wind still northerly, we sailing south. This 
day, we observed the sun and found the height of the pole 
60 degrees 19 minutes, being the height of the cape of 
Desolation} it bearing off us east, being 20 leagues off, 
sailing by much ice ; and sailing at noon S.E. brought us 
into more ice, so that at night we were forc'd to hale to 
sea, S.W. before we got clear of them, 

16. The wind came to the north-west, with misty 
weather, we sailing S.E. This day, it clear'd up at noon, 
and we did observe the sun and found the altitude to be 
59 degrees 20 minutes. 

17. The wind came to the south-east, we sailing S.S.W. 
This day, our admiral took our shallop from us, which we 
had towed 150 leagues at our stern. This day, we were 
clear of the ice, seeing none. 

18. The wind at east, we sailing S.S.E., and at noon it 
was fell misty weather, and little wind. This day, at 
night, it was so thick that we lost sight one of the other, 
so that they could not hear us, nor we them, although we 

for Mr. Markham says {Voyages of Baffin, p. 28, «.) that, in the hall 
of the Trinity House at Hull, there still hangs a Kayak, with a model 
of a Greenlander in it, and bearing this inscription: ^^ Andrew 
Barker, one of the Masters of this House, on kis voyage from Green- 
land, anno domini 1613, took up this boat and a man in it, of ■which 
this is the effigy" The expenses connected with the carving and 
painting of the efiigy are found entered among the accounts of the 
Corporation in the years 1619 and i6zo. 

' This latitude is wrong. On the Admiralty Charts, Cape Desola- 
tion lies in 60° 47', and on Gcrritsz's Chart (which Gatonbe probably 
knew) it is about the same. Perhaps Gatonbe mistook for Cape 
Desolation the southern headland of the Island of Sermersok, which 
lies about the latitude named by him. 

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shot muskets, did drum, and hallow to them, and they to 
us, being all night one from the other parted. 

19. The wind at E.N.E,, and misty weather, we sailing 
south-east This day, we saw our admiral again at 
10 o'clock in the morning, we being 3 leagues to the wind- 
ward of her, so that we did bear up, lashing with her, 
having sometimes sight of her, sometimes none ; so that 
it was 4 o'clock at night before we spoke with her. 

20. The wind at N.E. by E. and fair weather. This 
day, our admiral took the shallop asunder that they had 
from us, and stow'd her in their ship's hold. This day, the 
wind came to N.N.E. toward night, being thick 2 or 3 
hours, that one ship could not see the other. 

31. The wind at north-east, we sailing E,S.E, This 
day, being fair, we did observe the sun and found the 
altitude of the pole to be 56 degrees 36 minutes, being to 
the southward of Cape Farewell some 75 leagues, it bearing 
from us N. 

22. The wind at N.N.E., we sailing east. This day, the 
pole was raised 56 degrees 42 minutes, being a fair day, 
and the wind came to the north, we sailing E.N.E. 

23. The wind at W., we sailing E.N.E. This day, we 
observed the sun and found the height of the pole to be 
57 degrees, being in a very temperate air, and hot weather, 
the like we had not felt the time we were in Greenland. 

24. The wind westerly, also we sailing E.N.E., being 
little wind, and at evening calm and rainy weather. 

25. The wind variable, sometimes at N., and sometimes 
at W., being fair weather. This day, we found by observa- 
tion the pole's altitude to be 58° 14'. 

26. A fair day, the wind at W.N.W., we sailing N.E. and 
by E. and E.N.E, being little wind ; and at afternoon we 
had a better gale. 

27. The wind at N.W„ sometimes at N., sometimes at 
N.N.W. being variable, with showers, sailing N.E. and by 

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E. This day, we did observe the sun, the altitude of the 
pole being 59° 49'. Hoping to have seen a sight of Fries- 
land^ in our going homeward made us hale the more 
northerly course than we would have done ; yet we could 
not see it. 

28. The wind southerly, we sailing E.N.E, This day, 
we found by the sun the pole raised 61° 5', the height of 
the northernmost part in Shetland and the southermost 
part of Frtesland, being betwixt them 260 le^ues, and 
Shetland bearing off us E., being from it 220 le^ues by my 
reckoning. This day, the wind came to the S.E. in the 
afternoon, with much wind and rain, so that it increased to 
a great storm, so that we were forc'd to hand in our sails 
and lie in try with our main course, and stood to the west- 
ward ; and, at 10 o'clock at night, it came in a shower of 
rain to the W.S.W. ; then we stood to the eastward again, 
lying S.E. 

29. The wind at W.S.W, ; we, making more sail, went 
our course, E.S.E., having much wind ; and at noon did 
observe, finding the altitude of the pole to be 61° 13'. 

30. The wind southerly and so came to S.E., being 
much wind and r^in, we sailing E.N.E. ; and at noon we 
had a forceable storm, it being come to the E., we lying in 
holiing^ without sail ; at night, it came to N.W. and so to 
the W., with extreme much wind and rain, God being our 
only refuge. 

31. The wind at W. ; and, at 4 o'clock in the morning, 
we set our sails, we going our course E. and by S. and 
E.S.E., being much wind, with showers of rain, and con- 
tinued so with us all day. 

September I. Much wind at S.W., we sailing E. and by 
S.; and at noon we made observation of the sun, finding 

' See p. 88, n. 

' Lying to hull, or lying to. 

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the heighth of the pole to be 60° 25'- At afternoon, 
we had little wind, with showers of rain, being come to 

2. The wind variable, being for most part southerly, we 
sailing E.S.E.; and towards night fair and little wind. 
This day, we observed the sun, and found the pole's height 
to be 60° 9'. 

[3.] The wind at N.N.E , we sailing E.; and at 8 o'clock 
in the morning it came to N., with much wind, and made 
us shorten sail; at afternoon, it growing to a vehement 
storm, so that we laid in with our main-sail; and at 
7 o'clock at night we took it in, and our admiral took in 
her main-sail also, and laid both in holUng, having no 
sight the one of the other all night, being a vehement 

4. The storm continued, we lying in holling, the wind 
being at N.N.W.,we having lost the sight of our admiral; and, 
being parted from us by this storm, we were a little sorry ; 
but (seeing we could not help it, seeing it was God's doing) 
rest content, doing our endeavour to get to our country so 
soon as we could, God willing ; reckoning Shetland E. of 
us 65 leagues. The wind lessened at 9 o'clock at night : 
we set main-sail and fore-sail, sailing N.E. and E., the wind 
being come to N.W. 

5. The wind at N.N.W., we sailing E.N,E., being showers 
of rain and a fair gale of wind. This day, no sight we had of 
our admiral, perswading our selves not to see her till such 
time we came in Engiand, and then hoping in God of a 
merry meeting.^ This day, at afternoon, little wind, and 
sometimes calm. This day, we sounded with our lead 

■ They do not appear 10 have met again, as the Patience (the 
" Admiral") proceeded to London, while the Hearts Ease (contrary, 
apparently, to the order of the "General" (see p. no) made for Hull. 
Probably she belonged to that port, as Andrew Barker (who was a 
Hull man) was Master of her before Hall's death. 

H 2 

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and line, and had an hundred fathom of line out before 
we had ground. 

6. Also, we observ'd the sun and found the altitude of 
the pole to be 59° 30'. 

7. The wind at S.E., we sailing E.N,E., sometimes N.E. 
and by E., having fair weather : and, at noon, we had sight 
of a sail, which came right with us and would have spoke 
with us, but we bore up from her, thinking him to be a 
false knave, and we not provided with our ordnance nor 
our small pieces for him ; and, seeing that we did shun 
him, he left us and went his course for St. George's Channel, 
or for the Lewes, or for some part in Ireland. This day, by 
our observation we found the pole's heighth to be 60° 7'. 
The wind being come to E.S.E., sometimes E., we sailing 
N.E. and by N., this day, we tacked about at 4 o'clock at 
afternoon, wending to the sourthward, S, and by E., being 
some 12 leagues off the land. 

8. The wind at E.N.E., we sailing S.E. This day, we 
had sight of Foullay at 6 o'clock in the morning, it bearing 
from us E. and by N., 5 leagues off, we sailing still S.E. 
At 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we had sight of Fair-Isle, it 

Fair-hland. Foullay. 

bearing off us E. These 2 islands were them we parted 
from when we sail'd to Greenland} This day, at night, it 
became calm, and rain withal, sailing our course S.S.E. 

9. This day, thick weather and calm ; and, at 4 o'clock 
in the morning, the wind came up to S.S.W., we sailing for 

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the most part W, S. W., being fair weather ; at afternoon, 
the wind southerly. 

10. The wind southerly, we sailing E.S.E. to the east- 
ward, being little wind, and sometimes calm, with showers 
of rain ; yet, at noon it came up to N.N.W., we sailing our 
course S. and by E. 

1 1. The wind at N.N.W. we sailing S. At 4 o'clock in 
the morning, we spied a sail that stood in with the land. 
This day, fair weather and little wind. This day, we did 
observe the sun and found the altitude of the pole to be 
17" 13'- 

12. This day, the wind southerly, we sailing W.S.W. in 
with the land, and had sight of the coast of Scotland, being 
some s leagues off, at 4 o'clock in the morning. This day, 
we sail'd close aboard the shore, being a league from 
St Andrevi^s Bay;^ and, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we 
tack'd about to the sea. This day, we spoke with a Scots- 
man, which told us the harbour we went in withal, was 
St. Andrew's. This day, we had sight of many small 
sails, some sailing to the northward, some turning to the 
southward, we being some nine leagues to the N. of Scots 

13. This day, being Sunday, the wind at S.S.E., we 
sailing to the land S.W., being small rainy weather ; and, 
at s o'clock in the morning, we had sight of the land, 
being open of the Scots Forth, seeing the Bass and the 
May, two islands that lie in the mouth of the river of the 
Forth ; and, at noon, we had sight of Slai^s Head,' being 
in the S. side of the Forth. This day, the wind came 
to the S.W, at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, blowing very 
hard, so that we took in our top-sails and sprit-sail; and, at 

' St. Andrew's Bay, at the mouth of the Firth of Tay. 

» The Firth of Forth. 

1 St Abb's Head (see also p. 86). 

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night, we did lie in try with our main-sail, it being increas'd 
to a forceable storm. 

14. This day, the wind came to the W., being much 
wind all night ; yet, at 4 o'clock in the morning, we set 
our fore-sail, having sight of Cheviot hills, over Berwick, it 
bearing W, of us ; and at noon we had sight of Tinmoutk 
castle. Also, this day, at 6 o'clock at night, we were quart 
of Hunclife, 2 leagues off, we sailing along the land S.E., 
the wind being come to N.W, 

1 5. The wind at N.W., and much wind, we sailing S.E. ; 
and, at 10 o'clock at noon, we met with a shoal, so that we 
went S. in with the land ; and, at three o'clock at after- 
noon, we had sight of the land called the Shield, or Cromer^ 
sailing along the land S,S.E. This day, at 8 o'clock, we 
came into Yarmouth roads and anchored, 

16. This day, the wind at W., we weigh'd and set sail, 
and went through Sianforlh? and so to Or/ord-Ness, the 
tide being done. 

17. The wind at W. and by S. This day, we turn about 
the Ness. This day, we spoke with our neighbours, William 
Robinson, master of the Frances, and William Hallay, master 
of a bark called the Christopher. 

18. This day, being Friday, the wind at W., we turn 
over the Spits,* being in company with Carveils and Hol- 
landers come out of the eastland. This day, the tide 
being done we anchor'd, having sight of the buoy of the 

' Cromer (or, perhaps, one of the hills in its vicinity) seems to have 
been commonly known as "the Shield" at this period (see Miller 
Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James, p. 268, note 6), 

* The Stanforth, or Stanford, seems to be a passage between the 
Corton Sand and Lowestoft, on the Norfolk coast 

* The Spits seems to have been the name of the narrow passage 
between the Buxey and the Gunfleet Sands. 

* The Red -sand is near the Nore and off the Island of Sheppey. 

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19. This day, being Saturday, we saii'd, up the river of 
Thames, the wind being easterly ; and so, before London, 
in St Katharines pool, we anchor'd, having our flag and 
ancient hanging down, in token and sign of the death of 
Mr. Hali, our general ; giving thanks to our good God for 
our safe arrival in our own country, who had deliver'd us 
from the cruelty of the salvages, the dangers of the blind 
rocks in this unknown country, and the noisome cold 
weather in this waste wilderness, where there are huge 
mountains without wood, valleys without com or grass, 
and the sea with small store of fish : yet snow and ice 
there are good store in the sea and in the land. 

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Another Account of the latter part of 

tfte English Expedition to Greenland, 

under the Command of Captain James Hall, 

in 1612. 


As abbreviated by the Rev. Savmel Purdias. 

\From PURCHAS Hi?i Pilgrimes {London, 1625), vol. iii, pp. 831-836.] 

EDNESDAY. the eighth of July, 1612, 
in the morning, I perceiued the sunne 
and the moone both very faire aboue 
the horizon, as I had done diuers 
times before.* At which time, I pur- 
posed to finde out the longitude of 
that place, by the moones coming to the meridian. Most 
part of this day I spent about finding of the meridian line ; 

' It has been assumed that Baffin accompanied Hall in the capacity 
of Pilol on board the Hearts Ease, but this is no where stated. It 
is not easy to see why he should have been selected for this post 
unless he had previously visited Greenland ; but, of his having done 
so, we have no record. Indeed, we know nothing of Baffin before 
this time; but Foxe says (see Nortk-West Fox, 1635, p. 59, and 
Voyages of Foxe and James, p. 99) : " This was the first Sea- Voyage 
of this young Art's-man." An admirable account of his voyages is 
given in Mr. Markham's Voyages 0/ IVilliam Baffin, 16/2-22 (HaVXnyt 
Society, 1881). 

' This abrupt commencement clearly shows that Purchas abbre- 
viated this narrative, as he did most of his others. At the time the 
narrative commences, the ships «ere lying in Cockin's Sound (the S. 
Isortok Kjord ; see p. 99, nX 

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which I did vpon an Hand neere the sea, hanging at the 
extreames of my meridian line two threeds with plummets 
at them, instead of an index and sights. 

Thursday, the ninth day, very early in the morning, I 
went on shoare the iland, being a faire morning, and 
obserued till the Moone came iust vpon the Meridian. At 
which very instant I obserued the sunne's height and 
found it 8° 51' north : in the eleuation of the pole 65° 20'.^ 
By the which, working by the doctrine of sphericall 
triangles, having the three sides giuen (to wit, the comple- 
ment of the poles eleuation ; the complement of the 
Almecanter; and the complement of the Sunne's decli- 
nation) to find out the quantttie of the angle at the 
Pole. I say, by this working, I found it to be foure 
of the clocke, 17 minutes, and 24 seconds. Which 
when I had done, I found by mine Ephemerides 
that the Moone came to the Meridian at London that 
morning at foure of the clocke, 25 minutes, 34 seconds: 
which 17 minutes 24 seconds, substracted from 25.34, 
leaveth 8.10 of time for the difference of longitude betwixt 
the meridian of London ffor which the Ephemerides was 
made) and the Meridian passing by this place in Green- 
land. Now the moone's motion that day was 12° 7'; 
which, conuerted into minutes of time, were 48 minutes 
29 seconds ; which, working by the rule of proportion, the 
worke is thus : if 48 minutes 29 seconds (the time that 
the Moone commeth to the Meridian sooner that day then 
she did the day before) giue 360 (the whole circumference 
of the earth), what shall 8 minutes 10 seconds giue [?] To 
wit, 60 degrees 30 minutes, or neere there about, which is the 
difference of longitude betweene the Meridian of London 

' In the fallowing narrative, degrees and minutes are expressed in 
most places by the modern signs, instead of being printed in words, 
as in all cases in the original. This anachronism is due to an over- 
sight for which the editors are not to blame. 

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and this place in Greenland, called Cockins Sound, lying to 
the Westward of London, 

This finding of the longitude, I confesse, is somewhat 
difficult and troublesome, and there may be some small 
errour. But, if it be carefully looked vnto and exactly 
wrought, there will be no great errour, if your Ephemerides 
be true.' But some will say that this kinde of working is 
not for marriners, because they are not acquainted to work 
propositions by the table of signes,^ and an instrument is 
not precise enough to find out the houre, minute, and 
second. For the losse of one minute of time is the losse 
of 7 degrees of longitude. I answere that, although the 
most part are not vsed to this worke, yet I know some of 
the better sort which are able to worke this and the like 
propositions exactly. And those which yet cannot, and 
are desirous to leame, may in short space attaine to such 
knowledge as shall be sufficient for such things. And how 
necessary it is that the longitude of places should be 
knowne, I leaue to the iudgement of all skilfull Marriners 
and others that are learned in the Mathematicks. 

This afternoone it was agreed by the chiefe of our 
company that our master, lames Hall, should goe in the 
smaller Ship* ferther to the Northward. 

The foresaid Thursday, in the evening, he departed out 
of the Patience into the Harts-ease, to get forth of the 
harbor which our Master called Cockins-ford, in remem- 
brance of Alderman Cochin, one of the Aduenturers ; 

* As a matter of fact, the longitude found by Baffin in this place is 
more than 8' too westerly. Still the result was very correct as com- 
putations of longitude at the time went. On his voyage in 161 5, Baffin 
made a similar, and much more successful, observation (sec Voyages 
of Baffin, pp. i24-ia6). 

* That is, the Hearei Ease, Vice-Admiral. As already stated (see 
p. to6>, Baffin accompanied him on the trip northwards. 

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which place is in the latitude of 65° 20'. And the variation 
of the compasse 23° 28' to the westward That euening 
was very calme, and we towed our shippe forth with the 
shallops and ship's boat But, within an houre or two 
after we were got into the offin, the winde being at North, 
it blew a great storme, which continued all that night 

The fourteenth, our Master turned the ship vp to the 
river againe, toward the riuer where the supposed mine 
should be. But the tyde was so farre spent that we could 
not get to sea, but were constrained to anker in a roade at 
the south side of the riuer, some three leagues from the 
Patience, in which place are many good rode-steeds to be 

Thirsday, the sixteenth day, the winde was at North- 
west, and blew so stiffe a gale that we could not get to sea 
that day. That night, eighteene of vs went into the ilands 
to looke for some deere, but found none. But we perceiued 
the foote-steps of some great beast, which we supposed to 
be of some great Elke ; the foote was as bigge as any Oxe 

Tuesday, the twentie-one, the weather still continued in 

• This passage ia by no means clear, probably on account of the 
entries for the next foregoing days having been left out, Gatonbe's 
narrative is fuller. 

* Notwithstanding Purchas's opinion (see p. 134), one would na- 
turally conclude that the tracks could only be those of the Musk 
Ox (Ovibos mosckatus). It appears, however (see Zoologist, 1895, 
p. 43), that there is no record of this animal having ever been met 
with alive on the west coast of Greenland, south of the glaciers of 
Melville Bay, which appear to have formed a barrier to its advance 
southwards, as those of Cape Farewell have to its advance round 
the southern extremity of the country from the east coast, where the 
Musk Ox is abundant There is no mention of the animal in the 
Sagas which describe the old Norse Colonies on the south-east 
coast Probably, therefore, the footmarks seen were merely those 
of the Reindeer, which (as Colonel H. W. Feilden has been good 
enough to inform us) appear very large in soft wet soil or snow. 

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such sort that wee could not by any means get to the riuer 
where the supposed Myne should bee. Wherefore our 
Master bare roome for Ramels-ford^ being a river south- 
ward of another, called Cunninghants-ford? some twelve 
leagues. And we came to an anchor at the entrance on 
the south side of the ford, about seuen of the clocke. 

Wednesday, the two and twentieth day, about nine or 
ten of the clocke, the Sauages came to barter with vs, being 
about fortie of them, and continued about an houre and an 
halfe ; at which time, our master, lames Hail, beir^ in the 
boate, a sauagc with his dart strooke him a deadly wound 
vpon the right side, which our sui^ean did thinke did 
pierce his liuer.^ We all mused that he should strike him 
and offer no harme to any of the rest, vnlesse it were that 
they knew him since he was there with the Danes ; for, out 
of that riuer, they carried away fiue of the people, whereof 
neuer any returned againe ;* and, in the next riuer, they 
killed a great number. And it should seeme that he which 
killed him was either brother, or some neere kinsman, to 
some of them that were carried away ; for he did it very 
resolutely, and came within foure yards of him. And, for 
ought we could see, the people are very kinde one to 
another, and ready to reuenge any wrong offred to them. 
All that day, he lay very sore pained, looking for death 
euery houre, and resigned all his chaise to Master Andrew 
Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, willing him to place 
another in his room Master of the small ship. 

Thursday, the three and twentieth, about eight of the 
clocke in the morning, he dyed, being very penitent for all 
his former offences. And, after wee had shrowded him, 

' Amerdlok Fjord (see Introduction). 

* The Southern Kangerdluarsuk Fjord (see Introduction). 

* Baffin, who seems to have witnessed the assault upon Hall, gives 
a less detailed account of it than Gatonbe (see p. 107), who only heard 
of it by word of mouth. * See p. 48, n. 

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wee carried him in the shallop, to burie him in some out 
Hand, according to his owne request while he was liuing> 
After we had buried him, we went in the shallop to seeke 
for the mine, which we had expected so long. All that 
day, we rowed along towards the North, passing by a Cape 
called Queen Sophias Cape? That night we staled at an 
iland, some three leagues short of the river. 

Friday, the four and twentieth, in the morning, wee 
rowed along and came to the place, which is on the south 
side of the entrance of Cunningham's river, and we found 
diuers places where the Danes had di^ed ; it was a kinde 
of shining stone, which, when our goldsmith, James Carlisle, 
had tried it, was found of no value, and had no mettall at 
all in it, but was like vnto Moscouie sludde,^ and of a glitter- 
ing colour. That day, after we had dyned, we rowed vp 
that riuer somefoure leagues, where diuers of our company 
went vp into the mountaincs, and found a valley more 
pleasant than they had seene in the countrey. That euen- 
ing, we returned and came to the place where the Danes 
had digged their supposed mine, and tooke some of it in 
our boate to carry with vs, and returned toward our ship. 
That night, we rowed and sailed, and the next morning, 
about nine of the clocke, we came to our ship. 

Saturday, the fine and twentieth, being Saint lames his 
day, in the fornoone, we came to our shippe, lying on the 
south side of the riuer called Ramels Riuer.* And as soone 

' On the Danish Chart of 1832, Hall's grave is marked, but only by 
guess, the spot being really not known. Capt. Jensen and his survey- 
ing party endeavoured to obtain some clue from the natives, but in 
vain (Meddelelser om Cr'dnland, vol. viii, p, 48). 

* That is, the PrsEstefleld (see p. 9, ».). 

^ Mica. Several arctic explorers, in their anxiety to find something 
10 give their geographical discoveries commercial value, have been 
similarly mistaken. 

' That is, to the Hearts Ease, not to the Patience, which vessel had 
remained in the King's Fjord. 

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as our master found that the people came no more to trade 
with vs, he determined to depart with the shippe into the 
Kings Ford, to the Patience; and, rowing about the Harbour 
where we lay to finde some neerer way out to the sea, we 
found among the Hands where many of their winter houses 
had bin, and some of their Tents were but lately carried 
away. In which place, wee also found one of their long 
boates, made of wood, and bound together for the most 
part with shiuers of whales fins, and covered with seales 
skinnes, being some two and thirtie foote in letigth, and 
some fiue foote broad, having tenne thoughts or seats* in it 
That day, about twelue of the clocke, we weighed anchor, 
and departed out of Ramels Ford, which lieth in the 
latitude of 67V and the variation of the compasseis 24" 
16', being a very faire riuer, and one of the most principall 
which we saw in that countrey, stretching in East and East 
and by South. This night, about one of the clocke, we 
came to the Patience, lying in the Kings Ford. 

Sunday, the sixe and twentieth. Master Andrew Barker, 
and our Merchant, Master Wilkinson, with other of the 
company, were in conference about returning home, be- 
cause that, since our Master was slaine, none of the 
Sauages would trade with vs as they were wont. 

Wednesday, the nine and twentieth, we were likewise 
occupied about taking in of ballast, for our shippe was 
very light; and that evening it was agreed that Andrew 
Barker, Master of the Harts-ease, should goe Master of the 
Patience, which was sore against the minde of William 
Gourdon ; and William Huntrice was appointed Master of 
the Harts-ease ; and John Gartenby? one of the quarter- 

> Seep. II, n. 

° This figure is too high. The northern shore of Rauimel's 

(Amerdlok) Fjord is in 66° 55'. 

' The same as John Gatonbe, author of the preceding a 
the voyage. 

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masters of the Patience, was masters-mate of the Harts- 

Tuesday, the fourth of August, in the morning, the 
winde being northerly, a very small gale, we got to sea, 
where the winde came to the southward, and we tacked 
sometime on the one boord, and sometime on the other, 
making small way on our course. 

Munday [sic], the tenth,* was raine and foule weather, as 
it had continued euery day since wee came from harbour, 
sauing the seuenth day, which was somewhat faire ; for 
commonly, while the winde is south, it is very thick and 
foule weather. We tacked sometimes on one boord, and 
sometimes on the other, making a South by West way, at 
noone six leagues. 

Wednesday, the twelfth, it waxed calme, we being some- 
what Southward of a cape, called Bumils Cape,-^ andj about 

I Gatonbe's narrative shows {see p. 107) that these arrangements 
were only made after a good deal of quarrelling. 

* The events from the stb to the gth (which Purchas seems to have 
cut out of Baffin's narrative) are given by Gatonbe (see pp. 110- in). 

• Gatonbe does nol mention Bumil's Cape ; but, as he slates 
(p. 1 1 1), that they passed Cockin's (Isortok) Fjord on the 9th and arrived 
on the 13th at Hope Harbour (Godthaab Fjord), whilst Baffin states 
that they passed Bumil's Cape on or before the 12th, it must have 
been some Headland on the coast which especially attracted their 
notice between the two places named. The one most likely to have 
done so is, perhaps, the mountain of Tookusak, which rises to a height 
of 1 770 ft. on a peninsula, in 64° 52', forming, it is said, a very con- 
spicuous object from the sea. It seems to have been named so by 
Hall on his voyage up. There is no other clue that we are aware to 
the origin of the name (supposing it is correctly spelled) than that 
the cape was named after one or other of two persons of the name 
of Bumel amongst the members of the North-West Passage Com- 
pany {see Miller Christy's Voyages of Foxe and James, p. 646). 
Mr. Markham, however, suggests {Voyages of Baffin, p. 39, n.) that 
it may have been named after Oliver Brunei (known in England as 
Brownel), a well-known Dutch explorer, who is believed to have been 
in the Danish service about this time. On some English and Danish 
Charts, a " Cape Bumitt" appears in lat. 66° 37' or 28', on the Island 

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three or foure of the clocke in the afternoone, the winde 
came to the North and by West, an easie gale, with faire 

The eighteenth,' at noon, we were in 58° 50'. The seuen- 
teenth day, I tooke the variation of the compasse, finding 
it to be 13° 22', contrary to the obseruations of others in 
this place. And, if any doe doubt of the truth thereof, 
they may with a little paines prove it. The eighteenth of 
August, the declination of the Sunne was 9° 58', for the 
Meridian of London. But, we being almost foure houres 
of time to the westward thereof, there are three minutes 
to be abated from the rest : and so the declination was 
9° 55'; and his height aboue the horizon was 24° 40' in 
the latitude of 59° o' ; and his distance from the south 
to the westward, by the compasse, was 81". And, for 
truth of the first obseruation, I tooke another shortly after, 
finding them not difier above 4 minutes. 

Wednesday, the nineteenth, the winde still continued 
with thick and hasie weather,* we being at noone in the 
latitude of 58 degrees 30 minutes, or thereabout, making a 
South South-east way, about ten leagues, 

Thursday, the twentieth, was faire weather, the wind at 
East North-east, wee steered away South-east and South- 
east and by east, making at noone a south-east and by 
south way, about thirtie leagues, being at noone in the 
latitude of 57 degrees 20 minutes. This day, in the after- 
noone, I tooke the variation of the compasse, and found it 
about II degrees 10 minutes, 

of Inugsugtusok, just south of the entrance to Itivdiek Fjord. If 
this is intended for Hall's " Cape Bumil", it is both wrongly spelled 
and wrongly placed. 

' Gatonbe's narrative relates the occurrences from the 13th to the 
17th (see pp. MI and 112), 

s Gatonbe's account (see p. 112) mentions bad weather on the i8th. 
Purchas probably cut out of Baffin's narrative the passage relating 

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Friday, the one and twentieth day, faire weather, with 
the winde at North and North by East ; and we made an 
East South-east way, half southerly, some twentie foure 
leagues, being at noone, by obseruation, in the latitude of 

56 degrees 50 minutes.' 

Saturday, the two and twentieth, faire weather, the wind 
at North and North by East ; wee made an east way half 
southerly, some twentie two leagues, being at noone in the 
latitude of 56 degrees 47 minutes.* 

Sunday, the three and twentieth, faire weather, the 
wind at West North-west, we making an East and East 
by North way, about twentie four leagues. This day I 
tooke the variation of the compasse, and found it to be 
7 degrees 23 minutes, being at noone in the latitude of 

57 degrees 26 minute.s.' 

Munday, the foure and twentieth, being i". Bartholomewes 
day, faire weather with a North North-west [wind], wee 
making an East North-east way, halfe northerly, about 
twentie seven leagues, and were at noon, by observation, 
in the latitude of 58 degrees 4 minutes. This day, I 
obserued and found the compasse to be varied 7 degrees 
20 minutes. 

Tuesday, the fiue and twentieth, faire weather and 
calme, the winde at North ; wee made a North-east and 
by East way, seuenteene leagues, being at noone in the 
latitude of 58 d^rees 30 minutes.* This day, I found the 

' From this dale, until the znd of September, both Gatonbe and 
Baffin, as they sailed home together on their respective ships, made 
and recorded almost daily observations of the latitude, and it is 
interestirK to compare the difference between the two as a test of the 
reliability of such observations taken at the time. It is impossible to 
say which was the more correct in each particular case. Of course, 
if the ships were some way apart, both might be correct. For the 
2is[, Gatonbe (p. 113) gives 56° 36', Baffin 56° 50'. 

* Gatonbe (p. 1 13) says 56' 42'. 

= Ibid. (p. 113) says j7° o'. * Ibid. (p. 113) says 58° 14'. 

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common compasse to be varied one point, and the true 
variation to be 6 degrees 4 minutes. 

Wednesday, the sixe and twentieth, faire weather also, 
with the wind North North-west, wee made a North-east 
and by East way halfe [? northerly], about twentie two 
leagues, being in the height of 59 degrees 10 minutes. 

Thursday, the seven and twentieth, indifferent faire 
weather, with a stiffe gale of wind at the North North- 
west, we making a North-east way about thirtte one 
leagues, being at noone in the latitude of 60 degrees 
10 minutes.' 

Friday, the eight and twentieth, the wind at South-east, 
with a stifTe gale, wee made good about noone a North-east 
and by East way about twentie nine leches. This day, 
in the afternoon, it blew so greate a storme that we were in 
great distresse, the winde at East South-east But, about 
eleuen of the clocke, it came to the North-west and North- 
west by North. And we ranne some twentie leagues. 

Saturday, the nine and twentieth, it blew so stifle that 
wee could beare none but our foresaile, making an East and 
by South way, halfe southerly, about thirtie leagues. 

Sunday, the thirtieth, all the forenoone, it blew a very 
StifTe gate, and about noone the winde came Southerly ; 
and it blew a very great storme, which continued all that 
day and that night, in such sort that we could not saile 
at all, but all that night lay at hull. 

Monday, the one and thirtieth, in the morning, about 
foure of the clocke, the winde came to the South-west, a 
very stifle gale ; at which time, we set our fore-saile. The 
wind continued all this day and night ; we steered away 
East and by South, making at noon an East North-east 
way, about thirtie foure leagues. 

Tuesday, the first of September, the wind still continued 

' Gatonbe (p. 1 14) says 59° 49'. 

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at South-west, blowing a very stiffe gale ; we steered away 
East and by South, making an East way about fiftie 
leagues. This day, at noon, we were in the latitude of 
60 degrees 45 minutes.* 

Wednesday, the second, fair weather, with the wind at 
South-west ; wee made an East and by South way, half a 
point southerly, about fortie-two leagues, being at noone 
in the latitude of 60 degrees 10 minutes.^ This day, 1 
obserued and found the com passe to be varied three 
degrees to the Westward. 

Thursday, the third day, faire weather, the wind at 
South-west ; wee made an East by North way at noone, 
about twentie leagues. This day, in the after-noone, the 
winde being at North North-west, it blew a very stiffe gale 
for two watches ; and, toward seuen or eight of the clocke, 
the stornie so increased that our shippe was not able to 
beare any saile. And all that night wee lay at hull. 

Friday, the fourth, the storme still continued, and we 
could beare no saile all that day till about foure of the 
clocke in the aftemoone, at which time we set our fore 
course and our maine course. The night before, in the 
storme, we lost the Harts-ease. This day, wee made some 
twelue leagues East and by North, and wee fell to lee-ward 
lying at hull some fiue leagues South by West. 

Saturday, the fift, calme weather, but very thicke and 
close all the fore-noone : the wind continued still at North 
North-west, we making, from the time wee set our courses 
the day before, about twentie leagues East half Southerly, 
beeing at noone in the latitude of 59 degrees 53 minutes. 

Sunday, the sixt, faire weather, the wind at North North- 
west, we steering away East North-east, and East and by 
North, made an East by North way, half northerly, some 

' Gatonb« (p. 115) says 60° 25'. 
* Ibid. (p. lis) says 60° 9'. 

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29 leagues, being at noone in 60° 10'. This day, the com- 
passe was varied to the East sixe degrees. This aftemoone, 
it was almost calme, and wee sounded and found ground 
at sixtie eight fathomes. This evening, about ten of the 
clock, the wind came to the South-east 

Munday, the seuenth, very faire weather, the wind South- 
east and South-east by East ; wee tacked in the morning to 
the Northward, and ranne East North-east and East by 
North vntill seuen or eight in the aftemoone, at which 
time we tacked vp to the Southward, and went away South- 
west till toward twelve a clocke that night, twentie leagues. 

Tuesday, the eight, in our morning watch, I found our 
selues to be in 59° 20' ; and, about fiue of the clock, I espied 
land, which wee supposed to bee the Isles of Orkney, as 
afterward we found them to be the same ; and, toward three 
of the clocke, we came to an anchor in a channell running 
betweene the Hands, where the people came to vs, and 
brought vs hennes, geese, and sheepe, and sold them to vs 
for old clothes and shoes, desiring rather them than money. 
There are about eighteene of these Hands which are called 
by the name of the Orkneis. 

Wednesday, the ninth, it was thicke weather, and the 
wind so easterly that wee could not weigh anchor. 

Thursday, the tenth, faire weather, and the wind came to 
the North-west, and about noone we weighed anchor ; and, 
towarde fiuc of the clocke, we werecleere off the lies. The 
channel, for the most part, lycth North-west and South-east 
All that night we stood away South-east 

Friday, the elcuenth, faire weather, with the wind at 
North North-west ; and, about nine of the clocke in the 
morning, we steered away South South-east, at which time 
wee had sight of Buquham-nesse,^ and about two of the 
clocke we were thwart of it. 

' Buchan Ness (see p. 86). 

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The seuenteenth, we came to an anchor in Hull Road, 
for which the Lord bee praysed. 

Here I thinke it not amisse briefly to relate the state 
and manner of the people of Groenland, forasmuch as I 
could leame ; as also what likelihood there is of a passe 
into the Sea which lyeth vpon Tartarie and China,' 

The north-west part of Gronland is an exceedingly high 
land to the sea-ward, and almost nothing but mountaynes, 
which are wonderfull high all within the land, as farre as 
wee could perceive \ and they are all of stone, some of one 
colour, and some of another, and all glistering, as though 
they were of rich value ; but, indeed, they are not worth 
anything ; for our Gold-smith, James Carlile, tryed very 
much of the Vre, and found it to bee nothing worth. If 
there bee any Mettall, it lyeth so low in the mountaynes 
that it cannot bee well come by. There are some rocks in 
these mountaynes which are exceeding pure stone, finer 
and whiter then alabaster. The sides of these mountaynes 
continually are coucred with snow for the most part, and 
especially the north sides, and the No[r]th sides of the 
valleycs, hauing a kind of mosse, and in some places grasse, 
with a little branch running all along the ground, bearing 
a little black berric ; it runneth along the ground like 
Three-leaued Grasse heere in England? There are few or 
no trees growing, as farre as we could perceiue ; but, in 
one place, some fortie miles within the land, in a river 
which wee called BalU River. There f saw, on the south 

' Baffin's views on this subject would have had much interest ; but 
as the following remarks relate solely lo Greenland, Purchas probably 
omitted Baffin's observations on the likelihood of a North-west 
Passage, in order to save space, overlooking this passage. 

* The plant here alluded to is probably the Crowberry {Empetrum 
nigrum), the only plant in Greenland which has a black berry, but it 
can hardly be described as a grass. 

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side of an high mountayne which we went vp, and found 
(as it were) a yong Groue of small Wood, some of it sixe or 
seuen foot high, like a Coppice in England that had beene 
some two or three yeers cut ; and this was the most wood 
that wee saw growing in this country, being some of it a 
kind of willow, iuniper,and such Hke.^ 

We found in many places much Angelica? We suppose 
the people eate the roots thereof, for some causes ; for we 
haue seene them have many of them in their boats. 

There are a great store of Foxes in the Hands and in the 
Mayne, of sundry colours ; and there are a kind of Hares, 
as white as snow, with their furre or haire very long. 

Also there be Deere, but they are most commonly vp 
within the Mayne very farre, because the people doe so 
much hunt them that come neere the sea. I saw at one 
time seuen of them together, which were all that wee did 
see in the country. But our men have bought diuers coates 
of the people, made of deeres skinnes, and have bought of 
their homes also. Besides, we have diuers times seene the 
footsteps of some beast whose foote was bi^er than the 

ts of woodland of this description occur commonly 
in South Greenland, chiefly in sheltered positions among the inner 
fiords, to which the sea-winds do not penetrate. Professor Lange 
" Conspectus Florae Groenlandics", in MeddeUher om CronloMd, 
vol. iii) enumerates five species of Betula, six of Salix, one of 
Atnus, one of Sorbus, and one tAJumperus as occurring. The tallest 
trees (specimens of Betula odoratd) only reach a height of eighteen 
feet. Much interesting information concerning these woods is also 
given in Professor Warming's paper on the " Vegetation of Greenland" 
{Medd. om Grbnl., vol. xii). 

' Arckangelica officinalis was formerly much grown in England 
as a garden herb. Like other members of the genus, it has sweet, 
succulent roots, like celery, and is valuable as an anti -scorbutic 
Lange says ("Conspectus Flora: Groenlandic»", pp. xxxiv and 6S] that, 
in Greenland, where it occurs in grassy spots near the coast as &r 
north as tat 69°, it is called Kuanek. The natives consider it a great 

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foot of a great Oxe,' Furthermore, the inhabitants haue a 
Icinde of E>(^ges which they keepe at their houses and 
tents ; which Dogges are almost like vnto Wolues, liuing 
by fish, as the Foxes doe. But one thing is very strange, 
as 1 thought ; for the pizzles of both dogges and foxes are 

The people, all the summer time, vse nothing but fishing, 
drying their fish and seales flesh vpon the rockes, for their 
winter prouision. Euery one, both man and woman, haue 
each of them a boate, made with long small pieces of firre- 
wood, couered with seales skinnes very well drest, and 
sewed so well with sinewes or guts that no water can 
pierce them through, being some of them aboue twentie 
foot long, and not past two foot, or two foot and a halfe 
broad, in forme of a weauers shittle [sic], and so light that 
a man may carrie many of them at once for the weight. 
In these boates, they will row so swiftly that it is almost 
incredible ; for no ship in the world is able to keepe way 
with them, although shee haue neuer so good a gale of 
wnd ; and yet they vse but one oare ; who sitting in the 
mtdte [sic] of their boate, and holding their oare in the 
middle, being broad' at each end like our oares, will at an 
instant goe backward and forward as they please. 

In these boates, they catch the moat part of their food, 
being seales and salmons, morses, and other kinds of fishes. 
Some they kill with their darts, and other some with 
angles, hauing a line made of small shiuers of whales finnes 
and an hooke of some fishes bones, with which lines and 
hookes we also have caught very much fish. 

Also, they haue another kinde of boate, which is very 

1 Purchas here adds the note: — "These seem to be Elkes, of 
Losshes". See, hpwever, the note on p. 123. 

' Here Purchas aUo adds a note : — " The pinles of Uogges and 
foxes are bone: so, also, is the Morses piiile, of which I haue by me 

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long ; for wee haue seene one of them thirty-two foot in 
length, open in the toppe like our boates, hauing tenne 
seats in it ; in which, when they remooue their dwellings, 
they Carrie their goods or house-hold stuffc ; for they re- 
mooue their dwellings very often, as their Bshing doth 
serve, liuing in the summer-time in tents made of scales 
skinnes, and in winter in houses somewhat in the ground. 

Wee could not particularly learn their rites or cere- 
monies ; but generally they worship the Sunne, as chiefe 
authour of their felicitie. At their first approach -vnto vs, 
they vsed with their hands to point vp to the Sunne, and 
to strike their hands vpon ther brests, crying Ilyont ; as 
who would say : I meane no harme ; which they will doe 
very often, and will not come neer you vntil you do the 
like, and then they will come without any feare at all. 

They buric their dead in the Out-Ilands neere the sea- 
side. Their manner of buriall is this : — Vpon the tops of 
the hils, they gather a company of stones tc^ther, and 
make therof an hollow caue or graue, of the length and 
breadth of the bodie which they intend to burie, laying the 
stones somewhat close, like a wall, that neyther foxes nor 
other such beasts maydeuoure the bodies, couering them 
with broad stones, shewing afar off like a pile of stones. 
And neere vnto this graue, where the bodie lyeth, is an- 
other, wherein they burie his bow and arrowes, with his 
darts and all his other prouision which hee vsed while hee 
was lining. Hee is buried in all his apparell ; and the 
cotdnesse of the climate doth keepe the bodie from smelling 
and stinking, although it lye aboue ground. 

They eat all their food raw, and vse no fire to dress their 
victuals, as farre as wee could perceiue. Also, wee haue 
seene them drinke the salt-water at our shippes side ; but 
whether it be vsuall or no, I cannot tell. Although they 
dresse not their meate with fire, yet they vse fire for other 
things, as to warme them, etc. 

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Diuers of our men were of opinion that they were man- 
eaters, and would haue deuoured vs, if they could haue 
caught vs. But I do not thinke they would ; for, if they 
had bin so minded, they might at one time haue caught 
our cooke, and two other with him, as they were fiUing of 
water at an Hand a great way from our ship. These three, 
I say, were in the ships boate, without eyther musket or 
any other weapon ; when, as a great company of the 
sauages came rowing vnto them with their darts and other 
furniture, which they neuer goe without, and stood looking 
into the boate for nayles, or any old iron, which they so 
greatly desire, while our men were in such a feare that 
they knew not what to doe. At length, our cooke remem- 
bered that hee had some old iron in his pocket, and gaue 
each of them some, as farre as it would goe, with his key 
of his chest. And presently they all departed, without 
offering any harme at all : but this I speake not that I 
would haue men to trust them, or to goe among them 
vnprouided of weapons. 

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On the Stockholm Chart.' 

By C. C. A. GOSCH. 

The very interesting manuscript Chart, to which we have several 
times alluded under the name of " the Stockholm Chart",' is, as 
already staled, now preserved in the Royal Library at Stockholm, 
to which place it has, no doubt, been taken from Denmark. 
The earliest mention of it, as far as we are aware, occurs in a list 
of Danish historical manuscripts preserved in the Library just 
mentioned, written by the late Professor C. Molbech, of Copen- 
hagen;^ but it was another Danish writer. Dr. J. K. V. Steenstrup, 
who first drew attention to it, and pointed out the interest attaching 
to it, in an article in the Swedish periodical Vmer,* which is 
accompanied by a good, though somewhat reduced, reproduction. 
We have had no opportunity of personally inspecting it, but by 
the courtesy of Count SnoUsky, the Principal Librarian of the 
Royal Library at Stockholm, and the kind assistance of Dr. 
Wieselgren, Sub Librarian, we are enabled to lay before our 
readers a full-size photo-lithographic reproduction, which we have 
every reason to consider satisfactory. To this, therefore, we may 
refer instead of a detailed description. There are, however, a few 
points which cannot be ascertained from our copy, and with 
regard to which we are indebted for information to the article of 
Dr. Steenstrup, supplemented by communications from Dr. 
Wieselgren. The Chart is drawn on paper, the watermark of 

> Mr. Cbrisly. who is unable lo agree u 
Mlowing rem.irks, will probably slate his ' 

' See Inlroduclion, pp. ivi, xvii, x1, lixi, csiii, 

» Danikt HaandiknJteT . ..i dit Kongetige Bibliolluk i SloeMolm in Hislorisi 
Tidiskrip, 1843. p. 147 (Copenhagen). 

• Btmarkningir til rl gBmmtll Maauikripl Kaari aver Gronland. in Ymtr. 
1SS6, pp. 83-88 (Stockholm, Swedish .Anthropological and Gcograpbicol Society). 

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which represents a bunch of grapes. The outlines appear to 
have been drawn first in pencil and afterwards blackened with 
ink, which is stil! beautifully black, excepting as regards a few 
small islands on the west coast of Greenland, which are drawn in 
an inferior ink. This latter has also been employed for writing 
the names; but the four numbers placed against certain points 
of the coast are written in the same black ink in which the out- 
lines are drawn. 'I'he two wavy dotted lines in the left-hand 
upper corner of our reproduction (evidently representing a iiortion 
of the coast of Greenland, in different positions from the line 
which has been blackened) are, on the or^nal, drawn in pencil 
and continuous ; but the com pass -lines present the same irregular 
appearance on the original as on the copy. The map is quite 
un coloured. 

It should be observed that the rather uneven marginal 
divisions indicating longitude are intended to count each for two 
degrees ; Cape Farewell being very nearly in the tight longitude as 
compared with Shetland, which appears farthest to the east on the 
map. It may be noticed as a curiosity that the letters E. and W., 
belonging to the central compass, have been interchanged. 

As regards the origin and date of the Stockholm Chart, we do 
not possess direct information of any kind, and we are left to 
inference from the contents of the Chart and from other data. 
Before entering on these questions, we may, however, notice that 
the expression " the Stockholm Chart" may be taken in a double 
sense. We may speak of the Stockholm Chart as a cartographic 
work or composition, of which there may exist or have existed 
several reproductions, differing, perhaps, in date, and even in 
cartographic detail ; or we may mean only the particular copy now 
preserved at Stockholm. If, to begin with, we limit ourselves to 
this latter point of view, and attempt to determine the origin and 
date of the chart at Stockholm, we cannot but be struck by the 
fact that, out of eleven names, which are all that occur on it, ten 
are names bestowed by Hall on various localities in Greenland on 
the Danish expedition to that country in 1605. The obvious 
inference is that this Chart, as it lies before us, is intended to 
illustrate Hall's discoveries on that occasion ; and it follows that, 
in its present state at least, it cannot be of older date than 1605. 
How much later it may be is not so easily determined. Some of 
these names occur in Hall's accounts of his voyages to Greenland, 
which were not published till 1625 ; others are not mentioned in 
these accounts, but are found on his maps, which have only quite 
lately come to light. As, however, some of these names appear 
on Hessel Gerritsz.'s map of 1612, it follows that Hall's accounts 
and maps must have been accessible in England, where they 
were preserved after Hall's return from Denmark, and the infor- 
mation by which the names were put on the Stockholm Chart 
may, therefore, have been obtained from England at any time 

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before 1625. It is not, however, probable that, after Hall's 
return, anybod] in Denmark should have secured from England 
either the information required for putting on the names, or the 
map with the names on. The most probable theory, therefore, is 
that the names were put on the Stockholm Chart in Denmark, 
while Hall himself was there : that is to say, not later, or not much 
later, than 1607. It would seem natural to suppose that Hall 
inserted them himself; but this opinion is open to various objec- 
tions. It may be observed, in the first instance, that the hand- 
writing on the Stockholm Chart is very inferior to that on Hall's 
own maps ; but this argument is not of much force, because there 
is no reason why Hall may not in either case, or even in both, 
have employed some other person to put the names on. We do 
not possess any authentic specimen of Hall's handwriting. A 
stron;; argument, however, is afforded by the fact that the names 
are not all correctly put on. The mis-spellings Cuningam for 
Cunningham and Rombksfo. for Romksford (as Ramelsfiord is 
called on Hall's map) are easily explicable on the supposition that 
they were written from verbal communication. But the trans- 
formation of Queen Ann's Cape into C. Si. Ann, as on the Stock- 
holm Chart, can scarcely be thus explained, and must be due to 
a person unacquainted with the origin of that name.^ Still 
more important are the facts that the name of Cunningham's 
Fjord is inserted North of that of Prince Christian's Fjord, instead 
of viVtf vend, and that the name of Cape Christianus is very likely 
misplaced, as will be shown presently. We may add, though it 
is of lesser weight, that, if Hall himself had superintended the 
insertion of the names, that of Queen Sophia's Cape would 
scarcely have been omitted. The most probable view, therefore, 
seems to be that, though the information concerning the names 
must have been derived from Hall, they were actually put on the 
chart by some person not directed by hini, nor well acquainted 
with the subject. 

The date of the insertion of the names on the Stockholm Chart 
may thus be considered settled as nearly as it can be done now, and 
the outline can, of course, not be of later date than the names ; but 
thcquestion remains whether the Chart itself, apart from the names, 
was drawn on purpose, at the same time, or whether the names 
were inserted on an older map of independent origin. That the 
latter was the case is plausibly su^ested by the fact that the 
names — as stated above — are wTitten in an ink different from that 
which was used for drawing the outline. No safe conclusion, 
however, can be drawn from this fact alone, which, for au^ht we 

' The nanws of saints were so much used in formiD^ geopaphical names Ihat 
1. person hearing of Queen Ann's and Queen Sophia's Capes, bol knowing 
nothing about the royal personages after whom they were named, might very 
naturally fall into such a. mistake. Accordinjtly, we find on Hessel Gerritsi. s 
Map the names given as Ann't Capt and St. Safin's Capi. 

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koow, may be due to the merest accident. The circumstance 
that some of the small islands on the west coast are drawn in the 
same inferior inlc as the names, lather points to the inference that 
the draughtsman, having not quite finished the blackening of his 
pencil-lines, either by accident or compelled by some necessity, 
used some different ink for finishing the outhne and putting on 
the names. The difference in the colour of the ink does not in 
the least disclose whether the names were put on a few hours or a 
couple of years after the drawing of [he outline ; and it does not, 
therefore, assist us at all in determining the date of the map, 
apart from the names. In order to form a fairly well-founded 
opinion on this question, we must, therefore, turn our attention to 
another set of facts, (rom which materials for a solid argument 
can really be drawn, viz., the representation on the Stockholm 
Chart of the countries concerned. If this does not exhibit any 
detail but such as we may consider to have been known before 
1605, there would be no objection to place the date of the 
Stockholm Chart, apart from the names, earlier than that year ; 
but, if in the outline of the coast we find features which are not 
mentioned in any record earlier than 1605, and which may have 
been, or even are expressly stated to have been, discovered by 
Hall in that year, then we are justified in concluding, or even 
forced to conclude, that the Stockholm Chart was drawn after 

In this respect, we may notice, first, that, whilst on the New 
Map (1600) the coast of Greenland, from lat. 66° (the southern- 
most point touched or observed by Halt in 1605) to lat. 73°, is 
represented as uninterrupted, a wide opening Is indicated on the 
Stockholm Chart, between lat. 68' 30' and 69° 50'. In lat. 68', 
the west coast of Greenland, as shown on this map, turns N.E., 
and in 68° 30' it turns quite easterly, but is continued only for a 
short distance in this direction. In lat. 69° 50', another shoulder 
of land is shown, from which the coast trends northwards as fax as 
lat. 72°, and north-westwards for a short space. There can be no 
reasonable doubt of this opening being meant for the entrance to 
the Bay of Disco. It is the earliest known representation of it ; 
and, under the circumstances, we are justified in assuming that 
this feature was introduced on the Stockholm Chart as a discovery 
of Hall's. It is true that in the accounts of his voyages there is 
no mention of the Bay of IJisco, nor does he profess to have 
advanced further than lat. 68° 30' or 69°. But it should be 
remembered that, of Hall's expedition in the pinnace, on which 
he reached so far north, we possess no account except I^ell's 
very laconic notes ; and, though he cannot have explored the Bay, 
he may very well have seen the opening of it from his northern- 
most point' In fact, his apparent inconsistency in stating in one 

' See p. Ixx-lxtii. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


pUce* that he had explored the coast as far as lat. 69*, whilst in 
another place* he mentions 68' 30' as the latitude of the point 
where he turned back, may be reconciled by supposing that in the 
former place he reckoned the extent of coast explored by him as 
far as he had been able to see it (as he did with regard to Queen 
Ann's Cape), and that, when he put down the figure of 69°, he 
had in his mind the southern extremity of the island of Disco, 
which he may then have guessed to be in that latitude, though 
he may afterwards have corrected that estimate. The view that 
Hall actually observed the entrance of the Bay of Disco is not a 
little strengthened by the occurrence of the word "/reel" after the 
name of Christian Friis Cape, on the Stockholm Chart. It is an 
abbreviation of the \Jlf^n fi-itum, and was used at that time both 
in Danish and in English to signify a strait. In this place, it seems 
to indicate that something in the nature of a strait had been 
observed here, and nothing would be more likely than that the 
bay appeared to them as a strait trending eastwards. In fact, it 
may really quite properly be described as the wide southern por- 
tion of the strait separating Disco Island from the mainland. 
Whether this bay or strait had been seen before by Davis we cannot 
decide with certainty. It is not mentioned in his narrative, though 
he must have passed it ; and it should be remembered that the 
absence of any allusion to it in Davis' account is of more weight 
than the like omission in Hall's narrative, because we have the 
former in an authentic and complete form, but we possess Hall's 
account only as abbreviated by Purchas ; nor does it appear ever 
to have contained any detailed record of that part of the voyage, 
on which the Bay of Disco must have been discovered, if so it was. 
Moreover, Davis, sailing night and day at some distance from the 
shore, is mote likely to have been prevented by darkness, fog, or 
other accidental causes, from seeing it than Hall, who sailed close to 
the shore and lay still at night. We have, therefore, little hesitation 
in adopting the view already su^ested by Dr. Steenstrup that 
Hall really was the first discoverer of the Bay of Disco,' and that 
the opening in the coastline was introduced on the Stockholm 
Chart as representing one of Hall's discoveries in 1605. If so, 
this part of the coastline must have been drawn subsequently to 
that year. 

On the western coast of Greenland, between latitude 68°3o' 
and 66°, where most of the names are found, no particular 

• Inth , ,. 

' That is to say, in modern times : for the jtncienl ^Scandinavian navigators wi 
protubly acquainted with it The surprisingly true representation ot' Greenland 
on numeroufi maps of the ijlh and i6th centuries must be founded on information 
olxained from the North of Europe ; and it is quite possibic that the eastward 
turn of the coast, which on many of these maps forms the north-west corner of 
Greenland, may be the southern shoulder of the Bay of Disco, though in a wrong 

, Google 


feature can be pointed out which has a bearing on the question 
before us. The scale of the map is not so small that the leading 
features might not have been represented with sufficient accuracy 
to be recognised ; and, if any such thing had been attempted, it 
would, of course, at ouce have removed all doubts ; but that has 
not been done, probably because the necessary detailed know- 
ledge was wanting, except as regards a very few localities of 
small extent. It is merely a schematic or conventional repre- 
sentation of a deeply indented coast, girt with many islands. 

The west coast of Greenland, south of latitude 66°, was not ex- 
plored by Hall in 1605, and does not, therefore, come into con- 
sideration in this connection ; but the southern extremity of 
Greenland, as represented on the Stockholm Chart, offers a feature 
of great importance for setthng our problem, A small portion of 
the east coast, as much as may have been seen by Davis in 1585, 
or by Morgan in 1586, is shown, and south of that, a very promi- 
nent headland appears pointing south, against which one of the 
numbers before mentioned (10) is placed. As this latter must 
have been intended to refer to a key, it implies that the locality 
was well known, and had a name at the time when the map was 
drawn. The east coast being, at that time, altogether unexplored, 
and the representation of it on the maps of that period quite 
fictitious (which we believe is the reason why it is omitted from 
the Stockholm Chart), the promontory in question cannot be 
meant for any point on that coast, as might perhaps be imagined, 
on account of its not being the southernmost point of Greenland 
shown on the Chart There can, therefore, in our opinion be no 
doubt that this promontory, which forms the south-east comer 
of Greenland, and plainly occupies the position of Cape Fare- 
well, really is meant for it, as indeed most persons would assume 
at first sight. West of this promontory, about half way towards 
Cape Desolation, another still more prominent headland is shown, 
against which the name of Cape Chrislianus is written. Whether 
or not this name is rightly applied is of no consequence for our 
present argument, which is not concerned with the names at 
all. The question we have to decide is whether this very pro- 
minent promontory on the Stockholm Chart is merely an 
accidental feature of a conventional coastline, or whether it was 
meant by the author of the map to represent some notable head- 
land discovered or particularly noticed by Hall in 1605. We 
have no hesitation in deciding for this latter view, not only be- 
cause of its marked appearance, but also because, whilst Cape 
Farewell is marked (ro), Cape Desolation is marked (t2);from 
which we may fairly infer that the author of the map did intend 
to mark out some point which had been noticed by navigators 
between those two promontories. No such point between Cape 
Farewell and Cape Desolation is, however, mentioned in any 
record earlier than Hall's accounts of the expedition of 1605, and 

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the only one tie names is Cape Christianus. Against the suppo- 
sition that this promontory really was meant to represent Cape 
Christianus, two objections may be adduced. In the first place, 
it may be urged that on Che Stockholm Chart this promontory 
is represented as the southernmost point of Greenland by about 
30 minutes, whereas Cape Farewell really reaches about two 
minutes farther south than any other headland on that coast, 
including that which is generally supposed to be Hall's Cape Chris- 
tianus. This, however, is of little force, because nobody is 
known to have determined the latitude of Cape Farewell till Hall 
or Gatonbe did so in 1612. If, therefore, this map is not much 
later than 1607, the author cannot be credited with any know- 
ledge of the comparative latitude of the two headlands, and, though 
Hall does not say that Cape Christianus was the southernmost 
point of Greenland, he may have thought so (without confound- 
ing it with Cape Farewell) previously to 1612. In the second 
place, it may be urged that the promontory in question cannot 
have been originally intended for Cape Christianus, because it 
is placed at a considerable distance west of Cape Farewell, 
whereas the promontory general ly^and, for aught that can be 
said, rightly — supposed to be Cape Christianus lies only a few 
miles west of Cape Farewell. This objection would be serious 
if it could be assumed with any certainty that the author of the map 
possessed any knowledge of the distance between the two pro- 
montories. But that is not the case. Davis saw, or may have seen. 
Cape Farewell twice, but left no description or indication of its 
position. Hall was most likely with him on one of these occasions, 
and probably saw Cape Farewell, when in 1605 he named Cape 
Christianus ; but it does not at all follow that he recognised it on 
the latter occasion. In 1605, he came up with Eggerso, on which 
. both headlands lie, to the S.W. of the island ; on the former 
occasion, he may have approached it from a different quarter ; and 
if we compare Hall's sketch of Cape Christianus as he saw it in 
1O05 from the S.W., Cape Farewell coming out behind it, with 
the sketch of Cape Farewell in Gatonbe's account of the voyage 
in i6ij, when Hall did recf^nise it, seeing it from S.S.E., no point 
of resemblance could be pointed out. Both Hall himself and 
the author of the Stockholm Chart (if they were different persons) 
may, therefore, perfectly well have imagined that the coast, after re- 
ceding behind Eggerso, was continued eastwards for a considerable 
distance to Cape Farewell.' It follows that, if there had been no 
other point on the coast with which the promontory marked Cape 
Christianus on the Stockholm Chart could be identified, it would 

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146 EXPEnlTIONS TO GREENLAKO, 1605-1612. 

be difficult to resist the view that it really was meant for that head- 
land. There is, however, another point which that projecting 
headland may be intended to represent. 

In Hall's account of the expedition of 1605, as we have it in 
Purchas' work, the following passage occurs : " Wee being this 
day in the latitude of 59 degrees 45 minutes, hauing stood all the 
night before, and this forenoone also, so nigh the shoare as we could 
for Ice, the Cape Christian South, South-east and North North- 
west ; and from the Cape to Cape Desolation, the Land lyeth East 
and by South and West and by North, about fiftie leagues."^ This 
passage, or rather as much of it as follows the words " for Ice," 
is evidently corrupted, as there is no sense in the words " the 
Cape Christian South, South-east," etc. In our opinion, there can 
be little doubt that in the original account there was here a state- 
ment as to the direction of the whole coast from Cape Christian 
to Cape Desolation, the coast being described as consisting of 
two sections, one from Cape Christian to some Cape of which 
the description has been cut out or accidentally omitted from 
the printed text, and a second section from that Cape to Cape 
Desolation. A glance at the map shows that this coast really 
does exhibit such a division, into two portions, from the southern- 
most point of Eggerso to the southern extremity of the island 
of Sermersok, and from the northern extremity of Sermersok 
(which from the sea would appear as the base of a huge 
promontory) to Cape Desolation ; and, moreover, that the 
directions of these two portions really are very much as 
indicated in the text \\'e consider it very probable that the 
promontory named Cape Christianus on the Stockholm Chart, 
dividing the coast from the cape marked (10) to l>esolalion in 
two parts, is really meant for the island of Sermersok, the 
southern point of which forms the western extremity of the 
straight coastline trending N.N.W. from Cape Farewell, and at 
the same time forms the eastern headland of the wide bay, 
terminated to the west by Cape Desolation, which is noticed 
in Gatonbe's account of the voyage in 1612.- If so, the pro- 
montory marked (10) must represent Cape Christian, or, rather, 
the whole island of Eggerso. 

In either case, whether the promontory in question was meant 
for Cape Christian or for the southern extremity of Sermersok, it 
represents a feature of the coast discovered or first particularly 
noticed by Hall in 1605, and consequently proves that the Chart 
now at Stockholm was drawn subsequently to that year. 

We have already pointed out that, if the names were put on the 
Chart between 1605 and 1607, the outline must have been drawn 
within the same period. If, however, we attempt, independently 
of that consideration, to determine, by comparison with other 

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dated maps, how much later than 1605 the Stockholm Chart may 
be, we find that only one such comes into consideration, viz., the 
one published by Hessel Gerritsz. in 1612. With regard to some 
features (amongst which we may mention the promontory just 
treated of, which probably is identical with that called Halls 
Cape on Gerritsz.'s map), the two maps show so remarkable a 
resemblance as to suggest that the author of one had the other 
before him; no third map that could be looked upon as acommon 
source being known to exist. As, however, the Stockholm Chart 
is so much the more comprehensive, correct, and (excepting 
Hudson's Strait and Cumberland Sound) complete of the two, it 
is more likely that Gerritsz. has borrowed from the author of the 
Stockholm Chart than vice veni. 

Having, as we believe, shown by the preceding observations 
that the Chart of which «e have a reproduction before us was 
drawn and the names inserted on it after 1605, and probably not 
later than 1607, we have to consider the question whether it is 
an original or a copy. A clue to the solution of this question is 
afforded by the numbers, which are placed against four different 
points in the outline, and which we have already alluded to. 
There is no reason for thinking otherwise than that they were put 
on the Chart together with the outline, and refer to a now lost key, 
but they are evidently only fragments of a long series. These 
facts seem to admit of but two explanations : — cither the person 
who drew the outline intended at first to give the names of the 
localities by means of numbers and a key, but abandoned this in- 
tention after having placed a few of the former, after which the 
. names themselves of some of the localities, referring to Hall's 
voyage in 1605, were inserted; or else the Chart before us is a 
copy of another similar one, on which the names were given by 
means of numbers, which latter were not intended to be put on the 
copy, where those four appear only by accident or mistake on the 
part of the copyist. As the numbers are neither consecutive nor 
confined to Greenland, we have no doubt that the latter is the 
true explanation. 'i'he view that the Chart now preserved at 
Stockholm is a copy of another which is now lost is, moreover, 
almost forced upon us by the fact that features which, it seems, 
must have been borrowed from a map like that in Stockholm, 
occur on some other maps, the authors of which cannot be sup- 
posed to have consulted our Chart in Denmark, where it must 
have remained from the first un'il it was taken to Sweden. 
We have no means of guessing who executed the copy, nor is the 
point of any material interest. 

In passing, we may mention that if, as we consider estab- 
lished, not only were the names put on the Stockholm Chart 
but the outline was drawn subsequently to 1605, it cannot 
be the one which Hall gave to the captain and mate of the 
Z/on, before they reached Greenland in that year, nor any >'"]<)■ 

K 2 

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of it.^ We have no means of guessing what map that may have 

We have hitherto, tn speaking of the Stockholm Chart, confined 
our attention to the particular chart preserved at the Roya! 
library at Stockholm ; but, if this is only a. copy of another, 
differing only in minor respects, it follows that what we have said 
about the representation on it of different countries, and the con- 
clusions to be drawn from this, applies with equal force to the 
supposed original, as well as to other copies which may have 
existed. Accordingly, what we still have to say on the Stock- 
holm Chart most, if the contrary is not expressly stated, be 
understood as said of the Stockholm Chart as a cartographic com- 
position, of which, for aught we know, there may have existed 
several copies. 

The next step in our inquiry will then be to determine, if pos- 
sible, the authorship of the Stockholm Chart — taking this name in 
the more extended sense — and the materials made use of by the 
author. In these respects, wc may first notice that the letters 
E. and W,, which are attached to the central compass, and mus 
be taken to belong originally to the Chart, prove its English origin 
and, as it embodies Hall's discoveries in Greenland, it seems im 
possible to mention any one who had either the necessary qualifica- 
tions or the occasion for drawing it, except James Hall, who musi 
have executed it during his stay at Copenhagen in 1605-1607. 
The style of the Stockholm copy is different from that of Hall's 
maps accompanying his report to King Christian IV ; but, as we 
do not know who executed this copy, the circumstance is of 
no consequence. Although, as we have shown, this map was 
drawn with the particular object of showing Hall's discoveries, it 
was evidently a work of wider scope. This is proved by the facts 
that Cape Farewell is marked not (i) but (10), and that one of the 
numbers (27) is placed against a locality on the American coast. 
It must have been intended to he a complete chart of the North 
Atlantic, based, as far as the Arctic Regions are concerned, on 
the discoveries of Frobisher, Davis, and Hall, and on which the 
names of the various localities were given by mearis of a series of 
numbers, starting from Europe and following the coast all round, 
as indeed would be natural. It is not probable that Hall would 
have constructed an entirely new map for this purpose ; most 
likely he made use of an older map, showing the discoveries of 
Davis and earlier navigators, which he so modified as to show his 
own discoveries in connection with them : a view which has already 
been suggested by Dr. Steenstrup. The map which he thus utilised 
he must have brought with him from England ; most likely it was 
the one by which he had sailed. As, however, no published map 
is known earlier than 1605, which bears such resemblance to the 

■ Seep. xl. 

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Stockholm Chart that it can be looked upon as having formed ihe 
groundwork of the latter, we must conclude that the map in 
HUestion, which we believe Hall to have used, first for his own 
guidance and afterward as the groundwork of the Stockholm 
Chart, was a manuscript map. Marine charts had at that time 
commenced to be published, but not for such rarely visited 
regions. For voyages of discovery to them, charts had to be 
specially drawn, sometimes by the navigators themselves ; some- 
times by professional persons —mostly, no doubt, practical pilots 
like the Cartsehrywer, Carolus Joris, or the Englishman, William 
Burrough, who drew a chart for the use of Frobisher. Few of 
these manuscript charts have survived to our time, and the 
Stockholm Chart is of special interest as belonging to that class. 

If, then, our view is correct, we may look upon the Stockholm 
Chart — apart from the parts of Creenland explored by Hall — as 
being a reproduction of an older English manuscript map. It 
would have been of great interest if we could have traced this 
further, but this we are unable to do with any certainty. That 
Hall, on setting out for Denmark in order to act as pilot for the 
expedition to (Ireenland in 1605, supplied himself with the best 
information obtainable, and notably with a sailing chart embodying 
the most recent discoveries, particularly those of Davis, is a matter 
of course. That these latter are shown on the Stockholm map is 
in no way surprising, and needs no comment But, to the questions 
for whom or by whom it was drawn, whether for or even by 
Hall, we cannot with our present information give an answer. The 
fact that on the American side only the coastline with the open- 
ings of the various inlets is laid down — although Davis had ex- 
plored, at any rate, Cumberland inlet to a considerable distance — 
might be quoted as indicating that the map was especially drawn 
for use on an expedition to (Greenland ; as, however, the absence 
of these particulars from the Stockholm copy does not prove that 
they were absent from the original, no conclusion can be founded 
on it. Dr. Stecnstrup has suggested that the Stockholm Chart, 
apart from modifications in the representation of Greenland, 
may be founded on, or even be a copy of, Davis's own map, which 
is supposed to have existed down to this century ; and this view is 
very plausible, in so far that Davis's discoveries are shown on the 
Stockholm Chart more accurately and completely {except in 
regard to Cumberland Inlet) than on any other known map. 
Moreover, if Hall had sailed with Davis, he may have had special 
opportunity for obtaining a copy of it. But we have at present no 
means of further substantiating this idea. An objection to it 
might perhaps be founded on the great difference in the repre- 
sentation of the southern extremity of Greenland on the Stockholm 
Chart and on the Molyneux Globe, because Davis is supposed by 
some to have exercised great influence on the drawing of the 
Globe. As, in our opinion, the southern extremity of Greenland 

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is precisely one of the parts of the Stockholm Chart which are 
drawn according to Hall's observations and views, an argument of 
that kind would, from our point of view, have no force. At the 
same time it must be admitted that, in the absence of any infor- 
mation as to the contents and details of Davis' chart, Dr. Steen- 
strup's suggestion cannot be brought to any serious test, but 
must remain a mere matter of opinion, which is indeed all that Its 
author dainis for it 

If, as wc bdicve, the original of the Stockholm Chart was exe- 
cuted by Hall at Copenhagen, the probability is that he took it 
home with him when he returned to England. As Hessel Gerrjtsz., 
or whoever drew the map published by him in i6iz, as also 
(iatonbe, must have had access to Hall's accounts, or obtained 
information from him, nothing is more likely than that they saw 
this map; and this fully explains how not only some of Hali's 
names, but also important cartt^raphic features of the Stockholm 
Chart, such as the representation of Frobisher's Strait and of the 
south end of (Jreenland, have come to be inserted in their maps. 

We may now turn our attention to some points connected with 
the Stockholm Chart, which, though of interest, have no bearing 
on its origin or date. It is a marine Chart intended for practical 
use, and it is therefore natural that only such coastlines are 
laid down as at that time had been, or were believed to have been, 
actually observed. The only voyages of discovery resulting in an 
extension of accurate geographical knowledge which had been 
undertaken to the Western Atlantic and the Arctic Sea, north of 
latitude 60°, before the Danish expedition to Greenland in 1605, 
were (hose of Frobisher and Davis. Their discoveries, with those 
of Hall, are therefore the only ones which we could expect to see 
indicated on that portion of the Stockholm Chart, and this is 
precisely what is the case. 

On the western side of Davis Strait, the coastline commences 
in about lat. 68°3o'. In Davis'saccountsof his voyages, no higher 
latitude is mentioned on this side than that of Mount Raleigh, 
viz., 66'4o' ; but on the Molyneux (!lobe and the New Map two 
names occur to the north of this, viz., Cupe Bedford 3.x\d Saunder- 
sa/i's Toiver. We may therefore fairly assume that this coastline 
on the Stockholm Chart is intended to start from the northern- 
most point seen by Davis. On the copy preserved at Stockholm 
no names appear along this coast, but on the original there were 
doubtless many, of which only one {27) is found on the copy. It 
may be intended for Mount Raleigh, being in the latitude 
indicated for this place in Davis's account, or it may be meant 
for Totnes Rode, as Dr. Steenstrup suggests. The entrances to 
Cumberland Sound, Lumley's Inlet, and Hudson's Strait are 
unmistakeably marked, though aljout 30' too northerly ; and 
some few others might be identified. At the same time, it 
should l>e borne in mind that, as no actual survey or anything 

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approaching to it had been made, the detail ol the coast, as 
shown on the map, is to a very great extent conjectural ; and that, 
where such an abundance of inlets and headlands is shown, as 
in this case, it is almost an accident if one does not find some- 
thing near the proper latitude that may be regarded as intended 
to represent any given feature oE that kind. Of Ftobisher's dis- 
coTeries, there arc no indications on this coast, except in so far as 
Davis went over the same ground : the author of the map sharing, 
as will be seen, the misconception which prevailed at the time to 
the efTect that Frobisher's Strait, etc, were situated in Greenland. 

The west coast of Greenland commences on this chart in about 
lat. 72°, which corresponds to the highest latitude reached by 
Davis. The coast is represented at this point as turning east- 
wards, very much as on the Molyneux Globe and the New Map 
at Hope Saunderson. We have mentioned already the interrup- 
tion in the coastline corresponding to the Bay of Disco, and also 
that two wavy pencil-lines appear on the Stockholm copy, repre- 
senting the coast of Greenland between about lat. 6y° and 72°, to 
the west of the black coastline. It will be seen, on comparing 
these lines, that the one nearest the black line is more like it, while 
the most westerly line reaches further south, so that the entrance 
to the Bay of Disco, of which the southern shoulder is marked in its 
proper latitude, appears narrower than in the black line. There 
can be little doubt that these lines represent faise starts of the 
draughtsman, who at first had not allowed sufficient space on 
that side of the paper for the American coast to be put on ; they 
ought doubtless to have been deleted. In spite of a certain 
general resemblance, these lines differ much in detail, as indeed 
is natural, considering that the coast had not really been surveyed, 
Davis having but once sailed along it, so that material for an 
accurate representation was entirely wanting. 

It is along the coast of Greenland between lat. 68° 30' and 
66' that we find nearly all the names which occur on the map. 
We have already alluded to ihem in another connection, and 
full information on them has been given in the Introduction. If 
we are right in our view, that the chart preser\-ed at .Stockholm is 
a copy of another similar one, in which the names were indicated 
by means of numbers and a key, we must suppose that, in the 
places where names are inserted on the copy, there were 
numbers on the original ; and this agrees very well with the fact 
that there must have been ten numbers between No. 16 in lat. 65° 
on the Greenland coast and 27, which is the northernmost on the 
American coast. There is no record of Davis having bestowed 
names on any points on the coast of Greenland north of lat, 66°, 
except Hope Saunderson and London Coast. This latter name 
applied to the very portion of the coast which Hall explored, and 
was therefore most likely not used by him. North of Mount 
Raleigh (iat, 66" 40'), the Molyneux Globe places two names, 

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presumably given by Davis. Even if these had numbers as well 
as Hope Saunderson, there would be seven numbers, the sig- 
nificance of which it would be difficult to suggest if they were not 
employed for Hall's names. Of these, there are nine on the 
copy, and two — Queen Sophia's Cape and Knight's Islands — 
have not been put on ; but it may well be that on the original 
only the more important places were indicated by numbers. On 
the second voyage, Davis touched on this portion of the coast in 
lat. 66" 33', but gave no name to the locality, which he describes 
as all islands, perhaps the isbnds south of Holsteinborg. On the 
Molyneux Globe the name I^rd Darcie's Islands occurs, but it 
seems to be rnispiaced, because in the accounts of his voyages he 
mentions only one place to which he gave a similar name, viz., 
on the American coast in lat. 54° 32 '. 

Between lat. 66° and 64', the coast had not been really explored 
before 1605, though Davis had sailed ajong it in 1587 ; but there 
is no record of his having named any place there. It is, therefore, 
difficult to guess what can have been indicated by No. 16, which 
is placed about lat. 65°. On his last voyage, in 1612, Hall gave 
the name of Cockenford to a locahty in this latitude (pro- 
bably the southern Isortok) : but we do not think that the map 
to which the numbers originally belonged was of so late date as 
i6i2, in which case Hall, of course, could not have drawn it. 
The neighbourhood of Godthaab (Gilbert Sound) in lat. 64° was 
visited by Davis on all three voyages, and also by the Sunsfiitie 
in 1586. The numbers 13, 14, and 15, therefore, most likely 
referred to places there. 

The coast between lat. 64" and Cape Desolation was not 
explored either by Hall or by Davis. It appears from Morgan's 
report of the voyage of the Sunshine that this vessel sailed along 
this const at no great distance from land, but no details concern- 
ing it arc given. It is therefore difficult to account for the 
indication of a considerable inlet which appears in about lat. 62% 
except by supposing that the author of the map had some private 
information to the effect that the party in the Sunshine thought 
themselves to have observed such an opening. Like some other 
notable features of the Stockholm Chart, this opening reappears 
on Hessel Gerrits^.'s map of 1612, as well as on Gatonbe's. It 
should be noted, however, that the opening, as shown on the 
Stockholm Chart, is much wider than any inlet really existing 
on this coast. 

The delineation of the southern part of (Jreenland on the 
Stockholm Chart is of particular interest with reference to the 
representation of Frobishers discoveries ; but, in order fully to 
explain this, we must trace the history of the manner in which 
these were shown on maps of that time—a subject which, in spite 
of all that has been written on it, does not appear to us to have 
been fully elucidated. 

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On the maps accompanying Captain Best's accounts of 
Frobisher's voyages, the representation of the country which 
Frobisher mistook for Frisland does not indicate that his 
exploration had led to any new views concerning it. Best's state- 
mont that, " for so much of this land as we have sayled alongst 
comparing their carde, [that is, the Zeno map] with y« coast, 
we find it very agreeable"'. F'robisher's discoveries in America 
are shown on Best's maps in their proper geographical position. 
It is true that latitudes and longitudes are not indicated on the 
maps, and that in the text the latitudes are mostly left blank. As, 
however, Best gives the latitude (6z°so') of Hall's island at the 
entrance of Frobisher's strait,'^ this suffices to indicate the position 
of the latter. The maps, however, are very rudely drawn, and the 
various parts are rather indicated as to their general position than 
delineated with any attempt at accuracy. It is not unlikely that 
this circumstance may have contributed to lessen the confidence 
with which F'robisher's statements were received. In any case, it is 
clear, from Dr. Dee's map of 1580, that misunderstandings concern- 
ing Frobisher's Strait existed from the very first, owing perhaps to 
conflicting reports of his company. As regards the North 
Atlantic, this map i.s, in the main, a mere imitation of that of 
Zeno, but a very curious representation of Frobisher's Strait is 
introduced. Close to the east coast of America, between lat. 
62° and 64° 30', two narrow slips of land are shown in the 
Atlantic, trending S.E, and N.W,, both ending pointedly towards 
the S.E., but without any definite termination towards the N.W., 
or any connection with the mainland of America. South of 
the westernmost of them, an island is placed. No names are 
attached, but there cannot be the slightest doubt that the 
channel between the two strips of land is intended for Frobisher's 
Strait. It is not quite clear whether this map is not, in spite of 
the statement on the front, earlier than Best's account, because 
the inscription on the back of it is so worded that it must 
have been written in the spring of 1578, whilst Frobisher's third 
expedition was being prepared, and it would seem strange that 
the inscription should have been written two years before the map 
was finished. Dr. Dee is known to have taken the liveliest 
interest in Frobisher's expeditions, and it would be verj' natural 
for him to have received early information of their results. 
As Frobisher's Strait was discovered in 1576, there would Ik 
nothing sur])rising in Dr. Dee having been able to give a 
representation of it on a map drawn in the spring of 1578; and (as 
his early information may not have been quite perfect) the fact 
that bis representation differs so much from Best's would in that 
case be less surprising than it would be if the map had been 

I Bcsl, True Dhconrse. etc., Second Book, pp. 5-6 (Hakluyl Soc. ed.. p. laj). 
■' Fii,i..r>. 8 (Hflkluyi Soc. cd., p. laBl. 

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drawn after the publication of Best's Discourse, which according 
to the colophon appeared late in December 1578. In any case, 
Dr. Dee's map is the earliest on which Frobisher's Strait appears 
elsewhere than in its proper place. 

On the map which Michael Lock, who was closely connected 
with Frobishei^s expeditions, contributed to Hakluyt's Divers 
Voyages (1582), Frobisher's discoveries are represented more 
perfectly than on any other map of that time, or indeed of any 
time for two centuries after. Frobisher's Strait is shown in its 
proper position, and to the east of it a piece of land is drawn 
which is inscribed Frisland, and represents the country which 
Krobisher called so. It is placed directly south of Greenland, of 
which the southernmost point is placed in lat. 66° 30' . Though 
it bears the name of Frisland, it differs in shape entirely from the 
Frisland of the Zeno map. It is of elongated form, much longer 
from North to South than from East to West. The short southern 
coast is in about lat. 59°, the west coast is continued as far as 
63° 30', where it ends abruptly; an eastern coast is shown as far 
as lat. 64". The two coasts diverge strongly towards the north, 
but no northern coast is shown.'the termination or connection of 
the country in this direction being left blank. That Lock so 
completely rejected the representation of Frisland on the maps of 
Zeno, Dr. Dee, etc., and substituted another quite different, was 
evidently caused by his having obtained what he considered 
more reliable information from persons who had accompanied 
Frobishet. As we are in the fortunate position of possessing two 
accounts of each of the three voyages, we are able to follow 
Frobisher's movements about his Frisland pretty closely. On 
the first voyage, in 1576, they came up with that country on 
the nth July at 9 a.m. in lat. 61*, attempted in vain to land, and 
had great difficulty in getting clear of the ice ; but, on the follow- 
ing evening, at S o'clock, they were free and under sail, leaving the 
country. On the second voyage, 1577, they saw Frisland on the 
4th July, in lat. 60° 30', and spent four days sailing round 
the southern extremity and along the west coast, standing away 
on the 8th. On the third voyage, in 1578, they had sight of 
Frisland on June 20th, but left on the next day. It follows that 
in 1577 Frobisher's party had a good opportunity of observing 
the southern and western coast, but that there was no opportunity 
of observing the east coast on any of the voyages, nor is there 
any indication in the accounts of such an exploration. Whilst, 
therefore, the south and west coasts of Frisland on Lock's 
map represent actual observation, the east coast must be con- 
jectural, grounded probably on what could be seen at a distance. 
It happens, however, to be fairly right, and the consequence is 
that I.ock's Frisland looks exactly like a repetition of the southern 
portion of Greenland which it really represents, though the author, 
of course, did not know it. That no northern coast is laid down 

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AiTKNnrcEs. 155 

by conjecture, although the east coast is continued far beyond 
what could have been seen from iat. 61° — the highest recorded — 
may be founded in the fact that, as Best says/ the west 
coast seemed to them to extend very far in latitude, or it 
piay be connected with the speculations in which some on 
board indulged, and to which Best, in his account, alludes 
thus: "Some are of opinion chat West England [Frisland] is 
firm land with the northern part of Meta Incognita or else 
with Greenland "."- 

Indeed, in looking back now, with Lock's maps before us, it 
seems almost incomprehensible that the truth concerning 
Frobisher's discoveries was not generally recognised at that time. 
But the fact is that there happened then, what does not rarely 
occur in the history of science r that men are within an ace of 
grasping the truth, but are turned on to a false scent by some 
misunderstanding or trifling circumstance, and in consequence 
grope in the dark for a long time. Unfortunately, Krobisher had 
described the country round the strait as a part of Greenland, 
taking this name in a extended sense. To this appellation 
gct^raphers and jiersons interested in arctic discovery, as it 
seems, stuck blindly; and they persisted in imagining that the 
localities discovered by Krobisher were situated in Greenland 
properly so called (which in Frobisher's time nobody else had 
visited for a very long time). They did so in spite of Best's and 
Lock's maps, the last-named of which had particular claim 
to attention, as Lock was both a capable cartographer, and had the 
very best opportunity for obtaining reliable information. That 
Davis failed to see that he was going over the same ground as 
Frobishcr seems very difficult to understand, unless we suppose 
that he either did not know or unreasonably distrusted Lock's 
map. After the publication of the latter, the matter in reality 
stood thus : that, for the truth to he realised, nothing more was 
wanting but that it should be recognised that the land which 
on Lock's map looked so exactly like the southernmost part of 
Greenland really was nothing else, and that Greenland had 
hitherto been misplaced too far north. Nothing more was 
required, in order to obtain as faithful a representation of 
Greenland as could be then produced, than to bring down 
Zeno's Greenland to the proper latitude and amalgamate it with 
Lock's Frisland. Had that been done, Frobisher's Strait could 
never have been moved away from the west shore of Davis 
Strait. But nothing of the kind was done. It was indeed 
recognised, in consequence of Davis's voyages, that Greenland 
reached much farther south than had been thought before ; but 
it did not occur to anybody that Frobisher had made a 

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156 HXPKDITION'S To GREENl,ANn, r6os-i6i3. 

mistake in applying the name of Frisland to the country which 
he passed on his way to the straits ; nor did any cartographer think 
of identifying Lock's Frisland with Greenland. On the contrary, 
firmly persuaded that Frobisher's Frisland was Zeno's Frisland, 
cartographers seem to have reasoned to this effect : that, as Green- 
land was now shown to teach as far south as lat. 60', it must 
have been the east coast of Greenland that Frobisher came to, 
steering west from F'risland ; and they were thus strengthened in 
their erroneous ideas. In spite of the evidence of Best's and 
Lock's maps, they left the right track and laboured henceforth to 
localise Frobisher's discoveries in Greenland proper, which they 
could never have thought of, if they had understood that 
Lock's — that is, Frobisher's — Frisland was Greenland, seeing 
that by all accounts Frobisher's Strait was far west of his Fris- 

The localisation of Frobisher's Strait in Greenland was 
attempted in three different ways. 

The earliest cartographic work in which Frobisher's Strait is 
localised in Greenland is the Molyneux Globe (1592). The 
south coast of Greenland is here brought down to about lat, 61' 
and in about !at. 63° a strait is shown traversing Greenland from 
the east coast to Davis Strait, and opening into the latter just 
south of a projecting piece of land called Desolation. Several of 
the names bestowed by Frobisher on places in the vicinity of 
Frobisher's Strait are placed here, and the strip of land which is 
cut off from Greenland in the manner described is thus repre- 
sented as identical with the land described by Frobisher as 
enclosed between Frobisher's Strait, the ocean, his "mistaken 
strait", and the supposed connection between the last and the first- 
named. The coastline, which really represents the northern shore 
of Frobisher's "mistaken strait" (Hudson's Strait) is thus made 
identical with the southern shore of Greenland, facing the open 
sea ; and the place of Cape Farewell (which does not occur on the 
map) is occupied by the southernmost point of Queen Elizabeth's 
Foreland. It seems difficult to understand how a combination 
which is so entirely at variance with Best's accounts and maps 
can have recommended itself to the designers of the Globe ; and, 
perhaps still more, how Davis can be made responsible for it, as 
is done by not a few writers. The whole arrangement seems to 
us so much more like the work of gee^raphical bookworms 
than that of a practical r^ivigator who had been at the place 
himself, that the proper primd fade inference rather seems 
to be to the effect that he had nothing at all to do with it. As 
this question is of interest in the history of cartography, as well 
as with regard to Davis himself, we may enter further into it, 
though it does not necessarily belong to our subject. 

We have Davis's own words for it that it was through his 
influence, and that alone, that Molyneux came to be employed by 

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Saunderson to make the Globe' ; and from this fact we may fairly 
infer that Davis had, or at any rate may have had, opportunity for 
influencing the work. Nor is there any doubt of his having sup- 
phed information, particularly as regards the Arctic Regions ; in 
fact, Davis, in the same place, refers to the Globe as showing the 
position of the north-west passage he believed himself to have 
■discovered and how far he proceeded. But it does not follow 
from this alone, that his views were carried out in all respects, or 
that nothing was done in respect of those parts that he did not 
approve of. On the contrary, notwithstanding the propriety of 
that general inference, any question as to how far Davis was 
responsible for any particular representation on the Globe, must 
be decided on its own merits alone. 

Neither in the accounts of Davis's voyages nor in Morgan's 
report on the voyage of the Sunshine is there anything that indi- 
cates that the opening of a wide strait had been noticed near the 
southern extremity of Greenland. If Davis ever consented to, or 
even initiated, the representation of the south of Greenland on the 
Molyneux Globe, he must somehow have persuaded himself that 
the strait had been overlooked. As regards the eastern coast, he 
may have considered that neither he nor the master of the Sun- 
shine had been sufficiently far north to see the entrance. As 
regards the western coast, it may be that the inlet shown on the 
Stockholm Chart in lat. 62° was placed there on the strength of 
some unwritten report which had originated with the party in the 
Sunshine, and by which Davis may have been influenced ; though 
that inlet appears on the Stockholm Chart north of Cape Desola- 
tion, whilst, on the Molyneux Globe, Frobisher's Strait is south 
of Desolation. But, as to whether or not these things have 
happened, we possess not the smallest scrap of evidence. In 
Davis's work. The Worlds' s Hydrographieal Description, which was 
published three years after the Molyneux Globe, there is not the 
smallest direct reference to the subject ; and Davis's language in 
respect of one matter which has an indirect bearing on it is 
distinctly incompatible with the view that Davis is responsible 
for the drawing of South Greenland on the Globe. We allude lo 
his use of lhenameZ'«o/a/M«. As is well known, Davis bestowed 
this name on that part of Greenland which he first saw in 1585.- 
Why he did so is not quite clear. It is quite possible that, 
when he first saw Greenland in 1585, he thought it to be a 
new and hitherto unknown country, which he did not in any 
way identify with Greenland, because this was shown on the 

' Tla Warld's Hydnigrafhiral lJrserip!ioH, fol. Bs.b. (Hakluyi Soc. edition of 
Davis's works, p. 9ii|, 

1 Tbe siaiemcnl, by at IciisI otic notnble author thai Davis giive the name of the 
Island of Desolation lo the islirnd eui off from (Jreenland bv the imaginarv Fro- 
bisher's Strait, is, to say Ihc leasi of it, exceedingly misleading, 'ihe namt occurs 
on some maps, but neithiT Davis nor the auihra-s of the Molyneux Globe or the 
New Map are responsible for it. 

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Zeno map much further to the north ; but it is equally possible 
that he gave that name to the country before him simply because 
it seemed to him appropriate (as indeed he says himself), and 
without wishing to imply that it was not a part of Greenland, 
This latter name was at that time used in a very vacillating 
manner for want of real knowledge of the country, the communi- 
cation between Greenland and Europe having then been inter- 
rupted for a long time. Although the Zeno map rightly showed 
Greenland to be bounded towards the west by a great sea, there 
were those (for instance, PVobisher) who still thought that it 
was connected with America. Davis may, therefore, have wished 
not to commit himself. Howbeit, if in 1585 Davisreally thought 
that the land he had found and called Desolation was different 
from Greenland, he cannot be supposed to have entertained that 
view for long. In 1586, he despatched the Sunshine to the sea 
between Iceland and Greenland, there "to seek a [»a.ssaj;e". 
Henry Morgan, the purser, who of course had his information 
on these regions from Davis, wrote a report 01^ this voj-age to 
Mr. Saunderson, whose servant he was, in which he says that 
on the 7th of July they reached Greenland, and, coasting 
along it within a distance of three leagues, they came on the 
17th tO' Desolation' —-expressions which plainly imply that 
" Desolation " was a part ot or contiguous with Greenland.* In 
the same year, Davis himself, after having left the west coast of 
Greenland in about lat. 64°, returned to it in lat. 66" 30', which is a 
degree farther north than the southern extremity of Greenland, 
according to the Zeno Chart; but he does not at all intimate 
that he thought it to be a different country from that which he had 
just visited. In 1587, finally, Davis followed the coast of 

' " And the seventh dny of July wc did see Greenlnnd, and il was very high, and 
ll looked very blew; we could iioi come lo harborouf^ inlo the land, bring 
hindered by n (ame land, as il were, of ice, which was along the shores side ; 
but we were within three leagues of the land, coasting the same for divers dayes 
together. The seventeenth of July we saw the place which our Cnpiaine Mr. Ji^n 
Davis the yeerc before had called the land of Desolation, where we could not go oa 
shore for ice. After we had cleercd ourselves thereof wo ranged along the coast 
of Desolation untill the end of the aforesaid month. The third day of August «« 
had sighl of Gilberts Sound.'" etc. (.See Hakluyt's Priiuifal Navigation 1, 1589. 
p. 787. Hakluyl Soc. ed. of Davis's works, p. 135.) 

" In his letter 10 W. Saunderson, of the 14th of October 1586, Davis wriies : 
■■ the SuHihine came inlo Dartmouth the fourth of this month. She has ' been lo 
Island and from thence toGroenland, and so to Estoliland, ftom Ihence 10 Desola- 
tion'," etc, (see Hikluvi, Prinril«i! Xaaignlioni, 1589, p. 786. Hakluyl Soc, ed. 
of Davis's works, p. 3a). But this does not imply ihat Desolation was not a pan 
of (ircenlnnd. One might ;>erfeclly well say that a vessel had been to Norway. 
thence to England, further to Handers, and flnally lo the Isle of Wight. 
without implying that the Isle of Wight was not a part of England. At the 
time, Davis had evidently very imperfect information on the voy.ige. It appears 
from Morgan's report that the Sumhine had entered the Channel on ibe lirsl of 
October, had sighted the l>le of Wight on the second, coasted eastwards the 
following three days, and arrived in the Thames on the 6th. She had probal)1y 
just called at Dartmouth, as sailing ships used to do at one of the western harbours, 
to report their arrival in the Channel. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

APPKNniCES. 1 59 

Desolation (which name he extended to the whole of Greenland), 

a^ far as lat, 72° 10', and recognised it to be Greenland : as 
indeed he could not help doing now, whatever doubts he may 
have had before. Accordingly we find in his Traverse Book, under 
June 30th, when he was in the latitude just mentioned, the follow- 
ing entry :" Since the 2ist of this month [that is, sinceheleft 
Gilbert Sound in lat. 64"], I have continually coasted the shore of 
Greenland, having the sea all open to the West." The accounts 
of Davis's voyages were published in 1589.' Nevertheless, we find 
that, on the Moiyneux Globe (1592) and the New Map (1600) 
the name of Desolation is restricted to a projecting piece of land 
forming the south-west comer of Greenland, and placed just north 
of the supjKised western outlet of Frobisher's Strait. It is not 
improbable that the part of the coast to which Davis first applied 
the name of Desolation was in this neighbourhood,' but in 
Davis's account no headland or promontory is spoken of;' and 
in his Hydro^aphical Description, which was published after the 
Moiyneux Globe, in 1595, Davis uses the name exclusively as 
synonymous with Greenland altogether, and expressly says that 
it was another name for that country.* 

This fact is certainly not in accordance with the view that the 
representation of South Greenland on the Moiyneux Globe was 
due to Davis or expressed his ideas. The argument derived from 
this consideration may perhaps appear to some as of no very 
great weight ; but it is the only scrap of evidence, direct or 
indirect, bearing on this particular question which we possess, 
and we consider ourselves bound to go by it. In the complete 
absence of evidence to the contrary, we are entirely of opinion 
that, whatever influence Davis may have exercised on the 
Moiyneux Globe, he is not responsible for the representation on 
it of Frobisher's Strait and the South of <ireenland. 

The representation of Frobisher's Strait on the Moiyneux 
Globe was repealed on the New Map, but did not find many 

> In Hakluyfs Principal Navigations, pp. 779-793. The Traverse Book did 
not, however, appear till 1599, in the second ediiion. vol. iii, p. 11.5 

" The ejiprcssions used in the accounts of Davis'sfirsl voyage— tiolh Ihat of James 
and his own in \iie Hydregrafkictil Dtscriflion—lmjAy thai he bestowed this name 
on the very first part of Greenland thai he saw ; vii. , some point on the east coasi 
not much north of Cape Farewell ; liut Henry Morgan's sialemeni ihal they 
reached the place which Davis had called so. only after coasting for ten days, seems 
to imply thai the place was much farther west. At the same time, his slalem 
are too vague lo ailniil of an exact interpretation, particularly bec-iuse he does 
state the latitude of his landfall on the east < cm^i. 

' The name "Cape Desolation" is not due 10 Davis; but ii is no doubt foun 
on a misunderstanding occasioned by the fact that the name " Desolation" on 
Glol>e and the New Map was applied to a piece of land terminating in a mat 
womonlory. " C. Desolation" occurs, we lielieve, for the first time on tlarci 
Map of the arctic regions of. 1599 (reproduced in Hakluyt Soc. edition 

, Google 


imitators, doubtless by reason of its glaring inconsistency with 
contemporary accounts. Cartc^raphers certainly continued, with 
few exceptions, down to the second half of the eighteenth century 
to place Frobisher's Strait in the South of Greenland, but mostly 
in a manner more consistent withBest'sstatemenls. On these maps, 
to which we may refer as the second series the southern part of 
Greenland is seen traversed by two straits, of which the northern 
is intended for, and generally described as, Frobisher's : Strait, 
whilst the southern represents Frobisher's "mistaken strait". The 
south coast of Greenland, with Cape Farewell, is shown more 
or less in its proper place. The maps of this series, which are 
very numerous, exhibit a great variety of modifications in detail, 
but these are not worth discussing, as they are purely hypothetical, 
the land itself remaining unexplored all the time. 

Finally,in the third place, a certain number of early cartographers, 
while sharing the error of removing Frobisher's Strait from its 
proper place on the American coast to the east coast of Greenland, 
stopped short of the further error of representing this waterway as 
opening westwards into Davis's Strait. On their maps, therefore, 
the south of Greenland is drawn solid, not cut up into islands ; and 
Frobisher's Strait is indicated farther north, as entering from the 
east coast, but ending blind in the interior of Greenland. The 
earliest dated map on which this arrangement is shown is that 
published by Hessel Gerritsz. in 1612, to illustrate Hudson's last 
voyage. But it occurs also on the Stockholm Chart, and, as wc 
consider the latter to be the older of the two, this must be pro- 
nounced the earliest known map showing Frobisher's Strait in 
this manner. As a glance at the map will show, it is very peculiar, 
A wavy coasthne is laid down trending W.N.W., but terminating 
abruptly, representing evidently the northern shore of Frobisher's 
Strait; south of that, two other similar parallel lines are shown, 
connected by a third short line at their eastern extremities, 
representing together a long narrow penmsula, and standing 
clearly enough for Frobisher's " Meta Incognita"; no southern 
shore of the "mistaken strait" is indicated, and the whole 
stands quite without connection with the outline of Greenland. 
It is (juite evidently an adaptation of the representation on Dr. 
Dee's map ; and it is not difficult to suggest the reason why the 
author of the Stockholm Chart adopted it. We have men- 
tioned already that the author in question appeals to have been 
unwilling to place any conjectural matter on his map without 
necessity ; and we believe that it is for that reason that he has 
omitted both the hypothetical western outlet of Frobisher's Strait, 
and the whole of the long eastern, or rather eastwards trending, 
coast of Greenland, which then and for a long period after figured 
on almost all maps. As for Frobisher's Strait and the localities 
thereabout described in the accounts of Frobisher's voyages, he ' 
could not but look upon them as having really been observed ; 

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but the question was how to place them without committing 
himself to any doubtful hypothesis about the east coast of Green- 
land. The representation on the Stockholm Chart is, we believe, 
simply a contrivance to overcome that difficulty. The entrance 
to Frobisher's Strait is so placed that it would be on the east coast 
of Greenland if this were laid down according to the prevailing 
fashion, but the connection is not made. 

On the next map of this series, that of Hessel Gerritsz., the 
anangement is very similar. The east coast is here laid down in 
the traditional manner, but Frobisher's Strait and the " mistaken 
strait" are not actually fitted into it On the southern side, space 
is left open for the southern shoulder of the "mistaken strait", and 
on the northern side, the entrance of another inlet is indicated. 
Gatonbe's map, which is not dated, but must be a year or two 
later in date, is of Httle geographical value, but interesting in 
this connection, because on it we see the two straits fully incor- 
porated with the outline of Greenland. Both straits are marked 
on the Planiglobe accompanying the Latin edition of Hessel 
Gerritsz. 's Deiectio Freti (\fi\-^, and the same mode of represen- 
tation is seen on several later maps: for instance, Hexham's 
edition of Mercator's Atlas {1636). Both James's and Foxe's 
maps (1633 and 1635) are of this type. It should be noted that, 
on the maps which we have described as of the second series, the 
connection which Frobisher suspected between the western extremi- 
ties of his two straits (probably through what we call the North 
Bay), is supplied by Davis's Strait, but on most maps of this last 
series there is no western connection between them. 

It is evident that this last series of maps (on which Frobisher's 
Strait is placed on the east coast of Greenland, in the proper 
latitude, whilst the south of Greenland is drawn solid), represents 
an independent current of opinion, upholding in this latter respect, 
against the error of the Molyneux Globe, the delineation of the 
Zeno map, which had been rather confirmed than otherwise by 
Davis's and Hall's voyages. 

As we have shown before, the authorship of the Stockholm 
Chart can scarcely be ascribed to anybody else than James Hall. 
Whether he may have found the remarkable representation of 
Frobisher's Strait on some older map, of which he made use, 
we cannot, of course, tell ; but that it would be agreeable to his 
own views we may fairly conclude from the following considera- 
tions :^In 1605, he had opportunity of seeing so much of the 
shore between Cape Christian and Desolation that he may have 
satisfied himself that no strait opened in that part of the west 
coast of Greenland ; at the same time Lyschander expressly states 
that when Hall, on the third voyage in 1 607, found himself off the 
east coast in lat. 63°, he thought himself opposite the place which 
"had been visited by Frobisher.' We have shown to what great 

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extent the authors of Hessel Genitsz.'s and Gatonbe's maps drew 
their mfonnation rrotn Hall's narratives and maps, and the same 
undoubtedly holds good with regard 10 this item of Frobisher's 
Strait It was, of course, through Hessel Genitsz.'s map that it 
came to be adopted by some other cartographers. As far, there- 
fore, as we are !ed by the facts before us, we believe ourselves 
justified in ascribing this peculiar manner of representing Fro- 
bisher's Strait to Hall as its author. At the same time, it is quite 
possible that in this matter he only carried out Davis's ideas. 
That the latter, at any rate in 1586, enteruined the view that 
P'robisher's Strait was to be sought for considerably to the north 
of the southern extremity of Greenland may be inferred with no 
small probability from his instructions to the officers of the Sun- 
shlne when she was despatched on a separate expedition. 
According to Henry Morgan, their orders were "to seeke a pas- 
sage northward between Greenland and Iceland, to the latitude 
of 80 degrees if land did not let us."' The meaning of this can 
only have been that the Sunshine was to proceed northwards in 
order to seek a passage from the sea between Iceland and Green- 
land, through or round the north of Greenland. After this, or if 
they failed, they were to sail round the south of Greenland to the 
meeting-place in lat. 64° on the west coast. Next year, Davis 
himself explored the west coast from 64° up to 72°. It is ex- 
tremely probable that in planning this complete exploration of 
both coasts of Greenland, Davis had Frobisher's Strait in mind. 
Unfortunately, the Sunshine does not appear to have made much 
way northwards ; but she did follow the coast round the south of 
Greenland, and it is by no means improbable that Davis con- 
cluded, from the observations made, that the parts discovered 
by Frobisher were situated in some such way as indicated on the 
Stockholm Chart. 

It remains to consider the manner in which Fnsland is repre- 
sented on the Stockholm Chart, and which, as will be at once 
recognised, is the same as the one seen on the New Map, 
The island is drawn very much as on the Zeno map, but with a 
wavy line attached to it, indicating, by way of an alternative 
coastline, the southern and western coast, as seen by Frobisher. 
Owing to the larger scale of the Stockholm Chart, the drawing is 
somewhat more elaborate. Whether the author of the Stockholm 
Chart borrowed this peculiar representation from the New Map, 
or from some manuscript map, now lost, we have no means of 
saying. There is, however, one feature which may indicate that it 
rests to some extent on independent information, viz., that a [>ortion 
of the line along the west coast is drawn quite straight, which may 
mean that while the ship was proceeding on that part of her way the 
coast was not really seen, whilst the two pieces connected by the 

ni, 1589, p. 7S7 1 H<ikl. boc cd. of Davis's 

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APPENnrCES. 163 

straight line were actually observed. The line in question on both 
maps is different from the coastline of Frisland on Lock's map ; 
but the idea of adding such a line to the traditional drawing of the 
island was probably suggested by the fact of his having given an 
entirely new outline of the island. It may be noted that the fact 
of all early cartographers who placed Frobisher's Strait on the 
east coast of Greenland having placed a representation of Frisland 
opposite it, proves conclusively that they had no notion of Lock's 
(that is Frobisher's) Frisland being Greenland ; and that their 
delineation of Greenland was not the result of a combination 
between Zeno's Engroneland and Lock's Frisland. 

In conclusion, the main results of the preceding inquiry, some 
of which must necessarily be of a hypothetical nature, may be 
summed up as follows :- - 

I. Thechartof the North Atlantic, which is now preserved in the 
Royal Library at Stockholm, in the same volume with the Danish 
reports on the expeditions to Greenland in 1 605 and 1 606, is a copy 
of another chart, now lost, which we believe to have been executed 
by James Hall during his stay in Denmark from 1605 to 1607, or 
perhaps a little later. The names on the copy were not found on 
the original, but were inserted by a person not thoroughly 
acquainted with the subject 

3. For the execution of the original of this chart we believe that 
Hall made use of an older English chart, which may not unlikely 
have been a copy of Davis's chart, but which Hall modified, in 
regard to Greenland, in accordance with his own discoveries 
and views. 

3. The original chart, we believe, was brought back to England, 
and was there consulted by Hessel Gerritsz. or an English infor- 
mant of his — perhaps by Hudson, of whose "caid" Hessel 
(Jerritsz.'s map is thought to be, in the main, a reproduction— and 
also by Gatonbe. 

4. The representation of Frobisher's Strait on the Stockholm 
Chart is probably due to Hall, but may represent the ideas of 
Davis, who in any case cannot be considered responsible for the 
representation of Frobisher's Strait on the Molyneux Globe. 

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On "Busse Island". 

Bt miller CHRISTY.i 

[See Introduction, pp. xxxix, Ixxxix, and exit; also pp. 24 and ^S^ 

On our very earliest charts upon which the northern portion of 
the Atlantic is depicted, there were shown several islands which 
certainly do not now exist (if they ever did so), and which are, 
therefore, commonly regarded as wholly mythical. The four 
principal of these islands were those which bore the names of 
Antillia, Seven Cities, Brazil, and St. Brandan. 

It is manifestly difficult to prove a negative, and several 
centuries elapsed before geographical knowledge had advanced 
sufficiently for geographers to be able definitely to estab- 
lish the non-existence of these islands. As was the case 
with many similar errors, cartographers in early days often 
found themselves face to face with the alternative, either to 
omit altogether features which were represented on earlier charts 
or referred to in old books, or to insert them on very insufficient 
evidence. The former they generally hesitated to do, lest their 
charts might be thought imperfect. Once inserted, therefore, 
mythical islands or other misconceptions often, in early days, 
remained long on the maps, for voyages of discovery were very 
few and far between, and opportunities for really trustworthy 
verification were correspondingly rare. 

So far as the Atlantic is concerned, the islands in question 
remained long upon the charts because, until America had become 
more or less settled with Europeans, that ocean remained only 
very partially explored. Indeed, before the time arrived whe n 
geographers were able to declare without hesitation that these 
islands certainly did not exist, several other islands of more or 
less doubtful existence had appeared upon the charts ; and these, 
like those which had appeared previously, maintained their posi- 
tions thereon for a long period. 

The other so-called islands here alluded to are chiefly those which 
owed their appearance on the charts to miscoticeptions arising out 
of the very perplexing Zeno Chart, which was published in 
1558, and which (even if not altogether spurious, as it seems 
to be) undoubtedly exhibits errors which have confused all 

I 1 desire to acldiowledge the vHluable help and ad<, 
Ihe mailer in the following Ireallse which has been gl 
mj co-editor in ihe rest of the work. 

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, Google 


who have studied it. Among the more or less mythical islands 
which owe their origin to it, are those which bear the names of 
Frislanda, Icaria, Drogeo, Podanda, and Neome. 

The history — real or legendary^of the " Phantom Islands of 
the Atlantic" (as they have been called) has been studied with 
more or less diligence by many writers, among the chief of 
whom are Terrarossa', Ruache*, Eggers*, Gossellin*, Washington 
Irving*, Humboldt", Thos. Wright^ d'Avezac**, Gaffarel", Fieuriot 
del^ngle^", Sebillot", and Winsor". Mr. F. W. Lucas is about 
to publish an exhaustive work on the Zeno Narrative and Chart, 
and I have in preparation a treatise on the Island of Brazil. 

In the following remarks, however, I am not concerned with 
any of the foregoing, but with another equally- mythical island 
in the Atlantic, which first appeared upon the charts at a later 
period than any of the foregoing, and which there maintained its 
position for close upon three centuries — that is, to a later period 
than any of its predecessors ^even, in fact, to our own time. 

I allude, of course, to the so-called " Island of Buss", the 
history of which seems never to have been systematically studied 
by any previous writer on the Lost Islands of the Atlantic ; 
and as, out of the many navigators who sought for it shortly after 
the first announcement of its discovery. Hall alone, in the narra- 
tive of one of his voyages printed in the present volume, declares 
that he saw it, I think that some investigation into its history 
will not be out of place here. 

The history of the alleged discovery of this island is as fol- 
lows : — When Frobisher, in 1578, made his third and last voyage 
north-westward, he had, among the fifteen vessels of his large fleet. 

■ Riffifsione Gtcgraficki circj U lerrt intogntU (Padua. 4I0, t6B6). 
' Mimeire sur I' lit dt Frislande. In the Hijioire dc I'AcaiUmie R^att dts 
Scincti. 1784 (Paris. 410. 1787), pp. 430-453. 

• Utbtr die TvaArt Lage dtt alien Oil GrSnIands (Kiel, 8vo, 1794), 116 pp. and 

• Kechirchts sur la Giographte . . . des Aaiitnt (Paris, 4 vols,. 4I0, 179S-1813), 
vol. i, pp. 13S-164. 

° lAfe and Voyages ^ Chrislofktr Celumbui (London. 4 vols., demy Svo, iSaS), 
vol. iv, pp. 313.336. 

• ExameHCrilique de VHillairi dl laGii^aphU du Neuveau Cmlincnl (Pari*. 
S vols., 8vo, .836-37), vol. ii, sec. i. 

' St. Brandan ■ a Midiirval Legend if Ihe Sea. edhed by Thomas Wright, 
i.:Ondon (Percy Socirty). crown Svo, 1844. 
> Lti Isla Fantasliques dtt'Ocean Occidental an Meyen Age (Vani, Svo. 1845). 

• " L'Atlantide" in Sevuedt Gtagrapkie, vols, vi and vii (1880], and his Hittaire 
de la Dicfuverle de I'Ameriqut, etc. (3 vols. , Paris, 8™. 1893), vol. i, pp 103-137. 

" Rapfort sur Us Hauli-Fondi rt les I'igiis de I'Ocean Atlaalique, etc., par le 
Contre-Amiral Vicomle de Langle (PHris. 8vo. 1865). 

» Ijgetides. Crayanets. de la Mtr {Viii'-a.3\o\i.. 8vo, 1886). 

'• Narrative and Critical Hiilary of America (Boston. 8 vols. imp. 8vo, 
tWMg), vol. i, pp. 40-33. 

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one, named the Emmanuel, which was a " buss". A " buss" is a 
kind of small, strongly-built, two- or three-masted vessel, which 
was generally of from 50 to 70 tons burden, and was formerly 
much used by English and Dutch fishermen in the herring-fishery, 
but is now almost obsolete. The vessel in question (which was 
commanded by a Captain Newton') belonged to Bridgewater, 
in Somersetshire, and is described as the " busse of Bridgewater", 
which description most later wnters have erroneously taken for 
her name.* 

Just before Frobisher's return home in the month of September, 
a storm of great severity scattered the vessels of his fleet ; and, 
although the other vessels started safely upon their homeward 
voyage, the little "buss" Emmanuel was left behind in a very 
perilous position at the mouth of a rocky sound, within the 
entrance to what is now known as Frobisher's Bay. She made 
her way, however, through this sound and returned safely lo 
England, discovering on her way — or, at any rate, claiming to 
have discovered — the island which has ever since been known as 
"Busse Island." 

The first published account of the discovery of the island was 
contained in Best's narrative of Frobisher's three voyages, which 
appeared in 1578, and reads as follows^ : — 

"A Iniilefun The 5«jjf, of Mriiignoaicr, u she cunc homeward, to 

new Hand V y South Eulwside of Freseland, diiconred ■ grext Iluide 

diKonercd. J m the laliiude of — Degree*,' which w»s nener jet fonnde 

before, and uyled three da; ei alongit Ibe cout, the land 

■ccming lo be fruitefal, ^1 of woods, and a champion conntrie." 

This record, however, probably remained comparatively un- 
known or little noticed until the year 1589, when there was puh- 
hshed, in one volume, the first edition (so-called) of Hakluyt's 
famous work. In this volume, we find the following more 
circumstantial account of the discovery of Buss Island, written 
from the report of one who claims to have been on board the 
" buss" Emmanuel, of Bridgewater, at the time' : — 

1 Thai is. according 10 Best's Trui Dhcourse. Wlars (as mentioned hereaficr) 
f^ves the Captain's name as Ixeche. 

> One autborily (misled, apparently, by the contraction of the name in Best's 
narralivc) has reccrlly uTitten of her as tlie Emma; while, in the account of 
Frobisher's three voyages appearing in J. F, Iternard's Rfcuiil de Voiagei au N<rrJ 
{tomt V, Amsterdam, 1734. pp. 435-494}, she is spolten of ihrauglMul as " le 

* A Trve Diicmvse tf Ihr Lale Voyages 1^ Disnmerie far Finding of a Patiagr 
lo Calhaya tr tlu North- Wtait. vndtr Ikt Conducl of Mariin PreHsher, Gmerail 
I Bv George Best.], (txmdon, 4to, 1578). Third Voyage, p (9. SeealsoCollinion's 
Thn-e r-'yag,-s t/ Martin frotis/UriHaMajt Soci^y. iSAj). p. aBo. 

* In Best s worlc, most of the figures indicating latitude were omitted, probnlJy 
in order lo conceal the position of the supposed gold-mine discovered by Frobisher. 
though this particular omission did not in any way further that object. 

' TAe Printipalt Navinalieni. Voia/iri. and Discovtrits of Ihe F.xflish Nalion. 

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"The Report of Thomas Wiars, passenger in the Emanuel 

(otherwiie called ihe Busse of Bridge water, nberein lames Leeche 

wai Master, one of the Shipp«i in the last Toyige of Master 

Martin Fnibiiher, 1578), concerning the discouerie 

of a great Island in their wa^ homeward, 

the II of September. 

" The Basse of Bridgewater was left in Beat's sonnde, al Meiit intogtuia^ 
the second day of September, bebinde the Fleete, in some distress through 
mnch winde, iTding neere the Lee shoare, and forced there to ride it out npon 
the hazard of her cables and ankers, which were all aground but two. The 
thirde of September, being fayre weather, and the wind North -north -west, she 
set sayleand depared thence, and fel! wiih /VrVafuf 'on the E day of Ser^m. 
ber, at 6 of the clocke at night ; and then tbef set off from the SoQinweat 
poynt of Fridand, the winde being at East and East-sonlh-east; bat, that night 
the winde veared Southerly, and shifted ottenlimes that night; but, on the 
tenth diy, in the morning, the wind at west- north-west, fayre weather, they 
steered south-east by south, and continued that course until the 13 day of 
September ; when about 1 1 a clocke before noon they descryed a tande, which 
was firom them abont fine leagues ; and the Soathermost part of it was South- 
east by East from Ihem, and the Northermost next North -north -east or North- 
east. The Master accompted that Fristand (the South-east point of it) was 
from him, at that instant when bee first descryed this newe Island, North. 
west by north jo leagues. They account this Island to be sj leagues long, 
and the lon^t way of it South-east and North-west. TheSouiherae part of it 
ii in the latitude of 57 d^^ree* and i second part, or thereabout. They con. 
tinned in sijiht of it from the 12 day, at II of the clocke, till the 13 day [at] 
three of the clocke in the after noone, when they left it; and the last part they 
saw of it bire from them North-west by oorth. There appeared two har- 
boroughs vpon that coast, the greiteat of them seven letf^es to the Norlh- 
waides of the Southermost poynt, the other but fonre leagues. There was 
verie much yce neerc the same Unde, and also twentie or thirtie leagues from 
it ; for they were not deare of yce till the 15 day of September, after noone. 
They plied their voyage homewards, and fell with the west part of Ireland, 
about Cahaay, and b^ lirsl sight of it on the 35 day of September." 

This narrative is appended to Thos. Ellis's account of Fro- 
bisher's third voyage. It was republished in the better-known 
three-volume edition of Hakiuyt's Voyages, which appeared in 
1599-1600 (vol. iii, p. 44), wherein was also reproduced (vol. iii, 
p. 93) Best's brief notice of the discovery of the island, already 
quoted, but with the latitude (" S7 degrees and a half") inserted. 

It should be noted that, of the two foregoing narratives, that of 
Wiars (which is much the fuller) is a personal narrative of events 
which he himself witnessed ; whilst that of Best (although the 
first published) is merely a brief, hearsay, second-hand account, 

' On the north side of Frobisher's Riy, 

3 That Is, in this case. Greenland, Fnsland was the name (as will Ik- remembered) 
of n larec island which was supposed to lie in the middle of the Allanlic. 
between Utitudes 61" and 65". It was first represented on the well-known, but 
I'ery ttiisleading. Zeno llhart of 1558, and was copied on to most of the charts of 
the end of the i6tli century. Thus it »ns that Krotiisher, when be encountered a 
coast tying in about lai. bo', did not identify it with Greenland (which, on the 
Zeno Chart by which he was sailing, was erroneously shown much Turther north) 
but with the non-existent Frisland. 

_y Google 


and differs from the foregoing in more than one respect Thus, 
while Wiais says that they were in sight of Buss Island for only a 
part of two days, Best says they " sayled three dayes alongst the 
coast", adding that it seemed " to be fruiteful, full of woods, and 
a champion countrie", of which Wiars says nothing whatever. 
Nor is it at all likely that an island surrounded by such ice-fields 
as Wiars mentions would appear a fruitful country, full of woods. 
In short, this part of Best's account is evidently the outcome of 
his imagination, or of that of his informant, and may therefore 
be disregarded. 

The next piece of apparently-original information concerning 
Buss Island which we meet with is a statement by Luke Foxe in his 
Norlk-West Fox (published in 1635), in which he reproduces,' in 
a condensed form, the statements of both Best and Wiars as given 
above, adding in a side-note the following : — " If this Iland were 
found againe, there is great store of Fish about it." This addi- 
tional piece of information was very likely obtained personally by 
Foxe from someone who was on board the " buss" Emmanuel on 
her homeward voyage — perhaps from Captain Newton himself; 
for we know' that, for many years before sailing on his own voy- 
age in 1631, Foxe had very industriously sought the acquaintance 
of those who had sailed previously in search of a North-West 
Passage, and had obtained from them all the charts and informa- 
tion he could which bore upon the search. 

As regards early maps and charts on which Buss island is 
shown, it is a somewhat remarkable fact that, although Best refers 
to the discovery of the Island in his True Discount (as already 
mentioned), he does not show it, as he well might have done, on 
either of the maps which accompany that work. 

The earliest map of any kind on which (so far as I have been 
able to discover) Buss Island is shown, is that on the celebrated 
Molyneux Globe of 1591, which was published only fourteen 
years after the reported discovery of the Island.^ " Buss Ins." is 
shown thereon as a fair-sized island with a complete coast-line, 
somewhat elongated to the east and west, and lying in lat. 
58° 30' — 59°, long. 356° — 359° E. from St. Michael in the Azores 
( = 30°— 37° W. from Greenwich), some way to the south-east 
of Frisland, as described in Wiars' narrative, from which, no 
doubt, it was laid down by Molyneux, 

Buss Island was next shown (so far as I can find), two years 
later, on the chart of 1594 by Peter Piancius, entitled " Orbis Ter- 
rarum Typus de Integro Muitis in Locis emendatus",* whereon 

1 op. til., p. 33. See also Miller Christv's Voyages of Foxe and Samt!. p. 59. 

» See Millet Chrisly's Voyagts of Fo.xe and Jamts. pp. Iviiianda6a. 

^ The only known copy of this very interesting globe is preserved in the Libnuy 
at the Middle Tenple. 

* This map (which is in (wo hemispheres) forms the general map of the world in 
the I-atin edition {Hagae Comi (is, 1599) of Llnschoten's Virragt ta India. The map. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


it is shown as " Bus. Ins.", with & complete coast-line, in lat. 
57° 30' — 58° i°'> 3nd long. 23° W. from Greenwich (35S° E. from 
Feno), lying to the south-east of Frisland. 

In the following year (1595), " I. Bus" was shown on the chart 
entitled " Europa ost Kerstenrijck", in the Caart T/tresor (p. 2 1 ), 
published at Amsterdam. The island has a complete coast-line, 
and lies in lat. 58° — 59°, long. 3i°^32° VV. from Greenwich. 

It is somewhat remarkable that no trace of Buss Island should 
appear on the very up-to-date " New Map" published in 1600, nor 
on any later published map (so far as I have been able to dis- 
cover) before that of Hessel Gerritszoon, which first appeared 
in i6j2. 

On this Chart', the representation of Buss Island (or " Bus" 
as it is thereon called) assumes an entirely new type, and one (as 
must be admitted) more strictly in accord with the description 
given by Wiars. The position remains the same as before, the 
Island being shown in lat. 57° 40' — 58° 30', long. 26° 30' — 28° 
20' W. of Greenwich, some distance south-east from Frisland. 
The representation ol the Island itself is, however, quite different, 
the northern coast not being defined. The southern coast 
(which alone is indicated) trends S.E. and N.W., and shows 
the entrances to a couple of inlets or harbours. There can 
be no doubt that this different representation of the Island 
was due to a new and more careful study on Gerritsz.'s part 
of' Wiars's narrative, which shows (as will be remembered) that 
the southern coast alone was seen^or supposed to have been 
seen, — that it trended about as shown, and that a couple of 
harbours were observed — or supposed to have been observed 
^in it. Gerritsz., however, also represents a small nameless 
islet a little to the N.W. of the main island, and for this I do 
not know how to account. 

There can be no doubt that, from this Chart, — which went 
through several editions, and became very widely known, — the 
particular representation of the island shown thereon was trans- 
ferred to nearly all the later charts on which it appeared during 
the seventeenth century. 

The island is shown as " I. Bus" on Abraham Coos's Globe, 
published by Joh. Jansonntus at Amsterdam in 1621,^ whereon 
it is laid down in lat. 57°, long. 3° £. from the meridian of Flores 
( = 28° W. from Greenwich). 

In 1633, it appears in lat. 57° — 58°, long, about 30° W. from 

tille implies, is an amended cdiiion of some former map— probiiblj' the Peler 
lus Map of 1592, of which no copy is now known to exist (see Mr. C. H. 
s Introduction to Parti of MWa's Jfemariai/f Mapoflhi XVlh, XVItk, 

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Greenwich,' on Capt. Thomas James's " Piatt",* whereon, thongh 
nameless, it is shown very much as on Gerritsz.'s Chart. 

Two years later, in 1635, it appeared as "buss" on the chart in 
Capt. Luke Foxe's work' ; but thereon, though similarly placed 
(in !at. 57° — 58°, long, 29° — 30' W. from Greenwich), it is shown 
as three small islands lying due south from Frisland. 

After this time, the Island continued to be marked, for many 
years, on most maps and charts ; but, as the representation of it 
was copied from one to the other with little variation, it seems 
unnecessary to cite further instances. 

Nevertheless, even at this early period, there appear to have 
been cartographers who rejected the story of the discovery of 
the Island, and disbelieved in' its existence. It has been already 
mentioned that the Island is not shown on the maps in Best's 
True Discourse ; but this cannot have been because Best 
disbelieved in its existence, as he gives the account of its 
discovery a place in his work. The fact that the Island is not 
marked on the "New Map" of 1600 (as also already stated), 
nor on the Map of the World in Speed's /Voj/«<:/(Ijond., fo., 1631), 
nor on any of the maps in Hexham's (Mereator's) Atlas of 1636, 
may, however, probably be taken as evidence that their authors 
did not believe in the existence of the Island, as was most likely 
also the case with many other early cartographers of lesser conse- 
quence, on whose maps the Island is not shown. 

There can be little doubt, however, that on the Marine Charts 
drawn for the special use of navigators, Buss Island was very 
generally inserted from at least the commencement of the seven- 
teenth century onwards. We may infer as much from Hall's words 
in his accounts of his expeditions to Greenland in 1605 and 1606 
(see pp. 24 and 58), wherein he says that, having looked out for 
it, he believed it to be misplaced " in the marine charts". Very 
few of these charts are now in existence, and we can only men- 
tion one exhibiting Buss Island, namely the " Stockholm Chart" 
treated of in Appendix A. The Island is shown thereon in lat, 
57° 35' N. and (as near as one can reckon, for the degrees of 
longitude are not numbered) in long. 2&'^a^'' W. of Greenwich. 
It has very much the same appearance as on Gerritsz.'s Chart — 
merely a southern coast-line exhibiting three small inlet.s. 

The size of Buss Island, as it appeared on most of the charts 
of the seventeenth century, was considerable. From north to 
south, it extended over a degree of latitude, whilst its width from 
east to west was about equal. In shape, the Island showed little 
variation, its northern coast being shown as unknown, and its 
southern coast exhibiting one or more small inlets. Its position, 

' In Tie Slrn»_p anil IXingi-rous Vi/yagi- ^ Cafl. Tkomas Jamts (London, 4I0. 
1633); see also Miller Chrisly's i'vragei ^ l-Bxr and James, vol. li, facing p. +47. 

■J The !fatih-Wfil Fox/mm lie Norlk-WrU Pmsngf{\j3nioa,^'. 1635); 
scp also Miller Chrisly's l'm.igfi «f Foxe and Jixmn. vol. i, fai-inB p. 1. 

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too, was fairly constant, the centre lying nearly always in about 
lat. 58° N., and in long. 27° — 31° W., according to our present 
method of reckoning. In all these respects, the Island agreed 
tolerably well with the particulars given by Wiars, from whose 
account it was, without doubt, laid down on these charts- 

Naturally enough, after Buss Island thus came to be shown on 
many, if not on most, of even the better charts, without any 
question as to its real existence, all navigators who passed near 
the position it was supposed to occupy kept a sharp outlook, in 
the hope of seeing it ; and, as that position lay in the direct route 
to the entrances of both Davis's Strait and Hudson's Strait (the 
explorations of which, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, 
attracted much attention), those who thus looked for it in passing 
were probably not a few. Nevertheless, we have now no record 
of any one having done so before our author, James Hail, as 
related in the foregoing pages. On the 24th of May 1605, failing 
to Rnd Buss Island in the position commonly assigned to it, he 
says ;' — " I doe verily suppose the same to be placed in a wrong 
latitude in the marine charts", implying (as has been already 
pointed out) that it was then already commonly marked on those 
charts. On his voyage in the following year (i6o5), however, he 
gives a different report, for he says^ that, on the ist of July, he 
encountered " land, being eight leagues off, with a great bank of 
ice lying off south-west"; which land, he says, " I did suppose to be 
Buss Island, it lying more to the westwards than it is placed in 
the marine charts". This so-called "land" (which appears to 
have lain between lat 56° 10' and lat. 58° 30', though the exact 
position is not stated) Hall was obliged to double; and, 
having accomplished this, he found himself in "a great current 
setting south-south-west ; the which [he says] I did suppose to 
set between Busse Hand and J-reseland, over with Atturim." 
I will leave until later the consideration of the question as to 
what it can have been that Hall thus saw, or imagined he saw, 
and took to be Buss Island. 

The next navigator to search for Buss Island was (so far as I 
know) Hudson, when on his third voyage in 1609. On June 2nd, 
he says' : — 

"At noone, we steered away west-south-west to find flHue Island, . . ., 
10 see if it lay in hei trtie latitude in the Chan or no. Wee continued our 
course, as before, all night. . . ." 

"The third, . . ., we steered on our course, south- west bjr west, wilh a 
stiHe gale of wind. At noone, we observed and found our heigth to be 58 
dt^ees 48 minutes. And I was before the ship 16 leagues, by reason of the 
current that held us so strong out of the south-west. For it is eight leagues in 

' Sue anil. p. 34: 3\so Purfhas his FilaHm/i, vol iii, p. 815. 

' See antt, p. 58 ; also PurcAai kis Pilj^mts, vol. iii, p. 8aa. 

» Purthas his PitgritiU!, vol. iii, p. <£i ; see also Arfier'B Henry HailsoB. p. 49. 
Aiher also sUles (o/i. cil. . p. clxix). Ihfll Knight, in 1606, sought for Buss Islnnd ; 
but of this' ve can Imd no record. 

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foDre and It 
midnight, w 

Of the events of Button's voyage in 1612-13, we have only such 
a meagre account' that, even if he sought for the Island, it is not 
likely that we should have been told the fact ; while Purchas has 
so abbreviated Baffin's narratives of his north-west voyages in 
1615 and 1616 that we might expect nothing upon the point to 
appear therein. 

Munk, in the narrative of his voyage to Hudson's Bay in 1619,* 
makes no mention of having sought for Buss Island. Neither do 
Foxe and James, who sailed to Hudson's Bay in 1631 ; and both 
of them seem to have passed wide of its supposed position. That 
Foxe, at least, however, believed in the existence of the Island 
is certain, for he marks it on his chart, and, in repeating Hall's 
statement (see ante, p. 171) that he believed the Island was 
wrongly placed on the marine charts, he adds in a side-note the 
comment, "A great mistake"'; whilst he appends to his account 
of Hall's supposed subsequent sighting of the Island, already 
mentioned (see ante, p. 171), another side-note, as follows, "Busse 
Isle again discovered."* 

After the date of Foxe's voyage, there is (as far as I have 
been able to discover) no record of anyone having either sought 
for or sighted Busse Island for nearly half a century. The 
absence of any records of search for the Island is largely accounted 
for by the fact that, after Foxe's time, voyages in search of a 
North-West Passage (which had been frequent in the beginning of 
the century) were suspended for nearly a hundred years ; and, 
although the Island may have been sought by captains bound for 
Greenland, we cannot adduce actual records. Moreover, by no 
means all, even of those who passed near the supposed position 
of the Island (the real existence of which seems hardly to have 
been questioned at the time), would take the trouble to look for 
it ; while, even of those who did so, few probably would think it 
worth while to note a fruitless look-out, — unless, indeed, they 
passed very near to, or actually over, its supposed position. 

The next account we have of any one having looked for Buss 
Island is contained in the Fourth Book of Seller's English Pilot.^ 

' See Foxe's Norih-Wtst For (1635). p. i 
Foxe and Jaaui, p. i&i, 
s Foie's North- Weit Fax, p. 51- 
* Foxe's North- Wtil Fox, p. 55 ; see also Christy's Voyaga of Foxe and Jamts, 

. by John Seller. Hydrografhtr to the King. Fourth 

- ' "^ ' - ■— ' -'--' — ; belie»e 

1. b. 7}. 
men appears lo ue an incomplete prooi, ii is unaaieo, naving no (itle-pa|p ; 
il IheCalalogueassignsit 101671, probably because the Royal Grant of ExcWve 
' ' '■ loniained in it beais date " March aand, 1670^1", We 

H)n 10 be Slated hereafter), that il cannot well be earlier 
itioned hereafter appeared, we believe, only in Ibis lim 

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According to this, the Island was not only seen but partially 
explored, and a map of it made, in the year 1671, in the course of 
a voyage from Dunkirk, apparently undertaken for fishing pur- 
poses, under the command of a certain Captain Thomas Shep- 
herd. The astonishing record in question reads as follows ; — 

"A Description of the Island Buss. 

" This [gland lieth in the Latitude of 58 deg. 39 min. It bears VV. by N., 

half a point Notherlj, from the Maat-hiad, in Ireland, diitEuit about 296 

" Ttiii Island wu first diKoveted in Sir Martin Froiisher'i tliird ftud Uut 
Voy»ge 10 the North- Weit, in the Ye«r 1578, by one of his Vessel* th*t slrai'd 
from his Fleet in their Home-ward-bound Passage, who accidentally discovered 
it. and called it after the name of tbe vessel, which was the Buss ol Bridg- 
water, and Ibeiefore they called ii Bun Island.' They judged it to be about 
z<, Leagues long, lying the longest way 5. E. and N. W. They found two 
Ilarbouii in it;, and, according to tbe account they give of it, that the greatest 
of ihem is about seven Leagues to tbe northward of the Sonthennost Point of 
tbe Island, [and that it is] called Rup/rfs Harbour ; and [that] the other 
[Harbour ii] four Leagaes to the N. W. of that, [and is] called Sk^tsburjfs 
Harbour. There are ttro small Islands that lie off the East Point of tbe 

" This Island was fiuther Discovered by Captain Thomas Shepherd, in tbe 
GeldtH Lien, of Dun/ark, in tbe year 1671. at tbe charge of Mounsierfs] Kiel, 
Sfanrlding, and Kiequerts, Lords of that Town. The said Captain Shtphtrd 
brought home the Map of the Island that is here annexed ; and [be] lepoitl 
that Che Island aflbidE store of Whatcs, easie to be struck. Sea-horse, Seal, and 
Codd in abundance ; and [he] supposes that two Voyages may be made in a 

i'ear. Tbe sea is clear from Ice, unless in September. The Land [is] low and 
evel to the Southward, and [there are] some bills and mountains on the N. W. 
end. The Variation was here, in the Year 167 1, 9 d^rees west. There lieth 
a Bank about iz Leagues to the southward of the Island that hath good store 
of Fish upon ii, aiid is about 1 j Leagues in length, lying chiefly N.N.W. and 
S.S.E., hiring 40 fathom and 36 fathom Water upon iL 

"This Island hath several limes been seen by Captain GiUam in his Pass- 
ages to and from the North- West."' 

The narrative is accompanied by a large full-page map showing 
Buss Island and the Duke of York's Sand, which map is herein 
reproduced in facsimile? Buss Island is also shown, though on 
a small scale, on the General Chart of the North Atlantic, which 

Edition, though there are many Inter editions. That of 1689. however, contains the 
" Description" of Buss Islnnd. the printed sheets of the edition being, apparently, 
merely a re-issue of the surplus stotlt left over from the first edition, but with a 
new title-page. The edition of 1728 and later editions contain neilher the 
" Description" nor the maps in question, 
t The statement that it was named Buss Island by tbe members of the crew of 

> In 1671. Capu Zachariah Giliam was in the Service of the Hudson's Bay 
Company. In 1668, he had made (see post) tbe lirst trading voyage to Hudson's 
Hay ever undertaken, which had led to the CBtablishment of the Hudson's Bay 
Company. In his account of this voyage, there is a record of bis having sighted an 
island not far from the position assigned to Buss Island, which fact is alluded to 

^ The Society is indebted to one of its members, Mr. F. W. Lucas, for permission 
to have copies of this map printed off, for use herein, from the stone which had 
been prepared for use in his fonhcoming work on the Zeno (Question. 

, Google- 







,/ JV'7 \/|7 

\ >f\/\/ 

"/ ~^~~+ 

= NK A\ 1/ W 1 

/l> / IvT 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


is found in the English Pilot (a portion of which chart is also 
here reproduced in facsimile), but the names hereon differ some- 
what from those on Che larger map. As this narrative, and the 
maps accompanying it, wilt have hereafter to be fully considered 
in connection with the other records of the reported sighting of 
the Island, it is only necessary here to point out the significance 
of the names appearing on the maps. 

Taking first the larger and more detailed chart, we find thereon 
twelve names, of which eleven are on Buss Island itself and the 
two small islands shown to the east of it, while one relates to a 
sandbank further south. These names, together with the persons 
from whom they have evidently been derived, are as follows, com- 
mencing from the ^outh-west and taking them in order : — 
"■Vmer'i Point Sir Robert Vjner, KL and BarL 

'Rupert'* Hu-booi Prince Rupert 

■ShafttboiT'i Haibonr Anthonjr, Eirl of Shiftesbur;* 

•CraTBD Point William, Earl of Ciavcn 

■Cape Hajres James Ilivei, Esquire 

Kick's Ba y ? Mons. Kicquerts, of Dunkirk 

■RolHnson Bay Sir John Robinson, Kt. and Bt. 

■Albermarle'i Point Chrulopher, Duke of Albemarle 

'ArliDEton'i Haibonr Henry, Lord Arlington 

Mntiden's Island - — — ? 

Shepherd's Island 
Dake of Yorke's Sand 

On the smaller chart (which does not show the Duke of York's 
Sand), there are fifteen names of localities. Of these, eight are 
identical with those already given (namely Arlington's Harbour, 
Albemarle's Point, Shepherd's Island, Munden's Island, Cape 
Hayes, Cravon Point, Shaftesbury's Harbour, and Rupert's Har- 
bour, though the last two are transposed, probably in error); while 
two of them are new names substituted for those indicating the 
same features on the other chart ; and five are new names for 
localities not named at all on the other chart The only locality 
which is named on the larger chart, but has no name on the 
smaller, is Kick's Bay. 

The changed names appearing on the smaller chart are as 
follow : — 

The new names are : — 

"•Griffith'a Hoont Sir John Griffith, Kt 

■Kirke Point John Kirl». Esquire 

•Pmnt Carteret Sir PhUip Carteret, KL 

Bence Point ? 

'Hnugerford Bay Sir Edward Hongerfoid, Kt." 

' As, in t67i, this nobleman bore the title of Lord Ashley, and v,-aa only created 
Earl of Shaftesbury in April 1673, tbe appearance odhe latter title hete proves that 
this eilition of Seller's Pilot cannot be much earlier than 1673. 

> Afterwards KinR James 11. 

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It will be noticed that, of the nineteen names of special local- 
ities on Buss Island, given above, those marked with an asterisk 
(no less than twelve in number) are obviously derived from per- 
sons who were named as Directors in the Charter of Incorporation' 
granted to the Hudson's Bay Company on May 2nd, 1670. Of 
the remaining seven names of localities, one was named after the 
then Duke of York, as might very naturally be done ; one was 
named after Captain Shepherd himself; and another (Kick's 
Bay) probably after the Mons. Kicquerts, of Dunkirk, who is 
mentioned in the narrative' ; while I am quite unable to account 
for the origin of the remaining four names (Munden's Island,' 
^Varren Bay, Point Carew, and Bence Point), though some at 
least of these may have been named after Captain Shepherd's 
subordinate officers on board the Golden Lion, 

Although the narrative clearly slates that Captain Shepherd, at 
the time when he made the map in question, was sailing in the 
service of some French owners residing at Dunkirk, it can scarcely 
be doubted that he was the same Captain Shepherd mentioned 
by Oldmixon^ as being in the service of the Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany, and in command of the Shafltsbury, a vessel belonging, to 
the Company and spoken of as having made a voyage to Hudson's 
Bay in or about the year 1673. On that occasion, she sailed in 
company with another vessel belonging to the Company and 
commanded by the Captain Gillam who is mentioned by Seller 
(sec above) as having previously sighted the Island. To this 
statement, I will next direct attention. 

In the first edition of Seller's English Pilot, immediately 
following the " Description of Buss Island", appears "A Breviate 
of Captain Zechariah Gillam's Journal [of his Voyage] to the 
North-West, in the Nonsuch Catch, in -he year 1668." The voyage 
in question was the first trading voyf (as distinguished from an 
exploring voyage) ever made to Hudson's Bay, and it resulted in 
the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company. The account 
of it (which also appeared in many later editions of the English 
Pilot) commences as follows : — 

" Oa tbe thiid day of June, he weighed from Graoa-tnd, uid 00 the tbir- 
leentb following, be saw fair Isle beaiing N.E, by E., two Leaguei off. . . . 

"The fourtecnih daT, (Jr.6n0MbDie souih, 18 Leagues a^ and fair Iile, S-E. 
by K., eigbl Leagues from ibem ; and [he] steered away from Orkn^t N.W. 
somewhat westerly. 

n Amen 

ca. London. 


■■Samuel Keck. Esq., a 

1 Chancery", 

in after whom the bay was 

1 named. 

who may possibly hi 

* As Mr. Foster has kindly pointed out, there was a Cnpiain (afterwards Sir 
Richardj Munden, who, in 1^3, when cruising with a »jundron of the Royal Navy 
in the seas around Sl Helena, recaptured that island from the E>ulch (see Mi. 
F. C, Danvers' Keperl en Ou India Offur Riceris, vol. 1. 1887. p. 130). I am not, 
however, aware that he had any connection with (he Hidson's Bay Company. 

a Brit. Emp. in Avar., i, p. 400. 

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''On the &nl day at August Miowing, h« uwLind beu-ingvcit fiijintfaein, 
two milcioff, aodjuiiged ic to be an Lstaod, being dark and foggy weather, hav- 
ing sailed due we>t 524 leacuei and a half, seeing many great Flocks of small 
Birds; and, in souuding, [lie] fduod 110 fathom Water, the i^od or Island 
(which he rather »upp.M«i it to be) bearing west i miles from taem, 
bein(r in L>t. 59 d^. 3; ">i°- 

" TQe secoQu of Auguii, having sdll steered away weM 528 league* and a 
half, tic siw a small Isiand, being then in the Latitude of 59 ita. 41 mia 

■■Tue third day, he saw the Land bearing from tbe W.N. tV. totoeS.W. by 
W., with one IsUiid l^ing about four Leagues from the Main, beine then in the 
Latitude of 59 deg. 34 mm. . . . After six of the Clock, he ran N.W. by W. 
3 leagues, and then W. by S. II Leagues, and then found his whole Westing 
539 Leagues and a half." 

There can, I think, be very little doubt that the foregoing 
records one of the " several " occasions upon which, according 
to Seller, Captain GiUam sighted (or thought he sighted) Buss 
Island. Seller himself evidetiily believed that what Gillam saw 
on the occasion above described was Buss Island; for, ajluding 
to the voyage in question, he elsewhere says^ that the ketch, 
" in her way, made the Land of Buss, lying betwixt Iseland and 
Groenland," Speaking of the island itself, Seller says (/w. cil.) : — 

" Southwestward from Iseland, about 141} leagues, lyeth an Island called 
Buss, in the latitude of 57 degrees 35 minutes, not yel fiilly discovered, but 
only OS it hath been accidentally seen by some, who upon other discoveries 
have occasionally tiavied those seas, as Qtptain Gillam in his first voyage to 
the North-West Passage had Soundings near unto it." 

I will defer until later any expression of opinion as to what it 
was that Gillam really saw. 

After the appearance of Shepherd's narrative and maps in 
Seller's English Pilot, the curiosity of geographers and the desire 
of navigators to find the mysterious Island were no doubt con- 
siderably increased; and, though actual records are not numerous, 
one cannot doubt that many a captain, both English and foreign, 
when passing the supposed situation of Buss Island, kept a sharp 
look-out for it. But no one was forttinate enough to catch a sight 
of it ; and, befor« the middle of the eighteenlh century (by which 
time voyages across the Atlantic, to America or Greenland, 
for purposes of exploration, colonisation, commerce, or fishing, 
had become tolerably and increasingly frequent), it had gradually 
come to be recognised that the Island then certainly had no real 
existence, whatever might have been the case previously. Yet it 
had been so long, so persistently, and so precisely marked as an 
island on the charts, that the fact of its former existence seems 
hardly to have been called in question ; and it seems to have been 
generally concluded that the Island had become, in the course of 
time, submerged, from which it came to be commonly spoken of, 
and marked on the charts, as "The Sunken Land of Buss." 

I Alias Marilimu', or Ike Sea Alias, etc., eit. By John Seller. (London, fo,, 

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This name appears to have originated in the inscription appear- 
ing on John Van Keulen's well-known chart of the Atlantic,' 

which appeared in 1745. 

With the commencement of the eighteenth century, Buss 
Island, as shown generally upon the charts, underwent a remark- 
able change. Up to this time, such charts as showed Buss 
Island at all showed it with little variation and in the manner 
already described. Even as late as the year 1693, "I. Bus" 
appeared in Le Niptune Franpis {Paris} as an island of elongated 
shape, extending over about half-a-degree of longitude, and lying 
inlat. 58°io',long. 353° E. from Ferro ( = 25° W. from Greenwich); 
while, in or about the year 1700, "Bus" appeared as a piece of 
indeterminate coastline, with a small island lying close adjacent 
to it, on a map entitled " PoH Arctici et circumjacentium terranim 
descriptio novissima."^ The change in the conventional method 
of representing Buss Island seems to have been introduced by 
De I'lsle in his Atlas, which first appeared about the year 1720,^ 
On the map showing "I'Hemisphere Septentrional" therein, 
" Frislande " is shown as a nearly straight piece of northern coast- 
line inlat. 61° and extending from long. 344° to long. 350° E. 
from Ferro ( = Iong. 34° to 28° VV. from Greenwich). There can 
be no doubt that this may be held to represent Buss Island, in 
spite of the erroneous latitude and the fact that a northern, instead 
of a southern, coast-line is shown ; for it appears that De I'lsle 
regarded ihem as identical. Thus, on his "Hemisphere Occi- 
dental,"* "Iste de Bus, ci devant Frislande" is shown as an 
almost straight southern coast-line in lat. i;8°, and extending from 
long. 348° 3a' to long, 354° 30' E. from Ferro ( = 29° 30'— 23° 30' 
W. from Greenwich). 

It is not very easy to tell what it was which induced De I'lsle 
to introduce these new features, though a suggestion on the point 
will be found hereafter; but, once introduced, they remained and 
were even extended by later cartographers. 

On Van Keulen's Chart of 1745, Buss Island appears as a land 
with no northern extension, but with a long, irregular southern 
coast-line, extending over two degrees of longitude and a half 
(from 347j° to 350* E, from Ferro, which corresponds to from 

I iVViUKW Waatndt '/.tr Caari van de Notri-Oaaen, mtd ern gtdteltc van dt 
Atlaathtkf. clt, elc. (.\mslercinm, 1745}. 

s In KrudoricileWii's/.,M,/^rt,ii(AmslCTdam.f, 1700.) 

> Atla-i Nouvtau, centenant toulfs Its Partia du Alonde.far Guillaumt de tliU 
(Amsterdam, imp. ro.,i-. 1730). There are many laler edilioiu, 

'■ " Heniispbere Occidental, Dressd en 1700, pour I'usngc paniculier du Rojr. 
flur leh obsertiiliotis aMriHioiiiiquvs vl g^grapliiques repurti&ln m^meannfe dans 
rhisloire et dans lus nuimoires de I'Academie Kle. des Sciences : Par Guillaumc 
de I'lsle, pnjnucr (iCographcr dcSaMaJ05l6 de la mSnie Academic. A Anisterdam: 
J. Coi-ens cl C. Morlicr, n.d.]." In a lalw impression of Ihcsamemap, ■•comgtf 

* • ' ■■ • { ovens etMorticr." iioth the island uid the 

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Al'l'EKDiCKS. 179 

30* 30' — a8' W. from Greenwich), and bearing this inscription 
in Dutch,' — 

"TheiabmereEd Land of Buns is Dow-a-daji nothine bat sun, a. quuler o> 
a mile long, with a tough lea. Mo«t likely it mu ori^najly the gretit iHmd 
of Fritlaoa." 

On Johan Anderson's Chart (published in the following year-'), 
the Island is similariy shown in lat. 58° 30', but with a much greater 
east and west extension. In this direction, the land indicated 
extends over no less than five degrees of longitude and a half (from 
long. 346° to 35 ij" E. from Feno, which corresponds to from 32° 
to 26J° W. from Greenwich). There is also this inscription in 
Dutch, which is evidently abbreviated from that of Van Keulen^ :— 

"The inbinerged Island of Bum is now-a-dajs nothing bat iDtf, a quarter 
of a mile, vith a rough sea." 

After this time, the representation of Buss Island on the charts 
became very uncertain. On some, it was still shown much as 
Hesscl Gerritsz. had shown it in 1612 ; and of this type are the fine 
Frenchchartsof J.N. Belhnof 1751 and 1765. Others exhibited the 
Island much as it was shown on Van Keulen's Chart. Very many 
other clwrts of the period in question (among which we may men- 
tion those of Sanson, Jeffreys, and Palairet) did not show it at all, 
probably either because, as the Island was supposed to have been 
submei^ed, it was not thought worth while to show it, or because 
the greatly-exaggerated representation of Van Keulen had made 
later cartographers doubtful whether any such island could ever 
have existed at all. 

Naturally enough, however, after the impression that the Island 
had become submerged became prevalent, many navigators pass- 
ing the spot where it was supposed to have been made observa- 
tions, by means of soundings or otherwise, to endeavour to obtain 
some corroboration of the general belief in its submergence, just 
as earlier navigators had looked out for the Island itself soon after 
its existence was reported. 

Among the very earliest to do so was, I believe, the Captain 
mentioned by Anderson in 1746, of whom he says in German,' — 

I " '( jvnaateiKH Land mn flu.' 11 krdtiidaam al branding \ miji lang mel hoi 
voter, li ml=ttr ttl Groofi eiiland Fmsland gtieeril." 

* In his Nathricklen vim Island, OrBnland, und der Strain Davis (Hamburg, 
1746, flvo). There are also editions published in Copcnhngen {1748I. Amsterdnm 
(1750). and I>aris |? dnle). 

» " Hel vo-sankn Eyland van Bui is htdendaags al iriindin^e J Myl ait kol 

* Naihrirhlfn van Island. GrSaland, und der Straiv Dot-it {Haml>urg, 1746, 
flvo), p. 15a:—". . . Der bere^tt Sfhiffer hal hey der iWletimhiil . dais er allhier 
durchisisehlUpftn gttneinrl, abcrnirhl grtannl. sich virl Miiiegegeien. die an/ der 
CJtar/e angedeulele Resle dts tvriunltentn Landes von Bus su finden. indent er 
»ber ein paar Monale daselbsl zu^eiracAt, tind nark alien iiilm in die jo Meilen 
gikreuMtl: Er hat aher keine Spur van /-ande, iimdm libemll eint groste Tie/e 
gtfimden, und nur Hsu auf eine lileini Ldnge, dtr Tieft von too Faden oiner- 

M Z 

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"TheMidskippn, on one occasion wbEa he intended to slip through here, 
but could not, took much trouble to find the veuiges of tlie Suoken Luid M 
Buts, which ue clearly indicated on the chutx, and tpeut above a couple of 
monthl in the vicinity, cruising arouod in all direction* within Jo [German] 
miles. Me fouod, however, no vestige of land, but everywhere a threat defith. 
But be otjserred an inexplicable surf extending over a short distance, notwith- 
itanding a depth of loo fathoms ; in conicquence of which, the water in that 
place waa higher tbao in the sea round about. He also saw water of a 
greenish colour, and a drifting mass of all loris of green marine plants. Is it 
not the most probable hypotheiis that there are in the sea-bottom hot ipnngs 
which cause mis elevation and disturbance of the water ?" 

Messrs. Verdun de la Crenne, de Borda, and Pingre, in their 
account of a voyage made in 1771-71, by order of the King of 
France, for the purpose of correcting the marine charts ©f the 
Atlantic, crossed the place where Buss Island (which they believed 
identical with Frisland) was placed in the charts, but without 
seeing the slightest vestige of il. Of its existence, they express 
themselves very doubtfully, as follows :'~ 

" Noos en doulons, [larce que nous ue voyons pas que I'eiistence de cctte 
tie de Buss solt suflisament cunstatee ; nous I'lvons, cependani, mise sur nutre 
carte,ei pour sa position nous nous sommes conformeSs ji la carte dc 1 75 1 [i.e , 
Bellin'sj, position que noos rrgarderions, n&nmoi^ comme tris-douieuse, 

infTTif* *n aiHrn^ttant P^v-ivrmfv Am ITU *^ 

They do not actually state that they sounded upon the spot, 
but they may have done so. 

Lieutenant R. Pickersgill, who accompanied Captain Cook 
upon one of his voyages, writing (as may be inferred) between 
1776 and his death in or about 1780, declared his belief that both 
Frisland and Buss Island (which he evidently did not regard as 
identical) still existed; for, says he,* they could hardly have 
become submerged "without so violent a concussion as must 
have affected the north of Europe". He goes on to say that 
if the latter Island could be again discovered, it would pro- 
bably prove " preferable to Newfoundland for its fishery. . , 
Besides, [he adds] our ships bound to the north might winter 
there, and it might prove a nursery for hardy seamen." Next 
■ he declares his belief that one reason why Buss Island had 
never been sighted by recent navigators was that, having been 
marked on Van Keulen's Chart (by which, he says, the Green- 
land voyages were then regulated), " the seamen, in consequence, 
instead of endeavouring to discover, use all the means in their 

aci/et. tine unbcgrtifiichi Brandung, aadurcA das Wassir dastlbst hSStr, all 
a-uf dtr See rings amher geilandtn. und ein grUnliclus Wasstrntbsl finer trtibtn- 
da Menge vim allerliy griintn Sreirau/e iemcrttl. Jil nichl die jvairteiein-ticAilr 
yermulluitig das in Gmnde ieiite Spring-QiuI/en styn VKrden die diisi ErAiiuag 
und dieus Geirduill dis Wasters vtrursoiitnt" 

1 Voyage fail far Ordre du Rai em ijji el tyji (Paris, 9 vols., 4I0, 1778), 

» A Concise Account a/ Voyages for the Discovery of a North- West Passage. . . . 
By a Sta Officer (London, pott 8vo, 178a). pp. 31-38, This anonymous work wn* 
published posthumously. 

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power to avoid, it." Finally, in support of his belief in the con- 
tinued existence of both Frisland and Buss Island, he makes two 
quotations. The (iist (which relates to Frisland) does not here 
concern us, but the second (which relates to Buss Island) is as 
follows : — 

' ' A muter of a GraenlMid-nuui (called the Brilish /Ciag) once told me that, 
being \if his reckoning near that place, he was BlarmEd hy bieakeis, and, 
tounding. faand al S9 fathoms dtptk, a rockf bottom. He alio sayl that 
many veaacU had icen breakers iheieaboat. and ihat a Datch ihip Iwd her 
quaiten almost beaten in by them, and letumed home, being in ^reat danget 
of sinking." 

On the 29th of June, 1776, Lieutenant Pickersgill himself, 
when commanding H.M. Brig Lion on a voyage to Davis Strait, 
sounded (as he thought) on the site of the submerged Island, 
and obtained depths of from 290 to 330 fathoms. His account 
of the matter — the only authoritative one ever published, so far as 
I have been able to discover — is as follows :' — 

"June iSth, noon. — Lit. 56° 38'. Long, bjt last observation, 17°44'; by 
ship** reckoning 22° 20'. 

"June 291)1, 3 P.M — Cilm. TKed soandings, and got ground at 230 
fathoms ; diifted lo tbe N E. aOoat 2 miles, and sounded again in 290 fathomi; 
fine, while laad. At the tame dme, taw a shag, gulls, and other signs of 
land not far hence. By numing about 19 miles N.E. by N., loU aonndings ; 
so bore away, calling it the ' Lion's Bank'." 

It will be noticed at once that, in the foregoing, nothing is either 
Stated or implied as to the exact position in which these sound- 
ings were taken. That Pickersgill did not make any actual 
observations as to the position may be inferred from the fact that 
in his work already mentioned, speaking of Buss Island, he says ■? 
"I have sounded when near it by computation, and make no 
doubt but that, if I had had time (as I had evident tokens of 
land), I might have discovered it." 

Sir John Barrow (who, as Secretary to the Admiralty, had access 
to Pickersgill's own manuscript journal, from which he prints 
extracts) says^ that the position was lat. 57° N., long 24° 24' W., 
which cannot be made to agree with Pickersgill's own published 
statement, and is rather to the southward, and five or six degrees 
to the eastward, of what may be called the mean position of Buss 
Island on the old charts. 

Shortly afterwards, Dr. Alexander Fisher gave* (probably on 
the authority of Barrow, as he mentions no other source of inform- 
ation) the same figures for the position where Pickersgill sounded, 
though he suggests that Pickersgill was in error as to his longitude, 

I Philiisipku.d Traasaclhni. vol. kviii. pi, 3 (i77f)). V- '057. 

» A Cfncist ActQUtil, etc., (1782), p. 37. 

^ A Cknualogical History of Voyages into tkc Arrtir Rrgiims (London, c!em 
8vo, iSiS), p. 321. 

■* JeHmal ef a Yoyagt ff fMinnrry into the Atrlic /iegiom, 4th ed. (London. 
demy 8vo, iSai). p. 15. 

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being evidently inclined to think that Pickersgill had really 
sounded on the site of the submerged Buss Island, which he knew 
was supposed to He further west. 

Vet another statement (I know not whence derived) as to 
Pickersgill's position when he sounded on July 29th, 1776, is 
given in Admiral Vicomte de Langle's report to the Frendi Geo- 
graphical Society,' in which it is stated to have been in lat. 
56° 4z', long. 19° 50' — zo°os' W. from Paris (=17° 30' — I7*45'W. 
from Greenwich). 

On the whole, it seems very doubtful whether Pickersgill did 
really sound either on or near to the supposed site of Buss Island. 
All the three different positions assigned above lie to the east of 
that site ; and, although all three also lie to the west of any part 
of Rockall Bank, it seems most probable that what Pickersgill 
sounded upon was really a portion of that Bank, as has been 
already suggested by Captain Vidal. 

Purdy, speaking of the "Lion's Bank" of Pickersgill (whatever 
it was) says :' — " This bank is said to have been sounded on, a few 
years since, by Captain Richmond of Greenock." On this, how- 
ever, I have no further information. 

It is stated in the Report on the Shallows and the Vigies of 
the Atlantic,^ drawn up in 1865 for the French Geographical 
Society, that Buss Island (which is therein regarded as identical 
with Frisland) was "vainement recherch^e par les officiers fran- 
cais (Anna/es Maritimes, t. xii, p. 23)"; but I have been unable 
to follow up the reference here given, which seems to contain 
some error. These " French officers" may have been Messrs. De 
la Crenne, De Borda, and Pingr^, already alluded to. 

After the commencement of the present century, when a more 
.scientific spirit of inquiry concerning all matters of the kind had 
begun to appear, several well-equipped exploring expeditions, 
when passing the supposed site of Buss Island, took the trouble 
to sound, in order to ascertain the depth to which the Island had 
been submerged, if such had been its fate. The narratives of 
several of these must be noticed. 

Captain Sir John Ross, when on his voyage to Baffin's Bay, in 
1818, writes as follows under the date of May 17th :* — 

" At noon, we fannd ourselves exactly in the latilade of Uie sunken land of 
Buu, u it U laid down in some chartE, 57° 28' N. ; and, being denroui of 
determining wbelher such n bank really existed in long. 39° 45*, we altered 
our course, being then in 38° zo', to N.W., for the purpose of asceitiining the 

1 Rapport lur Us Havn-Ftiftds it Us Vigies dt rOctart Atlanli^tie ; . . ., par 
le Contre-Amiral Vicomte de Langle. Paris (Bulletin de la SociSW dc Gftigraphie), 
1865. p. 26. 

1 Mimoir on a Chart of Iht Morllurn Ocean, glh ed. (London, 8vo, 1845), 
p. 444, and loth ed. (1853), p. 448. 
» Rapport sar Us Hauls-Fondi. etc., p. 36. 

" fc o/" Disiirvery . . . /iir the Purpose af Exploring Baffin' 1 Bay {\jondaa, 
i), pp. 35-16. 

* t'oyagr 0, 
4I0, 1819), pf 

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fact. We nude all sail ahead, kept ■ good look-out, with tbe lead constantlj 
going; and, at gtmset, being near (be spot, shortened sail and bote to in order 
To sound, but found no bottom in 180 fathomi. This was repeated every four 
miles, but with no better succeu j and, when th« Ahxandtr came up with us 
[being then thirty miles past tbe spot marked out for this sunken baiik), wc 
made saiJ, but kept the lead constantly going. 

"The eibtence of tliia bank has long been doubled by the masters of 
Greenlan<f-[ncQ, and certainly it is not to be found where laid down in the 
chaits. Various stories respecting it were related by people on board ; but it 
appeared, on comparing their testimonies, ihat no soundings had ever been 
actually ^und. I am more inclined to imagine that, when ships have been 
■truck in this quarter with heavy seas, the shocks have erroneously been attri- 
buted to the Sunken Land of Buss, 

"Early next morning, the weather was fair.... We continued our soundings, 
hut wi'hi'Ut finding fi round, and held on constantly in the same parallel of 

In the year following (1819), Sir William E. Parry, when out- 
ward bound upon his voyage in search of a Norlh-West Passage, 
wrote as follows :'^ 

" On the 27th [of May] we cast off the Griper, and hauled a little lo the 
northward, in order to pass near the spot where Lieutenant Picker^ll obtained 
soundings, from 320 10 330 fathoms, on the 29th of June, 1776'; and, al 6 p.m, 
beinji in lat. 5')°5^ 39"i snd longitude, by chronometers, 24^33' 40', the deep- 
sea clams were sent down with one thoosand and twenty fithoms of line, 
without findii'g bottom 

" ...At half-past I p.m. [on the 30th], we bq^an to cross the space in which 
the ' iiunken Land of Bon' is laid down in Steel's Ckatt from England to 
Greenland; and, in the course of this and tbe following day, we tried for 
soundings bcveral times without success, the ship's position Iwing as follows : 

Lai. Lang. _ Fathoms. 

Alexander Fisher, M.])., who also published an account of the 
same voyage, gives some further information upon the subject. 
He says :"— 

"[May 27th, 1819].— This afternoon, the weather being almost perfectly 
calm, we availed ourselves of the opportunity of trying for founding on the 
rapposed ' Sunken Land of Buu', according to its uluation by Lieutenant 
Pickersgill, who, in his passage to Davis' Straits, in the year 1776, struck 
aotmdingt witti a Une of 320 fathoms in the very place where we happened to 

St becalmed this afternoon*; but, strange to say, although we bad 1,120 
homi of line out, we found 00 bo torn. It ouglit not to oe Inferred from 

• Journal of a Voyage for the Discovery of a Norlh- Weil Pasiage ... in tht 
Years iSiQ-io (London, 4I0, iBaif, pp. 4-5. 

3 Journal of a Voyage of Discovery to Ihe Arctic Regions, etc.. 4ih ed. (London, 
Bvo, tSai). p. 15. 

* He asserts in a foot-note thnl the position in which Pickersgill sounded was 
lit. 57, long, 24° 34' W. ; but, as already slated, we do not know definitely on what 
authority be says so. 

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this, howerer, that the bank on whidi thst officer 9ouQded doe* not exitt ; for 
it is more rea«onable to sappose th&t h« mi|;hc be misMken in his longiiude of 
the place than that the exiatence of (he bmnk itself Khould be qucEtioned, more 
especially ss some of our Ulest charts (b; Steel) Uy the Snaken Land of Boss 
down teveral degrees to the westward of where we sounded to-day." 

Later on he says^ that on the 30th and 31st (on the latter date, 
apparently in lat. 58° 13', long. 30° 20' W.) they sounded again 
"with 160 fathoms of line, but found no bottom. The object for sonndiDg 
on Ihit occasion was [he add;] to ascertain whether a bank exiils in the place 
where the ' Sunken Lund of Buss' is laid down on Steel's Chart ; hut our 
researcbes here, as on Pickeisgill'* bank,' have been in vain. So that 1 think 
the existence of any remains of [the] Buss's Land (if ever there was such an 
isle) may now be justly questioiied. At all evenl<i, hydrographera may with 
perfect safely henceforth expunge from their charts all traces of it in either of 
the places hitherto assigned." 

In i8z8, Captain W. A. Graah, when on his voyage from Den- 
mark to Greenland in search of the Lost Colonies, passed the 
reputed site of the Island. He says -.^ — ■ 

"On the 15th [of April, 1S28] we passed what is laid down in the charts 
tmder the name of the ' Sunken- Land-*an- Buss',— a danger made mention of 
even in ihe latest English sailing directions, but which mariners may now be 
assured is altogether an imaginary one." 

Although Graah does not say that he sounded, one may infer 
that he did so. 

Finally, Sir John Ross, in his account of his second voyage 
in search of a North-West Passage, says* that on the 2znd of 
June, 1829, 

" at an early hour in the morning, we passed the spot marked in the chart 
as that where FichersgiU sounded in 300 fiiihoms. The state of the weather 
did not, however, [>ermit us to repeat this trial at >o great a depth." 

This is the last occasion, as far as I know, on which anyone 
made an attempt to discover traces of the lost Island. 

It is necessary to add, however, that, even after the theory that 
Buss Island had become by some tneans submerged had obtained 
general acceptance, it did not at once disappear from the charts, 
for it lingered thereon fas has been said) right down to our own 
time. The latest on which I have been able to find any trace 
of it is that of Europe in the 1856 edition of Keith Johnston's 
Physical Atlas, whereon it appears, without query of any kind, as 
a minute speck, in about lat. 57' N., long. 25° W. It may, how- 
ever, be observed that, although the last lingering belief in the 
existence of any such island as Buss Island has long since disap- 

I Op.cit.. pp. i7-"8. 

• Which he clearly reg 
' Narralive of an F.if 

Ike King of Denmarli in starch of llu Losl Coleniis. tiniirr Ihi dmrnand ifCafl. 
W. A. Graah, translated from Ihe Danish {London, demy Bv " ' 

* Narralive of a Setund Voyage in Searrh if a A'w/A-lf >.< 
Years sSi^jj (lAindoD. 4I0, 1835(1 P- 3*- 

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peared, many pieces of evidence might be adduced to show 
that, among scienti5c men and others who have occasion to 
consider the question of the possible foimer existence of land in 
the middle of the Atlantic, few seem to entertain any doubt as to 
the former existence of Buss Island. Even so lately as the year 
before !ast, no less high an authority than Prof. Hull seemed to 
accept without hesitation the fact of its former existence, if one 
may judge from the manner of his allusion to it' 

I have now traced the history of Buss Island, as it appears on 
our maps and charts, from its reputed discovery in the year 1578 
to the present day. That no such Island now exists is certain, 
and I may therefore proceed to consider the various hypotheses 
upon which it is possible to account for the reports of the disco- 
very and sighting of the Island if it never existed, or for its disap- 
pearance if it ever did exist. These hypotheses appear to be 
limited to four in number, and are as follows :— 

(I.) — That the statements of any such land having been sighted 
have not been made in good faith, and are, in fact, fraudulent 

(II.) — That the statements of land having been sighted rest on 
a mistake, either a fog-bank or a gigantic ice-field having been 
sighted and mistaken for an island. 

(III.) — That an island really was discovered in the position 
indicated, but that it has since become submerged. 

(IV.)^That some real and still-existing land was seen, but not 
recognised as land previously known, and was, therefore, thought 
to be a new discovery. 

(I.) — In the first place, therefore, we have to consider whether 
it is not possible that the whole account of the discovery in 1578 
of an island in the middle of the Atlantic, since called "Buss 
Island", may have been a fraudulent invention — whether the 
crew of the little " buss", having been deserted (as they thought) 
by the rest of the fleet without due reason, may not have invented 
a wonderful tale of their having discovered a large island, merely 
out ol pique, and in order to "get the better of" those they 
thought had deserted them. 

Although there are reasons which go some way to support 
this view, I do not myself think it probable. ,Wiars's narrative 
seems to me altogether too detailed and too circumstantial to 
admit of any doubt that he and his companions really did sight 
some land. Had he been concocting a story, it seems probable 
that he would have thought it wiser, instead of stating the lati- 
tude with precision, to leave it more or less vague and uncertain, 

' Co« la Iht Phyiieol Hisli'iy of llu Bri'i^h lilei. etc. , and eil. (London, 

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SO that those who he might have been sure would look for the 
Island afterwards might have the greater difficulty in proving his 
deceit Another argument of the same nature may be mentioned 
in favour of this view. Wiars does not, in his narrative, propose 
any name for the new island which he says he and his compa- 
nions discovered ; for the name " Buss Island" — the Island the 
" buss" discovered^ was a name by which it was spoken of by 
others afterwards. If the crew of the little vessel had conspired 
together to spread a false report of the discovery of an island, it 
seems hardly likely that they would have resisted the tempta- 
tion of giving that island a name — unless, indeed, we credit them 
with greater subtlety than they probably possessed ; yet, as we 
have seen, they proposed no name. 

Nevertheless, it may be worth while to mention that those on 
board the " buss", when on their homeward voyage, may have 
sighted a real island which, though not then marked upon the 
charts, lies in the Atlantic in almost exactly the latitude ascribed 
by Wiars to Buss Island. I allude to Rockall, which lies in 
lat. 57° 36' N. Though now nothing more than an isobted 
pyramidal granite rock, rising straight out of the water, with 
neither soil nor sand around it, there is reason to believe (from 
the evidence of old charts) that not only was the rock itself con- 
siderably larger in the seventeenth century, but that it was also 
surrounded by a sand-bank of greater or less extent. It is not an 
altogether unreasonable suggestion, therefore, that the sight of 
this very remarkable islet may have put into the heads of Wiars 
and his companions the idea of claiming to have discovered an 
island, and that, in reporting it, they enormously and fraudulently 
exaggerated its size and very erroneously stated its longitude. I 
do not, however, attach the least importance to this view; for, 
although I have declared my belief that real land of some kind 
was sighted, it is quite certain, from the information given, that 
that land could not have been Rockall. The size, the off-lying 
ire, and the position assigned to Buss Island, are more than suffi- 
cient to prove that it can have had no connection whatever with 

There seems no reason, therefore, to doubt the perfectly bon& 
fide nature of Wiars's narrative; nor does there seem to be any 
greater reason to doubt that Hall, on his outward voyage in 1606, 
really saw something and that he believed it to be Buss Island ; 
and I shall hereafter suggest what I believe that something to 
have been. But, as regards the very remarkable account in 
Seller's English Pilot, I believe the matter stands diff'erently. 
This I am inclined to regard as a pure invention, concocted by 
a rascally captain who hoped to secure either a pecuniary reward 
or meretricious renown by claiming to have actually discovered 
and explored an island which had long been represented on the 
Charts (but of which nothing was otherwise known), and to have 

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named after the chief of his employers a number of non-existent 
headlands, bays, and harbours thereon. It will be noticed that, 
although no less than nineteen localities were named and depicted 
on the Chart, nothing is said as to the reported island having been 
landed upon ; while the narrative (though in some respects 
apparently genuine) is, on the whole, suspiciously bald and uncon- 
vincing, in which respect it differs widely from that of Wiars. \Ve 
are not told the precise date on which Shepherd sighted the 
reputed island; nor are we told, from his own observation, its 
exact position; while we are left equally in ihe dark as to the 
circumstances under which Shepherd came to encounter the 
island and how long he remained in its vicinity. That, shortly 
after the first appearance of his narrative, it was suspected to be 
spurious seems to be proved by the fact already stated that, in 
succeeding editions of the English Pilot, the maps did not appear, 
though the " Description" continued to form part of the letterpress 
through several editions, for which the same printed sheets were 
apparently made to serve, without alteration. Nor did the maps 
appear in the first edition of Seller's Atlas Maritimus (1675).' 
On the whole, therefore, I think thai Shepherd's account may 
be dismissed at once from further consideration, as being mainly, 
if not wholly, spurious. It is just possible that Rockall may 
have in some way suggested the fraud to Shepherd : a surmise 
which is to some extent supported by the mention of a bank to 
the southward with many lish upon it ; but into this it is useless 
to inquire very closely. 

(II.) — The supposition that what was sighted by those on 
board the little "buss" on September rath, 1598, was in reality 
nothing more than an immense ice-field, which tiiey mistook for 
an island, has already been advanced by several writers who 
have considered (he question. Nor is this solution of the difficulty 
in itself by any means impossible, for it is certain that such ice- 
fields are at times met with in the part of the Atlantic with which 
I am concerned. 

Dt. Asher, in discussing the subject, says" ; — 
" An immeiue iceRdd SMms to have floated ont of Davib Strait, down to 
la'. 57°. The excited fancy of a passenger an board Ihe vessel [that La, the 
" bOis" BmmaHueI\ mistook it for an island, aad the island sooa found ila 
place on mapi and charts under the name ai Buise Iiland." 

Mr. E. J. Payne also appears to regard this hypothesis as that 

* a Mapp of Ihe Regions and 
whicb Buss Island is shown with 
lune names iliereon, much as 11 is shown on the General Chan in ihe English 
Pilal. This map is undated, bul the date 1676 appears incidentally thereon. I 
believe, however, that ihe map was engraved earlier than this, al a lime when 
Seller believed the stoir which Shepherd had told him abaul Buss Island, and 
we think Ihat the legend containing the date above menlioned is a later addition. 
H^nry Hudsen, Iki Navigator, p. cix (see also p. clix). 

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which most satisfactorily solves the problem. He observes^ that 
the theory of 

" KoBting ice appeam to kfford, on the whole, the beat explui&tioD of the 
difficuhy. Packs of floating ice much larger ibao ihe aupposed island, which 
was e<:[inuted to be 25 leagues long, are sometimes observed in these sett." 

Sir John Richardson concludes- that Buss Island may have 
been "a congeries of icebergs". 

Crantz, in speaking of the huge ice-fields occasionally met with 
in the Greenland seas, says :•' — " Such a field of ice, at the first 
appearance, presents a prospect resembling a country with hills 
and valleys, towns and villages, houses, churches, and towers." 

Many instances of ice-fields having been taken for land in the 
north-western seas might be cited. 

Captain William Barron says* that, on one occasion, when near 
Cape Hooper in Davis Strait, the officer whom he had left in 
chaige on deck 

" called dowa the cabin that the vessel waii clnoe to the l&nd. The ship was 
immediately put about and the boat lowered. We could not aecoant for beioe 
so near ; as, by our calculation, we ought to have been foity mile* from it. 
Taking a gun with me, I pulled towards the supposed laitd, and found it to be 
a lai^e scooce of heavy ice, covered with grarel, aanil, and large stones, some 
oF which would weigh upwards of a ton Thiii piece of ice must have been 
attached to the land under a perpendicular clilf, . . . TMi laige piece of ice 
(or, as it maybe termed, a floating island) was about one mile in ciicumfeicnce 
■nd iweoty-four feet thick." 

Then there is the suggestion that a fog-bank may have deluded 
the sailors into the belief that they saw land, as many other sailors 
have been deluded. Many and many a sailor, especially when 
sailing in the region in question, has been so certain that he saw 
land that he has put off to it in his boat, only to find, as he 
approached it, that he had been deceived by a fog-bank. I 
cannot cite a more pertinent instance than that of our own 
Captain James Hall. He says'' that, on the morning of June 5th 
1605, the weather being fair, and he being in the southern part of 
Davis Strait, " Some of our people supposed they had seen the 
land. Our Captaine and I went aboord the Pinnasse, when, after 
an houre of our being there, we did see the supposed I-and to be 
an hasie fogge, which came on vs so fast that we could scarce see 
one another." 

Numerous similar passages might be cited, but I will limit 
myself to four more. The first gains additional interest from the 
fact that it was observed very close to the reputed site of Buss 

' Voyagei ^ IJu Elitaiclkan Scamca to AtiteHea. and Ed. (Oxford, cr. 8i'o. 
1893), p. iqa. 
^ 7*^ /War J^'oji J (Edinburgh, dy. 8vo, 1861), p. 87. 
' HhloTyofV,rtenland{\jmAan. a vols.. 8vo, 1767), vol. i, p. 31. 

• Old Whaling Day! \Wm\\,<:s. 8vo, 1895), pp. I3a-ia3, 

* S« p. 30 ; also FuTckas kit filgrimrs, vol. Hi. p. B19. 

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Captain William Barron, whom we have already cited, in his 
account of his whaling voyage to Davis Strait in 1861, says' : — 

" During our pus^Ee tow»rdi Cape Farewell, we Tell in with many icebergs 
in lu. 58° N., long. 44° 10' W. The (Uy wm beautiful and clear, and the 
doadl near the borixon to the nonhwaid appeared 10 much like the land, with 
iu Mow-capped mountajnt, that any txpaitac«i penrai might eaaiiy be 
deceived, alihoagh we knew the land to be aboat one handred and ten milea 
diitanl. When auch doodt appou-, thej are called ' Cape Fly-Bway' by the 

" The Clerk of the Ca/i/ornia", in his account of a voyage 
across the Atlantic, writes as follows' ■. — 

"The twenty-ainth [of June 1746] was a clear beantirul day, with nuishine 
and little wind. In the mommg, we liad a Fog Bank, E.N.E., mach reaembling 
land. Several of ihem arose in otber parts ot the horizon in the altemoon. 
These Banks will stagger a good judgment to discern, in places where Land 
may be expected, whether they be Fog Banks or the real land, especially as 
such Banks will often, from the sun's reflection, appear white in spots, 
resenbling snow on the mounlaini so usual in these parts. To distinguish 
whether it be a Fog Bank or Land, you carcfnlly observe whether there is any 
alteration of the form or shifimg of the outlines ; which, if there ii, as it is not 
the property of Land to change the form, yon know it to be one of these 

The third account to be cited is as follows : — Mons. de la 
Boullaye le Gouz relates" that, when approaching the coast of 
Ireland, between Wicklow and Dublin, on the 14th of May, 
1644, "certain vapours" arose from the sea, which appeared like 
land two or three leagues off, with trees and cattle thereon. He 
then states that he sought information about this land from a 
Dutch pilot residing in Dublin, who replied ; — 

"You are not the (int who has erred in the supposition of these things. 
The most expert navigators are often deceived by ihem. That which to us 
appears land is only a dense vapoiir, which cannot be raised higher in con- 
sequence of the season and the absence of the sun. Those apparent trees and 
animals are a part of that miasma, which collects in some places more than in 
others. When very young, I was oq board a Daicb tcsscI off the coast of 
Greenland, in 61° of laiitnde, when we perceived an island of this sort. We 
soimded, without touching the bottom. Finding sufficient water, our Captain 
wished to approach nearer ; bnt we were astonished that, all at once, it 
disappeared. Having a different direction, we met the same appearance again. 
The Captain, desiring to know what it was, ordered them lo turn halF-a-mile 
backwards and forwaids to observe it ; and, after having traversed many times 
without fiading any real land, there arose so furious a tempest that we expected 
to perish ; and, a calm afterwards coming on, we asked the Captain why he 
had surveyed this island. He told us that he had heard say that, near the 
Pole, there arc many islands, some floating, some not, that are seen from a 
distance and are hard to be approached ; which, they say, is owing to the 
witches who inhabit them, and destroy by storms the vessels of those who 

I 0i4 Wiaiing Dayi. p. laS. 

= Account of a Voyage far tlu Diirmvry of a North- West Passage, ttc. , performtd 
itt the Years ij^ ami iffj in tlu Skif California, Caft. Frcweis Sinilh, Cun- 
Han^cr (London . two vols., demy 8vo, 174B). vol. i, p. 13. 

» The Tour ^ the Freiu* TravtUir, M. cU la Houllayt le Ooui, in Ireland. In 
A.D. 1644. edited iy T. Crvftut Croker, . (txmdon, demy lamo. 1837}, pp. 3-4. 

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obstiiiatdy seek to land npoD tbem ; tbat ill he h&d heard reported >ad [had] 
read »er« bat lables ; that he aow knew that these floating islands proceedea 
from the vapoars raised and afterwards attracted by the planeti. which 
vapoan the wind dispersed on approachiog nearer j and that tempests usually 
follDired these pT 

Fourthly, Dr. Thotnas M'Keevor thus describes' an experience 
he and his companions underwent in that very portion of the 
Atlantic in which Buss Island was formerly believed lo lie : — 

" Sunday, July Izth [1812]. — Weather *ery thick and hazy, accompaDled 
with constant druzling rain. Wind continues fair. The air feels very cold, 
owing (is the Captain suspects] to our being near ic& About half-past od^ 
the man at the helm said he saw land. Owing to the very onbTOurable state 
of the weather, we remained for 1 coosiderable time in suspense. The 
Captain did not think that this could possibly be the case. At length, how- 
ever, £roTn its very striking appearance, he was induced to send for his 
telescope. It is still latber doubtful. If land, he thinks it must be Cape 
Farewell, in which case we ore 200 miles behind where we supposed ourselves 
lo be. In the end, it tamed out to be merely what the teamen call a Ca/e 

Both of the foregoing hypothetical solutions of the question as 
to what the so-called " Buss Island " can have been (namely, that 
it was either an ice floe or a fog-banlt), are far from being in 
themselves unreasonable ; but Wiars's account is so circum- 
stantial that I prefer to believe that real land of some kind 

:r dt la Bovllaye- 
- tint AngmH. t-aiis, Icp. 410, lOM, pp. itA-- ""' """* 

faisoienl croire que c'esioit de la lene laqueile ie voyois A. i. a. & 3 milles. < 
m'imaginoit diiiinguer les ubies en gtiind nombre, el mesme des bceuT: 
m'acTesiant i voir celte leire, e( a en demander le nom et qu'elles villes il y auoi' 
ie m'addresse ft vn piloic HoUandois, maritf a Doublin, lequel me deMbu« & m 
rim cc discours : Vous n'trates pas le premier qui a err^ dans Jn speculaiioa de ci 

choscs. Les plus experts dans laNaujgation s'y ' — " ---..--^ 1^^ —-. • — 

semble terre n'esl qu'vne vapeur grossiere qui 11 
cause de la salson & de I'esloignement du Soleil ; c 
sont panic de celte vapeur, loqucUe s'amasse plus en vn lieu qu'en I'aulre, Jc 
vous diray qu'estani eitremeraent ieune sur vn vaisseau de Hollande vers la coste 
de GroenUnd 4 61 degrei de latitude, nous appei^eumes vne isle de celte sorle. et 
icttasme.! la sonde sans trouueide fond. Nostre Capitalne voulut en approcher 
de plus prcz, et trouuans asset d'eau nous fusnieSESlonnei que tout d'vn coup cite 
disparut el nous estans csloignei de Tjuire oosW nous la descouurismcs derechcl. 
Le Capilaine voulul Sfauoir ce que c'csioit commandn que Ton lournast vn demy 
miUe tout au tour pour robseraer ; et, aprea I'auoir Iournt<c diueises foij sans 
trouuer aucune veritable lerre. il s'esleua vne lempeale si oiageuse que nous 

pensasmes perir; el, le calme ei ''• -" 

CafHtnine pourquoy il auint fait m 

ouy dire <iue, vers le Pole, il y nuoit plosieurs Isles, li'a um iiuhuhlcs, iq amm 
non. que 1 on voyoi t de loing. et desquelles I'on nuoit peine d'.iprocher. Ce que 
Ton disoit aduenir par des Temmes magiciennes qui les habiienl et fanl perir par la 
irmnnte les vaisaeaux qui s'oppiniaalrenti les vouloir aborder ; que tout ce qu'il 
ni el ouy dire n'eitoil que fables, et qu'il connoissoit k present que ce» Isles 

._ ;__. j_. i_.> -..:-i— .pj^ (^ p.1 i_ 

vapeurs leutes et altir^es par les pianettes, < 
qu on en approchoit de pr^s, el que la lempesle suiuoi 
neiheores. Je le remerciay de mnuoit donnfi la raison de cclti 

'udsoH's Bay during ike Suminrr of iSri (Ixmdon, demy 8vo 

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was seen by those on board the little " buss". It is not probable 
that the crew would have continued for the greater part ot two 
days within sight of either an ice-field or a fog-bank which they 
had mistaken for land, without discovering their error. I see 
reason, therefore, to entirely reject this hypothesis — or, rather, 
these hypotheses — as wholly untenable. 

With Hall's supposed sighting of the island in 1606, however, 
I think the case may be different. Hall's statement that he saw 
the island is very cursorily made, proving that, whatever he saw, 
he saw it imperfectly from a distance ; and I think there can be 
very little doubt that what he saw on this occasion was either an 
ice-field or a fog-bank, probably the latter. This is the more 
likely to have been the case from the fact that Hans Bruun, who 
was with Hall, says nothing at all about the matter in his diary 
kept on the voyage, except that, on this day, they saw the first 
ice.' Probably, therefore, they recognised that whatever they saw 
was not real land. We know, moreover {as just mentioned'), that 
Hall, on his voyage in the previous year, had actually been thus 
deceived, and had mistaken a fc^-bank for an island in the very 
region in which Buss Island was supposed to he. 

This, too, I believe to be the hypothesis upon which it is most 
easy to account for Giilam's supposed sighting of Buss Island. 
It will be seen from his narrative that, leaving the Orkneys on 
July 14th, 1668, he "sailed due west 524 leagues and a half, 
and, on August ist, in "dark and foggy weather", and in 
l^t- S9° 35' ^^ ^^ '^"<^ 'o ^^^ west, two miles off, which he took 
to be an island. The latitude given is somewhat more northerly 
than that commonly assigned to Buss Island at the time ; but it 
was no doubt thought near enough. If, however, his statement 
that he was 524J leagues west from Orkney was correct, he 
cannot have been anywhere near the reputed site of Buss Island j 
for that would bring him into about long. 50° W. This, together 
with his soundings, may, however, be dismissed from further con- 
sideration here ; for, whatever he saw, it certainly had no connec- 
tion whatever with Buss Island. 

(III.)— It is quite certain that, if Buss Island ever did exist in 
the position assigned to it, it does not exist there now ; but it 
does not necessarily follow therefrom that such an island never did 

In the face of such statements concerning the island as those 
which have been cited, none but a very indolent historical student 
would, at once and off-hand, dismiss as pure fabrications the 
reports of its discovery in 1578, and of its having been sighted on 
several later occasions. The only safe and proper course in all 
such cases is to follow the text of any old narrative, and to accept 

' tice p. s8, n. 3. * See p. 188. 

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192 EXI'KUITiOS-S TO CRtESLAXD, l6o5-l6i2. 

ihc suuements contained ihcrcin, howi^-cr apparently improbaUe, 
until more or less clear and direct evidence is obtained either of 
unintentional error or dclilierate deception- Let us inquire, 
therefore, whether any such evidence is obtainable in the present 

It has been already shown that, when many narigators had sought 
fur Buss Island in the place indicated by Wiars and Shepherd, 
and when all of them had failed to find it there, the conclusion 
(jenerally drawn was, not that the island had never existed, but 
that it really had formerly existed, and had, in some manner (most 
])robably, it was thought, by means of volcanic action), become 
submerged ; from which it came to be quite generally spoken of 
as "The Sunken L^nd of Buss". I have also shown the means 
by which some of the more intelligent captains sought to put 
this theory to the test, and the present is the proper place for 
us to consider the result obtained by their soundings. 

It should be noticed, in the first place, that, out of the six 
records of actual soundings already quoted, no less than four 
state that soundings were really obtained ^namely, those of 
iiillam (1668) 120 fathoms ; the skipper mentioned by Anderson 
(Iwfore 1746) too fathoms; the English captain mentioned by 
Picken^ill (before 1776) 59 fathoms ; and Pickersgill {1776) ago- 
3?o fathoms. 'Of these four, however, 1 may at once dismiss two 
from further consideration ; for I have already adduced evidence 
which seems clearly to prove that, whatever Gillam and Pickersgill 
thought when they made their soundings, those soundings were 
not really made either on or near the reputed site of Buss Island. 
Of the remaining two, it may be observed that they both give 
second-hand information. In neither case are we told either the 
name of the captain concerned or the date when he made the 
sounding in question ; while we are given no precise information 
by means of which we may satisfy ourselves that the soundings 
really were made on or near the reputed site of Buss Island, 
Both the so-called soundings were, moreover, made in the earlier 
part of last century, when the means of obtaining accurate 
soundings and of ascertaining position at sea were very imperfect. 
I think, therefore, that one is fully justified in rejecting both of 
them, and in concluding that some mistake was made, either in 
the sounding itself or in the position in which it was made. It is 
significant thai the careful soundings made in the beginning of 
the present century by the well-equipped expeditions under Ross 
and I'arry could not corroborate the earlier soundings, although 
the means of taking soundings had been then greatly improved. 
The evidence of soundings seems to me, therefore, rather against 
than in favour of the thfory of submergence. 

In addition to these older navigators and geographers, many 
recent {or comparatively recent) writers of excellent repute have 
given credence to the reports of the former existence of Buss 

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Island, and have accepted the theory of submergence to account 

for its disappearance. 

Among the chief of these, I may mention the following : — 
The remarks of MM. Verdun de la Crenne, de Borda, and 

Pingr6 seem to imply that they held this view.' 

Forster observes^ that, " if the Buss of Bridgewater really and 
Aj«i!_^i/e found an island ... in 57 deg. 3omin, N. lat., itmusthave 
sunk afterwards into the sea, as it has never been seen E^in in 
the voyages made since to Hudson's Bay, Greenland, and 

Crantz also seems to accept the theory of submergence; for in 
speaking of Frisland, he alludes* to the theory held by some that 
it "has been swallowed up by an earthquake, and is the same with 
the Sunken Land 0/ Buss marked on the charts, which is dreaded 
by seamen from the shallowness of the incumbent waters and the 
furious dashing of the waves." 

The same may also be said of Graah, who says* that, although 
the danger of the " Sunken Land of Buss" is mentioned, even 
in the latest English sailing directions, " manners may now be 
assured [that it] is altogether an imaginary one". 

Purdy speaks* of the Island of Buss as "sunken near 58° deg. N, 
and 33° W.", and includes it among "imaginary shoals, . . . 
formerly described, but now omitted from a conviction of their 

Wallich, in his important though incomplete memoir on the 
Atlantic, argues strongly and at considerable length in favour of 
the former existence of land in the position where Buss Island 
used to be marked on the charts. He holds' that the existence 
of a ridge or elevated plateau in the bed of the Atlantic in the 
place indicated (then recently discovered, but now well known, 
and to be noticed hereafter) strongly confirms the old records of 
the former existence of land (Frisland, as well as Buss Island) at 
the same place. To account for the disappearance of this land, 
he urges that the subsidence of the tract under notice may have 
resulted from volcanic action in the region of which Iceland is 

1 Voyage fml far Ordrf du if ai tn 1771 cl /7JI. . . . far MM. y.delaC.JtB.. 
el P. (Paris, wo vols.. 4">, 1778). ™l- ". P- 360. 

• yoyagei and Ditra-.-eries made in the Karl k (Ijjndon, 4I0. 1789), p. 3B7. 

> Forsierwoseviilently unacquainledwilh the reporls. citMl above, of (he alleged 
sighting of the Island by Hall, Uillam, and Shepherd. 

• History of Greenland (Lrfindon, a vols., Bvo, iBao), vol, I, p. 351. A similar 
(but difrerentl]' worded) passnf^ occurs in the Rrsl edition (London. 1767). vol. I, 

' Marra/iw of an ErfedifiMi /</ /if F.asI Cms! of Greenland, sent iy order of 
the King of Denmark in search of the I.01I Culeitits. under the Commaid of Caflain 
W. A. Oraah. Translated from Ike IMniih (I^ndon, demy Svo, 1837). p. so. 

' Memoir. . . of the Korlhem Allanlie Ocean, lolh ed. (London, Svo, 1853I, 

' Tlu Korlh Atlantic Sea-Bed; Comtrising a Diary of the Voyage on Board 
H.M.S. ■ 'flB/Z-iV in /«5o( London, demy 410, 1B63), pp. 63-67. 

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the centre. He adduces a number of facts which he holds to be 
in favour of this view, which he sums up as follows ; — 

"I think, . . ., that there is quite sufficient evidence in the distinct 
declarations of the Venetian and Norwegian navigators, coupled with those 
of later voyagers, who speak of a shoal oi suai land, and the remarkable 
conflmiatioii afTorded by the recent soundings, to establish the probability (hat 
a tract of land or an island did once exist Iwtween the Z7th and 291b degrees 
of N. latitude, and the 59tb and 60th dt^ees of W. longitude,' and thai it was 
dlher submei^ed suddenly by some tremendous volcanic action, or subsided 
slowly, leaving behind only the shoal which is now completely bidden below 
the surface." 

Mr. C. H. Coote has also expressed* his belief that the 
island said to have been discovered by the crew of the buss 
Emmanuel "was, doubdess, an island now submerged", and that 
we have in this fact a parallel instance to that recorded by 
Ruysch, and shortly to be mentioned. 

Finally, I may refer to the remarks of Bernard O'Reilly, who, 
however, cannot be regarded as an authority, as his work is 
known to be wholly spurious. Speaking of Frisland (the former 
existence of which he thinks unquestionable, and which he 
believes to have become submerged), he says : — ' 

"This spot is now marked on the charts as occupying an extensive and 
dangerous tract of ocean, and is named the Sunken I^nd of Buss. Marinera 
are studiously careful to avoid it. It is, in tempestuous weather, covered by a 
high and terrible sea. . . . The darkness in which northern history involves 
the fale of this island is peculiarly uninviting to accurate researcb. . • • The 
mind, however rude, in viewing the waves that still tower over its waste, 
must sicken at the contemplation. The site can only come within the casual 
glance of the wary mariner ; and, in the latitude of the Sunken Land, such 
a man is guided by his feais to avoid the dangerous spot. Valley's of dreadful 
soundiujp anil peaks of tremendous and destructive contact, buried in the 
ocean water, forbid an exact enquiry regarding its actual position. That the 
island in question has been there, . . . &cts Itirliid us to disbelieve ; whilst its 
fearful disappearance very naturally prevents the rarely-pas^ng stranger from 

exploring the actual depths thereabouts Quart: May not (his Land 

of Buss, so sunken, bear some probable reference to the Old or Lost Green- 
land or [to] the Atlantis of the <;reek writers ? It would not be easy to 
disprove this?" 

There are, as it happens, several facts which, at first sight, seem 
to support the theory of submergence. 

In the first place, it is well known that a large portion of the 
Atlantic Basin (including the part in which Buss Island has been 
supposed to lie) forms an area of gradual subsidence. The 
western coasts of Ireland and the coasts of Greenland both alike 
afford evidence of steady, though slow, subsidence. 

In the second place, it is well known that, in a by-no-means- 
distant part of the Atlantic — namely, that between Iceland and 

1 It will be noticed that, by an oversight, Wallich has transposed the figures 
indicating latitude nnd longitude. 

■J Dirlionary if Aa/iena/ /lim-riflAr (An. '■ FrolHsher"), vol. xx (1B89), p. 383. 

» Oranland, Ikt AdjacntI'ii l/u .W'lih-Weit Pasiagt. . . . (London, 4(0, 
iai8|, pp. ii-iz. 

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Greenland — islands which are known to have formerly existed have 
now disappeared, probably as a result of volcanic action. Thus, 
on the chart of Johan Ruysch, in the Ptolemy of 1508, there is an 
inscription to the effect that, in the year 1456, a certain island 
was totally destroyed ; while certain other rocky islets in the same 
vicinity, spoken of in the ancient Scandinavian records under the 
name of Gunnbjom's Skerries, have also disappeared. Moreover, 
it is well known that volcanic disturbances of great severity are 
not infrequent in the vicinity of the former site of these skerries. 
The Icelandic records speak of more or less serious eruptions in 
the years 1210, 1219, 1122-26, 1237, r24o, 1412, 1583, 1783, 
1830, and 1884. On several of these occasions, islands formerly 
existing off the coast of Iceland have been submerged : whilst, on 
other occasions, new islands which had previously no existence 
have appeared. On the last occasion but one named (in 1830), 
the " Geirfugla Skjer", off Reykjanes, on the south-west coast of 
Iceland— the rocks which formed the last important breeding- 
place of the Great Auk or Gare Fowl (AUa impennis) — were 
entirely submerged, and the birds were compelled to remove 

Furthermore, if we turn to any good chart showing the depths 
of the North Atlantic, we shall see that the ocean, in the vicinity 
of the reputed site of Buss Island, is, as a matter of fact, compara- 
tively shallow, this being caused by the existence of a very 
remarkable ridge in, or local elevation of, the sea-bottom, extending 
from Iceland, in a south-westerly direction, quite half way to 
Newfoundland — that is, half way across the Atlantic at this part ; 
but even the summit of this ridge gives, in the reputed vicinity of 
Buss Island, soundings of between 690 and 750 fathoms ; while, 
a little way to the north-west and south-east of the ridge, the 
soundings range up to between 1170 and 1400 fathoms. 

Taking this latter fact in conjunction with the undoubted 
evidences of subsidence and of the former disappearance of other 
islands, and also with the records of the old navigators whose 
statements we have quoted, it is \'ery tempting to regard the ridge 
in the ocean bottom as the only remaining evidence of the former 
existence of Buss Island, if not of Frisland, which (as we have 
already stated) is just what Wallich has done. I am, however, 
quite satisfied that this cannot be done with safety. The 
records of the disappearance of known islands which we have 
quoted relate to the submergence of mere islets, of much 
smaller extent than that ascribed to Buss Island, to say 
nothing of Frisland ; while the undoubted evidences of subsi- 
dence in the region in question to which I have referred do 
not show an alteration in elevation of more than a few feet in 
a century. For my part, I think it quite outside the range of 

> See Symington Grieve's Grrnl .ink (Lonilon, 4I0, 1885}. pp. 14-ao. 
N 2 

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possibility that any gradual subsidence in the bed of the Atlantic 
Ocean, could, in two hundred (or, even, in three hundred) years, 
submerge the mountain-tops of a large and mountainous island 
to a depth of nearly 700 fathoms, which is the least of the 
soundings which have been recorded over the ridge in question ; 
while the days in which men gave credence to sudden geological 
" cataclysms" have long since passed away. That, within com- 
paratively recent times, as the geologist reckons time, the ridge in 
question may have formed dry land is by no means improbable ; 
but that probability has no bearing whatever upon the present 

Taking, therefore, all the facts into consideration, I think we 
are justified in rejecting, as either fraudulent or erroneous, the 
two records stating that, on the reputed site of Buss Island, the 
sea-bottom was sounded upon at a depth of 100 ^thorns some 
time before 1746, and of 59 fathoms some time before 1776. As 
these records form the only real evidence upon which the hypo- 
thesis of subsidence can be based, that hypothesis must, I hold, 
be considered quite untenable, and I have therefore no hesitation 
in rejecting it. The hypothesis appears to me to be not only a 
grossly improbable one in itself, but there seems to be no real 
evidence in support of it, while I believe the reputed discovery 
of the non-eidstent Buss Island may be much more satisfactorily 
explained in another way. 

(IV.) — There remains the possibility that that which was seen 
by the party on board the Emmanuel on September 12th, 1578, 
was really land, but that they were in error in imagining it to be a 
previously unknown island. In other words : Can those on board 
have lost their reckoning, have sighted (without recognising) some 
portion of some adjacent coast, and have therefore regarded it as 
a previously undiscovered island? 

This possibility is hy no means an improbability, and, in con- 
sidering it, it is not necessary to go very far afield ; for, as regards 
what land (if any) it can have been that was sighted by Wiars and 
his companions, the choice lies between Iceland and Greenland 
alone. As a matter of fact, no other lands than these can have 
lain to the north and west of them (as the land they reported is 
said to have done), while on their homeward voyage. 

As regards the former of these countries, Forster suggests,' as 
an alternative to the idea already put forward,' that the crew of 
l\\e Emmanuel mxy "have been pretty much out in their reckoning, 
and must have mistaken Iceland for qiiite a new country".' This 

' I '"yogi! and Disiovcrii! madt in Iht North (London, demj 410. 17B6). p. aS?. 

* Namely. Ihat a real island was sighted, bul (hnl it has since been submer^ 
(seep. 193), 

> Forster adds (/«. ri/.)ihat they must have "formed the woods in their own 
imaginaiion" ; bul (as Ihe following will show) they did nothing of the kind, as no 
woods wen in realitj' either oburvcd or reported by Ibem. 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 


suggestion, however, does not seem to me an acceptable one. 
Although Iceland may, by a bare possibility, have been the real 
Buss Island, I do not think there is any probability whatever 
that it was so. Iceland lies so far to the north-east — some six or 
seven degrees — of any part of the route the Emmanuel can have 
sailed over with the course indicated by Wiars when on her 
homeward voyage, that it may be at once dismissed from further 

It only remains, therefore, to consider whether some part of the 
southern coast of Greenland may not have been sighted, without 
being recognised, and thereupon named Buss Island. 

This hypothesis has been already raised by several previous 
writers — among others, by Sir John Richardson, who, alluding to 
Buss Island, says : — ^ 

"This land was, no doubt, the southern extremity of Greenland." 
Nevertheless, in spite of this tolerably definite conclusion, Sir 
John goes on to add (as already stated ; see p. 188) that it "may 
have been a congeries of icebergs". 

The Rev. F. Jones thinks it probable^ that : — 
"afler crossing Davis's Straits and sighting the coast of Greenland, they 
[i.e., Wiars and his eompanions] supposed Ihemselwes off Cape Farewell, 
when in reality they had seen some point on the western coast far north of 
th»t Cape, and that, therefore, the supposed island was only a part of Green- 
land. It is [he adds] the least of the difficulties to suppose an error in their 

Mr, E. J, Payne (who, however, rejects the hypothesis after 
considering it) says' : — 

" It [i-;.. Buss Island] was either an immense pack of floating ice* or merely 
the southern extremity of Greenland, some promontory on the western coast 
further northward having been mistaken for Cape FarewelL The latter 
hypothesis, however, does not satisfactorily harmonize with the account of 
Wiars, and requires us to suppose that the seamen of the Buss made a mistake 
in observing the latitude, to the eiteot of [over] two degrees. This is not 
imposable, out scarcely probable." 

Nevertheless, I am of opinion [hat, if the party on board the 
Emmanuel on their return voyage to England really did see some 
land on their port side on the 12th of September, 1578 (as we 
believe they did), that land was a portion of the south-west coast 
of Greenland, probably just north of Cape Farewell. There does 
not exist any other land which they can possibly have seen on 
that part of their voyage and in the position described; and I 
believe that this view will be found to accord very well with 
those items in the account of ^Via^s as to which there is little or 

> Tlu Pillar Sexip/-i{iif>i),-p.9i. 

> Liji of Sir Martin Fmbuher. Knight \XxiaAon, t 

• Vejagii of iht Elitoietkax Siamen to America ; 
1893). p. 19a. 

* This suggeslian by Mr. Payne has already been discussed (see p. 187). 

, Google 


no room for doubt. \Viars states that, on the 3rd of September, 
having escaped from their dangerous position near the entrance 
of Frobisher's Bay, they set sail, and that, on the evening of the 
8th, they encountered " Frisland"— that is Greenland, which we 
know that they mistook for the Frisland of the Zeno Chart. That 
is to say, thuy spent five days in crossing Davis Strait, having 
been delayed, no doubt, by ice and by adverse winds, though it is 
stated that, when they set sail, the wind was favourable — namely, 
west -north-west. The narrative next states that (presumably on 
the same or the following day — the 9th) they "set off from the 
south-west poynt of Frisland". By this is no doubt meant the 
pronounced south-west promontory of Frisland shown on the Zeno 
Chart of 1.S58, and on the maps of the period copied from it, 
on which charts the promontory bears the name of " Venas", 
I think it most probable that the point thus described from 
which they set off was, in reality, that we now know as Cape 
Desolation. The narrative slates that, when they set off from 
this point, the wind was "at east and east-south-east", which was 
of course the wind which of all others would be most unfavour- 
able for their progress homeward. We are also told that " that 
night the winde veered southerly and shifted oftentimes." Nothing, 
therefore, is more probable than that they, to some extent, lost their 
reckoning during the night, and that they were driven back again 
by these variable and contrary winds some distance up Davis Strait 
without knowing it, to the west and north of Cape Desolation. 
Not improbably they were to some extent set back by the Polar 
current which runs down the east coast of Greenland, and, sweeping 
round Cape Farewell, runs strongly northward up the west coast 
for some distance. On the morning of the loth, however, with 
fair weather and a favourable west-north-west wind, they again 
"steered south-east and by south", as the most direct course for 
England. Had they, at this time, been in lat. 60° or lower (as they 
probably thought they were), they would, with this course, have 
sighted no land until they reached European waters ; hut, being 
(as I believe, and as is very probable) some distance up Davis 
Strait, they would not clear Cape Farewell by the course they are 
stated to have sailed. As a matter of fact, I am inclined to 
believe that, sailing slowly, they came up with the coast of Green- 
land again, somewhere in the vicinity of that Cape, at 1 1 a.m. 
on the rath- two days, that is, after starting on their south- 
easterly course ; and that, believing themselves to be much further 
to the south-east than they really were, and either not knowing or 
not recognising the coast, they never for one moment imagined it 
to be a part of "Frisland" (as they called Greenland), but thought 
they had discovered a new island. Whatever land it really was, 
we are told that they saw it from a distance of " about five 
leagues", and that they continued in sight of it from 11 a.m. on 
the 12th until 3 p.m. on the 13th, or twenty-eight hours ; after 

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which they left k and, continuing their journey, reached the west 
coast of Ireland twelve days later, namely, on the asth. 

One fact mentioned in Wiars' narrative gives strong support 
to the supposition that the so-called new " island" was in reality 
nothing more than the southern part of Greenland : namely, that 
there was off it an immense quantity of ice, extending from it for 
twenty or thirty leagues — a description which applies exactly to 
the land in the vicinity of Cape Farewell. 

Furthermore, the statements that the " island" was accounted to 
be "twenty-five leagues long, and that the longest way of it [lay] 
south-east and north-west", agree tolerably well with what is 
known of the coast from the Island of Sermersok eastward to a 
little beyond Cape Farewell (which is that along which we 
suppose the buss to have sailed), although the distance is slightly 
less than that stated, and the trend of the coast in question is in 
reality slightly more east and west than it is described by Wiars. 
The "two harboroughs" Wiars mentions were, no doubt, two of 
the numerous deep fiords which exist between the two points 

There is, however, one point mentioned by Wiars which is, at 
first sight, quite .incompatible with this view. Wiars states 
explicitly that the southernmost point of the supposed new island 
lay in lat. 57^°, while Cape Farewell (with which we suppose it to 
be really identical) lies in 59° 47'. This would, of course, con- 
stitute a fatal objection to my theory, if it can be shown that the 
statement in question was beyond suspicion and made as the 
result of an actual observation ; for, if an observation for latitude 
really was taken, it is hardly possible to sup[)ose that an error of 
as much as, or more than, two degrees can have been made. I 
believe, however, that it is, for several reasons, possible to raise 
serious doubts as to the correctness of the figures given by Wiars. 

In the first place, it should be remembered that the Buss 
Emmanuel was one of the smallest vessels of Frobisher's large 
fleet of fifteen sail ; and it is, therefore, probable that she was 
very ill-provided — if provided at all — with means (such as instru- 
ments and charts) for independent navigation. Further (as has 
been stated), she was left behind in Bear Sound uninUntionally, 
and was therefore probably even less well provided in this respect 
than she otherwise might have been. 

In the second place, it is quite possible (and, considering the 
foregoing, even probable) that no actual observation was made at 
all, and that the figure given was merely calculated on the basis 
of the master's computation of their distance and direction from 
the imaginary Frisland, as shown upon the chart by which they 
were sailing, or upon one which they (or Wiars) afterwards con- 
sulted. In this case, the indication of the latitude would have no 
value whatever in deciding the question before us. It is, in this 
connection, a significant fact that " The Master accompted that 

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Frisland (the south-east point of it) was from him, at that instant 
when hee first descryed this newe Island, north-west by north 
fifty leagues" ; but we are not told that he had sighted any south- 
east point of what he called " Frisland" (namely, Greenland) ; 
nor have we heard before of any such point. If, however, we 
turn to the Zeno Chart itself (or to any of the charts of the period 
which were made from il), we shall find that Frisland, as there 
shown, has (as well as the south-western point already alluded to) 
a very decided south-eastern point, which bears the name "Spirige", 
and is represented as lying in lat. 61° 35'. Now, fifty leagues 
south-east by south from this point would bring us not very far 
from lat. 57° 30'; and, as a matter of fact, it seems probable that 
this is how the latitude given in the narrative was arrived at. 

Finally, however, there is .the possibility that 57^° is merely a 
clerical error or a misprint for 59^°. It is by no means improbable 
that the person who filled in the figures indicating latitude (which, 
it will be remembered, were at first suppressed) made an error of 
the kind ; in which case, the mistake in the observation (if an 
observation really was made) was very small. 

Taking all these facts into consideration, and seeing that the 
choice seems to He only between the southern part of Greenland 
and no land at all, I have no hesitation in endorsing the opinion 
that the supposed "Island of Buss" reported to have been 
discovered by the crew of the buss Emmanuel in September 
157S was in reality nothing more than the southern part of 
Greenland, just west of Cape Farewell, which was not recognised 
as such by those on board in consequence of their having lost 
their reckoning.* At all events, this hypothesis is more in 
accordance than any other with the many conflicting statements 
concerning the matter. 

But (it may be urged) Greenland does not answer in any way 
to Best's description of Buss Island as a "frujteful", well-wooded, 
"champion" country. In reply to this objection, it is only 
necessary to point out that (as already stated ; see p. 167) Best's 
statement is based on second-hand information, and that this part 
of it seems to be due solely to his or his informant's imagination. 
No reference to anything of the kind appears in Wiars's more 
reliable narrative. 

For the reported later sightings of the non'-existent island by 

1 I say ihal 1 "endorse" this opinion becaase it has been previously pul for- 
ward (as already slaled ; see p. 197) by the Rev. F. Jones and Mr. E, J. Payne. 
though Ihe laller rejecled Ihe hypothiisis after considering it Neverlheless. we 
may point out that the hypothesis, ns pul forward by these writers, is not 
tenable, because Wiars and the rest of .those on board (he " buss" knew nothing 
of the existence of Greenland in the position It really occupies, but when Ihey 
sighted Grcienland, imagined Ihemselvus 10 be ofl the coasi of the imaginary island 
of Frisland. This fact (whieh the two v,T-ilers named overlooked), entirely viliales 
their argument. 

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Hall, Shepherd, and Gillam, I have (as I believe) already satis- 
factorily accounted. 

There is one other supposition upon which many writers have 
sought to account for the supposed former existence and subse- 
quent disappearance of Buss Island, and which must therefore 
be noticed here, although (as we now know) it was from the first 
wholly based on misconception ; for which reason, I have, of 
course, not included it among those hypotheses which may be 
regarded as tenable. 

This supposition was that Buss Island was a portion of the 
large (and, as we now know, imaginary) island of Frisland, 
which for a long period was shown on charts of the North Atlantic, 
the representation of it having been derived from the very well- 
known— but very misleading — 2^no Chart of 1558. No one 
had really been able to find this island, though (as we have said) 
Frobisher thought he had visited it ; and, in the course of time, 
a belief that it had been submerged grew up in consequence ; but, 
when a smaller island lying in approximately the same position came 
to be reported, it was natural to conclude that the smaller island 
represented a portion of the larger which still remained unsub- 
merged. That those on board the " buss" did not, when they 
discovered Buss Island (or thought they had done so), imagine 
it to be identical with Frisland is certain, and is easily explained. 
They had, as we know, taken the southern part of Greenland (which, 
relying on the Zeno Chart, they thought to be situated far to the 
north of its real position) for Frisland ; and they sailed some fifty 
leagues south-eastward from what they thus took to be Frisland 
before discovering (or imagining they had discovered) the Island 
long called Buss Island. Therefore it was impossible for them to 
suppose the two islands to be identical in any way whatever. 
The voyages of Davis showed, however, that the land which 
Frobisher had taken to be the Island of Frisland was really the 
southern part of Greenland, and it was then necessary once more 
to find something to account for Frisland ; and it was (as has 
been said) only natural that when a smaller island was reported 
to He in about the position assigned to the lost Frisland, 
geographers should have concluded at once that it was a stiU- 
unsubmerged portion of the larger Frisland which had till then 
been overlooked. 

As a matter of fact, this idea became prevalent within a com- 
paratively short period of the reported discovery of Buss Island, 
and not only obtained, at a later date, very wide acceptance, but 
survived for nearly zoo years— almost, in fact, until get^raphers 
had come to recognise that no such island as Frisland had ever 
existed in the position assigned to it. 

The earliest writer who imagined Buss Island and Frisland to 
be identical was (so far as 1 have been able to discover) Furchas, 

[Jigitized by Google 


who, in a side-note to the first edition (1613) of his Pilgrimage, 
writes thus of Frisian d ' :^ "Frisland is in length 25 leagues. 
The southern part of it is in the latitude of 57 degrees and one 
second part — Thomas Wiars." Here we see Purchas applyiiig 
Wiars's description of the size and position of Buss Island to 
Frisland, which proves that he regarded them as identical. 

After this time, a very large number of writers, in discussing the 
subject, either expressed or implied their belief that Frisland and 
Buss Island were identical, the latter being merely the remains of 
the former, which was undergoing submergence. It may have 
been this belief which led De I'lsle to so enormously extend the 
coast-line of Buss Island as shown on his chart of 17 20 {see p. 178). 
Extracts which have already been quoted show incidentally that 
Messrs. Verdun de la Crenne, de Borda, and Pingr^, in 1778, 
and Admiral Vicomte de Langle in 1865, both regarded Frisland 
and Buss Island as identical. A great number of similar e.xtracts 
might be quoted, but it is not necessary lo pursue the subject 
further. The supposition in question, having been from the 
outset based on a misconception, not only throws no light what- 
ever upon the subject under discussion, but can scarcely be said 
to have even a secondary interest in connection with it. Buss 
Island, which (as I have shown) never existed, cannot have 
been identical with the Island of Frisland, which also (as has 
been shown by others) never had any existence either. 

It should, perhaps, be remarked that several foreign writers (for 
instance, Zurla- and Maltebrun^) have spoken of "the Island of 
Buss or of Bry"; but this, I believe, has been due to nothing 
-more than a misreading of the name. 

In conclusion, the writer has only to express a hope that what 
has been here written may be deemed to account adequately 
for the appearance on our chjtrts of one of the most perplexing 
of the many " Phantom Islands of the Atlantic". 

(1613], p. 62a. See also the and ed. (1614 
ScBftrU SiitentrianaU di Nifole idAnlmio 

-- , BVO. 1B08I. DD. " " 

Prdcii dt la Gii/gr. 

p. 740, and Ihe 3rd cd. (1617), p. 917. 
' Diiserlationeinlorno di yjaegi e . ., . 
w (Venice, 8vo, iSoSrpp- Bi-B; 

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Akucdlersualc, Ixxxii 
Allday, Juhn, xxx 
Ameralik, 96 
Amenllok, liii, Iikvi, Ix»ii 
Anders Olsens Sum), 48 
AiennUiund, Ixxiii 
Arieraorflk, Ixvi 
Arnold, xxix, Uxiii. S, ig 
Arnold, Sund, Ixxiii 
Alanek, Ixvi 

Baahus haFn, Ixxli, Ixxxvi. 
Baal's River, 96 
Baffin, William, xxiii, cix 
Balfoiir, D.vid, xxvii 
Ball, Kichard, S3H., 13J 
Ball's River, 96 

! Clitfe Ruad, Ixviii 

I Cockayne. William, 83 H.,99it. 

I Cockenford, 99 ». , in 

Cockin Sound. Ill 

Comfort, Cape, 93 
' Comfon, land of, 92 

~ ivicts, Danish, left in Greenland, 
lix, xc, ciiii, 49, 70 
! Cunnii^ham, John, xxviii, lixxiv, 

' Cunnii^ham's Ford, Ivii, Ixxvi, ic, 

j 66, So 

I Cunnii^hani's Mount, ice \fount C. 

( Ford, 

Urade I 

80 «. 

Bredaransie's Ford, 80 
Browne, see Bruun 
Bniun, Hans, Ixxxviii, 54 ; h{&/fur- 

59 » 

»o/, X . 
lation, 560., 57n., sSv., 
60H., 6i»., 6j</., 6611., 
68«., 69«., 7i«., 73«,, 

78»., 79»- 
Buroil's Cape, 137 
Busst, Island of, xxxix, Ixx 

58, 59, 164; niBps of, 174 

Cape, Bumil's, 117 

Cape, Christen Kriis's, Ux, Ixxii, 14 

Cape Chrislianus, 4, 144 

Cape Comfort, 92 

Cape Desolation, ciii, 5, 91, 159 

Cape Farewell, xixiii 

Cape, Hall's, 147 

Cape, (Jueen Ann's, Ixxviii. Ixxx. 9 

Cape, (Jueen Sophia's, Ixxviii, 9 

Cat, the, lee Kattcn 

Call Sound, Ivii, Ix, Ixv 

Calt's Chance, K-ii n. 

Chart, Stockholm, see Stockholm, 

Christian IV of Denmark, xxv, xivi 

)ee, Dr., his 

of(ireenland, 156 

., his map, 153 

I Denmark'sHoven, 13, 39H.,4i,4S«. 

I Desolation, 7 »., 91, 157; Cape, i» 

Cape ; point, 92 
I Disco, Bay of, Ixxi, 142 

Foss, Philip de, Ixxxviii 
Fnss Bay, Ixxv, xc, cxvi, 69 
Foxe, Luke, his niap, 161 
Friis, Christen, 14 n. 
Ftiis, Cape, see Ca[>e 
Frisland, 59, 153, 162 
Frobisher's Strait, xcvii, 152 
I Frsst, lie Tresl 

I Gatonbe, or Gatonby, John, xxiii, cvi, 
109, 126 ; his map, cxi, 161 
Gerritsioon, Hessel, derived informa- 
tion from Hall's map, xiv; from 
Stockholm chart, 147, 161 
Gillibrand, ot Gilliflower, the, IxxiTii, 

Ixxxix, 54. So 
Godthaab, cix, 96 «. 
Gordon, William, cvi, 105 
Green Sound, or Weike, Iviii, Ix 
Greenland, South, maps of, 150 
Green landers brought to Denmark, 
XV. xliv, xci, 15, 48, 56, 57, 70, 124 

Digitized byGoOJ^Ic 

204 1 

Hall, James, origin and ftmily, xiii 
supposed voyage with Davis, »xii 
position in Danish actvicc, xx 
XXXV, Ixxiv, c, ci ; opinion t 
Norlh-Wesl Passage, xixv; expe- 
rience in India, xxxv ; death, 
106, 107, 135 ; maps of GTeenland, 

Hall's Cape, 147 
Hamborgerland, 100 n. 
Hammer, Cape, livi 
Harbour of Hope, dx, 94 
Heartt Ease, the, cvii, 131 
Hemsley, John, 107 
Henrik's I^ss, Ixviil 
Itemuuisen, Hendrik, Ixix 
Hildyard, Sir Christopher, 83 n. 
Hjortetakken, 95 
Holsteinborg Fjord, Ixxxiii 
Hubert,Josuts, XX, ili 
Huntriss, William, cviii, So, :o7, i 

Ikertok, liii, Ixxv, Ixxxii 
Imerigsok, 95 n. 
Inugsuglusok, 48 »■ 
Island of Hope, 95 -*. 
Isortok (Northern), Ixii 
Isortok (Southern), 99 ». 
Isortuarsuk, Ixiii 
Itivdlik, liii, lixxii 

lackman's Sound, xlv 
Jensen, J. A., Capt, liii, Ixxiii, 
lixxiii, 161 

Kagsil Islands, Ixxx 

Kakatokak, lixxii 

KakalEtak, liii, Ixxviii, Ixxxii 

Kangarsuk, Ixxviii, Ixxxiii 

Kangek, Izxiii 

Kjuigerdloarsuk (North & Soulh), lix, 
Ixxxvii, 67 n. 

Kangerdluarsuk, the, between Iker- 
tok and Ilivdlek, cxvi 

Kangerdluarsuksuak, lot n. 

Kangeidluesuak, Ixxxi, loi n. 

Kangeisunek, 96 it. 

Kaitm, xxvi, xxviii, Ixii, Ixxxvii 

Kativigh, Ivii 

Kekeitarsualsiak, 47 n. 

Kelson, tie Kieldsen 

Kiierliiigeha;tlen, liii, Ixxxiii 

Kiddsen, Peter, xxxvii. xl, 21 

King ChrLstianus Ford, lii, 34 

Kinijarlak, Ixxxii 

Kingatsiak, Ixxxi-lxxxii 

Kingigtorsuak, 95 n. 

Knight, John, ixxviii 

Kocksund, 47 )■., 48 n. 

Lancaster, Sir James, 83 «, 

Lancaster River, 96 

La Peyr^, Isaac de, xxii 

Leyell, Alexander, xxxviii ; his jour- 
nal, xv.,ivin. ; translation, 22 M. , 
iZn., 24a., iSw., Z7«., 3I«.. 
33"-. 39«-.4I"-t4J''-. 1™. I«>. 
Ixiii, liii, lixii, Ixxiii, Ixxiv, 48 «., 
49 "-. S" "■. 53 "■ 

Lindenow, Godske, xi 

Lindenov/s Fjord, iliv 
lAan, the, xxvii, xxviii. 
Lock, Michael, 154 
Love, Den rode, tee the Liofi 
Lyschander.C C, xviii, xix 

Manetoisuak, Ixxxiii 
Mannteufel, Korsten, xxxvi, xlviii 
Maps, Hall's, of Greenland, vi, vii, 

li, li 
Molyneux Globe, 156 
Morgan, Heniy, 153, 15S, 163 
Mount Cunningham, lii, Ixxviii, 

Ixnii, 9, 10, 34, 103 
Mount Gabriel, loi 

Nagtoralinguak, Ixxxii 

PatietKe, the, cv 
PiiestBfjeld, Ixiii, Ixxiiii 
Prince Christianus Ford, Ixii 
Pustervich, or Pustervig, liii, Ixiv 

KafTn, Simon, 49 
Ramel, Henrik, Ixxiv 
Ramel's Fjord, Ixxiv, Ixivii 
Rantzau, Breide, IxviiJ, cxv 
Richardson, Carsten, Ixxxix, x 
Rorale's Ford, Rommel's ft 

Kamel's Fjord 
Romsolbrd, liv, Ixviii 

D,j,i,i.aL, Google 

Seller, John, 173 

Serfortak, livji 

Sermersok, 100 ■., 146 

Shoulde Vik, Uviii 

Silver mine, supposed, xlviii, Iviii, 

lixiv, lixivi, 66 
Simiutak, lixriii, Ixxxi, 101 
Sinclair, Andiew, xxxi 
Skaubofjord, Ixxiv, Invi 
SlingeKoad, 13H,, 39 h. 
Smilh. Sir Thomas, 83 n. 
Sondre Stiomfjord, Ixxxi, loi 
Steenstrup, K.J. V., Dr., vii, ii-iii, 

Ivi, 139. 148. 149. 150 

Thoroughgood Island, 1 
Tininilik, Ixxxii 
Ttnungasak, 41 n., 47 n 
Tookusak, 1 37 w. 
7V»j/, the, xivii, Ixxxv 
Trost Haven, 49 « 
Trost Island, 47, 76 
Trost Sound, 48 

yritt, the, S4< ^> SM also OrTien. 


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