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us :iist.2\

HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY

l;:- :ilb'^. >M

HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY

■^

THE DECLARATION
OF INDEPENDENCE
= ITS HISTORY ==

1^ la

HA /ARO

UNIVERSITY

LIBRARY

Ctfyright, igo6,
Br DoDD, Mead and Company.

Published, February, 1906

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A.

PREFACE

engaged in other fields, equally important to the cause,
and had nothing to do directly with the Declaration.
Many others, we believe, never put their thoughts or
described their deeds on paper. Still more perhaps were
unfortunate (or fortunate) enough to have their writings
either destroyed or lost. Indeed, John Adams writes to
William Tudor, June 5, 18 17 : " The letters he [Samuel
Adams] wrote and received, where are they ? I have seen
him, at Mrs. Yard's in Philadelphia, when he was about
to leave Congress, cut up with his scissors whole bundles
of letters into atoms that could never be reunited, and
throw them out of the window, to be scattered by the
winds. This was in summer, when he had no fire ..."

As to the accuracy of the history, it can be said that,
without regard to the labor involved, original sources,
wherever practicable, have been examined personally.

The author gratefully acknowledges courtesies ex-
tended to him by Charles Francis Adams, by James G.
Barnwell and Bunford Samuel, of The Library Company
of Philadelphia, by Edmund M. Barton, of the American
Antiquarian Society, by John D. Crimmins and W. M.
Reynolds, by Wilberforce Eames and Victor H. Paltsits,
of the New York Public Library (Lenox), by Worthing-
ton Chauncey Ford, of the Library of Congress, by Simon
Gratz, by Dr. Samuel A. Green, of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, by S. M. Hamilton, formerly of the
Bureau of Rolls and Library of the Department of State,
by Dr. L Minis Hays, of The American Philosophical
Society, by John W. Jordan, of The Historical Society
of Pennsylvania, by Robert H. Kelby, of the New York
Historical Society, by Otto Kelsey, Comptroller of the

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

We have even a more interesting account of the
journey of the Delegates of Massachusetts.

She had selected James Bowdoin, Samuel and John
Adams, Thomas Gushing and Robert Treat Paine.
Bowdoin having declined the appointment, the others
set out from Boston, from Cushing's house, in one
coach, August loth.

On the 15th, they were in Hartford, whither Silas
Deane came to meet them ; and, from him, they received
an account of the New York Delegates, with whom they
were unacquainted. On the i6th, about dusk, they
arrived in New Haven ; and " all the bells in town were
set to ringing". There, the next day, at the tavern
(Isaac Bears'), Roger Sherman called upon them, and
expressed the opinion " that the Parliament of Great
Britain had authority to make laws for America in no
case whatever."

On the aoth, they " Lodged at Cock's, at Kings-
bridge"; then breakfasted at Day's ; and arrived in New
York " at ten o'clock, at Hull's, a tavern, the sign the
Bunch of Grapes ", whence they " went to private lodg-
ings at Mr. Tobias Stoutenberg's, in King Street, very
near the City Hall one way, and the French Church the
other." John Adams writes in his Diary : " The streets
of this town are vastly more regular and elegant than
those in Boston, and the houses are more grand, as well
as neat. They are almost all painted, brick buildings
and all."

At 9 o'clock on the 26th, they " crossed Paulus Hook
Ferry to New Jersey, then Hackinsack Ferry, then
Newark Ferry, and dined at Elizabethtown "; and thence

ITS HISTORT

on to Brunswick. About noon on the 27th, they came
to the tavern in Princeton, " which holds out the sign
of Hudibras, near Nassau Hall College. The tavern
keeper's name is Hire." Here they spent Sunday also,
when they heard Dr. John Witherspoon preach, and,
from Jonathan D. Sergeant, learned of the Delegates
from Pennsylvania and Virginia, with whom also they
were unacquainted, and still more of the Delegates from
New York.

Having breakfasted, on Monday, at Trenton, they

crossed the Delaware and passed through Bristol to

Prankford^ five miles from Philadelphia, where a number

of gentlemen came from that city to meet them — among

them, Thomas M:Kean, Thomas MifBin, John Sullivan,

Nathaniel Folsom and (?) Rutledge. They " then rode

into town, and dirty, dusty, and fatigued as we were,"

writes John Adams in his Diary, " we could not resist

the importunity to go to the tavern, the most genteel

one in America'*, where they met Thomas Lynch.

Adams, on taking a walk around the city the next day,

was much impressed with its " regularity and elegance ",

in comparison with the " cowpaths " of Boston. On

the last day of August, he and his associates moved their

"lodgings to the house of Miss Jane Port, in Arch Street,

about halfway between Front Street and Second Street".

On September 1st, in the evening, the Massachusetts

Delegates, together with the Delegates from the other

Colonies who had arrived in Philadelphia, 25 in number,

met at Smith's, the new City Tavern. The Adamses,

Cushing and Paine were introduced, the next day, to

Peyton Randolph, Benjamin Harrison and Richard

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Henry Lee. On the 3d, they met Matthew Tilghman
(perhaps) and Caesar Rodney.

Two days later (Monday, the 5th of September, the
day which had been set for the meeting), " At ten ",
writes John Adams in his Diary y "the delegates^ all
met at the City Tavern, and walked to the Carpenters'
Hall, where they took a view of the room, and of the
chamber where is an excellent library; there is also a
long entry where gentlemen may walk, and a convenient
chamber opposite to the library. The general cry was,
that this was a good room ..."

Thus began what has since become known as the First
Continental Congress.

The Journal shows us that, on this day, Cushing,
Samuel** and John** Adams and Paine *^ of Massa-
chusetts, Sullivan and Folsom of New Hampshire,
Stephen Hopkins* and Samuel Ward of Rhode Island,
Eliphalet Dyer, Deane and Sherman*® of Connecticut,
James Duane®, John Jay*^, Philip Livingston*", Isaac
Low and William Floyd *^ of New York, James Kin-
sey, William Livingston **, John De Hart, Steven Crane
and Richard Smith of New Jersey, Joseph Galloway,
Samuel Rhoads, Mifflin, Charles Humphreys, John
Morton* and Edward Biddle of Pennsylvania, Rod-
ney*", M:Kean* and George Read* of Delaware, Robert
Goldsborough, William Paca*"^ and Samuel Chase*** of
Maryland, Randolph, Washington, Henry, Richard
Bland, Harrison *" and Pendleton of Virginia and Henry
Middleton, John and Edward*** Rutledge, Christopher
Gadsden and Thomas Lynch *® of South Carolina were

present. R. H. Lee*^^* of Virginia and Thomas John-

ITS HISTORT

son, Jr., of Maryland took their seats on the next day.
Tilghman of Maryland did not attend until the I2th;
William Hooper* and Joseph Hewes* of North Caro-
lina, Henry Wisner® and John Alsop® of New York
and Geoi^ Ross* of Pennsylvania until the 14th;
Richard Caswell of North Carolina until the 17th ; John
Herring of New York until the 26th ; Simon Boerum
of New York until October ist; and John Dickinson**
of Pennsylvania until October 17th.

Randolph^ was unanimously chosen President; and
Charles Thomson of Pennsylvania became ^ Secretary.

This Congress agreed not to import, after the ist of
December, any goods, wares or merchandise from Great
Britain or Ireland, or any East India tea, or any mo-
lasses, syrups, paneles, coffee or pimento from the
British plantations or Dominica, or any wines from
Madeira or the Western Islands or any foreign indigo ;
and the Delegates embodied in the agreement a non-
consumptive clause, binding themselves, as an effectual
security for the observation of the non-importation. //
was the beginning of the American Union.

Toward declaring independence^ however, the First
Continental Congress took no action whatever ; nor does
such a measure seem to have been considered even as a
possibility.

Indeed, the association spoken of, of October 20th,
itself avowed allegiance to his Majesty ; and the ad-^
dress of this Congress to the King stated that the
Colonists yielded to no other British subjects in
affectionate attachment to his Majesty's person, family
and government

ITS HISTORT

efFect on all my Colleagues. This conversation and the
principles, facts and motives suggested in it, have given a
colour, complection and character to the whole policy
of the United States, from that day to this. Without
it ... M" Jefferson [would never] have been the
Author of the declaration of Independence, nor M'
Richard Henry Lee the mover of it . . . Although this
advice dwelt deeply on my mind, I had not in my nature
prudence and caution enough always to observe it ... It
soon became rumoured about the City that John Adams
was for Independence ; the Quakers and Proprietary
gentlemen, took the alarm ; represented me as the worst
of men ; the true-blue-sons of Liberty pitied me ; all
put me under a kind of Coventry. I was avoided
like a man infected with the Leprosy. I walked the
Streets of Philadelphia in solitude, borne down by the
weight of care and unpopularity. But every ship for
the ensuing year, brought us fresh proof of the truth of
my prophesies, aqd one after another became convinced
of the necessity of Independence.'*

Of Virginians, very many think that Henry contributed
more than any other man to light the fires of the Revo-
lution ; and Wirt goes ^ much farther — claiming for
him the credit of being the first of all the leading men of
the Colonies to suggest independence. In the account
of this patriot's burst of eloquence, in 1773, he tells us
that one of the audience reported that " the company ap-
peared to be startled ; for they had never heard anything of
the kind even suggested." Henry, in speaking of Great
Britain, (his biographer condnues) said : ^' I doubt

whether we shall be able, aloncy to cope with so powerful

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Even in Boston, — when delivering too the oration to
commemorate the tragedy of March 5, 1770! — Dr.
Joseph Warren expressed himself thus : " An independ-
ence on Great Britain is not our aim. No, our wish is
that Britain and the Colonies may, like the oak and ivy,
grow and increase in strength together . . ." Indeed,
after the battle of Lexington ^ the same orator said : " This
[reconciliation] I most heartily wish, as I feel a warm
affection for the parent state ..."

William Gordon writes from Jamaica Plain, July 30th,
to Mrs. Elizabeth Smith at Weathersfield : " [N] I
still retain with you an affection for our native country,
& wish to have matters accommodated, if it is the will
of heaven, without a total separation."

The Provincial Congress itself of Massachusetts, in its
address to the inhabitants of Great Britain, declared,
April 26th : " We profess to be his loyal and dutiful
subjects ; and so hardly dealt with as we have been, are
still ready, with our lives and fortunes, to defend his per-
son, family, crown, and dignity."

" Brother Jonathan " (Trumbull) writes, to the Earl
of Dartmouth, in March : " We consider the interests of
the two countries as inseparable, and are shocked at the
ideaofany disunion between them . . . The good people
of this Colony [Connecticut], my Lord, are unfeignedly
loyal, and firmly attached to his Majesty's person, family,
and government."

As for New York, under no circumstances could she
yet tolerate the idea of independence. On June 26th,
the Provincial Congress approved of an address, to be
delivered to Washington, who was on his way to take

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

3. A civU authority supreme over
the military, and no standing army in
time of peace kept up, but by the
consent of the people.

4. The Judges independent of the
Crown and people.

3. The military superior to the civil
authority, and America obliged to
contribute to the support of a standing
army, kept up without and against
its consent.

4. The Judges made independent
of the people, but dependent on the
Crown for the support and tenure of
their commissions.

5. Taxes and impositions laid by
those, who not only do not partake of
the burthens, but who ease themselves
by it.

6. A trade only to such places as
Great-Britain shall permit.

7. The use only of such engines as
Great-Britain has not prohibited*

8. Promoting and encouraging pe-
titions to the King declared the
highest presumption, and the legisla-
tive Assemblies of America dissolved
therefor in 1768.

9. Assemblies dissolved, their legis-
lative power suspended, for the free ex-
ercise of their reason and judgment,
in their legislative capacity.

10. To prevent the redress of
grievances, or representations tending
thereto, Assemblies postponed for a
great length of time, and prevented
meeting in the most critical times.

It is very significant of the spirit of the times that the
same writer should declare : " * When I hear America
charged with aspiring after independance, I ask, Were we
independant on Great-Britain in 1762 ? That is the aera
to which we all look back with regret, and to which we
are anxiously seeking to return." " ^ That the Ameri-
cans have entire independance on the Mother Country
in view, as the great object of their present contest • . .

[is] false and groundless . . /*

5. No tax or imposition laid, but
by those who must partake of the
burthen.

6. A free trade to all the world, ex-
cept the East-Indies.

7. A free use and practice of all
engines and other devices, for saving
labour and promoting manufactures.

8. A right to petition the King,
and all prosecutions and commitments
therefor illegal.

9. Freedom of debate and proceed-
ings in their legislative deliberations.

10. For redress of grievances, amend-
ing, strengthening and preserving the
laws, parliaments to be held frequently.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Charles Carroll of Carrollton writes, from Annapolis to
Washington (?), September 26th: "[N] If a treaty is
but once set on foot, I think, it must terminate in a last-
ing & happy peace; an event, I am persuaded, you
most earnestly desire, as every good citizen must, in
which number you rank foremost ... If we can not
obtain a peace on safe & just terms, my next wish is, that
you may extort by force from our enemies what their
policy, & justice should have granted, and that you
may long live to enjoy the fame of the best, the noblest
deed, the defending & securing the liberties of your
country."

An idea of the feeling in Virginia in the early part of
the year is given us by Wirt. He says that, when (March
23d) Henry offered, in the old church in Richmond, the
resolutions that the Colony be put immediately into a
state of defence, " some of the warmest patriots of the
convention opposed them. Richard Bland, Benjamin
Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton . . . resisted them with
all their influence and abilities." He adds that it was by
Henry's eloquence only that the resolutions were carried.

We know that, later in the year, Thomas Ander-
• son was " charged with saying . . , that this Country
. . . aimed at a state of independence/' and was acquitted
(September 5th) by the Committee of Hanover County
" from further prosecution " only upon signing a
concession.

The position of Jefferson is outlined in his own letters.^

He writes from Monticello, August 25th, to John

Randolph : " [K] I am sincerely one of those [wishing

reunion], and would rather be in dependence on Great

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

not to hesitate a single instant, but decisively to cut the
Gordian knot now besmeared with civil blood " ; and,
three days later, speaking of this letter, he says, from
" [BT] Camp on Prospect Hill", to Dr, Benjamin Rush,
that it "in my opinion is the best of my performances.
I believe it does not tally with your political creed in
some parts — but I am convinced that you have not
virtue enough for independence nor do I think it calcu-
lated for your happiness ; besides I have some remaining
prejudices as an Englishman — but you will judge from
the perusal of my letter whether they are honest and lib-
eral — if they shock you be gentle in your censures."

North Carolina, at least in one County, was more
advanced — though to just what extent has been much
mooted.

In the Essex Register (C) — published in Salem, Mass.
— of June 5, 1819, appeared the following:

From the Raleigh Regifter.*

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

It is not probably known to many of our readers, that the citi-
zens of Mecklenburg county, in this state, made a declaration of
independence more than a year before Congress made theirs. The
following document on the subject has lately come in the hands
of the editor ^^ from unquestionable authority, and is published
that it may go down to posterity :

U N. Casouna, Mbcklznburg countt, )
May ao, l^^$^ )

In the spring of 1775, the leading characters of Mecklenburg
county . . . held several detached meetings, in each of which
the individual sentiments were, ^^that the cause of Boston was
the cause of all . . ." Conformably to these principles, Col.

ITS HISTORT

Adam Alexander, through solicitation, issued an order to each
Captain's Company in the county of Mecklenburg . . . direct-
ing each militia company to elect two persons ... to adopt f
measures ... to secure, unimpaired, their inalienable rights,
privileges and liberties . . .

... on the 19th of May, 1775, the said delegation met in
Charlotte, vested with unlimited powers ; at which time official
news, by express, arrived of the battle of Lexington on that day
of the preceding month . • . Abraham Alexander was then
elected Chairman, and John M'Knitt Alexander, Clerk. After
a free and full discussion of the various objects for which the
delegation had been convened, it was unanimously Ordained —

1. Resolved^ That whosoever directly or indirectly abetted, or
in any way, form, or manner, countenanced, the unchartered and
dangerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is
an enemy to this country, — to America, — and to the inherent
and inalienable rights of man.

2. Resolved^ That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg county, do
hereby dissolve the political bands which have connected us to the
Mother Country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all allegiance
to the British Crown, and abjure all political connection, con-
tract, or association with that Nation, who have wantonly tram-
pled on our rights and liberties — and inhumanly shed the innocent
blood of American patriots at Lexington.

3. Resolved^ That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and
independent people ; are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign &
self governing association, under the control of no power other
than that of our God and the General Government of the Con- )
gress ; to the maintenance of which independence, we solemnly
pledge to each other our mutual co-operation, our lives, our for-
tunes, & our most sacred honor.

4. Rfsohedj That as we now acknowledge the existence and
control of no law or legal officer, civil or military, within this

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

county, we do hereby ordain and adopt, as a rule of life, all, each,
and every of our former laws — wherein, nevertheless, the crown
of Great Britain never can be considered as holding rights, privi-
leges, immunities, or authority therein.

J • • •

. . • After sitting in the court house all night, neither sleepy,

hungry, or fatigued, and after discussing every paragraph, they
were all passed, sanctioned, and decreed, unanimously, about two
o'clock, A. M. May 20. In a few days, a deputation of said
delegation convened, when capt. James Jack, of Charlotte, was
deputed as express to the Congress at Philadelphia, with a copy
of said resolves and proceedings, together with a letter addressed
to our three representatives, viz. Richard Caswell, William
Hooper, and Joseph Hughes, under express injunction, person-
ally, and through the state representation, to use all possible
means to have said proceedings sanctioned and approved by the
general Congress. On the return of captain Jack, the delegation
learned that their proceedings were individually approved by the
members of Congress, but that it was deemed premature to lay
them before the house. A joint letter from said three members
of Congress was also received, complimentary of the zeal in
the common cause, and recommending perseverance, order, and
energy . . .

[^The foregoing is a true copy of the papers on the above
subject, left in my hands by John Matthew 1* Alexander, de-
ceased. I find it mentioned on file that the original book was
burned in April, 1800; that a copy^^ of the proceedings was
sent to Hugh Williamson, in New- York, then writing a history
of North Carolina, and that a copy was ^^ sent to general W. R.

Davies 1^.

J. M'KNITTM]

John Adams, then at Quincy, immediately (June 22d)

wrote to Jefferson : " [S] May I inclose you one of the

ITS HISTORT

greatest curiositys and one of the deepest mysterys that
ever occurred to me ... it is entitled the Raleigh Reg-
ister Declaration of Independence — How is it possi-
ble that this paper should have been concealed from me
to this day — had it been communicated to me in the
time of it — I know, if you do not know, that it would
have been printed in every Whig Newspaper upon this
Continent — you know if I had possessed it — I would
have made the Hall of Congress Echo — and re-echo,
with it fifteen mongths before your Declaration of Inde-
pendence — What a poor ignorant, malicious, short-
sighted, crapulous mass, is Tom Pains Common Sense ^^ ;
in comparison with this paper — had I known it I would
have commented upon it — from the day you entered
Congress till the fourth of July 1776. — The genuine
sense of America at that moment was never so well
expressed before nor since. — Richard Caswell, William
Hooper, and Joseph Hughs the then Representatives of
North Carolina in Congress you know as well as I do —
and you know that the Unanimity of the States finally
depended upon the Vote of Joseph Hughes — and was
finally determined by him — and yet History is to as-
cribe the American Revolution to Thomas Paine — Sat
verbum sapient — "

Another letter from Adams, dated July 15th, to
William Bentley, says: "[J] A few weeks ago I re-
ceived an Essex Register, containing resolutions of inde-
pendence by a county in North Carolina ... I was
struck with so much astonishment on reading this docu-
ment, that I could not help inclosing it immediately to
Mr. Jefferson, who must have seen it, in the time of it,

/■

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

for he has copied the spirit, the sense, and the expressions
of it verbatimy into his Declaration • • • Its total con-
cealment from me is a mystery, which can be unriddled
only by the timidity of the delegates in Congress from
North Carolina, by the influence of Quakers and pro-
prietary gentlemen in Pennsylvania, the remaining art
and power of toryism throughout the continent at that
time."

Jefferson replied, July 9th : " [P] what has attracted
my peculiar notice is the paper from Mecklenburg
county ... I believe it spurious. I deem it to be a
very unjustifiable quiz ... if this paper be really
taken ^ from the Raleigh Register, as quoted, I wonder it
should have escaped Ritchie ^, who culls what is good
from every paper, as the bee from every flower; and
the National Intelligencer too, which is edited by a N.
Carolinian, and that the fire should blaze out all at once
in Essex [Salem], icxxd. miles from where the spark is
said to have fallen, but if really taken from the Raleigh
Register, who is the narrator, and is the name subscribed
real ^, or is it as fictitious as the paper itself? it appeals
too to an original book, which is burnt, to mr Alexander
who is dead, to a joint letter from Caswell, Hughes and
Hooper, all dead, to a copy sent to the dead Caswell, and
another sent to Doctf Williamson whose memory, now
probably dead, did not recollect, in the history he has
written of N. Carolina, this Gigantic step of it*s county
of Mecklenburg. Horry too is silent in his history of
Marion, whose scene of action was the county bordering
on Mecklenburg Ramsay, Marshal, Jones, Girardin,
Wirt, Historians of the adjacent states, all silent, when

ITS HISTORT

mr Henry's resolutions®, (ar short of independance, flew
like lightning thro every paper and kindled both sides of
the Atlantic, this flaming declaration of the same date,
of the independance of Mecklenburg county of N,
Carolina, absolving it from British allegiance, and objur-
ing all political connection with that nation, altho' sent
to Congress too, is never heard of. it is not known even
a twelve month after even a similar proposition is first
made in that body, armed with this bold example, would
not you have addressed our timid brethren in peals of
thunder, on their tardy fears? would not every advo-
cate of independance have rung the glories of Mecklen-
burg county in N. Carolina in the ears of the doubting
Dickinson and others, who hung so heavily on us ? yet
the example of independant Mecklenburg county in N.
Carolina was never once quoted, the paper speaks too
of the continued exertion of their delegation, (Caswell,
Hooper, Hughes) " in the cause of liberty and inde-
pendance." now you remember as well as I do, that we
had not a greater tory in Congress than Hooper^, that
Hughes was very wavering, sometimes firm, sometimes
feeble, according as the day was clear or cloudy ; that
Caswell indeed was a good whig, and kept these gentle-
men to the notch, while he was present ; but that he left
us* soon, and their line of conduct became then uncer-
tain till Penn came*, who fixed Hughes and the vote of
the state. I must not be understood as suggesting any
doubtfulness in the state of N. Carolina, no state was
more fixed or forward, nor do I affirm positively that
this paper is a fabrication : because the proof of a nega-
tive can only be presumptive, but I shall believe it such

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

until positive and solemn proof of it's authenticity shall
be produced, and if the name of M'Knitt be real, and
not a part of the fabrication, it needs a vindication by
the production of such proof, for the present I must be
an unbeliever in this apocryphal gospel."

On the 2 1 St, Adams wrote again: " [S] . . . your
Letter of the 9^ . . . has entirely convinced me that the
Mecklengburg Resolutions are fiction ... as they were
unknown to you ^, they must have been unknown to all
mankind — I have sent a copy of your letter to Salem,
not to be printed but to be used as decisive authority for
the Editor [Warwick Palfray, Jr.] to correct his error, in
the Essex Register. — But who can be the Demon to
invent such a machine after five and forty years, and
what could be his Motive — was it to bring a Charge of
Plagiarism against the Congress in 706, or against you ;
the undoubted acknowledged draughtsmen of the Decla-
ration of Independence — or could it be the mere vanity
of producing a jeu d*esprit, to set the world a guess and
afford a topic of Conversation in this piping time of
Peace — Had such Resolutions appeared in June 705.
they would have flown through the Universe like wild
fire ; they would have Elevated the heads of the inhabi-
tants of Boston ; — and of all New-England above the
Stars — and they would have rung a peal in Congress —
to the utter Confusion of Tory*is*m and timidity, for a
full year before they were discomforted — '*

This letter was followed by a third (to Jefferson) but
seven days later : " [S] I inclose you a National Register,
to convince you that the Essex Register is not to blame
for printing the Mecklingburg County Resolutions, on

ITS HISTORT

the Contrary I think it to be commended — for if those
Resolutions were genuine they ought to be published
in every Gazette in the World — If they are one of
those tricks which our fashionable Men in England call
hoax'es and boares — they ought to be printed in all
American journals; exposed to public resentment and
the Author of them hunted to his dark Cavern — **

To Bentley, under date of August 21st, he says:
"[J] I thank you for the Raleigh Register and National
Intelligencer. The plot thickens ... I was on social,
friendly terms with Caswell, Hooper, and Hewes, every
moment of their existence in Congress ; with Hooper,
a Bostonian, and a son of Harvard, intimate and familiar.
Yet, fi-om neither of the three did the slightest hint of
these Mecklenburg resolutions ever escape ... I can-
not believe that they were known to one member of
Congress on the fourth of July, 1776 . . • The papers
of Dr. Hugh Williamson ought to be searched for the
copy sent to him, and the copy sent to General W. R.
Davie. The Declaration of Independence made by Con-
gress ... is a document • • • that ought not to be dis-
graced or trifled with."

Discussion was now rife; and, on February 18, 1820,
the Raleigh Register printed a number of affidavits and
letters, introduced as follows: ""When the Declara-
tion was first published in April last, some doubts were
expressed in the Eastern papers as to its authenticity,
(none of the Histories of the Revolution having noticed
the circumstance.) Col. William Polk, of this City,
(who, though a mere youth at the time, was present at

the meeting which made the Declaration, and whose

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Father being Colonel of the County, appears to have
acted a conspicuous part on the occasion,) observing
this, assured us of the correctness of the facts generally,
though he thought there were errors as to the name of
the Secretary, &c. and said that he should probably be
able to correct these, and throw some further light on
the subject, by Enquiries amongst some of his old
friends in Mecklenburg county. He has accordingly
made Enquiries, and communicated to us . . . Docu-
ments ^ as the result, which, we presume, will do away
[with] all doubts on the subject."

The matter was still further investigated, in 1831,
under the direction of the General Assembly of the
State and a report*^ made.

These (the Raleigh Register of 1820 and the report
of the General Assembly, embracing other affidavits)
established, it would seem, many of the facts at issue —
certainly that, some time in May, 1775, certain resolu-
tions of an advanced character were adopted in Mecklen-
burg County ; that resolutions of an advanced character
were publicly read by Thomas Polk and received with
great joy ; and that, in June, James Jack set out with
a copy of resolutions of an advanced character for Con-
gress, that he stopped at Salisbury, where, at the request
of the General Court, an attorney by the name of Kennon
read the resolutions, and that Jack delivered a copy of the
resolutions to Caswell and Hooper in Philadelphia.

Many claim that these established also that the reso-
lutions in question expressly declared independence and that
the date of their adoption was May 20th.

With thisy however, we cannot agree. Not only is

ITS HIS TORT

the wording itself of almost all of the affidavits very
uncertain, but it is very apparent that none of the affi-
ants was considering — and we might in any event ques-
tion the power of any of them to recall — the exact
warding of the resolutions adopted or the exact day in
May on which adopted.

Under these circumstances. The South-Carolina Gazette;
and Country Journal " of June 13, 1775, '^hich has since
come to lightly is, we think, of the first importance. It
contains :

•• CHA«Lom-TowM, MicKLKNiuKG CouNTY, May SI**, 177S

Tlfu day the Committee of this county met, and passed the following
Resolves :
WHEREAS by an Address presented to his Majesty by both
Houses of Parliament, in February last, the American colonies
are declared to be in a state of actual rebellion, we conceive,
that all laws and commissions confirmed by, or derived from
the authority of the King or Parliament, are annulled and va-
cated, and the former civil constitution of these colonies, for the
present, wholly suspended. To provide, in some degree, for the
exigencies of this county, in the present alarming period, we deem
it proper and necessary to pass the following Resolves ^, viz :

I. That all commissions, civil and military, heretofore granted
by the Crown, to be exercised in these colonies, are null and void,
and the constitution of each particular colony wholly suspended.

II. That the Provincial Congress of each province, under the
direction of the great Continental Congress, is invested with all
legislative and executive powers within their respective prov-
inces ; and that no other legislative or executive power, does, or
can exist, at this time, in any of these colonies.

III. As all former laws are now suspended in this province,
and the Congress have not yet provided others, we judge it

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

necessary, for the preservation of good order, to form certain
rules and regulations for the internal government of this county,
until laws shall be provided for us by the Congress.

IV. That the inhabitants of this county do meet . • • and
having formed themselves into nine companies ... do chuse
a Colonel and other military officers, who shall hold and exer-
cise their several powers by virtue of this choice, and independ-
ent of the Crown of Great-Britain, and former constitution of
this province.

V. That for the better preservation of the peace and admin-
istration of justice, each of those companies do chuse from their
own body, two discreet freeholders, who shall be empowered • • •
to decide and determine all matters of controversy ...

VI . . .w

XIV. That all these officers hold their commissions during
the pleasure of their several constituents.
XV . . .

XVI. That whatever person shall hereafter receive a com-
mission from the Crown, or attempt to exercise any such com-
mission heretofore received, shall be deemed an enemy to his
country . . .

XVII. That any person refusing to yield obedience to the
above Resolves, shall be considered equally criminal . . .

XVIII. That these Resolves be in full force and virtue, until
instructions from the Provincial Congress, regulating the juris-
prudence of the province, shall provide otherwise, or the legis-
lative body of Great-Britain, resign its unjust and arbitrary
pretentions with respect to America.

XIX . . .

XX. That the Committee appoint Colonel Thomas Polk, and
Doctor Joseph Kenedy, to purchase 300 lb. of powder . . .

Signed by order of the Committee^

EPH BREVARD 37, Clerk of the Committee.

ITS HISTORT

This certainly should be considered, we think, adequate
proof that the " Committee of this county " of Mecklen-
burg passed the resolves® there given on May j/,
1775 ; and the only question, therefore, we think, is.
Were the resolves accredited (in 1819) to the "delega-
tion '* composed of " two persons " from " each militia
company " " in the county of Mecklenburg " and to the
20th of the same month also passed ?

We cannot but say that this seems to us very un-
likely.® We can see no reasons why the resolves
attributed to the 20th, if in fact passed, should not have
been the ones published in The South-Carolina Gazette^
etc., rather than those of the 31st — especially as some
resolves are admitted to have been read publicly in
"Charlotte-Town" and in the General Court and sent
to the Delegates in Congress and as it would be but
natural to make public in the press the more pronounced,
admitting that there were two sets of resolves. Indeed,
if we can credit at all the resolves given in The South-
Carolina Gazette, etc., the military companies would seem
not to have been organized in Mecklenburg County
until after the 31st and in accordance with these resolves.

Certain it is that Hewes, who is stated " individually **
to have " approved " of the " proceedings " a copy of
which was carried to Philadelphia by James Jack, writes,
from Philadelphia, December ist, to Samuel Johns-
ton (?) : " [N] no plan of Seperation has been offered,
the Colonies will never Agree to Any 'till drove to it
by dire Necessity. I wish the time may not come too
soon, I fear it will be the case if the British Ministry
pursue their present diabolical Schemes, I am weary of

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

politicks and wish I could retire to my former private
Station (to speak in the language of J. Child) a pence
& farthings Man . . . P. S. The bearer W*f Chew who
is sent express is to receive from you Sixty Dollars
which you must charge to North Carolina, if he does
not find you at Edenton he is to have Six pence V* Mile
and All ferryages paid, for any distance — that he may
go out of his way to find you after he gets to Eden-
ton [.]"

Of importance, too, are the facts that it also has come
to light since^ the report of the General Assembly that
there was attached to the " Davie copy " a certificate from
John M'Knitte Alexander and that this stated :"*^It
may be worthy of notice here to observe that the fore-
going statement though fundamentally correct, yet may
not literally correspond with the original records of the
transactions of said delegation and court of enquiry, as
all those records and papers were burnt, with the house,
on April 6th, 1800; but previous to that time of 1800,
a full copy of said records, at the request of Doctor
Hugh Williamson, then of New York, but formerly a
representative in Congress from this State, was forwarded
to him by Col. Wm. Polk in order that those early
transactions might fill their proper place in a history of
this State then writing by said Doctor Williams in New
York. Certified to the best of my recollection and
belief this 3d day of September, 1800, by J. McN.
Alexander Mecklenburg County^ N. C."

On the other hand, it is zealously claimed that the re-
solves of the 20th were passed by a more or less popular
assemblage (of which Alexander was clerk) and those of

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

obliged to break ofF all connection with Britain^ and de-
clare ourselves an independent people, there is any state
or power in Europe who would be willing to enter into an
alliance with us for the benefit of our commerce . . /'

Dr. Benjamin Church writes, July 23d: "The people
of Connecticut are raving in the cause of liberty . . . The
Jerseys are not a whit behind Connecticut in zeal. The
Philadelphians exceed them both ... I mingled freely
and frequently with the members of the Continental Con-
gress ; they were united and determined in opposition . . .
A view to independence appears to be more and more
general."

John Adams writes, to James Warren, July 24th :
" [J] We ought to have had in our hands, a month ago,
the whole legislative, executive, and judicial of the whole
continent, and have completely modelled a constitution ;
to have raised a naval power, and opened all our ports
wide ; to have arrested every friend of government on
the continent and held them as hostages for the poor
victims in Boston, and then opened the door as wide as
possible for peace and reconciliation. After this, they
might have petitioned, negotiated, addressed, &c. if they
would."

This, with a letter to his wife, fell into the hands of
the enemy and was sent to England and published.
Adams, in his Autobiography ^'^y says: "[J] They [the
British] thought them a great prize. The ideas of inde-
pendence, to be sure, were glaring enough, and they
thought they should produce quarrels among the mem-
bers of Congress and a division of the Colonies. Me
they expected*® utterly to ruin, because, as they repre-

ITS HISTORT

sented> I had explicidy avowed my designs of independ-
ence. I cared nothing for this. I had made no secret,
in or out of Congress, of my opinion that independence
was become indispensable, and I was perfectly sure that
in a little time the whole continent would be of my
mind. I rather rejoiced in this as a fortunate circum-
stance, that the idea was held up to the whole world, and
that the people could not avoid contemplating it and
reasoning about it. Accordingly, from this time at least,
if not earlier, and not from the publication of * Common
Sense,* did the people in all parts of the continent turn
their attention to this subject . . • Colonel Reed . . .
said that Providence seemed to have thrown those letters
before the public for our good . . .*'

A member of Congress writes, to London, August
26th : " All trade to England, and every other part of
the world, will most certainly be stopped on the tenth of
next month . . . Whether that will be one means of dis-
solving our connections entirely with Great Britain, I
shall leave to wiser heads to determine. I am far, very
far, from wishing such an event, but, nevertheless, I am
very apprehensive, from the present temper of our peo-
ple, that a few more violent steps will lay a foundation
for it."

General Greene writes, to Washington from Prospect
Hill, October 23d : " I hinted, in my last, that people be-
gin heartily to wish a declaration of independence . . .''
On December 20th, he says : " George the Third's last
speech has shut the door of hope for reconciliation . • •
We are now driven to the necessity of making a declara-
tion of independence."

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Bowdoin writes, to Samuel Adams, December 9th:
"^Our salvation under God depends upon a spirited
exertion upon our part, & therefore all delicacy in our
hostilities ought to be laid aside • • . We have already
shewn too much of it, which instead of attributing it to
the true cause — a desire on our part of a reconciliation
& the keeping open a door for it — they have looked
on as proceeding wholly from pusillanimity, which they
expected would end, if rigorous measures were taken with
us, in an abject submission . . • The Independence of
America will probably grow out of the present dispute.
A willing dependence on Great Britain cannot easily be
apprehended, as her injuries have been so many & grevi-
ous, & all confidence in her justice is lost : — to such
a degree lost, that we should not know how to trust
her, even if she were sincerely to offer equitable terms
of accommodation ... I beg you would present my
best regards to D. Franklin, Mr. Lynch, Col? Harrison,
& the Mass! Delegates . . ."

The second Continental Congress also met (May loth)
in Philadelphia — but at the State House, not at Carpen-
ters' Hall. Franklin*'^ had left England on March 21st,
had arrived in Philadelphia on May 5th and had been
unanimously chosen a Delegate by Pennsylvania on the
6th. The other new Delegates who appeared in Congress
on the loth were John Hancock ^'^^ of Massachusetts,
John Langdon*^^ of New Hampshire, Thomas Willing"
of Pennsylvania and John Hall" of Maryland. Still
others attended later: Lyman Hall*^" from the Parish
of St. John's in Georgia and Thomas Stone ^''^ of Mary-

ITS HISTORT

land on the 13th ; Philip Schuyler'', George Clinton *'",
Lewis Morris*^ (who arrived in Philadelphia on the loth)
and Robert R. Livingston*' of New York and James
Wilson ~® of Pennsylvania on the 15th; Jefferson ~*®
of Virginia on June 21st; and Archibald Bullock®*^,
John Houston ^ and Rev. J. J. Zubly ^ of Georgia on
September 13 th. New York had elected for the first
time also Francis Lewis *^*'^. On the last day (Septem-
ber 13th) appeared as well George Wythe ''^^^j Thomas
Nelson, Jr., ~® and Francis Lightfoot Lee~® of Vir-
ginia — who had been elected for the first time follow-
ing the adjournment® of Congress. Following this
adjournment, New Hampshire also elected one new
Delegate — Josiah Bartlett '^ " ; North Carolina also one
new Delegate — John Penn*^®^; Connecticut also two
new Delegates — Samuel Huntington '^^•^ and Oliver
Wolcott*^"^ (together with one new alternate — Wil-
liam Williams '^^•*); Pennsylvania two new Delegates
— Robert Morris*^* and Andrew Allen * ; Maryland
two new Delegates — Robert Alexander ^® and John
Rogers "^ ; and Virginia one new Delegate — Carter
Braxton ^.

Randolph was for the second time elected Presi-
dent.

He served, however, for a few days only. On the
24th of May, as shown by the Journal, " The Congress
met according to adjournment, but the hon^!* Peyton
Randolph Pres* being under a necessity of returning
home & having set out this morning early the chair was
vacant wherefore on motion, the Hon^!* John Hancock^
was unanimously chosen President."

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

This Congress, during the year, like the Congress of
1774, took no action whatever upon the question of
independence.

John Adams writes to his wife, June nth : "[Ad] I
have found this Congress like the last. When we first
came together, I found a strong jealousy of us from New
England, and the Massachusetts in particular; suspicions
entertained of designs of independency; an American
Republic; Presbyterian principles, and twenty other
things. Our sentiments were heard in Congress with
great caution, and seemed to make but little impression ;
but the longer we sat, the more clearly they saw the
necessity of pushing vigorous measures. It has been so
now . . . But America is a great unwieldy body. Its
progress must be slow . . • Like a coach and six, the
swiftest horses must be slackened, and the slowest quick-
ened, that all may keep an even pace."

Franklin, in a letter of October 3d, says : " [X] We
have as yet resolved only on defensive measures."

The spirit^ which prevailed in the body is well shown
by an incident described by Jefferson in his Autobiog-
raphy : " [S] nir Dickinson . . . still retained the object
of reconciliation ... he was so honest a man, and so
able a one that he was greatly indulged even by those
who could not feel his scruples . . . Congress gave a
signal proof of their indulgence to nir Dickinson, and of
their great desire not to go too fast for any respectable
part of our body, in permitting him to draw their second
petition to the king according to his own ideas, and pass-
ing it with scarcely any amendment, the disgust against
it's humility was general ; and niir Dickinson's delight at

ITS HISTORT

it*s passage was the only circumstance which reconciled
them to it. the vote being past, altho' further observn
on it was out of order, he could not refrain from rising
and expressing his satisfaction and concluded by saying
" there is but one word, nir President, in the paper which
I disapprove, & that is the word Congress** on which Ben
Harrison rose and said ^^ there is but one word in the
paper, mr President, of which I approve, and that is the
word Congress [.] " "

Indeed, looking backward, many of the words of this
Congress seem like anomalies ! Especially is this true of
the declaration — the most important measure of the year
— setting forth the causes of taking up arms. Though,
in effect, a declaration of war, it said: " Lest this declara-
tion should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow-
subjects in any part of the Empire, we assure them that
we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and
so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely
wish to see restored/'

Ill

SEVENTEEN HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-SIX

JANUARY 3, 1776, gave being to the new army
at Cambridge. Washington — whose life Robert
Morris, six months later, declared " [U] the most
valuable in America'* — hoisted the Union flag, in com-
pliment to the united Colonies. On the 30th, he writes
thence to the President of Congress : " [Y] The clouds
thicken fast ; where they will burst, I know not ; but we
should be armed at all points."

This was always Washington's appeal.

At no time, so far as we know, did he waste his
powers, or invite the refusal of his constant and necessary
demands upon Congress, by urging upon it or any of
its members a declaration of independence.

To Joseph Reed, however, Washington, in 1776,

openly expressed his opinions. On January 31st, he

writes : " [Y] A few more of such flaming arguments, as

were exhibited at Falmouth and Norfolk, added to the

sound doctrine and unanswerable reasoning contained in

the pamphlet * Common Sense,' ^ will not leave numbers

at a loss to decide upon the propriety of a separation " ;

on February loth, though his situation, as described by

himself, had " [Y] been such, that I have been obliged

to use art to conceal it from my own oflicers " : " With

respect to myself, I have never entertained an idea of an

ITS HISTORT

accommodation, since I heard of the measures, which
were adopted in consequence of the Bunker's Hill fight.
The King's speech has confirmed the sentiments I enter-
tained upon the news of that affair ; and, if every man
was of my mind, the ministers of Great Britain should
know • • • that, if nothing else could satisfy a tyrant and
his diabolical ministry, we are determined to shake off all
connexions with a state so unjust and unnatural. This I
would tell them, not under covert, but in words as clear
as the sun in its meridian brightness " ; and, on April
15th*: " [Y] I am exceedingly concearned to hear' of
the divisions and parties, which prevail with you, and in
the southern colonies, on the score of independence.
These are the shelves we have to avoid or our bark will
split and tumble to pieces • • . Nothing but disunion
can hurt our cause." ^

Indeed, William Palfrey (evidently) writes from New
York to Samuel Adams, May a4th : " [SA] As it may
be of some importance to you to know General W's
Sentiments respecting the grand point of American inde-
pendence I think my duty to acquaint you that I have
heard him converse several times lately on the Subject,
and delivered it as his opinion that a reconciliation with
Great Britain is impracticable impolitic, and would be in
the highest degree detrimental to the true Interests of
America — That when he first took the Command of the
Army he abhorr'd the Idea of independence but is now
fully convinced nothing else will save us — "

Two days before the birth of the new army, we find
the Assembly of New Hampshire ^' establishing a form

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

of Government, to continue during the present unhappy
and unnatural contest with Great Britain ; protesting and
I declaring, that we never sought to throw off our depend-
ence upon Great Britain . . . and that we shall rejoice
if such a reconciliation . . . can be effected, as shall be
approved by the Continental Congress, in whose prudence
^^ and wisdom we confide."*

Massachusetts, on the contrary, on the i8th of the
same month (January), fully empowered her Delegates
(Hancock, the Adamses, Paine and Elbridge Gerry),
'^ with the Delegates from the other American Colonies,
to concert, direct, and order such further measures as
shall to them appear best calculated for the recovery and
establishment of American rights and liberties " — words
which might be implied to include the power to join in a
declaration of independence, though they evidently were
not so intended and, as we shall see, were not so
construed.

John Adams, who had left Congress, on leave of
absence, December 9, 1775, and Gerry, who was elected*
for the first time on the i8th (of January, 1776), pro-
ceeded * together to Philadelphia and took their seats
on February 9th.

Adams, in his Autobiography , tells us : " [J] Mr.
Samuel Adams, Mr. Gerry and myself now composed a
majority of the Massachusetts delegation, and we were
no longer vexed or enfeebled by divisions among our-
selves, or by indecision or indolence/'

At another place in his Autobiography^ — indistinctly
intermingling his views following his return with those

ITS HISTORT

of the preceding Fall, from his return after the adjourn-
ment on August 1st to his departure on the leave
of absence — he says : " [J] At the appointed time
[Wednesday, September 5, 1775], we returned to Phila-
delphia, and Congress were reassembled . . . almost
every day I had something to say about advising the
States to institute governments, to express my total de-
spair of any good from . . . any of those things which
were called conciliatory measures. I constantly in-
sisted • • . that we should be driven to the necessity of
declaring ourselves independent States, and that we
ought now to be employed in preparing a plan of con-
federation for the Colonies and treaties . . . together
with a declaration of independence; that these three
measures, independence, confederation, and negotiations
with foreign powers, particularly France, ought to go
hand in hand ^ and be adopted all together ; that foreign
powers could not be expected to acknowledge us till we
had acknowledged ourselves, and taken our station among
them as a sovereign power and independent nation . . .
Some gentlemen doubted of the sentiments of France ;
thought she would frown upon us as rebels, and be afraid
to countenance the example. I replied to those gentle-
men, that I apprehended they had not attended to the
relative situation of France and England ; that it was the
unquestionable interest of France that the . . . Colonies
should be independent . . . When I first made these
observations in Congress, I never saw a greater impres-
sion made upon that assembly or any other. Attention
and approbation were marked upon every countenance.
Several gentlemen came to me afterwards, to thank me

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

for that speech, particularly Mr. Caesar Rodney, of
Delaware, and Mr. Duane, of New York. I remember
these two gentlemen in particular, because both of them
said that I had considered the subject of foreign connec-
tions more maturely than any man they had ever heard in
America . . . These and such as these, were my con-
stant and daily topics, sometimes of reasoning and no
doubt often of declamation, from the meeting of Congress
in the autumn of 1775, through the whole winter and
spring of 1776.* Many motions were made, and after
tedious discussions, lost. I received little assistance from
my colleagues in all these contests; three ^ of them were
either inclined to lean towards Mr. Dickinson's system,
or at least chose to be silent, and the fourth [Samuel
Adams evidently] spoke but rarely in Congress, and
never entered into any extensive arguments, though,
when he did speak, his sentiments were clear and perti-
nent and neatly expressed. Mr. Richard Henry Lee,
of Virginia, Mr. Sherman, of Connecticut, and Mr.
Gadsden ^^ of South Carolina, were always on my side,
and Mr. Chase", of Maryland, when he did speak at
all, was always powerful, and generally with us. Mr.
Johnson ^^ of Maryland, was the most frequent speaker
from that State, and, while he remained with us, was
inclined to Mr. Dickinson for some time, but ere long
he and all his State came cordially into our system."

Gerry writes, to James Warren, March 26th: "[O]
You are desirous of knowing what capital measures are
proposed in congress. I refer you to . . . what is done
concerning privateering . . , This will not in itself satisfy
you, and / hope nothing willy short of a determination of

ITS HISTORT

io hold her rank in the creation^ and give law to
herself. I doubt not this will soon take place ... I sin-
cerely wish you would originate instructions ^^ expressed
-with decency and firmness — your own style — and give
your sentiments as a court in favour of independency. I
am certain it would turn many doubtful minds, and pro-
duce a reversal of the contrary instructions adopted by
some assemblies. Some timid minds are terrified at the
word independence. If you think caution in this respect
good policy, change the name. America has gone such
lengths she cannot recede, and I am convinced a few
weeks or months at fiirthest will convince her of the fact,
but the fruit must have time to ripen in some of the
other colonies . . ."^*

Samuel Adams (who, not long before, had been " [SA]
indisposd" in Baltimore, ''so as to be obligd to keep
my Chamber ten days, I was unable to travel with my
Friends"; and to whom, on February I2th, his wife
had written : " [SA] I Received your affectinate Letter
by Fesenton and thank you for your Kind Concern for
My health and Safty. I beg you Would not give your
self any pain on our being so Near the Camp, the
place I am in is so situated that if the Regulars should
Even take prospect hill ... I should be able to Make
an Escape — as I am Within a few stons Cast of a
Back Road Which Leads to the Most Retired part of
Newtown ... . P S I beg you to Excuse the very
poor Writing as My paper is Bad and my pen made
with sdssars — I should be glad • • • if you should
not come down soon you would Write me Word
Who to apply to for some Monney for I am low in

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Cash and Every thing is very dear ") writes, April 3d,
to Dr. Samuel Cooper^: "[SA] Is not America already
independent? Why then not declare it? . . . Can Na-
tions at War be said to be dependent either upon the
other? I ask then again, why not declare for Independ-
ence ? Because say some, it will forever shut the Door
of Reconciliation ... By such a Reconciliation she
would not only in the most shameful Manner acknowl-
edge the Tyranny, but most wickedly, as far as would
be in her Power, prevent her Posterity from ever here-
after resisting it."

His words of the 15th to Joseph Hawley are equally
forcible: '^[SA] I am perfectly satisfied with the Reasons
you offer to show the Necessity of a publick & explicit
Declaration of Independency. — I cannot conceive what
good Reason can be assignd against it Will it widen
the Breach? This would be a strange Question after
we have raised Armies and fought Battles with the
British Troops, set up an American Navy ... It can-
not surely after all this be imagind that we consider our-
selves or mean to be considerd by others in any State but
that of Independence But moderate Whigs are dis-
gusted with our mentioning the Word ! Sensible Tories
are better Politicians. — They know, that no foreign Power
can consistently yield Comfort to Rebels, or enter
into any kind of Treaty with these Colonies till they
declare themselves free and independent . . • moderate
Gentlemen are flattering themselves with the prospect of
Reconciliation • . /'

The letter to Hawley was followed by one the next
day to Warren : ** [W] The only alternative is inde-

ITS HISTORT

pendence or slavery . . . One of our moderate, prudent
Whigs would be startled at what I now write . . . they
would continue the conflict a century. There are such
moderate men here, but their principles are daily growing
out of fashion. The child Independence is now strug-
gling for birth. I trust that in a short time it will be
brought forth, and in spite of Pharaoh, all America will
hail the dignified stranger."

On the last day of April, he writes — again to Cooper :
*[SA] I am to acknowledge the Receipt of your Favor
of the 1 8*^ Instant by the Post— The Ideas of Independ-
ence spread far and wide among the Colonies — Many
of the leading Men see the absurdity of supposing that
Allegiance is due to a Sovereign who has already thrown
us out of his Protection — South Carolina has lately as-
sumd a new Government — ^The Convention of North
Carolina have unanimously agreed to do the same . . .
Virginia whose Convention is to meet on the third of
next month will follow the lead — The Body of the
People of Maryland are firm — Some of the principal
Members of their Convention, I am inclind to believe,
are timid and lukewarm . • • The lower Counties in
Delaware are a small People but well affected to the
Common Cause — In this populous and wealthy Colony
[Pennsylvania] political Parties run high — The News
papers are full of the Matter but I think I may assure
you that Common Sense, prevuls among the people . . .
The Jerseys are agitating the great Question — It is with
them rather a Matter of Prudence whether to determine
till some others have done it before them . . . their Sen-
timents & Manners are I believe similar to those of N

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

England — I forbear to say any thing of New York, for I
confess I am not able to form any opinion of them • • •
I think they are at least as unenlightned in the Nature
and Importance of our polidcal Disputes as any one of
the united Colonies — I have not mentiond our little
Sister Geor^a ; but I believe she is as warmly engagd in
the Cause as any of us, & will do as much as can be rea-
sonably expected of her I was very sollicitous the

last Fall to have Governments set up by the people in
every Colony . . . When this is done, and I am in-
clind to think it will be soon, the Colonies will feel their
Independence ... I am disappointed, but I bear it tol-
lerably well • • • There has been much to do to confirm
doubting Friends & fortify the Timid . . . The Boston
Port bill suddenly wrought a Union of the Colonies
which could not be brot about by the Industry of years
in reasoning on the Necessity of it for the Common
Safety . . . The burning of Norfolk & the Hostilities
committed in North Carolina have kindled the Resent-
ment of our Southern Brethren who once thought their
Eastern Friends hot headed & rash • . • There is a
Reason that w"* induce one even to wish for the speedy
Arrival of the British Troops that are expected at the South-
ward— I think our friends are well prepared for them &
one Battle would do more towards a Declaration of Inde-
pendency than a long chain of conclusive Arguments in
a provincial Convention or the Continental Congress — '*
The sentiments meanwhile of some of the constituents
themselves, in the Commonwealth, and the result (evi-
dently) of Gerry's letter of March 26th to Warren also
have come down to us :

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

urges Samuel Adams as he had previously urged Gerry :
" [SA] Give me leave to tell you that an imediate explicit
and y* firmest Confederation and Proclamation of Inde-
pendance may be more necessary than you are aware —
unless it Shall be done and declared verv soon — Infinite
jealousies will arise in the breasts of the People and
when they begin to spring up they will increase amaz-
ingly . . . All will be in confusion if independance is
not declared immediately [•] **

On the 28th of April, John Adams writes to his wife:
" You tell me our jurors refuse to serve, because the
writs are issued in the King's name " ; and, on the apth,
a letter from Boston says : ^' Common Sense, like a ray
of revelation, has come in seasonably to clear our doubts,
and to fix our choice/'

Another letter of the same month ^*, to John Adams,
from J. Winthrop, at Watertown, says: "[Qy] I hope
Common Sense is in as high estimation at the Southward
as with us. Tis universally admired here. If the Con-
gress should adopt the Sentiments of it, it would give the
greatest satisfaction to our people."

On May ist, Hawley writes to Gerry: "The Tories
dread a declaration of Independence, and a course of
conduct on that plan, more than death. They console
themselves with a belief that the Southern Colonies will
not accede to it. My hand and heart are full of it.
There will be no abiding union without it."

On the 13th, Cooper replies, from Boston, to the
second letter of Samuel Adams to him : " [SA] I am
much obliged to you for your Favor 30*** Apr. which I
receiv'd by the Post the Evening before last, and am

ITS HISTORT

glad to find Affairs are in so good a Train in the South-
em Colonies ; In N. England the Voice is almost uni-
versal for Independance • • . Our General Court is
dissolved [?] — Before this took place, the House pass'd a
Vote to consult their Constituents, whether they would
instruct their future Representatives to move the Conti-
nental Congress for Independance — I can only assure
you of the Substance of the Vote ; the Form of it was
not clearly related to me. The House sent up this Vote
to the Council for their Concurrence — The Propriety of
this was doubted by some, who did not think the Coun-
cil could properly act on such an affair. It was however
done, and the Council negativ'd the Vote. Mr Cushing
among others was against it. He said that it would em-
barrass the Congress — that we ought to wait till they
mov*d the Question to us — that it would prejudice the
other Colonies against us — and that you had wrote to
some Body here, that things with you were going on
slowly and surely, and any Kind of Eagerness in us upon
this Question would do Hurt. Others said that the
Congress might not choose to move such a Point to their
Constituents tho they might be very glad to know their
minds upon it — that it was beginning at the right End
for the Constituents to instruct their Delegates at Con-
gress, & not wait for their asking Instructions from their
Constituents — that the Question had been long thought
of & agitated thro the Colonies, & it was now high Time
to come to some Determination upon it ; otherwise our
artful Enemies might sew the Seeds of Dissention among
us to the great Prejudice if not Ruin of the common
Cause. The House, tho they would have been glad of

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

the Concurrence of the Council in this Matter, have de-
termined to proceed without them ; and Instructions will
go from all Parts on this Head ; and it seems, by Ap-
pearances thro the Continent, you will not be able to
defer a great While your Decision on this grand Ques-
tion. — **

On the 17th, Hawley, at Northampton, writes another
urgent letter to Samuel Adams.

On the 20th, B. Hichborn writes to John Adams ^,
from Boston : " [Qy] The principal political topic of
Conversation is Independance — & I think the people
almost una voce, are wishing for its immediate Declara-
tion — we are often checked by real or fictitious accounts
from the Southward, of a contrary disposition in a large
Majority of the People there — Some opinions say the
Continental Congress will, others that they will not make
such a Declaration, without consulting their Constitu-
ents — can't we be relieved from this uncertainty ?"

On the 22d, Hawley, at Springfield, writes to Samuel
Adams : " [SA] Before this You have rec? the Ace! of
the routing of the continental forces before Quebec —
Will your Congress now delay for a Moment the most
explicit declaration of independance [?] "

On June ist, Winthrop — speaking of what is con-
sidered later — writes again to John Adams: "[Qy] I
have often wondered, that so much difficulty should be
raised about declaring independence, when we have actu-
ally got the thing itself ... I now perceive you were in
these sentiments long ago. But they are very opposite
to the inveterate prejudices and long-established systems
of many others. It must be a work of time to eradicate

ITS HIS TORT

these prejudices. And perhaps it may be best to accom-
plish this great affair by slow and almost imperceptible
steps, and not per saltunty by one violent exertion. The
late Resolve of May 15. comes very near it."

On the next day, Hawley, at Watertown, writes to
Gerry : " [SA] I do not mean that Confederations and
a Declaration of Independance Should be made without a
good prospect of its taking in all the Colonies — We are
ripe for it here — But as nothing Short of it can Save us,
if a Clear Vote can be Obtain** for it in Congress, will it
not do to risk it ? I imagine that it will take everywhere."

Indeed, on June 13th (Thursday), Hawley writes, to
Gerry: "You cannot declare Independence too soon . . .
When the present House here called last week, for the
instructions of the several towns touching Independency,
agreeable to the recommendation of the last House ^ . . .
it appeared that about two-thirds of the towns in the
Colony had met, and all instructed in the affirmative^,
and generally returned to be unanimous. As to the
other towns ^, the accounts of their Members were,
either that they were about to meet, or that they had
not received the notice, as it was given only in the news-
papers. Whereupon, the House immediately ordered
the unnotified towns to be notified by handbills, and in
a short time undoubtedly we shall have returns from '
all ; and it is almost certain that the returns will be
universally to support the Congress, with their lives and
fortunes, in case of a declaration of Independence."

Before (January 4th) any of these letters was written
and even before Common Sense appeared. General Greene,

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

then at " Camp on Prospect-Hill ", wrote to Ward :
« Permit me, then, to recommend from the sincerity of
my heart, ready at all times to bleed in my country's
cause, a declaration of independence ; and call upon the
world, and the great God who governs it, to witness the
necessity, propriety, and rectitude thereof.'*

What Ward replied, if anything, we do not know ;
but John Adams ^ writes ^ him, August i8th: **My
friend [James] Warren, the late Governour Ward, and
Mr. Gadsden, are three characters in which I have seen
the most generous disdain of every spice and species of
[selfish design] . . . The two last had not great abilides,
but they had pure hearts. Yet they had less influence
than many others, who had neither so considerable parts,
nor any share at all of their purity of intention." Indeed,
** Govf Ward . . . died last night of the Small Pox *' as
shown by the Diary of Richard Smith for March 26th,
over two months before the question of declaring inde-
pendence came (directly) before Congress.

As early as Ward's death, the trend of events, how-
ever, was being felt by some of the members of that
body — among them Gerry, as we have seen by his
(first) letter to Warren, asking Warren to originate in-
structions, written on the very day on which Ward died ;
and Hopkins, the remaining Delegate, very naturally,
therefore, communicated — April 8th ^ — with Governor
Nicholas Cooke, making certain " queries concerning de-
pendance or independence."

The General Assembly (of Rhode Island) accordingly,
on May 4th, elected William Ellery^ to fill the vacancy
caused by the death of Ward and, at the same time^ in-

ITS HIS TORT

structed her Delegates '^ to consult and advise with the
Delegates of the said [other] Colonies in Congress upon
the most proper measures • • . to secure the said Colonies
their rights and liberties . . . whether by entering into
treaties • • • or by such other prudent and effectual ways
and means a^ shall be devised and agreed upon • . /'

Of these instructions^ Washington was immediately
notified, by Cooke, by letter of the 6th ; and, on the
7th, writing from Providence, Cooke replied to Hop-
kins' letter, as follows: ^'[G] I am to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of the 8th inst., which I laid
before the General Assembly, who appointed a com-
mittee to take it into consideration and prepare in-
structions to the delegates. Dependency is a word of so
equivocal a meaning, and hath been used for such ill pur-
poses, and independency, with many honest and ignorant
people carrying the idea of eternal warfare, the committee
thought it best to avoid making use of either of them.
The instructions you will receive herewith, passed both
houses nemine confradicenfe. I enclose an act discharging
the inhabitants of the Colony from allegiance to the Brit-
ish King . • • The first mentioned act, after being
debated, was carried in the lower house almost unani-
mously, there bdng upward of sixty members present,
and but six votes agsunst it Towards the close of the
session, a vote passed the lower house for taking the
sense of the inhabitants at large upon the question of in-
dependency. The upper house were of the opinion that
although a very great majority of the Colony were per-
fectly ripe for such a question, yet, upon its being can-
vassed, several towns would vote against it, and that the

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

appearance of disunion would be injurious to the common
cause, and represented to the lower house that it was very
probable the subject would be discussed in Congress, be-
fore it would be possible to take the sense of the Colony
in the proposed way and transmit it to the delegates, in
which case, they would be laid under the necessity of
waiting for the sentiments of their constituents, and of
course the Colony would lose its voice, and the delegates
when they should receive a copy of the act renouncing
allegiance, and of the instructions, could not possibly en-
tertain a doubt of the sense of the General Assembly ;
upon which the subject was dropped."

The " upper house " seems to have been correct in
their judgment; for Hopkins, in his answering letter
— dated May 15th — to Cooke, says: "Your favour
of the 7th May I have received, and the papers en-
closed in it. I observe that you have avoided giving
me a direct answer to my queries concerning depend-
ance or independence. However, the copy of the act of
Assembly which you have sent me, together with our
instructions, leave me little room to doubt what is the
opinion of the Colony I came from. I suppose it will
not be long before Congress will throw off all connec-
tion, as well in name as in substance, with Great Britain,
as one thing after another seems gradually to lead them
to such a step ..."

The General Assembly of Connecticut, sitting at Hart-
ford,— Trumbi^ll and Williams being present — resolved,
June 14th, " that the Delegates ... be, and they are
hereby, instructed to propose to that respectable body to

ITS HISTORT

declare the United American Colonies free and independ-
ent States . . ."

This was just a week after the resolution^ of May
15th of the Convention of Virginia to the same effect
appeared in The Connecticut Gazette; and the Universal
Jntelligencer (N), published in New London, and after a
Del^ate of Virginia, as we shall see, had so proposed to
Congress.

The Provincial Congress of New Jersey, sitting at
New Brunswick, — Abraham Clark and John Hart evi-
dently being present but seemingly none of her Delegates
— instructed her Delegates, March 2d: "You must be
sensible that this Congress are extremely destitute of the
means of information, compared with your body, and,
of course, unable to point out any certain line of con-
duct for you to pursue. Your deliberations must no
doubt be formed upon the measures of the British Min-
istry, which are uncertain, extraordinary, and new almost
every week. We, therefore, only request that you would
join in the general voice of the United Colonies, and
pursue such measures as you may judge most beneficial
for the publick good of all the Colonies."

Her Delegates at this time were William Livingston,
Richard Smith, De Hart, Jonathan D. Sergeant and
John Cooper.*'

Sergeant writes to John Adams, April 6th : " [Qy] I
arrived here [doubtless Princeton] last evening in a very
indifferent State of Health & shall return or not return
[to Philadelphia] according as I have Reason to believe
1 may be more useful here or there ... My Head

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

achs & my Heart achs. I tremble for the Timidity of
our Counsels. — "

Five days later, certainly at Princeton, he tells Adams :
" [Qy] The Jersey Delegates (will You believe it) are
not in the sweetest Disposition with one another. M'
D'Hart has gone home with an avowed Determination
not to return without General Livingston" & at the
same Time has declared that he will offer himself as a
Candidate for the Provincial Convention thinking that a
more important Post, in order that he may control the
mad Fellows who now compose that Body. — He has
signified the dangerous Disposition of Mf Smyth & an-
other of his Colleagues ; and all the great & the mighty
ones in the Colony are preparing to make their last
Stand against the Principles of levelling which prevails
in it. Mf Smith's Health® it seems will not admit of
his Attendance, at least not very steadily. — In the mean
Time I have engaged to return whenever called upon by
General Livingston & M! D'Hart; but rather believe
they will not call upon me, tho I have wrote to them
requesting it, in Order that the colony may not be «»-
represented ; — tho I fear it will be misrepresented if we
attend.** Whether to return without them is a matter
of some Doubt with me, especially since I have been
told that some very pious People are circulating a Ru-
mour that I left Congress in Disgust at the Doctrines of
Independency which are now advanced. — Whether I
may not do more good at home considering all things I
am at a Loss to determine. — If my Colleagues should
go into the Provincial Convention I should be glad to
meet them there ; and I know the old Leven of Un-

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

that I will not continue to attend [in Congress] along
with my present Colleagues any longer than I can avoid.
At present, several little Circumstances will form an
excuse for my being absent."

This letter (of May 20th), as shown by its superscrip-
tion, was delivered^ to Adams by " Favour of Df Wither-
spoon", who had, himself, three days before it was
written, delivered at Princeton a sermon ** on " The
Dominion of Providence over the Passions of Men '* in
which he said: "**... for these colonies to depend
wholly upon the legislature of Great Britain, would be
like many other oppressive connexions, injury to the
master, and ruin to the slave ... If on account of their
distance and ignorance of our situation, they could not
conduct their own quarrel with propriety for one year,
how can they give direction and vigour to every depart-
ment of our civil constitutions, from age to age ? There
are fixed bounds to every human thing. When the
branches of a tree grow very large and weighty, they fall
off from the trunk. The sharpest sword will not pierce
when it cannot reach. And there is a certain distance
from the seat of government where an attempt to rule
will either produce tyranny and helpless subjection, or
provoke resistance and effect a separation."

Samuel Adams' letter^ of April 30th has given us
some idea of the feeling that prevailed in Pennsylvania.

On the day this letter was written, Daniel of St.
Thomas Jenifer also writes from Philadelphia, to Charles
Carroll : " To-morrow will determine the question of
Dependence or Independence, in this city, by the elec-

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

On the 1 6th also, he went, "At four, to the Philo-
sophical Hall, to meet a number of persons • • • It was
concluded to call a convention with speed; to protest
against the present Assembly's doing any business in
their House until the sense of the Province was taken
in that Convention to be called, &c., with the mode and
manner of doing these several things by or on next
Second Day."

The next day, John Adams writes to his wife : ** I
have this morning heard Mr. Duffield, upon the signs
of the times. He ran a parallel between the case of
Israel and that of America, and between the conduct of
Pharaoh and that of George. Jealousy, that the Israel-
ites would throw off the government of Egypt, made
him issue his edict, that the midwives should cast the
children into the river; and the other edict, that the
men should make a large revenue of bricks without
straw. He concluded that the course of events indicated
strongly the design of Providence that we should be
separated from Great Britain, &c." ^

On the 1 8th, Marshall writes, " A request was brought
to this Committee *^, from a large company of the City
and Liberties, that a general call be made of the inhabi-
tants of the City and Liberties, to meet next Monday
at nine o'clock forenoon at the State House, in order to
take the sense of the people respecting the resolve of
Congress of the Fifteenth instant, the which, after debate,
was agreed to, only five dissenting voices."

The meeting occurred at the appointed time, in the

State House yard, where, Marshall, who was present,

tells us, " it was computed. Four thousand people were

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Delegates which they at their last meeting refused to
alter is the Cause of their losing the Confidence of the
people."

The Assembly had in fact met — ** above stairs" in
the building where Congress sat — on the 20th, and the
protest*^ "of the inhabitants of the City and Liberties
of Philadelphia, in behalf of ourselves and others " was
presented to the Speaker on that day; but it was not
read*® in the Assembly until the 22d, and was then
ordered to lie on the table.

This protest set forth that, as understood by Bardett,
the Assembly was not empowered to form a government
and that an application would be made to the Committee
of Inspection and Observation of the City and Liberties
of Philadelphia to call a conference. Indeed, as we have
seen, the conference had already been called when the
protest was read.

The Assembly then adjourned to 3 o'clock in the
afternoon, when they resolved that Andrew Allen,
George Clymer, Alexander Wilcocks, Isaac Pearson and
George Ross " be a committee to take into consideration
the said Resolve of Congress, and the Preamble thereto ;
and to draw up a Memorial from this House ... re-
questing an explanation, in such terms as will admit of
no doubt, whether the Assemblies and Conventions now
subsisting in the several Colonies are or are not the
bodies to whom the consideration of continuing the old,
or adopting new Governments, is referred . . ."

On the same day — and, as would seem *^, before the
Assembly met at 3 o'clock and appointed this com-
mittee — , a number " of those called moderate men",

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Assembly do not possess the confidence of the people
. . ." This memorial — signed by M:Kean, as chair-
man— was presented (to Congress) on the 25th.

Meanwhile, the Assembly, however, either knew not
what to do or was unwilling to take any action what-
ever.*^ Nor did they act even on the 28th", when® the
memorial of the Committee of Inspection and Observa-
tion of the City and Liberties to Congress was read, or
when, later in the day, a petition from " a number of the
freemen and inhabitants of the County of Cumberland,
was presented to the House, and read," but simply
ordered them to lie on the table. The people of Cum-
berland County petitioned " this honourable House
that the last Instructions which it gave to the Delegates
. . . wherein they are enjoined not to consent to any
step which may cause or lead to a separation from Great
Britain, may be withdrawn." Indeed, on the 29th
(except to read the remonstrance — then presented —
and to order it to lie on the table), 30th and 31st, noth-
ing was done; and, on the ist, 3d and 4th of June, there
was no quorum.

On the 5th of June, however, the resolution of Vir-
ginia of May 15th was read°^; and then, at last, a
committee — Dickinson, Robert Morris, Joseph Reed,
Clymer, Wilcocks, Pearson and Thomas Smith — was
appointed to prepare a draft of instructions to the Dele-
gates in Congress. They reported, on the 6th, " an
essay for the purpose ; which was read by order, and
referred to further consideration." On the 7th", "the
House resumed the consideration of the Instructions

to the Delegates . . . And, after a debate of a consider-

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

have seen and shall more particularly see, when Virginia
instructed her Delegates to propose to Congress to de-
clare independence — , the Convention*^ (of Maryland)
took into consideration a resolution (adopted on the
2 1 St) which declared that "this Convention is firmly per-
suaded that a reunion with Great Britain on constitu-
tional principles would most effectively secure the rights
and liberties, and increase the strength and promote the
happiness of the whole empire • • . the said Deputies
are bound and directed to govern themselves by the
instructions given to them by this convention in its
session in December last, in the same manner as if the
said instructions were particularly repeated.**

Of the same mind doubtless was the Council of
Safety " ; for they say, in a letter to the Delegates, on
June 8th — when they must have known of the resolu-
tion of Virginia: " [Md] The intelligence with regard to
7000 men rising and declaring for independence is with-
out foundation ; we take it to be news from some
incendiary . . .**

A few of the leading men, however, of Maryland
held different views or were wavering. On January 30th,
Alexander writes, from Philadelphia to the Council of
Safety: " [Md] the Instructions'* of the Convention are
come to Hand, but not as yet laid before Congress. I
am much pleased with them, they entirely coincide with
my Judgment & that Line of Conduct which I have de-
termined to persue, the Farmer^ and some others to whom
in Confidence they were shewn, say they breath that
Spirit, which ought to govern all publick Bodies, Firm-
ness tempered with Moderation.** On February 27th,

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

May 22d (Ba), the following: "Serious QUESTIONS
addressed to the advocates for DEPENDANCE upon
the crown of Britain . . . Are not the advocates for
INDEPENDANCE the only true friends to the prin-
ciples of the British constitution? ... Is not RECON-
CILIATION an untrodden path ; for where can wc find
an instance of a people's returning to their allegiance to
a tyrant, after he had violated every political and moral
obligation to them ? ... Is not Independance a trod-
den path ? Did not the United Provinces, and the Can-
tons of Switzerland, establish their liberty by declaring
themselves INDEPENDANT, the one of the Court
of Spain, the other of the House of Austria ? " ^

"[QyC] In January®^ 1776," writes John Adams to
John Taylor, April 9, 18 14, "six months before the
declaration of independence, M- Wythe of Virginia
passed an evening with me at my chambers. In the
course of conversation upon the necessity of Independ-
ence M- Withe, observ[ed] . . . that the greatest
obstacle in the way of a declaration of it, was the
difficulty of agreeing upon a government for our future
regulation . . ." General Charles Lee writes, to Wash-
ington, from Stamford, on the 24th of the same month
(January, 1776) : " Have you seen the pamphlets Common
Sense? I never saw such a masterly, irresistible per-
formance. It will, if I mistake not, in concurrence with
the transcendent folly and wickedness of the Ministry,
give the coup-de-grace to Great Britain. In short, I
own myself convinced, by the arguments, of the necessity

of separation."

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

have lately received from Virginia, I find * Common
Sense ' is working a powerful change there in the minds
of many men." On the 2d, John Lee writes fix)m Essex
City to R. H. Lee: "[M*] Independence is now the
topic here, and I think I am not mistaken when I say, it
will (if not already) be very soon a Favourite Child.**
Three days later. General Charles Lee, now at Williams-
burg, in a letter also to R. H. Lee, says : " [A]
Pendleton is certainly naturally a Man of sense, but I
can assure you that the other night in a conversation I
had with him on the subject of independence He talkd or
rather stammer'd nonsense that would have disgraced the
lips of an old Midwife Drunk with bohea Tea and gin
— Bland says that the Author of common sense is a
blockhead and ignoramus for that He has grossly mis-
taken the nature of the Theocracy — If you coud be
spard from the Congress, Your presence might infuse
vigor and wisdom [here] ... for Gods sake why do
you dandle in the Congress so strangely, why do you
not at once declare yourselves a seperate independant
State ? . . . I wish you woud kufF Doctor Rush for not
writing — I expect and insist upon it — " John Page
writes from the same city to Jefferson on the same day :
" [S] For God's sake declare the Colonies independant,
at once, & save us from ruin — " He writes again on the
I2th to R. H. Lee: "[M^] I think almost every man,
except the Treasurer [Robert Carter Nicholas], is willing
to declare for Independency ... I would to God you
could be here at its next Convention. It would be
happy for us if you [the Delegates] could be all spared

on that occasion ; if you could, I make no doubt you

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

shall by them be judged just and friendly. And because
the advantages of a trade will better enable us to pay the
taxes, and procure the necessaries for carrying on a war,
] and in our present circumstances this cannot be had with-
out a Declaration of Independence ; therefore, if no such
proposals of peace shall be made ... we give it you in
charge, to use your best endeavours that the Delegates
which are sent to the General Congress be instructed
immediately to cast off the British yoke . . . '* The
latter, coming together at Allen's Ordinary, declared ® to
theirs ^^ that they desired them, " (provided no just and
honourable terms are offered by the king,) to exert your
utmost abilities, in the next Convention, towards dissolv-
ing the connection between America and Great Britain^
totally, finally, and irrevocably."

Even more directly in line with the action soon to be
taken by the Convention are the instructions of Buck-
ingham County, though we do not know their "^^ date.
These " recommend to, and instruct you, as far as your
voices will contribute, to cause a total and final separa-
tion from Great Britain to take place as soon as possible ;
or, as we conceive this great point will not come within
your immediate province, that, as far as in your power,
you cause such instructions to be given to the Delegates
from this Colony to the Continental Congress ..."
The position of R. H. Lee — soon to be the mover
of the resolution — and the position of Jefferson — soon
to be the author of the Declaration — and the senti-
ments of the people of the " upper counties ", as well as
the views of Francis Lightfoot Lee, a brother of R. H.
Lee, are given later.^^

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

could not explain my meaning so well. And from hence
it is that our independency is to arise ! Papers it seems
are every where circulating about for poor ignorant
Creatures to sign, as directions to their delegates to
endeavour at an independency. In vain do we ask to let
it be explain'd what is design'd by it ! If the form of
government is to Preserve Justice, Order, Peace and free-
dom I believe there are few who would refuse ; but when
these only modes of Social happiness, are left so much
concealed, or not toucht upon in the least, what sen-
sible creatures ought to trust an ignorant representative
to do what he pleases, under a notion of leaving his
Constituents independant ? "

Three days before (May 6th) this letter was written,
" ^ 45 members of the House of Burgesses met at the Cap-
itol ^* [in Williamsburg], pursuant to their last adjourn-
ment ; but it being their opinion, that the people could not
now be legally represented according to the ancient con-
stitution, which has been subverted by the king, lords, and
commons of Great Britain, and consequently dissolved,
they unanimously dissolved themselves accordingly.
The same day the General Convention of Delegates from
the counties and corporations in this colony met at the
Capitol . . . Edmund Pendleton was elected President."

Besides Pendleton, among those present were William
Aylett, Bland, Archibald Cary, Dudley Digges, William
Fleming, Henry, Richard Lee, Thomas Ludwell Lee,
James Madison, George Mason, Nelson '^^, Robert Car-
ter Nicholas, Edmund Randolph, Meriwether Smith and
John Augustine Washington. Page appeared on a com-
mittee on the 15th.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

of independence would certainly be passed, and for ob-
vious reasons Mr. Henry seemed allotted to crown his
political conduct with this supreme stroke. And yet for
a considerable time he talked of the subject as being
critical, but without committing himself by a pointed
avowal in its favor or a pointed repudiation of it. He
thought that a course which put at stake the lives and
fortunes of the people should appear to be their own act,
and that he ought not to place upon the responsibility
of his eloquence, a revolution of which the people might
be wearied after the present stimulus should cease to
operate. But after some time he appeared in an element
for which he was born. To cut the knot which calm
prudence was puzzled to untie was worthy of the mag-
nificence of his genius. He entered into no subtlety of
reasoning, but was aroused by the now apparent spirit of
the people. As a pillar of fire, which notwithstanding
the darkness of the prospect would conduct to the
promised land, he inflamed, and was followed by the
convention." ^

On the 15th, the committee of the whole, of which
Cary was chairman, reported and the Convention (112
members being present) unanimously^^ adopted a resolu-
tion** which should immortalize the Colony:

Forasmuch as all the endeavours of the United Colonies, by
the most decent representations and petitions to the King and
Parliament of Great Britain, to restore peace and security to
America under the British Government, and a reunion with that
people upon just and liberal terms, instead of a redress of griev-
ances, have produced, from an imperious and vindictive Admin-
istration, increased insult, oppression, and a vigorous attempt to

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

regarded as the only door which will lead to safety and
prosperity," says a newspaper report of the time, " some
gentlemen made a handsome collection for the purpose
of treating the soldiery, who next day were paraded in
Waller's grove, before Brigadier-General Lewis, attended
by the Committee of Safety, members of the General
Convention, the inhabitants of this city, &c. &c. The
resolution read aloud to the army, the following toasts
were given, each of them accompanied by a discharge of
the artillery and small arms, and the acclamations of all
present. /. The American independent states. 2. The
Grand Congress of the United States^ and their respective
legislatures. 3. General Washington^ and victory to the
American arms. The UNION FLAG of the American'
states waived upon the Capitol during the whole of this
ceremony, which being ended, the soldiers partook of the
refreshment prepared for them by the affection of their
countrymen, and the evening concluded with illumina-
tions ^ and other demonstrations of joy ; every one
seemed pleased that the domination of Great Britsun
was now at an end . . ."

Nelson immediately left ^ for Philadelphia to lay the
resolution before Congress ^, which was done. May 27th.

Washington was in Philadelphia at the time — having
arrived at 1 o'clock on the afternoon of the 23d — and
was delighted.^

The progress of events in North Carolina is scarcely
less interesting.

Hooper writes, to James Iredell from Philadelphia,
January 6th : " [I] Yes, Britain, it is the criterion of

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ITS HISTORT

thy existence ; thy greatness totters. Luxury and wealth,
with every vice in their train, are hurrying thee down the
precipice, and liberty shuddering at thy fate is seeking
an asylum westward. Oh heaven ! still check her ap-
proaching ruin ; restore her to the affection of her Ameri-
can subjects. May she long flourish the guardian of
freedom, and when that change comes, and come it must,
that America must become the seat of empire, may
Britain gently verge down the decline of life, and sink
away in the arms of American sons."

Hewes writes, to Samuel Johnston from the same city,
February nth (and ijth) and 20th and March ist:
" [NCJ Our friend Hooper has taken an opportunity
when he could be best spared from Congress to fly to
the Camp at Cambridge to see his Mother, who has
lately got out of Boston, he has been gone about Ten
days • • • Late last night I received a Letter from him
dated New York the 6*^; he seems greatly alarmed at
the intelligence he had received there . . . The anxiety
of my worthy friend for the safety, honour & happi-
ness of our province and for his dearest connections
there I imagine has induced him to paint things in the
strongest colours to me ... I have furnished myself
with a good musket & Bayonet, and when I can no
longer be usefull in Council I hope I shall be willing to
take the field . . . The 13*** . . . The only pamphlet^
that has been published here for a long time I now send
you ; it is a Curiosity ; we have not put up any to go by
the Waggon, not knowing how you might relish inde-
pendency. The author is not known ; some say Doctor

Franklin had a hand in it, he denies it." " [N] This
6 81

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

will be delivered to you by James Thompson and John
Crowley who have charge of the Waggon, Horses and
sundry Articles that make up the Load ... I men-
tioned to you in my last V^ express that we had not sent
any copies of the Pamphlet entitled Common Sense but
finding Brother Penn had a fondness for them have
agreed some should be sent, the Council can Judge of
the propriety of distributing them, let me know your
opinion on that head, the Roads being very bad I was
advised to put five horses to the Waggon I hope they
will all be delivered safe to you . . . John Crowley who
is the driver is recommended to me as a man very care-
full of Horses and used to the business of driving a
Waggon, he can neither read or write and his old master
says should not be trusted with money, both the men
are to have 3 s V day and all expenses born, if they re-
turn here, pay them no more money than Just to bear
their expenses, they are to be in pay till they arive here
provided they come directly back[.]" "[NC] We
shall send off another Waggon in a day or two with
what Powder the new Waggon left, also drums &
Colours for your third Regiment . . . N. B. The new
Waggon went off eight days ago. I hear it is now no
further than Wilmington. That one of the best Horses
cut one of his hind feet very much with his shoe and
cannot proceed. I have this day sent a carefull person
down to purchase another Horse and bring the lame one
back if it should be found necessary."

On the day following the postscript to the first letter,
Penn writes, also from Philadelphia, to Thomas Person :

" [NC] The consequence of making alliances is perhaps

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

great fatigue trouble and danger the People here have
undergone^ for some time past • • • All regard or fond-
ness for the King or the nation of Britain is gone, a total
separation is what they want. Independance is the word
most used . . . the Convention have tried to get the
opinion of the People at large. I am told that in many
Counties there were not one dissenting voice.**

A similar statement is found in a letter from Thomas
Ludwell Lee to R. H. Lee, dated Williamsburg, Va.,
four days earlier: "[M^] Gen. Howe, in a letter
received yesterday from Halifax . . . says ... * Inde-
pendence seems to be the word; I know not a dissent-
ing voice.' *'

Indeed, ten days before Hooper and Penn arrived at
Halifax, Johnston writes from that place to Iredell, his
brother-in-law : " [I] Our wagons arrived yesterday with
about 2500 pounds of powder, and drums, and colors,
for the troops. I have likewise a letter from Hewes of
the 20th of last month, but no news except what you
have in the newspapers. He seems in despair of a recon-
ciliation; no Commissioners were appointed the 25th of
December, and the Parliament was then prorogued to
the 20th of January. All our people here are up for inde-
pendence''; Vindy three days before they arrived (April 12th),
the Provincial Congress, of which Johnston was Presi-
dent, resolved®^: **That the Delegates^ ... be em-
powered to concur with the Delegates of the other
Colonies in declaring Independency . . ."

Johnston writes, again to Iredell, on the 13th: "[I]
The House^ in consequence of some very important intelli-
gence received last night, have agreed to impower their dele-

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

pointed the other, or covered us with eternal disgrace,
if we avowed it. But it is sufficient to say, our profes-
sions have been all solemnly to the contrary ; we have
never taken any one step which really indicated such a
view; its suggestion has no more foundation than mere
suspicion, which might countenance any falsehood what-
ever, and every man in America knows that this is one
of the most egregious falsehoods ever any people were
duped with. But so it was. This error they have been
captivated with, and it has lead them, as well as us, to
the brink of destruction. Its consequences are now
only to be deplored, not, I fear, to be remedied. I may
venture to say, the dread, or the pretended dread, of this
evil, has almost produced it. The suspicion, though so
ill founded, has been, previously, the parent of all the
violent acts that now irritate the minds of the Americans.
Some are inflamed enough to wish for independence, and
all are reduced to so unhappy a condition as to dread at
last that they shall be compelled in their own defence to
embrace it. I confess myself of the latter number, in
exclusion of the former. I am convinced America is in
no such a situation as to entitle her to consider it as a
just object of ambition^ and I have no idea of people
forming constitutions from revenge. A just and consti-
tutional connection with Great Britain (if such could be
obtained) I still think, in spite of every provocation,
would be hap^"'* for America, for a considerable time to
come, than absolute independence. No man can disdain,
more than I do, :he uniform and cruel violence of our
oppressors' couduct. But I make a distinction between
the ministry, and even the Parliament, and the people of

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

and execute, every measure which they or he, together
with a majority of the Continental Congress, shall
judge necessary, for the defence, security, interest, or
welfare of this Colony in particular, and of America in
general."

These instructions, like those of Massachusetts, of
course, might be construed to imply a power to join in a
declaration of independence ; but they — much less doubt-
less than those of the Commonwealth — evidently" were
not so intended to be construed. Indeed, the govern-
ment^ formed a few days later was expressly declared to
be formed to exist only "until an accommodation of the
unhappy differences between Great Britain and America
can be obtained, (an event which, though traduced and
treated as Rebels, we still earnestly desire,) " ; and when,
previously, on the loth of February, Laurens, of the
committee charged with drafting a proposed form of
government, had made his report, a debate, says'* John
Drayton, had occurred as follows: "Col. Gadsden*
([having arrived from Philadelphia on the evening of
the 8th and] having brought the first copy of Paine's
pamphlet entitled * Common Sensed &c.) boldly declared
himself, not only in favour of the form of government ;
but, for the absolute Independence of America. This
last sentiment, came like an explosion of thunder upon
the members of Congress ; as the resolution of the Con-
tinental Congress, upon which, the report for a form of
government was grounded, had by no means led them
to anticipate so decisive a step ; neither had the majority
of the members at that time, any thoughts of aspiring at
independence. A distinguished member in particular,

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

labors in this divine work, is to refuse to be a great, a
free, a pious, and a happy people ! "
It was a declaration of independence /

Georgia instructed her Delegates *"*, April 5th : " Our
remote situation [impels us to] . . . decline giving any
particular instructions • . • We . . . shall rely upon
your patriotism, abilities, firmness, and integrity, to pro-
pose, join, and concur, in all such measures as you shall
think calculated for the common good, and to oppose
such as shall appear destructive/*

t
Thus North Carolina was the first to authorize (April
1 2th) her Delegates "to concur with the Delegates of
the other colonies in declaring Independency** — the
word itself being used ; and thus Virginia was the first to
authorize (May 15th) her Delegates ^^ to propose [to Con-
gress] • • . to declare the United Colonies free and
independent States • . ."

One of the strongest factors in bringing about the
change of feeling in the Colonies was Common Sense.

John Adams, in his Autobiography^^ y under date of
"September, 1775", says: "[J] In the course of this
winter appeared a phenomenon in Philadelphia, a disas-
trous meteor, I mean Thomas Paine, He came from
England, and got into such company as would converse
with him, and ran about picking up what information he
could concerning our affairs, and finding the great ques-
tion was concerning independence, he gleaned from

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

had a great effect on the minds of many here and to the
Southward [.] "

Common Sense says^* :

I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to show
a single advantage that this continent can reap by being con-
nected with Great Britain . • .

But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connec-
tion are without number ... It is the true interest of America
to steer clear of European contentions, which she never can do
while, by her dependance on Britain, she is made the make-
weight in the scale of British politics.

. • . Everything that is right or natural pleads for separation.
The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, V/x
time to part . • .

Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offense,
yet I am inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doc-
trine of reconciliation may be included within the following
descriptions :

Interested men, who are not to be trusted ; weak men, who
cannot see ; prejudiced men, who will not see ; and a certain set
of moderate men who think better of the European world than it
deserves ; and this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be
the cause of more calamities to this continent than all the other
three . . .

. . . bring the doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of
nature, and then tell me whether you can hereafter love, honor,
and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire and sword
into your land . . .

. . . Reconciliation is now a fallacious dream. Nature hath
deserted the connection, and art cannot supply her place . . .

I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to

espouse the doctrine of separation and independence ; I am

clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded that it is the

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

some time ago, if not I now send a parcel to Col Taylor
of whome you may have one Our late King & his Par-
liment having declared us Rebils & Enemies confiscated
our property as far as they were likely to lay hands on
it have effectually decided the question for us, whether
or no we shall be independent all we have now to do is
to endeavour to reconcile ourselves to the state it has
pleased Providence to put us into and indeed upon tak-
ing a near & full look at the thing it does not frighten
so much as when viewd at a distance. I cant think we
shall be injured by having a free trade with all the world
instead of its being confined to one place whose wriches
might allways be used to our ruin nor does it appear to
me that we shall suffer any disadvantage by having our
Legeslatures uncontroled by a power so far removed
from us that our circumstances cant be known whose
interests is often directly contrary to ours and over which
we have no manner of controul indeed great part of that
power being at present lodged in the hands of a most
gracious Prince whose tender mercies we have often
experienced ; it must wring the heart of all good men
to part but I hope we shall have Christian fortitude
enough to bear with partience & even cheerful! ness the
decrees of a really most gracious King. The danger of
Anarchy & confusion I think altogether Chemerical the
good behaveous of the Americans with no Governmt at
all proves them very capable of good Government. But
my dear Col. I am so fond of peace that I wish to sec
an end of these distractions upon terms that will secure
America from future outrages but from all our intelli-
gence I really despair. There is such an inveteracy in

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

tance of the southern Colonies to Republican Govern-
ment . . . each Colony should establish its own Govern-
ment, and then a League should be formed, between
them all."

Indeed, so strong was the feeling in the Colonies fol-
lowing and because of this Act that the promised coming
of the so-called " peace commissioners *', with the hope
of probable reconciliation thus held out^^, was all that
deterred very many from taking a bold stand for an im-
mediate declaration.

Joseph Reed writes, front Philadelphia to Washington,
March 3d : " [U] . • . there is a strange reluctance in
the minds of many to cut the knot which ties us to
Great Britain, particularly in this colony and to the
southward. Though no man of understanding expects
any good from the commissioners, yet they are for wait-
ing to hear their proposals before they declare off", and,
March 15th: "[S] We every Moment expect to hear
of these Gentry s Arrival • • . A little Time will show
what we are to expect from the new Project. In my
Part I can see nothing to be hoped from it^^ but it has
laid fast hold of some here & made its Impression on the
Congress. It is said the Virginians are so alarmed
with the Idea of Independence that they have sent M'
Braxton [He arrived, February 23d] on Purpose to turn
the Vote of that Colony, if any Question on that Subject
should come before Congress. To tell you the Truth
my dear Sir, I am infinitely more afraid of these Com-
missioners than their Generals & Armies — If their
Propositions are plausible & Behaviour artful I am

apprehensive they will divide us — There is so much

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

liberty and safety, I expect little from the justice and
less from the generosity of administration ; but I am not
without hopes that the interest of Great Britain will com-
pel her ministers to offer us reasonable terms. I am
unwilling that while Commissioners are daily looked for,
we should by any irrevocable measure tie up our hands,
and put it out of our power to terminate this destructive
war. I do not think this line of conduct incompatible
with the most vigorous efforts for our defence in the
ensuing campaign. — I believe it to be agreable to the
sense of our constituents which would alone be decisive
with me. — under these impressions, I wait for the ex-
pected propositions with painful anxiety. If they should
prove oppressive or frivolous we will be at no loss to
form a judgment of the consequences."

The effect upon Robert Morris is shown by a letter
from him of"® April 6th, from Philadelphia to Gates:
"[NY] Where the plague are these Commissioners, if
they are to come what is it that detains them ; It is time
we shou'd be on a Certainty & know positively whether
the Libertys of America can be established & secured by
reconciliation, or whether we must totally renounce Con-
nection with Great Britain & fight our way to a total
Independance. Whilst we Continue thus firmly United
amongst ourselves theres no doubt but either of these
points may be carried, but it seems to me. We shall quar-
rell about which of these roads is best to pursue unless
the Commissioners appear soon and lead us into the first
path, therefore I wish them to come, dreading nothing
so much as even an appearance of division amongst
ourselves — *'

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

He tells us (in his Autobiography) also that he had
been appointed (October 28, 1775) Chief Justice of
the Superior Court of Judicature of his Colony and:
"[J] I soon found [after the return to Congress on
February 9, 1776], there was a whispering among the
partisans in opposition to independence, that I was
interested ; that I held an office under the new govern-
ment of Massachusetts ; that I was afraid of losing it,
if we did not declare independence ; and that I con-
sequently ought not to be attended to. This they cir-
culated so successfully, that they got it insinuated among
the members of the legislature in Maryland, where their
friends were powerful enough to give an instruction to
their delegates in Congress, warning them against listen-
ing to the advice of interested persons, and manifestly
pointing me out to the understanding of every one"*
. • . These chuckles I was informed of, and witnessed
for many weeks, and at length they broke out in a very
extraordinary manner. When I had been speaking one
day on the subject of independence, or the institution
of governments, which I always considered as the same
thing, a gentleman of great fortune and high rank rose
and said, he should move, that no person who held any
office under a new government should be admitted to
vote on any such question, as they were interested per-
sons ... I rose from my seat with great coolness and
deliberation . . . and said : * . . . I will second the gen-
tleman's motion, and I recommend it to the honorable
gentleman to second another which I should make,
namely, that no gentleman who holds any office under

the old or present government should be admitted to

xoo

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Of this motion, Samuel Adams writes, to John Adams,
who, as we have seen, was then on leave of absence:
"[SA] The Motion alarmd me — I thought Congress
had already been explicit enough and was apprehensive
that we might get ourselves on dangerous Ground —
Some of us prevaild so far as to have the Matter post-
pond, but could not prevent the assigning a Day to
consider it — I may perhaps have been wrong in oppos-
ing this Motion, and I ought the rather to suspect it,
because the Majority of your Colony as well as of the
Congress were of a different Mind[.]"

The Diary of Richard Smith shows also (under the
following dates) : " [January 24th] most of the Day was
spent on a Proposal to address the People of America
our Constituents deducing the Controversy ab Initio and
informing them of our Transactions and of the present
State of Affairs, much was said about Independency and
the Mode and Propriety of stating our Dependance on
the King, a Com? was appointed to draw the Address."
"[February 13th] Wilson brought in the Draught of an
Address to our Constituents which was very long, badly
written and full against Independency [.] " "[February
1 6th] Wyth also offered Propositions whereof the first
was that the Colonies have a Right to contract Alli-
ances with Foreign Powers, an Objection being offered
that this was Independency there ensued much Argument
upon that Ground . . ." "[February 21st] W? Living-
ston moved that the Thanks of the Congress be given to
Dr Smith for his Oration on Gen. Montgomery and that
he be desired to make it public, this was objected to for

several Reasons the chief was that the D! declared the

102

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

The important entries on the subject in the Diary
of Richard Smith during this month are as follows :
"[March 9th] Instruc[tions for the Commissioners]
going to Canada • • . took up 3 or 4 Hours • • . that
Part recommend'g to them [to] form a Constitution and
Governm! for themselves without Limitation [of] Time
which Jay and others said was an Independency and there
was much Argum? on this Ground [.] " " [March 22d]
Wyth reported the Preamble about Privateering, he and
Lee moved an Amend! wherein the King was made
the Author of our Miseries instead of the Ministry,
it was opposed on Supposition that this was effectually
severing the King from Us forever and ably debated for
4 Hours when Maryland interposed its Veto and put
it off till Tomorrow, Chief Speakers for the Amend!
Lee, Chase, Sergeant, Harrison, against it Jay, Wilson,
Johnson."

On the 23d (of March), John Adams, in his letter to
Gates, writes: "[NY] I agree with you, that in Politicks
the Middle Way is none at all . . . We have hitherto
conducted half a War, acted upon the Line of Defence
&c &c — But you will see by tomorrows Paper, that for
the future We are likely to wage three Quarters of a War.
— The Continental Ships of War, and Provincial Ships
of War, and Letters of Mark and Privateers are per-
mitted to cruise upon British Property, wherever found
on the Ocean. This is not Independency you know,
nothing like it. If a Post or two more, should bring
you unlimited latitude of Trade to all Nations, and a
polite Invitation to all nations, to trade with you, take

care that you dont call it, or think it Independency.

104

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

people best conduce to the happiness and safety of their
constituents in particular and America in general."

John Adams, Edward Rutledge and R. H. Lee were
chosen ^^^ a committee to prepare a preamble. Their
report was agreed to on the 15th, and it was then ordered
that both the resolution and the preamble be published.
The preamble, as shown by the Journal, declared:
" Whereas his Britannic Majesty in conjunction with the
lords and commons of great Britain has by a late act of
Parliament excluded the inhabitants of these united col-
onies from the protection of his crown And whereas no
answer whatever to the humble petitions of the colonies
for redress of grievances & reconciliation with great
Britain has been or is likly to be given . . . And
whereas ... it is necessary that the exercise of every
kind of authority under the said crown should be totally
suppressed . . ."^^^

Two days later, John Adams writes to his wife:

" When I consider the great events which are passed,

and those greater which are rapidly advancing, and that

I may have been instrumental in touching some springs

and turning some small wheels, which have had and will

have such effects, I feel an awe upon my mind which is

not easily described. Great Britain has at last driven

America to the last step : a complete separation from

her; a total, absolute independence, not only of her

Parliament, but of her Crown, for such is the amount of

the resolve of the 15th." ^^ In his Autobiography y he

says: "[J] Mr. Duane^^ called it to me, a machine for

the fabrication of independence. I said, smiling, I

thought it was independence itself ^^, but we must have

106

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

The principal object of our attention at this important
Time I think should be y"" Manufacturing Arms, Lead
& Cloathing, & obtaining Flints, for I suppose since y*
Measures adopted by North Carolina and Virginia that
there cannot remain a Doubt with our Assembly of y'
propriety of declaring for Independency and therefore
that our Tho*ts will be mostly directed to y' Means for
supporting it."

John Adams also ^ felt at once that the goal was near.**
" [J] I^ ^^ ^^^^ appeared to me ", he writes ^ to Henry,
June 3d, '^ that the natural course and order of things
was this ; for every colony to institute a government ;
for all the colonies to confederate, and define the limits
of the continental Constitution ; then to declare the colo-
nies a sovereign state, or a number of confederated states ;
and last of all, to form treaties with foreign powers. But
I fear we cannot proceed systematically, and that we shall
be obliged to declare ourselves independent States, before
we confederate, and indeed before all the colonies have
established their governments. It is now pretty clear
that all these measures will follow one another in a rapid
succession, and it may not perhaps be of much importance
which is done first."

108

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

We find an interesting comment in Adams' Auto-
biography : "[J] It will naturally be inquired why* these
resolutions, and the names of the gentlemen who moved
and seconded them, were not inserted on the Journals.
To this question, I can give no other answer than this.
Mr. Hancock was President, Mr. Harrison, chairman of
the committee of the whole house, Mr. Thomson*,
the secretary, was cousin to Mr. Dickinson, and Mr.
R. H. Lee and Mr. John Adams were no favorites of
either."

The first resolution was offered — primarily, at least ^
— in direct conformity to the resolution of the Conven-
tion of Virginia of May 15th: "That the Delegates ap-
pointed to represent this Colony in General Congress be
instructed to propose to that respectable body, to declare
the United Colonies free and independent States " ; and
Jefferson is reported® as saying: "Richard H. Lee
moved . . . [it] only^ because he was the oldest member
of the Virginia delegation."

On June 8th (Saturday), as shown by the Journal,

The Congress took into consideration the resolutions moved
yesterday,

Resolved That they be referred to a committee of the whole
Whereupon The Congress resolved itself into a committee of
the whole to take into considerations the resolutions referred to
them and after some time spent thereon the president resumed
the chair and M' Harrison reported that the Committee have
taken into consideration ^^ the matter to them referred but not
having come to any resolution thereon desired leave to sit again
on monday next.

xio

ITS HISTORT

^^ at lo odock.

Resolved Yhzt this ^ Congress will on Monday next^resolve itself
into a committee of the whole to take into their farther con-
sideration the the resolutions referred to them. —

Jefferson, in his notes^y gives us the following account
of the debate ^ in the committee of the whole on this
day (and on Monday, the loth) :

It was ai^ed by ^^ Wilson, Robert R. Livingston, the two

Rutlcge*^*, Dickinson ^^ and others ^®

That tho* they were friends to the measures themselves, and
uw the impossibility that we should ever again be united with
Gr-Britain, yet they were against adopting them at this ^ time :

That the conduct we had formerly observed was wise & proper
now, of deferring to take any capital step till the voice of the
people drove us into it :

That they were our power, & without them our declarations
could not be carried into effect :

That the people of the middle colonies (Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Sd»* Delaware, Pcnnsylva, the Jcrsies & N. York) were not
jet ripe for bidding adieu to British connection, but that they were
fast ripening, & in a short time would join in the general voice
of America:

That the resolution entered into by this house on the 15^ of
May for suppressing the exercise of all powers derived from the
crown, had shown, by the ferment into which it had thrown
these middle colonies, that they had not yet accommodated their
minds to a separation from the mother country :

That some of them had expressly forbidden their delegates to
consent to such a declaration, and others had given no instruc-
tions, & consequently no

[The following is on the reverse side of page i :]

ZZI

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

powers to give such assent :

That if the delegates of any particular colony had no power
to declare such colony independant, certain they were the others
could not declare it for them ; the colonies being as yet perfectly
independant of each other :

That the assembly of Pennsylvania was now sitting above
stairs, their convention would sit within a few days, the conven-
tion of New York was now sitting, & those of the Jersies &
Delaware counties would meet on the Monday following & it
was probable these bodies would take up the question of Inde-
pendance & would declare to their delegates the voice of their state:

That if such a declaration should now be agreed to, these dele-
gates must«ew^ retire, & possibly their colonies might secede
from the Union :

That such a secession would weaken us more than could be
compensated by any foreign alliance :

That in the event of such a division, foreign powers would
either refuse to join themselves to our fortune, or having us so
much in their power as that desperate declaration would place
us, they would insist on terms proportionally more hard &
prejudicial :

That we had little reason to expect an alliance with those to
whom alone as yet we had cast our eyes :

That France & Spain had reason to be jealous of that rising
power which would one day certainly strip them of all their
American possessions :

That it was more likely they should form a connection with
the British court, who, if they should find themselves unable
otherwise to extricate themselves from their difficulties, would
agree to a partition of our territories, restoring Canada to France,
& the Floridas to Spain, to accomplish for themselves a recovery
of these colonies :

113

ITS HISTORT

ThaX it would not be long before we should receive certain
mformation of the disposition of the French court, from the
agent whom we had sent to Paris for that purpose :

That if this disposition should be favourable, by waiting the

tiie prcKiit

nrent of anothor^campaign, which we all hoped would be

faonrable, we should have reason to expect an alliance on better
terms:

That this would in fact work no delay of any eflFectual aid
from such

%, as, from the advance of the season & distance of our situa-
tion, it was impossible we could receive any assistance during
this campaign :

That it was prudent to fix among ourselves the terms on
which we would form alliance, before we declared we would
fonn one at all events :

And that if these were agreed on, & our Declaration of Inde-
pendance ready by the time our Ambassadour should be prepared
to sail, it would be as well, as to go into that Declaration at
this day.

On the other side it was urged by J. Adams ^, [R. H.]
Lee 18 M^ Wythe and others *•.

That no gentleman had argued agatnst the policy or the right
of separation from Britain, nor had supposed it possible we should

hadas

ever renew our connection: that they^only opposed it's being
flow declared:

That the question was not whether, by a declaration of in-
(iependance, we should make ourselves what we are not; but
Hrhether we should declare a fact which already exists : ^

That as to the people or parliament of England^ we had alwais
been independant of them, their restraints on our trade deriving
efficacy from our acquiescence only, & not from any rights they
S 113

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

possessed of imposing them, & that so far our connection had
been federal only & was now dissolved by the commencement of
hostilities :

That as to the king, we had been bound to him by allegiance,
but that this bond was now dissolved by his assent to the late act
of parliament, by which he declares us out of his protection, and
by his levying war on us, a fact which had long ago proved us
out of his protection ; it being a certain position in law that
allegiance & protection are reciprocal, the one ceasing when
the other is withdrawn :

That James the Ilf never declared the people of England out
of his protection yet his actions proved it & the parliament
declared it:

No delegates then can be denied, or ever want, a power of
declaring an existing truth :

That the Delegates from the Delaware counties having de-
clared their constituents ready*® to join, there are only^ two
colonies, Pennsylvania & Marjrland whose delegates are absolutely
tied up, and that these had by their instructions only reserved a
right of confirming or rejecting the measure :

[The following is on the reverse side of page 3 :]

That the instructions from Pennsylvania might be accounted

for from the times in which they were drawn, near a twelve-
month ago, since which the face of affairs has totally changed :

That within that time it had become apparent that Britain was
determined to accept nothing less than a carte blanche, and that
the king's answer to the Lord Mayor Aldermen & common coun-
cil of London, which had come to hand four days ago, must have
satisfied everyone of this point :

That the people wait for us to lead the way : in this = ^
That they are in favour of the measure, tho' the instructions
given by some of their representatives are not :

114

ITS HISTORT

That the voice of the representatives is not alwais conso^

nant^t^ the voice of the people, and that this is remarkably the
case in these middle colonies :

That the eflFect of the resolution of the 15*? of May has proved
this, which, raising the murmurs of some in the colonies of Penn-
sylvania & Maryland, called forth the opposing voice of the freer
part of the people, & proved them to be the majority, even in
these colonies :

That the backwardness of these two colonies might be as-
cribed partly to the influence of proprietary power & connections,
& partly to their having not yet been attacked by the enemy :

That these causes were not likely to be soon removed, as there
seemed no probability that the enemy would make either of these
die seat of this summer's war :

That it would be vain to wait either weeks or months for per-
fect unanimity, since it was impossible that all men should ever
become of one sentiment on any question :

That the conduct of some colonies from the beginning of this
contest, had given reason to suspect it was their settled policy to
keep in the rear of the confederacy, that their particular prospect
m^ht be better even in the worst event :

That therefore it was necessary for those colonies who had

thrown themselves forward & hazarded all from the beginning, to

come forward now also, and put all again to their own hazard:

That the history of the Dutch revolution, of whom three states

only confe-

5-
derated at first proved that a secession of some colonies would not

be so dangerous as some apprehended :

That a declaration of Independance alone could render it con-
sistent with European delicacy^ for European powers to treat
with us, or even to receive an Ambassador from us :

That till this they would not receive our vessels into their ports,

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

nor acknowlege the adjudications of our courts of Admiralty to
be legitimate, in cases of capture of British vessels :

That tho' France & Spain may be jealous of our rising power,
they must think it will be much more formidable with the ad-
dition of Great Britain ; and will therefore see it their interest ^
to prevent a coalition ; but should they refuse, we shall be but
where we are ; whereas without trying we shall never know
whether they will aid us or not :

That the present campaign may be unsuccesful, & therefore
we had better propose an alliance while our aflFairs wear a hope-
ful aspect :

That to wait the event of this campaign will certainly woric
delay, because during the summer France may assist us eflFectually
by cutting oflF those supplies of provisions from England & Ireland
on which the enemy's armies here are to depend ; or by setting
in motion the great power they have collected in the West Indies,
& calling our enemy to the defence of the possessions they have
there :

That it would be idle to lose time in settling the terms of allH
ance, till we had first determined we would enter into alliance :

That it is necessary to lose no time in opening a trade for our
people, who will want clothes, and will want money too for the
paiment of taxes :

And that the only misfortune is that we did not enter into
alliance with France six months sooner, as besides opening their
ports for the vent of our last year's produce, they might have
marched an army into Germany and prevented the petty princes
there from selling their unhappy subjects to subdue us.

In the evening (of the 8th ^), following the debate,
Edward Rutledge writes ^ to Jay : " [Z] The Congress
sat till 7 ^ o'clock this evening in consequence of a mo-
tion of R. H. Lee's rendering ourselves free & independ-

ii6

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

The Congress took into consideration the report from the
committee of the whole whereupon

conaidermdon of the

Resolved That the^first resolution be postponed to this day

while that no

three weeks, and ^^ne/t^ in the mean^timo leaot any. time ohouM

■{Tce thereto that

be lost in case the Congress^to thio reoolution, a committee be
appointed to prepare a declaration to the effect of the said first
resolution, which is in these words

^ That these united colonies are and of right ought to be free
and independant states; that they are absolved from all allegi-
ance to the British Crown and that all political connection be-
tween them & the state of great Britain is & ought to be totally
dissolved"
Resolved That the com^ be discharged.

The several matters to this day referred being postponed
Adjourned to 9 o clock to morrow.

The question for postponing the declaration . . .
was carried by seven Colonies against five : [.] " "
JefFerson's notes say :

It appearing in the course of these debates that the colonies of

& South Carellaatt

N. York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware it Maryland^
had not yet advanced to were not yet matured for falling off from
the parent stem, but that they were fast advancing to that state, it
was thought most prudent to wait a while for them, and to post-
pone the final decision to July i.

It seems highly probable*^ — though the language is

not very definite — that the change of H ewes *^ spoken

of by John Adams in a letter ^ to William Plumer, dated

Quincy, March 28, 18 13, took place, in the committee

of the whole, upon this day (or upon the 8th ?). Adams

says : " [J] You inquire, in your kind letter of the 19th,

118

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Jersey recalled all their delegates who had voted against
independence, and sent new ones expressly to vote for
it. The last debate but one was the most copious and
animated ; but the question was now evaded by a motion
to postpone it to another day ; some members, however,
declaring that, if the question should be now demanded,
they should vote for it, but they wished for a day or two
more to consider it. When that day arrived, some of
the new members desired to hear the arguments for and
against the measure. When these were summarily recapit-
ulated, the question was put and carried. There were
no yeas and nays in those times. A Committee was ap-
pointed to draw a declaration ; when reported, it under-
went abundance of criticism and alteration ; but, when
finally accepted, all those members who had voted
against independence, now declared they would sign and
support it."

The Journal for June i ith** says :

Resolved That a committee to prepare the Declaration consist of
five members

The members chosen M^ Jefferson, M^ J Adams *% M' Frank-
lin M' Shearman & M' R. R. Livingston ^

John Adams, in his Autobiography ^, tells us : " [J] Mr.
Jefferson had been now about a year a member of Con-
gress, but had attended his duty in the house a very small
part of the time, and, when there, had never spoken in
public. During the whole time I sat with him in Con-
gress, I never heard him utter three sentences together.
It will naturally be inquired how it happened that he was

I20

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

handed about remarkable for the peculiar felicity of ex-
pression. Though a silent member in Congress^ he was
so prompt, fi^nk, explicit and decisive upon committees
and in conversation, not even Sam' Adams was more
so, that he soon seized upon my heart, and upon this
occasion I gave him my vote and did all in my power to
procure the votes of others. I think he had one more
vote than any other, and that placed him at the head of
the Committee. I had the next highest number and
that placed me the second."

Samuel Adams was 53 years old ; Hancock, 39 ; R.
H. Lee, 44 ; Harrison, about ^6 ; John Adams, 40 ;
Jefferson®, ^2 5 Franklin, 70; Sherman, 55; and R. R.
Livingston, 29.

122

JTS HISTORT

THE POSTPONEMENT

THE consideration of the initial resolution of
June yth was postponed, on the loth, as seen,
to July 1st. This postponement was made
upon the motion of Edward Rutledge. Its purpose,
Gerry writes*, to James Warren, June nth, was "to give
the Assemblies of the Middle Colonies an opportunity
to take off their restrictions and let their Delates unite
in the measure/' Jefferson, in his noteSy as shown, is
even more specific:

It appearing in the course of these debates that the colonies of

& South Carolina*

N. York^, New Jersey, Pennsylvania*, Delaware -& Maryland^
had not yet advanced to were not yet matured for falling ^ from
the parent stem, but that they were fast advancing to that state, it
was thought most prudent to wait a while for them . • •

Curiously enough, the Provincial Congress of New
Jersey had already been called (at Burlington) for the
very day of the postponement An insufficient number
of Deputies attending, however, it adjourned to the
morning of the nth, and thence to the afternoon.

On the 1 2th was read the resolution* of the Conven-
tion of Virginia of May 15th, forwarded by Pendleton.

Sergeant^ and Cooper ^ two of the Delegates^ to Con-

123

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

gress, and John Hart, Abraham Clark and Dr. John
Witherspoon — all of whom had been elected Deputies
— were present.

Three days later ^ Sergeant writes (from Burlington),
to John Adams : " [Qy] Jacta est Alea. — We are pass-
ing the Rubicon & our Delegates in Congress on the
first of July will vote plump. — The Bearer is a staunch
Whigg & will answer any Questions You may need to
ask. I have been very busy here & have stole a Minute
from Business to write this [.] "

The election was held sometime after 3 o'clock on the
afternoon of the 22d — Sergeant®, Cooper, Hart, Clark
and Witherspoon still being present. Five new Dele-
gates—Richard Stockton ^^ Clark ^^ Hart^^ Francis
Hopkinson^^ and Witherspoon ^® ^* — were elected.

Sergeant writes, on the 24th, to Samuel Adams : " [SA]
I have declined to be appointed anew to the Continental
Congress for Reasons which I have no Room to explain
(this being the only white Piece of Paper in Bristol) . . .
I am confident that it is better that I stay in the Colony
for the present than in the Continental Congress . . .
The People of this Colony were quite in the dark as to
the Sentiments of their Delegates until lately. — Our new
ones I trust will not deceive us ; but lest they should I
wish I could promptly learn their conduct whenever they
may by any means be found tripping."

Samuel Adams, in a letter to R. H. Lee, dated July
15th, says*^: "[A] All of them appear to be zealously
attached to the American Cause — "

The Delegates were empowered and directed, as shown

by the Journal of Congress, " in the name of this colony

124

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

give the explicit sense of the Province on this point • • .
We wish to have the fair and uninfluenced sense of
the People we have the Honour to represent • • • and
• • • it would be well if the Delegates to Convention
Were desired to endeavour to collect the opinion of
the people at large in some manner or other previous
to the meeting of Convention. We shall attend the
Convention whenever it meets if it is thought proper
we should do so. The approaching Harvest will per-
haps render it very inconvenient for many Gentlemen
to attend the Convention. This however must not be
regarded when matters of such momentous Concern
demand their deliberation . . . The question for post-
poning the declaration of Independence was carried by
seven Colonies against five: [.]"

This letter — strangely enough — passed on the road
one (dated the loth) from the Council, stating "[Md]
we have resolved^ that a Convention be held at An-
napolis on Thursday the 20*** instant, at which time we
shall be glad to see as many of you as can be spared from
Congress."

To the letter from the Council (received on the 14th),
Stone and Rogers replied, on the 15th: "[Md] We
wrote you a few days ago requesting a call of the Con-
vention to deliberate upon matters of the last Impor-
tance, and we are glad that an earlier meeting than we
expected will afford an opportunity to our constituents
to communicate to us the sense of the Province upon
the very interesting subjects mentioned in our Letter.
The session will be a very important one and we wish

to attend, tho we know not whether it will be agreeable

126

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

thursday next. M' Paca no doubt is with you before
now. Mess" Johnson^ and Goldsborough ^ still with
their families we hear — we wish to have you all down
when the grand question is decided, we leave it, how-
ever to yourselves to judge whether you can be spared
from Congress, and hope whatever is done will be gen-
erally agreed to."

On the day (June nth) on which Tilghman, Stone
and Rogers wrote their letter, though doubtless later
in the day ^, Chase and Charles Carroll of CarroUton
appeared in Congress. They, with Franklin^, had
been appointed^ commissioners to Canada and (they)
had just returned.

Three days later (Friday, the 14th), as we have seen,
a letter from the Council of Safety arrived, stating that
the 20th had been set for a meeting of the Convention,
and Tilghman set out for Maryland.

Probably on the same day. Chase penned the follow-
ing note^ to John Adams: "[Qy] My Chase will ex-
cuse the late Neglects and Inattention of Mf John
Adams to him, upon the express Condition, that in
future he constantly communicate to M' Chase every
Matter relative to persons or Things. M' Chase flatters
himself with seeing Mf Adams on Monday or Tuesday
fortnight with the Voice of Maryland in favor of Inde-
pendance and a foreign Alliance, which are, in M' Chases
Opinion, the only and best Measures to preserve the
Liberties of America — direct to Annapolis ^ [.] "

Adams in his reply — dated the 14th ^, though we

think that it was not senf nor the latter part at least of

it written until the 17th ^ — says : " [QyC] M' Bedford

128

ITS HIS TORT

put into my Hand this Moment a Card from you, con-
taining a Reprehension for the past, and a Requisition
for the Time to come ... I have no Objection to
writing you Facts, but I would not medelle with Char-
acters^ for the World . . . M' Adams ever was and ever
will be glad to see M' Chase, but M' Chase never was
nor will be more welcome than, if he should come next
Monday or Tuesday fortnight with the Voice of Mary-
land in Favour of Independence . . . M^Kean has re-
turned from the Lower Counties with full Powers —
Their Instructions are in the same Words with the new
ones to the Delegates of Pensilvania. — New Jersey,
have dethroned [Governor] Frankly n, and in a Letter*^
which is just come to my Hand from Indisputable Au-
thority, I am told that the Delegates from that Colony,
will * vote plump.' — Maryland, now stands alone. I
presume she will soon join Company — if not she must
be left alone. — "

Before this letter was received, as we shall see, and
upon the day appointed (the 20th), the Convention
convened, at Annapolis.

On the same day, it " Resolved, That the President
. . . inform the Deputies ... in Congress that their
attendance in Convention is desired ; and that they move
Congress for permission to attend here, but that they do
not leave the Congress without such permission, and with-
out first having obtained an order that the consideration
of the questions of Independence . . . shall be postponed
until Deputies from this Province can attend Congress,
which shall be as soon as possible."

Tilghman, Chase, Goldsborough ^^ and Johnson were

9 129

.1 ^"^^^^^ .1 ^ - *zbJ£^. L . ^:u

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

already present ® in the Convention when this resolution
was adopted. Carroll appeared on the 24th.

On the afternoon of the 21st, Chase writes (from An-
napolis) to John Adams : " [Qy] To remind our friends
of their Inattention^ and Neglect must give pain. I am
almost angry with you. — if you are inclined to oblige or
please Me write constantly. — I found my Lady very
ill, but have the pleasure to say she is better, tho' still
very low and weak ... 1 am almost resolved not to
inform You, that a general Dissatisfaction prevails here
with our Convention, read the papers, & be assured
Frederick^ speaks the Sense of many Counties. I have
not been idle. I have appealed in Writing to the People.
County after County is instructing [.]"

Adams, on the 24th, replies: "[QyC] I received
your obliging Favour of the 21* this Morning, and I
thank you for it — dont be angry with me. I hope I
shall attone for past Sins of omission soon, The Ex-
press which you mention brought in such contradictory
accounts, that 1 did not think it worth while to write to
you upon it ... a Resolution of your convention was
read in Congress this Morning, and the Question was
put whether your Delegates [Paca, Stone and Rogers ^]
should have leave to go home, and whether those great
Questions should be postponed, beyond the first of July.
— The Determination was in the Negative. — We should
have been happy to have obliged your Convention and
your Delegates. — But it is now become public ^, in the
Colonies that these Questions are to be brought on the
first of July. — The Lower Counties have instructed

their Members, as the Assembly of Pensilvania have. —

130

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

to Me in Convention — I shall offer no other Apology
for Concluding, than that I am this Moment from the
House to procure an Express to follow the Post with an
Unan: Vote of our Convention for Independence c* e* —
See the glorious Effects of County Instructions*^ **, —
our people ** have fire if not smothered . . ."

This " Unan : Vote of our Convention for Independ-
ence ", as Chase calls it, was, as shown by the Journal,
" laid before Congress & read " on the morning of July
1st. It was a good augury of the vote to be taken on
the initial resolution in the committee of the whole on
that day and in Congress on the next.

Jefferson does not speak of New Hampshire, and
rightly.

Her Delegates, however, had early ^'^ seen the trend of
events and were none the less desirous of knowing the
" sense " of the people. On May 28th — the day after the
resolution of the Convention of Virginia of the 15th was
presented to Congress — , Whipple *® writes to Meshech
Weare: "[BT] The Convention of Virginia have in-
structed their Delegates, to use their endeavors that
Congress should declare the Colonies a free independent
State — North Carolina have signified the same desire —
South Carolina and Georgia will readily accede, and we
shall be glad to know the opinion of our Colony on this
subject"; and, on June 6th — the day before the intro-
duction of the initial resolution by R. H. Lee — , Bart-
lett**^ writes to Folsom : " [N] The affair of declaring
these Colonies Independant States and absolved from all
allegiance to the Crown of Brittain must soon be Decided

132

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Independent States in order that when passed the same
may be transmitted to our Delegates at the Continental
Congress, and that Messrs. Hurd, Wyseman Clagett &
the Setf^ [Thompson] be added to the Committee."

On the 14th, Bartlett's letter of the 6th arrived;
and, on the 15th, "[NH] The Committee of both
Houses . . . made Report as on file — which report
being read and considered, Voted Unanimously, That
the Report of said Committee be received and accepted,
and that the Dra't by them bro't in be sent to our Dele-
gates at the Continental Congress forthwith, as the sence
of this House."

Folsom, in acknowledging, on the 15th, Bartlett's
letter (of the 6th), says : " [N] I yesterday received
yours of the 6^ instant ... I doubt not you will be
pleased to hear that a prety General harmony in the
Grand American Cause Prevails here — the vote for
independency you will see is unanim' in both Houses
. . . 1 wish you the divine blssing at the Congress —
I doubt not if we remain firm & united we shall under
god disappoint the Sanguenary designs of ouer Ene-
mies —

The instructions were " [NH] to join with the other
Colonies in declaring The Thirteen United Colonies, A
FREE & INDEPENDENT STATE . . . "^^

Massachusetts also was, of course, in no sense doubt-
ful.

We have already learned somewhat of the views of
three of her Delegates — of Gerry and of the " famous
Samuel and John Adams ".

134

ITS HISTORT

Hancock's position is less clear.

" Laco " (generally admitted to be Stephen Higgin-
son) — speaking of the part he " acted as a member of
Congress ; and how far he contributed to effect our na-
tional independence " — thus expresses himself in The
Massachusetts Centinel (C) of February 21, 1789 : " Mr.
H. was happy in having for his colleagues men . . . who
were resolved, for political purposes, to support him and
make him conspicuous. They accordingly obtained his
appointment to the chair of Congress. But, being ele-
vated to the highest point, through their agency, he
thought them no longer necessary to his importance;
and from the vanity and caprice, inherent in his nature,
he attached himself to the tories, who were then in Con-
gress. These men had perceived his love of flattery . . .
In all questions for decisive measures against Britain, he
hung back ; and very much contributed to obstruct the
Declaration of Independence . . . When the important
hour arrived, that was to give birth to our country, as a
nation — when the pulse of his colleagues, as well as of
the majority of Congress, and of the people at large, beat
high for independence, and it was found the important
question could no longer be put off, Mr. H. then gave a
vote in favour of the measure, and put his official signa-
ture to that memorable act ... With these facts in our
mind, which are very notorious, and which Mr. S. A.
and others can at any time verify, we naturally wonder,
and smile at the extraordinary merit Mr. H. has assumed
to himself, from the publication of that Declaration,
with his name as President. The Secretary of Congress
has as good a title to superiour respect, for having certi-

135

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

fied the copy, as Mr. H. has for having signed the ori-
ginal— they were both mere official, mechanical acts,
without any responsibility ; such as the most timid man
upon the continent, in their situations, would not have
hesitated to perform. Had Mr. H. been a zealous pro-
moter of the measure, he would then have been entitled
to an equal share of veneration with those of his col-
leagues, who were advocates for it ; but, having been
opposed to it until it became inevitable, and reluctantly
drawn in with his vote in its favour, at the last moment,
we ought to resent his vanity and assurance, in claiming
our first esteem and respect on that occasion."

Indeed, John Adams, in his Autobiography ^^s^cys that,
on March 15th, for the first time, Harrison was made
chairman of the committee of the whole; that, during
the succeeding weeks, the same honor was often con-
ferred upon him ; and that " [J] Mr. Hancock, had
hitherto nominated Governor Ward^, of Rhode Island,
to that conspicuous position. Mr. Harrison had courted
Mr. Hancock, and Mr. Hancock had courted Mr.
Duane, Mr. Dickinson, and their party, and leaned so
partially in their favor, that Mr. Samuel Adams had
become very bitter against Mr. Hancock, and spoke of
him with great asperity in private circles ; and this alien-
ation between them continued from this time till the year
1789, thirteen years, when they were again reconciled.
Governor Ward was become extremely obnoxious to
Mr. Hancock's party, by his zealous attachment to Mr.
Samuel Adams and Mr. Richard Henry Lee."

Whatever may have been Hancock's views, and es-
pecially before R. H. Lee offered the resolution, we

136

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

We get some idea of the feeling there from*^ two
letters of Whipple, dated June 17th and 24th: "[BT]
This day fortnight I expect the grand question will be
determined in Congress, that being the day assigned to
receive the report of a Committee who are preparing a
Declaration. — there is a great change here since my
arrival [February 28th] as there was in New Hampshire
between the time that the powder was taken from the
fort and the battle of Bunker Hill . . . Affairs go on
bravely as you '11 see by the papers." " [BT] The middle
Colonies are getting in a good way. Next Monday
being the first of July, the grand question is to be de-
bated and I believe determined unanimously. May God
unite our hearts in all things that tend to the well being
of the rising Empire."

The next day (the 25th), Gerry writes to James War-
ren : " I think we are in a fair way to a speedy Declara-
tion of Independency . . . New-Jersey has appointed
five new Delegates, and instructed them to vote in favour
of the question ; and it appears to me that there is not a
doubt of any Colony on the continent, except New- York
and Maryland. These will not impede us a moment. I
do not affirm that either of these is of the neuter gender ;
but on the other hand am persuaded the people are in
favour of a total and final separation, and will support
the measure, even if the Conventions and Delegates
. . . vote against it. Since my first arrival in this city
[February 9th] the New-England Delegates have been
in a continual war with the advocates of Proprietary
interests in Congress and this Colony [Pennsylvania],
These are they who are most in the way of the measures

138

ITS HISTORr

we have proposed; but I think the contest is pretty
nearly at an end, and am persuaded that the people of
this and the middle Colonies have a clearer view of their
interests, and will use their endeavours to eradicate the
Ministerial influence of Governours, Proprietors, and
Jacobites . . ."

On the 28th, Penn, writing to Samuel Johnston,
says : " [Gz] I arrived here several days ago in good
health & found Mr Hewes well . . . The first dav of
July will be made remarcable then the question rela-
tive to Independance will be agitated and there is no
doubt but a total seperadon from Britain will take place
this Province [Pennsylvania] is for it indeed so arc
all^ except Maryland & her people are coming over
fast ..."

In another letter of the 28th, written at 11 o'clock
at night, he says: "[NC] I wish things may answer
our expectation after we are independant. I fear most
people are too sanguine relative to commerce ; however
it is a measure our enemies have forced upon us. I
don't doubt but we shall have spirit enough to act like
men. Indeed, it could no longer be delayed."

Hewes, on the same day, writes to James Iredell :
"[I] On Monday the great question of independency
. . . will come on. It will be carried, I expect, by a
great majority, and then, I suppose we shall take upon
us a new name."

On the 29th", Edward Rutledge writes to Jay : "[Z]
I write this for the express Purpose of requesting that if
possible you will give your attendance in Congress on
Monday next ... I am sincerely convinced that . . .

139

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

[your presence] will be absolutely necessary in this City
during the whole of the ensuing Week. — A Declaration
of Independence, the Form of a Confederation of these
Colonies, and a Scheme for a treaty with foreign Powers
will be laid before the House on Monday. Whether
we shall be able effectually to oppose the first . . . will
depend in a great measure upon the exertions of the . . .
sensible part of the Members. I trust you will con-
tribute in a considerable degree to effect the Business
and therefore I wish you to be with us. Recollect the
manner in which your Colony is at this time represented.
Clinton has Abilities but is silent in general and wants
(when he does speak) that Influence to which he is en-
titled. Floyd, Wisner, Lewis and Alsop tho' good men,
never quit their chairs. You must know the Importance
of these Questions too well not to wish to [be] present
whilst they are debating and therefore I shall say no
more upon the Subject ... If you can't come let me
hear^ from you by the Return of the Post."

140

ITS HISTORT

DRAFTING THE DECLARATION

JOHN ADAMS, in his Autobiography y gives the
following account (written, according to Charles
Francis Adams, in 1805) of the drafting of the
Declaration :

\Qy^ The Committee had several Meetings, in which were
proposed the articles of which the Declaration was to consist,
and minutes made of them. The Committee then appointed
M' Jefferson and me, to draw them up in form, and cloath them
in proper Dress. The Sub Committee met, and considered the
Minutes, making such Observations on them as then occurred :
when M^ Jefferson desired me to take them to my lodgings and
make the Draught. This I declined and gave several reasons
for declining i that he was a Virginian and I a Massachusetten-
sian. 2. that he was a Southern Man and I a northern one.
3. That I had been so obnoxious for my early and constant Zeal
in promoting the Measure, that any draught of mine, would
undergo a more severe Scrutiny and Criticism in Congress,
than one of his composition. 4'^.^^ and lastly and that would be
reason enough if there were no other, I had a great opinion of
the Elegance of his pen, and none at all of my own. I there-
fore insisted that no hesitation should be made on his part. He
accordingly took the Minutes and in a day or two produced to
me his Draught. Whether I made or suggested any corrections
I remember not. The Report was made to the Committee of
five, by them examined, but whether altered or corrected in any

141

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

thing I cannot recollect. But in Substance at least it was reported
to Congress where, after a Severe Criticism, and Striking out
several of the most oratorical Paragraphs it was adopted on the
fourth of July 1776, and published to the World.

A similar account is found in his letter of 1822 to
Pickering : ^

[Ms] The Committee met, discussed the subject, and then
appointed Mf. Jefferson & me to make the draught; I suppose,
because we were the two highest on the list. The Sub-Committee
met ; Jefferson proposed to me to make the draught, I said I will
not; You shall do it. Oh No! Why will you not? You
ought to do it. I will not. Why ? Reasons enough. What
can be your reasons? Reason i? You are a Virginian and
Virginia ought to appear at the head of this business. Reason 2*!
I am obnoxious, suspected and unpopular; You are very much
otherwise. Reason 3? You can write ten times better than I
can. " Well," said Jefferson, " if you are decided I will do as
well as I can.** Very well, when you have drawn it up we will
' have a meeting. A meeting we accordingly had and conn'd the
paper over. I was delighted with its high tone, and the flights
of Oratory with which it abounded, especially that concerning
Negro Slavery, which though I knew his Southern Bretheren
would never suffer to pass in Congress, I certainly never would
oppose. There were other expressions, which I would not have
inserted had I drawn it up ; particularly that which called the
King a Tyrant. I thought this too personal, for I never believed
George to be a tyrant in disposition and in nature : I always
believed him to be deceived by his Courtiers on both sides the
Atlantic, and in his Official capacity only. Cruel.

I thought the expression too passionate and too much like
scolding for so grave and solemn a document ; but as Franklin
and Sherman were to inspect it afterwards, I thought it would

143

ITS HISTORT

not become me to strike it out. I consented to report it and do
not now remember that I made or suggested a single alteration.
We reported it to the committee of Five. It was read and I do
not remember that Franklin or Sherman criticized anything. We
were all in haste ; Congress was impatient and the Instrument
was reported, I believe in Jefferson's hand writing as he first drew .
it ... As you justly observe^, there is not an idea in it, but
what had been hackney'd in Congress for two years before. The
substance of it is contained in the Declaration of rights and the
violation of those rights, in the Journal of Congress in 1774.'
Indeed, the essence of it is contained in a pamphlet, voted and
printed by the Town of Boston before the first Congress met,
composed by James Otis, as I suppose — in one of his lucid
intervals, and pruned and polished by Sam; Adams —

This letter was quoted by Pickering in the course of
some remarks made at Salem on the succeeding national
anniversary.

It brought forth immediately, August 30th (1823), a
letter from Jefferson, to Madison, in which Jefferson
gave an account quite different. He says:

[S;P] You have doubtless seen Timothy Pickering's 4*!* of
July observations on the Declaration of Independance. if his
principles and prejudices personal and political, gave us no reason
to doubt whether he had truly quoted the information he alledges
to have received from M! Adams, I should then say that, in some of
the particulars, tnr Adams's memory has led him into unquestion-
able error, at the age of 88 and 47. years after the transactions
of Independance, this is not wonderful.^ nor should I, at the age
of 80, on the small advantage of that difference only, venture to
oppose my memory to his, were it not supported by written notes,
taken by myself at the moment and on the spot, he says ^ the

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

committee (of 5. to wit, D' Franklin, Sherman, Livingston and
ourselves) met, discussed the subject, and then appointed him
and myself to make the draught : that we, as a subcommittee
met, & after the urgencies of each on the other, I consented to
undertake the task ; that the draught being made, we, the sub-
committee, met, & conned the paper over, and he does not re-
member that he made or suggested a single alteration.' now
these details are quite incorrect, the committee of 5. met, no
such thing as a subcommittee was proposed, but they unani-
mously^ pressed on myself alone to undertake the draught. I
consented ; I drew it ; but before I reported it to the committee,
I communicated it separately^ to Df Franklin^ and inr Adams
requesting their corrections ; because they were the two members
of whose judgments and amendments I wished most to have the
benefit before presenting it to the Committee; and you have
seen the original paper® now® in my hands, with the correc-
tions^^ of Doctor Franklin and mr Adams interlined in their
own handwritings.

their

= alterations were two or three only, and merely verbal. I
then" wrote a fair copy^, reported it to the Committee, and
from them, unaltered to Congress, this personal communication
and consultation with nTr Adams he has misremembered into the
meetings of a sub-committee. Pickering's observations, and nTr
Adams's in addition, * that it contained no new ideas, that it is
a common place compilation, it's sentiments hacknied in Con-
gress for two years before, and it's essence contained in Otis's
pamphlet,' may all be true, of that I am not to be the judge.
Rich^ H. Lee charged it as copied from Locke's treatise on gov-
ernment.^^ Otis's pamphlet I never saw, & whether I had
gathered my ideas from reading or reflection I do not know. I
know only that I turned to neither book or pamphlet while
writing it.^* I did not consider it as any part of my charge to
invent new ideas altogether & to offer no sentiment which had

144

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ITS HISTORT

ever been expressed before, had mr Adams been so restrained.
Congress would have lost the benefit of his bold and impressive
advocations of the rights of revolution, for no man's confident
& fervid addresses, more than n^ Adams's encoraged and sup-
ported us thro' the difficulties surrounding us, which, like the
ceaseless action of gravity, weighed on us by night and by day.
yet, on the same ground, we may ask what of these elevated
thoughts was new, or can be affirmed never before to have entered
the conceptions of man ? Whether also the sentiments of indc-

which make so great a portion of the instrument

pendance, and the reasons for declaring it^had been hacknied in
Congress for two years before the 4*? of July 76. or this dictum
also of riir Adams be another slip of memory, let history say.
this however I will say for nu' Adams, that he supported the
declaration with zeal & ability, fighting fearlessly for every word
of it. as to myself, I thought it a duty to be, on that occasion,
a passive auditor of the opinions of others, more impartial judges
than I could be, of it's merits or demerits, during the debate I
was sitting by Dr Franklin, and he observed that I was writhing
a little under the acrimonious criticisms on some of it's parts;
and k was on that occasion that, by way of comfort, he told me
the story ^ of John Thompson, the Hatter, and his new sign.
Timothy thinks the instrument the better for having a fourth
of it expunged, he would have thought it still better had the
other three fourths gone out also, all but the single sentiment
(the only one he approves) which recommends friendship to his
dear England, whenever she is willing to be at peace with us.
his insinuations are that altho' ^ the high tone- of the instrument

was in union with the warm feelings of the times, this sentiment
of habitual friendship to England should never be forgotten, and
that the duties it enjoins should especially be borne in mind on
every celebration of this anniversary.' in other words, that the
Declaration, as being a libel on the government of England, com-
posed in times of passion, should now be buried in utter oblivion
^o 145

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

bii# to spare the feelings of our English friends and Angloman fel-
low citizens, but it is not to wound them that we wish to keep
it in mind ; but to cherish the principles of the instrument in the
bosoms of our own citizens ; and it is a heavenly comfort to see
that these principles are yet so strongly felt as to render a circum-
stance so trifling as this little lapse of memory of mr Adams
worthy of being solemnly announced and supported at an anni-
versary assemblage of the nation on it's birthday. In opposition
however to m? Pickering, I pray God that these principles may
be eternal . • •

The " written notes, taken by myself at the moment
and on the spot " of which he speaks say merely :

the committee for drawing the declaration of Independance de-
do
sired me to prepare it. I did 6q it was accordingly done, and

being approved by them, I reported it to the house . . •

It seems that, at one time, it was believed that the
recital of wrongs in the Declaration was not Jefferson's
composition — arising from the facts that this portion
of the instrument was almost identical with similar
recitals in the preamble to the Constitution of Virginia
and that, when the Constitution was framed, Jefferson
was not in Virginia.

The matter has since been cleared up, however ; and
it appears that both were composed by Jefferson — the
recitals in the preamble to the Constitution first.

These are the facts : ^®

Certainly on May 27th, the resolutions of the Conven-
tion of Virginia of May 15th were laid before Congress,

we believe by Nelson.

146

ITS HIS TORT

JeiFerson, who was already " eager " to have his voice
in " the " great questions of the session " and who
thus learned of the action of the Convention, was in-
spired ^® to draft a plan for the new government (of Vir*
ginia), and this (now in the New York Public Library,
Lenox) he gave to Wythe (who was present in Congress
on June 8th or loth or on both days, we know, and who
departed probably on the 13th) to lay before that body.

Meanwhile, as shown by a letter, dated Williamsburg,
June 15th, from William Fleming, to Jefferson: "[S]
The progress of the business in the convention is, ac-
cording to the custom, but slow. — The Declaration of
rights which is to serve as the basis of a new government,
you will see in the news papers; the form or constitution
of which is yet in embryo . . ."

Indeed, at 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the 22d,
Fleming wrote, again to Jefferson from the same place :
" [S] I being informed that the post is to set out in an
hour, have just left the committee appointed to prepare
a form of governm* to give you a summary of their pro-
ceeding. — The inclos'd, printed, plan was drawn by
col. G. Mason and by him laid before the committee.
They proceeded to examine it clause by clause, and have
made such alterations as you will observe by examining
the printed copy and the manuscript together; tho* I
am fearful you will not readily understand them, having
made my notes in a hurry at the Table, as the altera-
tions were made. I left the committee debating on
some amendments proposed to the last clause, which
they have probably finished, as the bell, for the meet-
ing of the house, is now ringing. This business has

147

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

already taken up about a fortnights time, I mean in
Committee. — "

When this letter was written, Wythe evidently had
not yet arrived. He was in attendance upon the Con-
vention certainly as early as June 29th, however ; and,
on July 27th, he himself writes, from Williamsburg to
Jefferson : " [S] When I came here the plan of gov-
ernment had been committed to the whole house. To
those who had the chief hand in forming it the one you
put into my hands was shewn. Two or three parts
of this were, with little alteration, inserted in that : but
such was the impatience of sitting long enough to discuss
several important points in which they differ, and so
many other matters were necessarily to be despatched
before the adjournment that I was persuaded the revi-
sion of a subject the members seemed tired of would at
that time have been unsuccessfully proposed."

We have also a letter from Pendleton to Jefferson,
dated July 22d, which says : " [S] I expected you had
in the Preamble to our form of Government, exhausted
the Subject of complaint ag! Geo. 3"! & was at a loss to
discover what the Congress would do for one to their
Declaration of Independance without copying, but find
you have acquitted your selves very well on that score ;
We are now engaged beyond the Power of withdrawing,
and I think cannot fail of success in happiness, if we do
not defeat our selves by intrigue & Canvassing to be
uppermost in Offices of Power & Lucre. I fancy there
was much of this in our last Convention, but not being
of the party or in the Jurat, I cannot speak pf it w*!' cer-
tainty, but am not otherwise able to account for the

148

ITS HISTORT

unmerited, cruel degredation *' of my friend Col? Har-
rison, who in my Opinion yields to no member of the
Congress in point of Judgment or Integrity, unless he
is strangely altered since I left them ... As to my
friend Braxton thev have been ever at him, and whatever
his own sentiments & conduct may have been, his con-
nections furnished a plausible foundation for Opposition,
and I was not surprised when he was left out ... If
Coif Harrison is not come away, tell him I expected he
would be ^, or should have wrote him ; I hope to sec
him on his return [.] "

" [V] The place of writing the Declaration ", says
Watson, " has been differently^ stated."

Indeed, as early as September 8, 1825, Dr. James
Mease of Philadelphia wrote to Jefferson himself and
inquired " [S] in which house, and in which room of
the house, you composed it. If a private house, the
name of the person who kept it at the time would be
acceptable."

Jefferson, who was then at Monticello, replied, on the
i6th^:

®at the time^ of writing that instrument I lodged in the
house of a mr Graaf, a new brick house ^ 3. stories high of
which I rented the 7.^ floor consisting of a parlour and bed room
ready furnished, in that parlour I wrote habitually and in it wrote

proofs

this paper particularly, so far I state from written papef>» in my

the following addn. feUowtwf are bM a too

possession. <h other specifns I can give^from^memory^much

much

decayed to be relied on with^confidence. tho propriotor Gct^ the
proprietor Graaf was a young man, son of a German, & then

149

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

newly married. I think he was a bricklayer, and that his house
was on the S. side of Market street, probably between 7*!* &

or perfaapt higher

^aeth^and if not then the only house on that part of the street,

near it

I am sure there were few others ^ yet built^. if there be extant
a Directory of that year it will oooortoin probably lead to a
recognition of the identical house, for the name of the owner
may be relied on, while k^ I may misremember the particular

location. I hare tome idea, bnt rtvf h\nx that it mu a comer honae, bat

^fiyp^e^ I hare no other recollection throwing any light on

the question, or worth communication . • .

^P.S. further reflection leads me to think more strongly that

it might be the S.E. corner house of it's square, fronting

Eastwardly.

This reply was corrected®, four days later, by the
following :

In the P.S. of my letter of the i6*? I made the mistake of

if my conjecture be right 8c

writing S.E. instead of N.E. it was the N.E. corner house ^ be
pleased so to correct it.

Again, on October 30th, he writes :

[P] Your letter of September 8. enquiring after the house and
room in which the Declaration of independance was written has
excited my curiosity to know whether my recollections were such
as to enable you to find out the house.

Mease answers, November 4th : " [S] I duly re-
ceived the three letters with which you favoured me, on
the subject of the house in which you wrote the declara-
tion of Independance . . . Upon reference to the sons
of your landlord, I find that the house in which you
resided in 1776, is at the South West Corner of Market

150

ITS HISTORY

and Seventh Streets. It has been for many years owned
and occupied by Mess Simon and Hyman Gratz, mer-
chants. M' Fred. GrafF informed me that his parents
often mentioned to him, the circumstance of your resid-
ing with them. The rooms which you occupied, arc
generally filled with goods. — I shall be deprived there-
fore of the pleasure of joining my friends to celebrate
the anniversary of our national independance in them,
but I still feel happy in being able to designate the
house . . ."

Following the receipt of this letter, Jefferson adds to
what we think is the rough draft of his original letter
(of the 1 6th) — below the appended copy ^ of his letter
of the 20th :

®^ [S] see Mease's Ire of Nov. 4. that the house was in fact at
the S. W. corner of Market and yl** streets ^

A diagram of " the 2I floor consisting of a parlour
and bed room ready furnished " which Jefferson occupied
is given by Agnes Y. McAllister in Potted s^ etc., (N) for
March, 1875, ^^^ ^^ ^^ follows :

— -\

Of it, she says : " Mr. Hyman Gratz sketched for
my father a plan^ of the house as it was in 1776. This,
with some account of the property, which my father had

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

collected, and made a note of, he [her father] inserted in
his copy of Mr. Riddle's * Eulogium '. The following is a
copy of . . . the note ... * The above shows the origi-
nal plan of the house at the southwest corner of Market
and Seventh streets. The two rooms in the second
story, having the stairway between them, were occupied
by Mr. Jefferson in 1776. In one of these rooms he
wrote the Declaration of Independence. The corner
house and the two adjoining houses on Market street
became the property of Messrs. Simon and Hyman
Gratz, merchants, about 1798, and were for many years
occupied by them as their place of business. They
added a fourth story to the height. They also closed
up the door on Seventh street, and removed the stairs.^
The whole of the second story of the corner house is
now in one room, but the place where the old stairway
came up can be seen by the alteration in the boards of
the floor. The corner house was occupied in 1776 by
the father of the late Mr. Frederick Graff, who was then
an infant. He told me^ that he could remember hear-
ing his parents say that he had often sat on Mr. Jeffer-
son's knee. ^The sketch of the original plan of the
house, from which this copy was made, was drawn for
me to-d2y by Mr. Hyman Gratz. [Signed] John
M'Allister, Jr. July 6, 1855.'"

The house was torn down in 1883^; and a portion of
the eastern ^ half of the building used by the Penn Na-
tional Bank now occupies its site.

Thomas Donaldson, writing^ of its leveling, says: "I
paid Mr. Thomas Little, a most genial and reliable man,
a nominal sum for the material I selected.^ Mr. Little

ITS HISTORr

was ... a soldier with Walker . . . Mr. Robert Gray,
his foreman, aided me in every way possible to get mate-
rial while the building was being demolished. I remained
in and about that building from Wednesday, February
28, 1883, until March 12, 1883, when it was leveled to
the ground. Much of the material which I took from
the building No. 700 Market street, I temporarily
placed in the cellar of the store of my friend, Henry
Troemner, No. 710 Market street. Now, as a curious
fact, I took from a closet in the front room of the third
story, some Continental money, many old receipts, some
of them as early as 1791, a Hebrew letter to Mr.
Gratz, of date 1802, several curious old cork inkstands,
and about a quart of small pistol flints, like those used
in the Revolution. The nails of the old portion of the
house were hand made, and the joists were of cherry,
oak, walnut and other rare woods — all of them im-
ported. The outside bricks on Seventh street, and the
front, were imported and were laid alternately, black and
red. The house had been painted a gray or yellow, thus
hiding or covering the original color of the bricks.
Some large keys were found, perhaps 150 in all, which I
have, and also an ancient door lock, hand made, a work
of art, which once adorned the front door of the Jeffer-
son house. Some mantles, stairways and rails were also
ancient and rare. All of these articles of any interest,
along with window frames, stone caps and sills, old doors
and sashes, floors, stringers and wood-work, I took out
and now have stored under roof on a lot in Philadelphia.^
This material has been there thirteen years.*^ The in-
surance escutcheon, which was the * Green Tree,' which

153

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

was on the east wall of No. 700, below the middle sec-
ond-story window, Mr. Dallett, I think, received. It is
a curious fact that while this building was being torn
down there were no relic hunters about and no curiosity
evinced by spectators. A few antiquarians called and
confirmed No. 700 as the house. The only person who
asked for a relic was Mr. Augustus R. Hall, of Hall &
Carpenter, No. 709 Market street, and he got a joist out
of No. 'joo Market street house. It was cloudy for five
days after the destruction of the building began and no
photograph of it was taken. The * kodak ' was not in
general use then. I saw Mr. F. Gutekunst, the eminent
photographer, about taking some views of it, but it
could not then be done . . . The fourth day of the
tearing down revealed what I all along had suspected:
that No. 700 Market street was the house in which Mr.
Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence, because
it was the first house built on the Graff lot. Mr. S. Hart,
Mr. Thomas Little and Mr. Robert Gray were present
when I knocked some of the plaster off the west wall of
No. 700 Market street, which was the inside of the east
side of No. 702 Market street, the house recently
claimed*^ to be the one in which Mr. Jefferson wrote the
Declaration. We found that it was the outer wall of No.
700 Market street when it was a single unattached build-
ing, because^ the joints between the bricks were struck
joints to resist the weather as well as for appearances,
a thing which was then never done on an inside wall."

The desk upon which Jefferson wrote the Declaration**

is now** in the Library of the Department of State.

»54

ITS HIS TORT

It was presented by Jefferson himself to Joseph Coo-
lidge, Jr., in 1825, as shown by a letter of Jefferson, also
in the Library of that Department :

[S] Th : Jefferson gives this Writing desk to Joseph Coolidge
jun! as a memorial of affection, it was made from a drawing of
his own, by Ben Randall ^^, cabinet maker of Philadelphia, with
whom he first lodged on his arrival*' in that city in May 1776.
and is the identical one on which he wrote the Declaration of
Independance. Politics, as well as Religion, has it's supersti-
tions, these gaining strength with time, may, one day, give im-
aginary value to this relic, for it's association with the birth of
the Great charter of our Independance.
Monticello. Nov. 18. 1825.**

On April 28, 1880, Congress resolved: "[D^] That
the thanks of this Congress be presented to J. Randolph
Coolidge, Algernon Coolidge, Thomas Jefferson Coo-
lidge, and Mrs. Ellen Dwight, citizens of Massachusetts,
for the patriotic gift of the writing desk presented by
Thomas Jefferson to their father, the late Joseph Coo-
lidge, upon which the Declaration of Independence was
written. And be it further resolved. That this precious
relic is hereby accepted in the name of the Nation, and
that the same be deposited for safe keeping in the De-
partment of State of the United States."

Jefferson's draft, with the minor amendments by John
Adams and Franklin, was reported to Congress, Friday,
June 28th. The Journal says :

The Com** *® appointed to prepare a declaration &c brought
in a draught ^ which was read
Ordered to Ue on the table

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

VII

THE LAST DAYSi

[PHM] Fine sunshine, grew very warm, wind Southerly ... at 4
came on a thunder gust with rain, cleared up by six • . • past 10 fine
moon, light and pleasant.

[MsJ] hour

thermom.

9-0 A. M.

8ii

7- P. M

82.

On July ist (Monday), the Journal tells us.

The order of the day being read

Resolved That this Congress will resolve itself into a committee
of the whole to take into consideration the resolution respecting
independency

Resolved That the Declaration be referred to said Committee

The
Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole
The president resumed the chair.
M^ Harrison reported that the committee have had under

them agreed

consideration the matters to them referred to^and have =

bim report

to a resolution ^ thefwhichthey === ordered to == but not hav

and

ing coma to a ooneluoion desired him to move for leave to sit again

^ to the determination thereof

The resolution agreed^by committee of the whole being read^
was postponed at the request of a Colony till to Morrow

• • •

156

ITS HIS TORT

Resolved that this Congress will to morrow resolve itself into
a committee of the whole to take into their farther considera-
tion the declaration respecting independance

Adjourned to 9 o Clock to morrow.

July 1st ' *, therefore, saw the final debate in the com-
mittee of the whole upon the initial resolution of June
7th and the adoption of it by that body.

Of the debate, we have no report.*

It is certain, however, that Dickinson and John Adams
took the " leading roles ".

Adams, in his Autobiography ^ says :

[Qy] The Subject had been in Contemplation for more than
a Year and frequent discussions had been had concerning it. At
one time and another, all the Arguments for it and against it had
been exhausted and were become familiar. I expected no more
would be said in public but that the question would be put and de-
cided. M' Dickinson however was determined ^ to bear his Tes-
timony against it with more formality. He had prepared himself
apparently with great labour and ardent Zeal, and in a Speech <^ of
great length, and all his eloquence, he combined together all that
had before been written in Pamplets and Newspapers and all
that had from time to time been said in Congress by himself and
others. He conducted the debate, not only with great Ingenuity
and Eloquence, but with equal Politeness and Candour : and was
answered ^ in the same Spirit. No Member rose to answer him :
and after waiting some time, in hopes that some one less obnox-
ious than myself, who was stilt had been all along for a Year
before, and still was represented and believed to be the Author of
all the Mischief, I determined to speak.

It has been said by some of our Historians, that I began by an
Invocation to the God of Eloquence. This is a Misrepresenta-
tion. Nothing so puerile as this fell from me. I began by say-

157

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

ing that this was the first time of my Life that I had ever wished
for the Talents and Eloquence of the ancient orators of Greece
and Rome, for I was very sure that none of them ever had be-
fore him a question of more Importance to his Country and to
the World. They would probably upon less Occasions that
[than] this would have begun by solemn Invocations to their
Divinities for Assistance but the Question before me appeared so
simple, that I had confidence enough in the plain Understanding
and common Sense that had been given me, to believe that I
could answer to the Satisfaction of the House all the Arguments
which had been produced, notwithstanding the Abilities which
had been displayed and the Eloquence with which they had been
enforced." M' Dickinson, some Years afterwards published •
his Speech. I had made no Preparation beforehand and never
committed any minutes of mine to writing. But if I had a Copy
of M' Dickinsons before me I would now after eight and nine
and Twenty Years have elapsed endeavour to recollect mine.
Before the final Question was put the new Delegates from

D*^ Witherspoon and M' Hopkinton

New Jersey came in ^^, and M' Stockton, one of them a very
respectable Characters expressed a great desire to hear the Argu-
ments. All was Silence : No one would speak : all Eyes were

laughing

turned upon me. M^ Edward Rutledge ^ came to me and said,^
Nobody will speak but you, upon this Subject. You have
all the Topicks so ready, that you must satisfy the Gentlemen
from New Jersey. I answered him laughing, that it had so
much the Air of exhibiting like an Actor or Gladiator for the
Entertainment of the Audience, that I was ashamed to repeat
what I had said Twenty times before, and I thought nothing
new could be advanced by me. The New Jersey Gentlemen
however still insisting on hearing at least a Recapitulation of
the Arguments and no other Gentleman being willing to
speak, I summed up the Reasons Objections and Answers, in
as concise a manner, as I could, till at length the Jersey

158

ITS HISTORT

Gentlemen said they were fully satisfied and ready for the Ques-
tion, which was then put and determined in the Affirmative

Id' Jay Mr Dnane and Mr William Livingaton of New Jeney were not preaeat. Bat they all
acqaiesced in the Declaration and steadily aupported it erer afterwarda.u

In a letter to Mercy Warren, written at Quincy, Au-
gust 7, 1807, he tells us:

[QyCJ In the previous multiplied debates which we had upon
the subject of Independence, the Delegates from New Jersey had
voted against us, their Constituents were informed of it and re-
called them and sent us a new sett on purpose to vote for Inde-
pendence. Among those were Chief Justice Stockton and Df
Witherspoon. In a [the] morning when Congress met we ex-
pected the question would be put and carried without any further
Debate ; because we knew we had a Majority and thought that
argument had been exhausted on both sides as indeed it was, for
nothing new was ever afterwards advanced on either side. But
the Jersey Delegates appearing for the first time, desired that the
question might be discussed. We observed to them that the
Question was so public and had been so long disputed in Pamph-
lets News Papers and every Fireside, that they could not be un-
informed and must have made up their minds. They said it was
true they had not been inattentive to what had been passing
abroad, but they had not heard the arguments in Congress, and
did not incline to give their opinions untill they should hear the
sentiments of Members there. Judge Stockton was most partic-
ularly importunate, till the members began to say let the Gentlemen
be gratifi'd and the Eyes of the assembly were turned upon me
and several other of them said come Mr Adams you have had the
subject at heart longer than any of us, and you must recapitulate
the arguments. I was somewhat confused at this personal ap-
plication to me and would have been very glad to be excused ;
but as no other person arose after some time I said. ^^ This is
the first time of my life when I seriously wished for the genius

IS9

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

and Eloquence of the celebrated Orators of Athens & Rome.
Called in this unexpected and unprepared manner, to exhibit all
the arguments in favour of a measure the most important, in my
judgment, that ever had been discussed in civil or political society,
I had no art or Oratory to exhibit, and could produce nothing
but simple reason and plain Common sence. I felt myself
oppressed by the weight of the subject : and I believed if
Demosthenes or Cicero had ever been called to deliberate on
so great a question, neither would have relied on his own
Talents without a supplication to Minerva and a Sacrifice to
Mercury or the God of Eloquence." All this to be sure was but
a flourish ; and not as I conceive a very bright Exordium : but
I felt awkwardly, but nothing that I said had the most remote
resemblance to an "invocation of the God of Eloquence "...
I wish someone had remembered the speech, for it is almost the
only one I ever made that I wish was literally preserved. The
Delegates of New Jersey declared themselves perfectly satisfied
. . . "Que n'ai je recu le Genie et L'Eloquence des celebres
orateurs d' Athens et de Rome " ^. . . are all the true words of
my speech that have ever appeared in Print.

His words written on the very day of the debate ^* are
still more interesting. In a letter to Bullock, penned
evidently before Congress met, he says: "[QyC] This
Morning is assigned for the greatest Debate of all " ;
and, after he has spoken and the vote has been taken in
the committee of the whole, he thus answers a letter ^^ of
Chase :

[QyC] Your favour by the Post this morning gave me much
pleasure, but the generous and unanimous vote of your Conven-
tion, gave me much more. It was brought into Congress this
morning just as we were entering on the great debate. That
debate took up most of the day, but it was an idle mispence of

i6o

ITS HISTORT

time, for nothing was said, but what had been repeated and
hackneyed in that Room before an hundred times for six months
past.

In the Committee of the whole the question was carried in the
affirmative, and reported to the House. — A CoUony desired it to
be postponed until tomorrow, then it will pass by a great Majority,
perhaps with almost unanimity; Yet I cannot promise this^,
because one or two Gentlemen may possibly be found who will
vote point blank against the known and declared sense of their
Constituents. Maryland however, I have the pleasure to
inform you, behaved well. — Paca, generously and nobly . . .

If you imagine that I expect this Declaration will ward ofF
calamities from this Country, you are much mistaken. A
Bloody conflict we are destined to endure. — This has been my
opinion from the beginning.

If you imagine that I flatter myself with happiness and Halcyon
days after a separation . . . you are mistaken again . . . But
Freedom is a Counter ballance for poverty, discord, and war,
and more.^*^

It is of John Adams' speech upon this day that Rich-
ard Stockton, a son of the Delegate^®, writes (to John
Adams), in a letter from Princeton of September 12,
1 82 1 : "[Qy] I have just alluded to my Father and shall
take leave to mention an anecdote • . . I well remember
that on his first return home from Congress in the sum-
mer of 1776 after the 4- of July he was immediately
surrounded by his anxious political Friends who were
eager for minute information in respect of the great event
which had just taken place — Being then a Boy of some
observation and of very retentive memory I remember
these words addressed to his Friends — 'The Man to
whom the Country is most indebted for the great meas-
" 161

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

ure of Independence is M' John Adams of Boston ' —
* I call him the Atlas of American independence' — He
it was who sustained the debate, and by the force of his
reasonings demonstrated not only the justice but the
expediency of the measure ' I This I have often spoken
of to others and distinctly remember the very language
which he used/'

Walton ^®, also in a letter to Adams, written at Au-
gusta, Ga., November 7, 1789, says : " [Qy] I can truly
assure you, that, since the i? day of July, 1776, my con-
duct, in every station in life, has corresponded with the
result of that great question which you so ably and
faithfully developed on that day — a scene which has
ever been present to my mind. It was then that I felt
the strongest attachments ; and they have never departed
from me."

Jefferson, writing, February 19, 18 13, to William P.
Gardner, tells us : " [P] no man better merited, than
nir John Adams to hold a most conspicuous place in the
design^, he was the pillar of it's support on the floor
of Congress, it's ablest advocate and defender against
the multifarious assaults it encountered." He is re-
ported ^^ to have expressed similar views in 1824: "John
Adams was our Colossus on the floor. He was not
graceful nor elegant, nor remarkably fluent, but he came
out occasionally with a power of thought and expression,
that moved us from our seats." ^

Wilson ^and Witherspoon ^ also are said to have spoken.

As to what took place following the debate, Jefferson,

however, is even more specific than either the Journal

or Adams.

162

ITS HISTORT

His notes say that the resolution was carried in the
committee of the whole

in the affirmative by the votes of ^ N. Hampshire, Connecticut,
Massachusets, Rhode island, N. Jersey, Matyland, Virginia,
N. Carolina, & Georgia. S. Carolina and Pennsylvania voted
against it. Delaware having but two members present, they
were divided ; the delegates from New York declared they were
for it themselves & were assured their constituents were for it,
but that their instructions having been drawn near a twelve-
month before, when reconciliation was still the general object,
they were enjoined by them to do nothing which should impede
that object, they therefore thought themselves not justifiable in
voting on either side, and asked leave to withdraw from the
question, which thoy had was given them, the Commee rose &

Edward

reported their resolution to the house. ifii'^Rutlege of S. Carolina

requested

then darned the determination might be put oiF to the next day,

as he believed his coUegues, tho' they disapproved of the resolu-
tion, would then join in it for the sake of unanimity.

To the same effect is his letter, dated August 29, 1787,
to the editor of the Journal of Paris, replying to an
announcement and criticism that day published of a book
of M. de Mayer, in which it was stated that America owed
her Declaration of Independence to Dickinson. It says :

[P] on the I. day of July they resolved themselves into a
committee of the whole, and resumed the consideration of the
motion of June 7. it was debated through the day, and at
length was decided in the affirmative by the votes of fhe 9. states,
viz New Hampshire Massachusets, Rhode island, N. Jersey,
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia. Pennsylvania
& South Carolina voted against it. Delaware having but

163

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

two members present, was divided, the delegates from New
York declared they were for it, & their constituents also: but
that the instructions against it which had been given them
a twelvemonth before, were still unrepealed ; that their con-
vention was to meet in a few days, and they asked leave to
suspend their vote till they could obtain a repeal of their in-
structions, observe that all this was in a committee of the whole
Congress, and that according to the mode of their proceedings

ReaoIutioH'^of that Comminee to

the queotion whether they would declare themselves independant
was to be put to the same persons re-assuming their form as
Congress, it was now evening, the members exhausted by a
debate of 9 hours, during which all the powers of the soul had
been distended with the magnitude of the object, and the delegates
of S. Carolina desired that the final decision might be put oiF to
the next morning that they might still weigh in their own minds
their ultimate vote, it was put oiF . . •

Whipple and Bartlett were present from New Hamp-
shire; Sherman and Huntington from Connecticut; Han-
cock (the President), Samuel and John Adams, Gerry and
Paine from Massachusetts; Hopkins and Ellery from
Rhode Island ; Stockton, Witherspoon, Hopkinson,
Hart and Clark from New Jersey ; Paca and Stone and
probably Rogers from Maryland; Jefferson, Harrison,
Nelson, Francis Lightfoot Lee and Braxton from Virginia ;
Hewes and Penn from North Carolina; and Gwinnett,
Hall and Walton from Georgia. Edward Rutledge, Hey-
ward, Thomas Lynch, Jr., and Arthur Middleton were
present from South Carolina ; and Thomas Lynch, Sr., also
was at least in Philadelphia. Franklin, Wilson, Morton,
Dickinson, Robert Morris, Willing and Humphreys seem
to have been present from Pennsylvania. M:Kean and

164

ITS HISTORT

Read were present from Delaware. Clinton, Floyd, Wis-
ner, Lewis and Alsop were present from New York.
Philip Livingston, we know, expected to leave New York
City for Philadelphia on June 30th ; but we do not know
when he arrived, except that it was on or before July 3d.

[PHM] Cloudy morning . . . before 10 came on a heavy rain, con-
tinued till past 2, cleared up 5 grew VTarm ...11 fine moonlight . • .

[MsJ] 6. A. M.

9-40' A. M.
9. P. M.

78.
78

The Journal for July 2d says :

The Congress resumed^ the consideration of the resolution

agreed to^& reported from the committee of the whole and the
same being read was agreed to ^ as follows.
Resolved, That these united colonies are and of right ought to be
free and independant states; that they are absolved from all allegiance
to the british crown and that all political connection between them
and the state of great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved.

the

Agreeable to-order of the day the Congress resolved itself
into a committee of the whole
The presid! resumed the chair

M' Harrison reported that the com*'! have had under con-
sideration the declaration to them referred but not having had
time to go through desired leave to sit again
Resolvf That this Congress will tomorrow again resolve itself
into a committee of the whole to take into their farther consider-
ation the declaration to th on independance

It thus appears that the initial resolution of June 7th,
which was " agreed to by & reported from the committee

i6s

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

of the whole " on July ist, was adopted" by Congress
on the 2d.

Jefferson's nofes say :

S. Carolina concurred in voting for it. in the mean time
a third member [Rodney **] had come post ^ from the Delaware
counties and turned the vote of that colony in favour of the
resolution, members of a different sentiment attending that
morning from Pennsylvania also, their vote was changed, so that
the whole 12. colonies, who were authorized to vote at all, gave
their voices for it

His letter to the editor of the Journal 0/ Paris says :

[P] ... in the morning of the 2*! of July they [the Delegates
of South Carolina] joined the other nine states in voting for it.
The members of the Pennsylvania delegation too, who had been

turned

absent the day before, fww^ came in & doctdod the vote of their
state in favor of Independance, and a 3*^ member of the state of
Delaware, who, hearing of the division in the sentiments of his
two coiiegues, had travelled post to arrive in time, now came in
and decided the votes- of that state also for the resolution.

The members present from Pennsylvania seem to
have been the same as on the ist, except Dickinson and
Robert Morris.

The 2J of July, and not the 4th, therefore, was the
day upon which America declared^ her independence of that
nation " whose morning-drum beat," in the language of
Daniel Webster, " following the sun, and keeping com-
pany with the hours, circles the earth with one continu-
ous and unbroken strain of the martial airs of England."

John Adams, writing to his wife on the jd*^, says:
" [Qy] Yesterday the greatest Question was decided,

z66

. ^

ITS HISTORT

which ever was debated in America, and a greater perhaps,
never was or will be decided among Men. a Resolution
was passed without one dissenting Colony, that these
united Colonies ^ are, and of right ought to be free and
independent States . . / You will see in a few days a
Declaration setting forth the Causes, which have impelled
Us to this mighty Revolution, and the Reasons which
will justify it, in the Sight of God and Man . • • Britain
has been fill'd with Folly, and America with Wisdom
• • •" "[Qy] ^*^ ^^^ Declaration of Independency
been made seven Months ago, it would have been at*

tended with many great and glorious Effects. We

might before this Hour, have formed Alliances with
foreign States. — We should have mastered Quebec and
been in Possession of Canada . . . But on the other
Hand, the Delay of this Declaration to this Time, has
many great Advantages attending it — The Hopes of
Reconciliation, which were fondly entertained by Multi-
tudes of honest and well-meaning tho weak and mistaken
People, have been gradually and at last totally extin-
guished. — Time has been given for the whole People,
maturely to consider, the great Question of Independence
and to ripen their Judgment, dissipate their Fears and
allure their Hopes, by discussing -it in News Papers
and Pamphletts, by debating it, in Assemblies Conven-
tions, Committees of Safety and Inspection in Town and
County Meetings, as well as in private Conversations,
so that the whole People in every Colony of the 13 have
now adopted it, as their own Act. This will cement
the Union, and avoid those Heats and perhaps Convul-
sions which might have been occasioned, by such a

167

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Declaration six Months ago. — But the Day is past —
The second Day of July 1776, will be the most memo-
rable Epoca, in the History of America. — I am apt to
believe that it will be celebrated, by succeeding Genera-
tions, as the great anniversary Festival. It ought to
be commemorated, as the Day of Deliverence by solemn
Acts of Devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be
solemnized with Pomp and Parade with Shews, Games,
Sports, Guns, Bells, Bonfires and Illuminations from
one End of this Continent to the other from this Time
forward forever more. You will think me transported
with Enthusiasm but I am not — I am well aware of
the Toil and Blood and Treasure, that it will cost Us
to maintain this Declaration, and support and defend
these States — Yet through all the Gloom I can see the
Rays of ravishing Light and Glory. I can see that
the End is more than worth all the Means. And that
Posterity will tryumph in that Days Transactions, even
altho We should rue it, which I trust in God We shall
not. — "

It also appears that, on this same day (the 2d), after
the adoption of the resolution reported by the committee
of the whole, Congress again resolved itself into a
committee of the whole and proceeded — as given by
Jefferson's notes —

to consider the declaration of Independance which had been re-

and on Monday referred to a comniee of the whole.

ported & laid on the table the Friday preceding^.

[PHM] Fine clear & very cool morning to the weather y* we have had

some days past wind Northerly blows fresh . . . came home near 11,

fine cool moonlight night . . •

168

ITS HISTORT

[MsJ] 5-30' A. M.
1-30. P. M.
8-10.

7ii

74-

On July 3d, as shown by the Journal,

Agreeable to the order of the day the congress resolved itself
into a committee of the whole to take into their farther con-
sideration the Declaration

The president resumed the chair & M' Harrison reported that
the com^f not having finished desire leave to sit again
Resolved that this Congress will to morrow resolve itself into a
committee of the whole to take into their farther consideration
the declaration

Adjourned to 9 o Clock tomorrow

[PHM] Fine sunshine pleasant morning wind S. E.

[MsJ] 6. A. M

I. P. M.

68.

72i
76

73i

On the morning of the 4th ^ of July, Clark writes,
to Colonel Ellas Dayton : " [ PD ] At the Time our
Forces in Canada were retreating before a Victorious
Army, while Gen*? Howe with a Large Armament is
Advancing towards N. York, Our Congress Resolved to
Declare the United Colonies Free and independent States.
A Declaration for this Purpose, I expect, will this Day
pass Congress, it is nearly gone through, after which it
will be Proclaimed with all the State & Solemnity cir-
cumstances will admit. It is gone so far that we must

now be a free independent State, or a Conquered Country

169

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

• • • no express hath -yet^ come in this morning • • • I
wrote you the day before I left home ... I assure you
Sir, Our Congress is an August Assembly — and can they
Support the Declaration now on the Anvil, they will be
the greatest Assembly on Earth — "
The Journal for the day says :

Agreeable to the order of the day the Congress resolved itself
into a committee of the whole to take into their farthe[r] con-
sideration the declaration

The president resumed the chair

M' Harrison reported that the committee of the whole Con-
gress have agreed to a Declaration which he delivered in

The Declaration being again read was agreed to ^ as follows

[No writing (in the rough Journal) " follows " this, the
entire lower half of the page (94) being blank. *^ A
printed copy'® of the Declaration, instead^ was inserted.
This is attached to the blank half-page by three wafers,
forming a triangle, in the left upper corner of the Decla-
ration and on the left side of the page and by a fourth,
also near the top of the Declaration but, on the right side
of the page — all of the wafers being round and red, and
all being between the Declaration and the page save a part
of the right hand one of the three forming the triangle.

[In the corrected Journal, the Declaration^ is written
out. It begins on page 639 and ends on page 646.

[The following is at the top of page 95 (in the rough
Journal) :]

Ordered That the declaration be authenticated & printed ^^

That the committee appointed to prepare the declaration
superintend & correct the press.

170

6.B

« g s s

ITS HISTORT

That copies^ of the declaration be sent to the several as-
semblies, conventions & committees or councils of safety and
to the several commanding officers of the continental troops that
it be proclaimed in each of the united states & at the head of
the army.

Thus we see that it was the Declaration ^ itself — its
substance and form — that was determined on the
4th.'^

Jefferson, in his notes^ in speaking of the amendments
made by Congress (though, of course, we do not know
which ones were made on the 2d, which on the jd or
which on the 4th), says:

the pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth
keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many, for this
reason those passages which conveyed censures on the people of
England were struck out, lest they should give them offence,
the clause too, reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of

Africa, was struck out in complaisance^4e> South Carolina &
Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation
of slaves, and who on the contrary still wished to continue it.
our Northern brethren also I believe felt a little tender on thm>
under those censures ; for tho' their people have very few slaves
themselves yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them
to others, the debates having taken up the greater parts of the
y 3« 4- 2*! 3I & 4*!* days of July were, in the evening of the last^ closed the
declaration was reported by the comifibe, agreed to by the house

Aa *• tM^MMi ffaM IN kaMTB iM Ml|y Vt wtat llHr n«lf«, kirt «kM Ik^r i^Ml •!«» I «M gIMi *• Cim tf «to

preaent

and signed by every member^except mt Dickinson.^declaration

•track oot

as originally reported, is hege subjoinod, the parts omitted warn J by

•hall be ^

Congress •«;•• distinguished by a black line drawn under them $

171

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

b7 them shall be

& those inserted^-afe placed in the margin or in a concurrent
columns.

A Declaration by the representatives of the United states of
America, in General Congress assembled.

When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for
one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected
them with another, and to assume among the powers of the
earth the separate & equal station to which the laws of nature
and of nature's god entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions
of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which
impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self evident: that all men

are created equal ^; that they are endowed by their creator

/^certain ^^^^A 'inherent and inalienable rights; that among these are

life, liberty & the pursuit of happiness^: that to secure

[The following is on the reverse side of page 7 :]
8.

these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their
just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever
any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it Is
the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, & to institute new
government, laying It's foundation on such principles, & organiz-
ing It's powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to
effect their safety & happiness, prudence Indeed will dictate that
governments long established should not be changed for light
& transient causes ; and accordingly all experience hath shown
that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufFcr-
able, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which
they are accustomed, but when a long train of abuses & usur-
pations [begun at a distinguished period and] pursuing invariably
the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute
despotism. It is their right, it is their duty to throw off such
government, & to provide new guards for their future security.

172

ITS HISTORT

such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ; & such is

then

now the necessity which constrains^to ^ [expunge] their former
systems of government, the history of the present king of Great
Britain is a history of ^ [unremitting] injuries & usurpations,
[among which appears no solitary fact to contradict the uniform
tenor of the rest but all have] ^ in direct object the establishment
of an absolute tyranny over these states, to prove this let facts
be submitted to a candid world [for the truth of which we pledge
a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.]

^^he has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome &
necessary for the public good.

he has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate &
pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his
assent should be obtained ; & when so suspended, he has utterly
neglected to attend to them.

he has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of
large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the
right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to
them, & formidable to tyrants only.

he has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,
uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public
records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance
with his measures.

he has dissolved representative houses repeatedly [& continually]
for opposing

with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

he has refused for a long time after such dissolutions to cause
others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of
annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exer-
cise, the state remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dan-
gers of invasion from without & convulsions within.

he has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ;

173

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of for-
eigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations
hither, & raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands,
/^obitractod he has^ [suffered] the administration of justice [totally to cease

A *y in some of these states] ^ refusing his assent to laws for estab-

lishing judiciary powers.

he has made [our] judges dependant on his will alone, for the
tenure of their offices, & the amount & paiment of their salaries.

he has erected a multitude of new offices [by a self assumed
power] and sent hither swarms of new officers to harass our
people and eat out their substance.

he has kept among us in times of peace standing armies [and
(hips of war] without the consent of our legislatures.

he has affected to render the military independant of, & supe-
rior to the civil power.

he has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdic-
tion foreign to our constitutions & unacknoleged by our
laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation for
quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; for protecting
them by a mock-trial from punishment for any murders which
they should commit on the inhabitants of these states ; for cut-
ting off our trade with all parts of the world ; for imposing taxes
^ in manx ones OH US with out our Consent; for depriving us ^ of the benefits
of trial by jury ; for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for
pretended offences; for abolishing the free system of English
laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary

[The following is on the reverse side of page 9 :]

10.

government, and enlarging it's boundaries, so as to render it at
once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same
absolute rule into these ^ [states] ; for taking away our charters,
abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the
forms of our governments \ for suspending our own legislatures,

174

inmn

ITS HISTORT

& declaring themselves invested with power to liegislate for us in
all cases whatsoever.

he has abdicated government here ^ [withdrawing his governors, ^bjd
and declaring us out of his allegiance & protection] ^^

he has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, ww a
& destroyed the lives of our people.

he is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercen-
aries to compleat the works of death, desolation & tyranny ,ai^
already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy ^ un- |^|
worthy the head of a civilized nation. fttot

he has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the
high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the
executioners of their friends & brethren, or to fall themselves by
their hands.

he has ^ endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers f»ati
the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is
an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, & conditions
[of existence.]

[he has excited treasonable insurrections of our fellow-citizens,
with the allurements of forfeiture & confiscation of our property.

he has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating
it's most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a
distant people who never oflFended him, captivating & carrying
them into slavery ^ in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable
death in their transportation thither, this piratical warfare, the
opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Chrieticui king
of Great Britain, determined to keep open a market where Men
should be bought & sold, he has prostituted his negative for
suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain
this execrable commerce, and that this assemblage of horrors
might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those
very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty
of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on

»7S

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

whom he also obtruded them : thus paying off former crimes
committed against the iibertiea of one people, with crimes which
he urges them to commit against the Uvea of another.]

II.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for
redress in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions have
been answered only by repeated injuries.

a prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may
fite define a tyrant is unfit to be a ruler of a ^ people [who mean to

be free, future ages will scarcely believe that the hardiness of
one man adventured, within the short compass of twelve years
only, to lay a foundation so broad & so undisguised for tyranny
over a people fostered & fixed in principles of freedom.]

Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British
brethren, we have warned them from time to time of attempts by
inwamntible their legislature to extend ^ [a] jurisdiction over ^ [these our states.]
we have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration
& settlement here, [no one of which could warrant so strange a
pretension : that these were effected at the expence of our own
blood & treasure, unassisted by the wealth or strength of Great
Britain : that in constituting indeed our several forms of govern-
ment, we had adopted one common king, thereby laying a founda-
tion for perpetual league & amity with them : but that submission
to their parliament was no part of our constitution, nor ever in
, hnvc idea, if history may be credited : and]^ we ^^'appealed to their

' h^ K*^*^ native justice and magnanimity ^ [as well as to] the ties of our
Id inevitably common kindred to disavow these usurpations which ^ [were
likely to] interrupt our connection and correspondence, they too
have been deaf to the voice of justice & of consanguinity, [and
when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of
their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our
harmony, they have by their free election, re-established them
in power at this very time too they are permitting their chief
magistrate to send over not only souldiers of our common blood,

176

ITS HISTORT

but Scotch^ & foreign mercenaries to invade & destroy us. these
facts have given the last stab to agonizing afFection, and man^
spirit bids us to renounce forever these unfeeling brethren, we
must endeavor to forget our former love for them, and hold theiji
as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends,
we might have been a free and a great people together } but a
communication of grandeur & of freedom it seems is below their
dignity, be it so, since they will have it. the road to happiness
& to glory is open to us too. we will tread it apart from them,

mutt therefbre and] ^ acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our [eternal]

i boU them at Separation ^ !

jJi^L^rn [The following is on the reverse side of page 1 1 :]

in peace friends.

We therefore the representatives d
the United stmtes of America in Gen-
eral Congrefs assembled, appealing to
the supreme judge of the world for the
rectitude of our intentions, do in the
name, & by the authority of the good
people of these colonies, solemnly
publish & declare that these United
colonies are & of right ought to be
free & independant states ; that they
are absolved from all allegiance to the
British crown, and that all political
connection between them & the state
of Great Britain is, & ought to be,
totally dissolved ) & that as free k
independant states they have full power
to levy war, conclude peace, contract
alliances, establish commerce ic to do
all other acts & things which independ-
ant states may of rig^t do.
and for the support of this declaration,
with a firm reliance on the protection of
divine providence we mutually pledge
to each other our lives, our fortunes
& our sacred honour.

12.

We therefore the representatives of
the United states of America in Gen-
eral Congress assembled do in the
name, & by the authority of the good
people of these [states reject &
renounce all allegiance & subjection
to the lungs of Great Britain & all
others who may hereafter claim by,
through or under them : we utterly
dissolve all political connection which
may heretofore have subsisted between
us & the people or parliamenr of
Great Britain : & finally we do assert
& declare these colonies to be free &
independant states,] & that as free
& independant sutes, they have full
power to levy war, conclude peace,
contract alliances, establish commerce,
& to do all other acts & things which
independant states may of right do.
and for the support of this declara-
tion we mutually pledge to each other
our lives, our fortunes k our sacred
honour.

177

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Jefferson evidently was not pleased at these amend-
ments^; for he writes, to R. H. Lee, July 8th : "**® For
news I refer you to your brother [Francis Lightfoot Lee]
who writes on that head. I inclose you a copy of the
Declaration of Independance as agreed to by the house, &
also as originally framed, you will judge whether it is the
better or worse for the critics. I shall return to Virginia
after the 1 1*? of Aug. I wifh my succefsor may be certain to
come before that time, in that case I shall hope to see you &
riir Wythe" in Convention, that the bufiness of government
which is of everlasting concern may receive your aid."

Nor, if he himself can be believed, did he accept them
with the stoicism of a born-politician ; for, in a letter ^^ to
Robert Walsh, written at Monticello, December 4, 1 8 1 8,
he says : " [P] I state a few anecdotes of D' Franklin,
within my own knolege," among which is the following:
" [P] When the Declaration of Independance was under
the consideration of Congress, there were two or three
unlucky expressions in it which gave offence to some mem-
bers. The words " Scotch and other foreign auxiliaries "
excited the ire of a gentleman or two of that country,
severe strictures on the conduct of the British king, in
negativing our repeated repeals of the law which per-
mitted the importation of slaves, were disapproved by
some Southern gentlemen, whose reflections were not yet
matured to the full abhorrence of that traffic, altho* the
offensive expressions were immediately yielded, these
gentlemen continued their depredations on other parts
of the instrument. I was sitting^ by D! Franklin, who
perceived that I was not insensible to these mutilations.

" I have made it a rule, said he, whenever in my power,

178

ITS HISTORT

to avoid becoming the draughtsman of papers to be
reviewed by a public body. I took my lesson from an
incident which I will relate to you. when I was a journey-
man printer, one of my companions, an apprentice Hatter,
having served out his time, was about to open shop for
himself, his first concern was to have a handsome sign-
board, with a proper inscription, he composed it in these
words "John Thompson, Hatter ^makes and sells hats for
ready money ^^ with a figure of a hat subjoined, but he
thought he would submit it to his friends for their
amendments, the first he shewed it to thought the word
" Hatter^* tautologous, because followed by the words
" makes hats " which shew he was a Hatter, it was struck
out. the next observed that the word ^^makes*^ might as
well be omitted, because his customers would not care
who made the hats, if good & to their mind, they would
buy, by whomsoever made, he struck it out. a third
said he thought the words "/(?r ready money ^^ were use-
less as it was not the custom of the place to sell on
credit, every one who purchased expected to pay. they
were parted with, and the inscription now stood " John
Thomson sells hats." ^^ sells hats " says his next friend ?
why nobody will expect you to give them away, what
then is the use of that word ? it was stricken out, and
" hats " followed it, the rather, as there was one painted
on the board, so his inscription was reduced ultimately
to "John Thomson " with the figure of a hat subjoined."
We have the opinions of a few others also of the
amendments. Bartlett writes, July ist : " The Declara-
tion before Congress is, I think, a pretty good one. I

hope it will not be spoiled by canvassing in Congress."

179

•3

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Mn, Ahigtil Adsms^ R. H. Lee's and Pendletoii't
ktMm «f July H^kf Jsdy 21st and Ai:^8t loth, req>ec*
tbrdj, are fgiwen dsewhere.'^ John Adams, in hb letter
dFsSia to Fidcertngysays : ^^ [Ms] Congress cut off about
i quarter part of it» as I expected they would, but they db»
Bterated someof the best of it Md left all that was excep-
tbaftbh^ tf anytittng" in it was. I have long wondered
that the (mpnal dtA has not been puUished. I su|^pose
thereason b ^ vdiement I^lU{nc^;»inst Nq;ro Slavery***
^£H] It was two o'clock* in the afternoon **» says
Losnng^ (though upon what authority he does not
statSi WEtA, we tMnk, with litde, if any, warrant), ^ when
At final dimsion* was announced by Secretary Thom-
fttft • • •* when the secretary 9Bt down, a deep silence
pstfadad diet august assembly. Thousands of amdous
ettkens had gathered in the streets* . . . From the
hour when Congress convened in the morning, die old
bellnMn had been in the steeple. H^ pkced a boy at
the door below, to give him notice when the announce-
ment should be made. As hour succeeded hour, the
gray-beard shook his head, and said, * They will never
do it ! they will never do it ! ' Suddenly a loud shout
came up from below, and there stood the blue-eyed boy,
clapping his hands and shouting, ^ Ring ! ring ! ' Grasp-
ing the iron tongue of the old bell ^ . . . backward and
forward he hurled it a hundred times, its loud voice pro-
claiming ' Liberty throughout all the land, unto all the
inhabitants thereof/ The excited multitude in the streets
responded with loud acclamations, and with cannon-peals,
bonfires, and illuminations, the patriots held glorious

carnival that night in the quiet city of Penn/'

180

ITS HISTORT

VIII

NEW YORK AND PENNSYLVANIA

ET us take a brief glance at the situation in New
York and in Pennsylvania,

The Provincial Congress of New York convened in
the Assembly Chamber of the City Hall in New York
City on May 14th. On the 15th, Alsop was present;
and, five days later, Francis Lewis appeared.

Jay also had been elected to this Congress and had
left ^ Philadelphia ; and Duane ^ who had remained there^
sent him a copy of the resolution of Congress of May
15th' on the day after its publication, and R. R. Living-
ston (also at Philadelphia) wrote ^ him concerning it on
the next day.

On the 1 8th, Duane again wrote him, saying: ^[Z]
I wrote you, my dear Sir, a hasty scrawl by the post
on a most important subject. You know the Mary-
land Instructions^ and those* of Pensylvania. I am
greatly in doubt whether either of their Assemblies
or Conventions will listen to a recommendation the
preamble of which so openly avows independence &
separation. The lower Counties [Delaware] will probably
adhere to Pensylvania. New Jersey you can gain a

good judgment of from the reception this important

181

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Resolution has met with. The orators of Virginia
with Col. Henry ^ at their head are against a Change
of Government ; the body of the people, Col. Nelson, on
whose authority® you have this sent, thinks are for
it . . . There seems therefore no reason that our Colony
shou'd be too precipitate in changing the present mode
of Government. I wou'd first be well assured of the
opinion of the Inhabitants at large. Let them be rather
followed than driven on an occasion of such moment.
But, above all, let us see the conduct of the middle Col-
onies before we come to a decision : It cannot injure us
to wait a few weeks : the advantage will be great for this
trying question will clearly discover the true principles &
the extent of the Union of the Colonies."

Following (doubtless) — May 24th® — the receipt of
this letter. Jay also attended upon the Provincial Con-
gress ; and, on the last day of the month, this body called
upon the people to elect Deputies to a Convention (to
meet, July 9th), authorized to act upon the question of
the formation of a new government (for New York).

A letter dated New York City the same day (May
31st) says: "I do not learn that a word has been said
in our Convention [Provincial Congress] upon the sub-
ject of a Declaration of Independence . . ."

The " Committee of Mechanics in union ", however,

of which Lewis Thibou was chairman, sitting at Mechanic

Hall in the same city, two days before (the 29th), "for

ourselves and our constituents, hereby publicly declare[d]

that, should you, gentlemen of our honourable Provincial

Congress, think proper to instruct our most honourable

Delegates in Continental Congress to use their utmost

182

ITS HISTORT

endeavours in that august assembly to cause these United
Colonies to become independent of Great Britain, it
would give us the highest satisfaction; and we hereby
sincerely promise to endeavour to support the same with
our lives and fortunes."

This address was answered by the Provincial Congress,
June 4th : " We . . . cannot presume to instruct the
Delegates of this Colony on the momentous question to
which your address refers, until we are informed it is
brought before the Continental Congress, and the sense
of this Colony be required through this Congress."

Scarcely had the ink dried upon this answer, when —
the next day — a copy of the resolution of the Conven-
tion of Virginia of May 15th, directing her Delegates to
propose to Congress to declare independence, reached New
York and was read in the Provincial Congress. This
was two days before R. H. Lee offered in Congress the
initial resolution in accordance with these instructions.
Francis Lewis, and doubtless Alsop, had departed for
Philadelphia *® ; but Jay was still present.

Three days later, Philip Livingston " appeared in the
Provincial Congress ; and, on the loth *^, the President,
Nathaniel Woodhull, received a letter from Floyd, Wis-
ner, R. R. Livingston and Francis Lewis (who had
lately arrived), dated Philadelphia, June 8th, which said :
" Your Delegates here expect the question of Independ-
ence will very shortly ^ be agitated in Congress. Some
of us consider ourselves as bound by our instructions not
to vote on that question. The matter will admit of no
delay. We have, therefore, sent an express, who will
wait your orders." This was read at once " with closed

183

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

doors ", and, in the evening, was discussed — both Jay
and Philip Livingston being present.

On the evening of the next day (the i ith), Jay intro-
duced several resolutions (seconded by Henry Remsen),
which, after being amended, were adopted. The amended
resolutions set forth that the Provincial Congress had no
power to take any action whatever on the subject of in-
dependence but that it could and did recommend '^ to all
the Freeholders and other Electors in this Colony, at the
ensuing election, to be held in pursuance of a Resolution,
of the [Provincial] Congress of the 31st day of May last
past . • . [besides authorizing their Deputies to vote
upon the subject of a government] to inform their said
Deputies of their sentiments relative to the great ques-
tion of Independency . . .''

At the same time. Jay and Remsen were directed to draft
a reply to the letter of the Delegates. This draft, which
seems to have been adopted as drawn, reads as follows :
". . . the [Provincial] Congress . . . are unanimously
of opinion that you are not authorized by yourinstructions
to give the sense of this colony on the question of declar-
ing it to be, and continue, an independent State ; nor does
this Congress incline to instruct you on that point ; it be-
ing a matter of doubt whether their constituents intended
to vest them with a power to deliberate and determine on
that question. Indeed, the majority of this Congress are
clearly of the opinion that they have no such authority."

Francis Lewis, R. R. Livingston, Alsop ^*, Floyd and

Wisner, in acknowledging it (June 17th ^^), in a letter

in the handwriting of Livingston, said : " [Al] We rec"!

great pleasure from knowing the sentim^ of the hon :

184

ITS HIS TORT

the Convention [Provincial Congress], relative to the im*
portant subject on which we thought it our duty to ask
their opinion. We are very happy in having it in our
power to assure them, that we have hitherto taken no
steps inconsistent with their intention as expressed in
their letter, by which we shall be careful to regulate
our future^* Conduct. — "

Nothing further was done in New York" until the
meeting of the Convention ^ — at the Court House in
White Plains — on July 9th ^•.

A letter and a note, as well as a second letter and a
copy of the Declaration of Independence, — received
meanwhile from Philadelphia — were then laid before
that body.

The first letter — in the handwriting of Clinton, dated
July 2d and signed by Clinton, Wisner, Floyd, Francis
Lewis and Alsop — said : " [Al; - ] The important Ques-
tion of Indepency was agitated yesterday ^ in a Committee
of the whole Congress, and this Day will be finally
determined in the House — We know the Line of our
Conduct on this Occasion ; we have your Instructions,
and will faithfully pursue them — New Doubts and
DifHculties however will arise should Independency be
declared ; and that it will not, we have not the least
Reason to expect nor do we believe that (if any)
more than one Colony (and the Delegates of that
divided) will vote against the Question ; every Colony
(ours only excepted) having withdrawn their former In-
structions, and either positively instructed their Delegates
to vote for Independency ; or concur in such Vote if they
shall judge it expedient — What Part are we to act after

185

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

this Event takes Place ; every Act we join in may then
be considered as in some Measure acceding to the Vote
of Independency and binding our Colony on that Score
. . . We wish therefore for your earliest Advice &
Instructions whether we are to consider our Colony
bound by the Vote of the Majority in Favour of Inde-
pency and vote at large on such Questions as may arise
in Consequence thereof or only concur in such Measures
as may be absolutely necessary for the Common safety
& defence of America exclusive of the Idea of Inde-
pency — We fear it will be difficult to draw the Line ;
but once possessed of your Instructions we will use our
best Endeavours to follow them — "

The note — in the handwriting of Wisner, also dated
the ad and signed by Wisner — said : " [Al] Since Writ-
ing the inclosed the question of independance has Been
put in Congress and Carried in the afirmative without
one Desenting vote [New York, of course, not voting]
I therefore Beg your answer as quick as posable to the
inclosed[.] "

The second letter ^, which enclosed the copy ^^ of the
Declaration, was dated (probably) the 5th.

The Declaration was entered in full on the minutes and
was then — together with the letters and the note — re-
ferred to a committee, composed of Jay, Abraham Yates,
John Sloss Hobart, Abraham Brasher and William Smith.

The committee reported a resolution ^ that very evenings
which was at once adopted. It read : " Resolved, unan-
imously. That the reasons assigned by the Continental
Congress for declaring the United Colonies free and in-
dependent States, are cogent and conclusive ; and that

186

ITS HISTORr

while we lament the cruel necessity which has rendered that
measure unavoidable, we approve the same, and will, at the
risk of our lives and fortunes, join with the other colonies
in supporting it. Resolved, That a copy of said Declara-
tion, and the aforegoing Resolution, be sent to the Chair-
man of the Committee of the County of Westchester,
with orders to publish the same with beat of drum, at
this place, on Thursday next, and to give directions that
it be published with all convenient speed in the several
Districts within the said County, and that copies thereof
be forthwith transmitted to the other ^ County Commit-
tees within the State of New- York, with orders to cause
the same to be published in the several Districts of their re-
spective Counties. Resolved, That five hundred copies **
of the Declaration of Independence, with the two last-
mentioned Resolutions of this Congress for approving
and proclaiming the same, be published in handbills, and .
sent to all the County Committees in this State. Re-
solved, That the Delegates of this State in Continental
Congress, be, and they are hereby, authorized to consent
to and adopt all such measures as they may deem con-
ducive to the happiness and welfare of the United States
of America. Ordered, That copies of the aforesaid
Resolutions be transmitted^ to the Continental Congress."

We have already ^ followed the course of events in
Pennsylvania to the close of the yth of June — the day
when R. H. Lee introduced into Congress the initial
resolution respecting independence.

On the next day (Saturday), the Assembly " resumed

the consideration of the Instructions to the Delegates of

187

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

this Province in Congress ; which, being gone through,

and approved of ^ , were ordered to be transcribed. A

Member proposed to the House, and read in his place, a

resolution, as a further instruction to the Delegates;

which, being seconded, was postponed to Tuesday next

for consideration/'

Meanwhile — on Monday, the loth — , the miliiary

met ^, both in Philadelphia and elsewhere in the Colony.

Of the First and Second Battalions, one thousand persons

were present, and, ''^with only 24 dissentients in the

First, and two in the Second Battalion," approved the

resolution of Congress of May 15th and the proceedings

of the public gathering of the 2oth. At the meeting of

the Third Battalion, the Lieutenant-Colonel refused to put

the questions proposed to the First and Second ; and this

** gave great umbrage to the men, one of whom replied to

him in a genteel spirited manner : ' How our Delegates

in Congress may act we know not, though we have a

right to know, and intend to promote an inquiry for that

purpose. The Counties, such as we have heard from,

are for a Convention. The Committee of Bucks County

have appointed Deputies to the Conference to be held in

this City on the i8th instant/" The Fourth Battalion

assembled " on the usual place of parade " — the Colonel

(M:Kean) and the other officers and the privates of nine

companies being present. M:Kean " informed them

that since he had proposed this meeting ... he had

been waited upon " with a resolution of the 6th of the

committee of privates of the five battalions and that he

was happy " to find that his own idea of the propriety of

this measure was supported by so respectable a body as

ids

ITS HISTORT

the Gnnmittec of Privates/* The resolution of Congress
of May 15th and the proceedings of the public meeting
on the 20th were then read and unanimously approved.
Following this, the question was put, "Whether they
wish the Province of Pennsylvania to be a free and
independent State, and united with the other twelve
Colonies represented in Congress ? ** ; and this also was
carried unanimously in the affirmative. Similar evidence
of loyalty to the cause was given by the Fifth Battalion,
of which Timothy Matlack was Colonel, by the First
Battalion of Chester County, of which Moore was
Colonel, and by Colonel James Crawford's Battalion,
which met at its place of parade in Leacock Township,
Lancaster County.

This meeting (of the military) had a great effect upon
the Assembly. Neither in the morning nor in the after-
noon had they a quorum; and, on the nth — the day
to which the " further instruction to the Delegates " had
been postponed and the day on which Congress selected
a committee to draft the Declaration of Independence —
and on the 12th also — both in the morning and in the
afternoon — , they met, and still without a quorum. On
the morning of the 13th, again nothing was done ; and,
in the afternoon, there was again no quorum. The next
day (Friday, the 14th), they paid the Delegates to Con-
gress ; and, at 3 o'clock, " The Instructions . . . being
transcribed according to order, were signed by the Speaker
[John Morton] . . ." These read as follows : " When,
by our instructions of last November, we strictly enjoined
you, in behalf of this Colony, to dissent from, and utterly
rgect atly proposition, should such be made, that might

189

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

cause or lead to a separation from Great Britain . . •
our restrictions [arose] . . . from an earnest desire to
serve the good people of Pennsylvania with fidelity . . .
The situation of publick aflfairs is since so greatly altered,
that we now think ourselves justifiable in removing the
restrictions laid upon you by those instructions." They
then adjourned*^ to August 26th at 4 o'clock.

The Provincial Conference of the committees of
Pennsylvania met in Carpenters* Hall four days later
(June 1 8th), " in consequence of a Circular Letter from
the Committee of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia,
enclosing a Resolution of the Continental Congress of
the 15th May last." M:Kean, Matlack, Rush, John
Bull and James Smith were among those present.
M:Kean, as chairman of the "City Committee, de-
clared the motives which had induced that Committee to
propose the hearing " and was then chosen President.

On the 19th, 97 members being present, the resolution
of Congress of May 15th was approved; and it was
resolved " That the present Government of this Province
is not competent to the exegencies of our affairs . . .
That it is necessary that a Provincial Convention be
called by this Conference for the express purpose of
forming a new Government in this Province, on the
authority of the People only."

On the 23d ("P. M."), "On motion, [it was]
unanimously ^^ Ordered, That the Chairman, Dr. Rush,
and Colonel Smith, be a Committee to draft a Resolution
declaring the sense of the Conference with respect to the
Independence of this Province on the Crown and Parlia-
ment of Great Britain, and report to-morrow morning."

190

ITS HISTORT

The proceedings of the Conference for June a4th
("P. M.") show that the committee "brought in a
draft of a Declaration on the subject of . . . Independ-
ence . • . which was ordered to be read, by special
order. The same was read a second time, and, being
fully considered, it was, with the greatest unanimity of '
all the Members, agreed to . . ." This draft declared
" our willingness to concur in a vote of the Congress
declaring the United Colonies free and independent
States " ; and it was " Ordered, that this Declaration be
signed at the table and that the President deliver it in
Congress." It was read in Congress on the evening of
the 25th.*^

Nothing further occurred in Pennsylvania until Mon-
day, July 8th ^ — four days after the adoption of the
Declaration by Congress. On that day, the elections
were held for Delegates to the Convention. John
Adams, writing, July loth, to his wife, says: "The
new Members of this city [Philadelphia] arc all • . .
chosen because of their inflexible zeal for Independence.
All the old Members left out because they opposed
Independence, or at least were lukewarm about it.
Dickinson, Morris, Allen, all fallen, like grass before the
scythe notwithstanding all their vast advantages in point
of fortune, family, and abilities ... I am inclined to
think, however, and to wish that these gentlemen may be
restored at a fresh election, because, although mistaken
in some points, they are good characters, and their great
wealth and numerous connexions will contribute to
strengthen America, and cement her Union. I wish I

were at perfect liberty to portray before you all these

191

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

characters in their genuine lights, and to explain to you
the course of political changes in this Province. It
would give you a great idea of the spirit and resolution
of the people, and show you, in a striking point of view,
the deep roots of American Independence in all the
Colonies."

The Convention, which took its power direct from the
peopUy met in the State House on Monday, July 15th —
the day when the new instructions to the New York
Delegates were read by Hancock to Congress. Frank-
lin, James Smith, Clymer and Ross were among those
present. Franklin" was chosen President. On the
20th, it elected" Franklin, Ross*^, Clymer '^, Robert
Morris*', Wilson, Morton, Rush"", James Smith""
and George Taylor " as Delegates to Congress. Accord-
ing to the Journal, they produced their credentials in
Congress on the same day.*^

A committee composed of Matlack, Thomas Smith,
James Cannon, David Rittenhouse and Bull was ap-
pointed — also on the 20th — to draft instructions.
These instructions, adopted on the 26th, strictly charged
the Delegates " not to agree to, or enter into any treaty
of commerce or alliance with Great Britain, or any other
foreign Power, but (on the part of America) as free and
independent States."

On the 25th, the Convention approved of the " Dec-
laration of Congress of the 4th " and declared " that we
will support and maintain the freedom and independence
of this and the other United States of America at the
utmost risk of our lives and fortunes."

193

ITS HISTORT

THE SIGNING

M:KEAN maintains that " no person signed "
the Declaration on July 4th; and his views,
as set forth in^ a letter* to Messrs. Wm.
M'Corkle & Son and in a letter^ to John Adams, were
published in Niles^ Weekly Register (N) of June 28 and
July 12*, respectively, 18 17. The latter letter, written
in January, 18 14, when, as he himself declares, his sight
was fading fast, though his writing might not discover
it, says :

[Qy] I will give you an historical fact respecting the declara-
tion of Independence, which may amuse, if not surprize.

in the

On the I? of July 1776 the question was taken by^ com-
mittee of the whole of Congress, when Pennsylvania, represented
by seven members then present, voted against it ; 4 to 3 ; among
the majority were Robert Morris & John Dickinson. Delaware
having only two present, namely myself & M' Read, was
divided : all ^ the other States voted in favor of it. The report
was delayed until the 4'!* ^ and in the mean time I sent an express ^
for Caesar Rodney ® to Dover in the county of Kent in Dela-
ware, at my private expence, whom I met at the State-house door
on the 4^ of July in his boots ® ; he resided eighty miles from the
city, and just arrived as Congress met. The question was taken,
Delaware voted in favor of Independence ^^, Pennsylvania there be-
ing only five members present. Mess? Dickinson ^ & Morrisea ^

'3 193

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

absent voted also for it ; Mess? Willing & Humphries ^ were
i^inst it. Thus the thirteen Sutes were unanimous ^^ in favor
of Indepence. Notwithstanding this, in the printed public jour-
nal of Congress for 1776, voL 2, it appears, that the Declaration

of Independence was •signed' on the 4^ of July 1776 by the
Gentlemen, whose names are there inserted ^, whereas no person
signed * it on that day, and among the names there inserted, one
gentleman, namely Geoige Read Esquire, was not in fiivor of it ;
and seven were not in Congress on that day, namely Mess?
Morris, Rush, Clymer, Smith, Taylor & Ross, all of Pennsyl-
vania, and Ml Tliomton of New-Hampshire ; nor were the six
Gentlemen last named members of Congress on the 4^ of July.
The five for Pennsylvania were appointed Delegates by the Con-
vention of that State on the 20^ July, and M^ Thornton took
Us seat in Congress for the first time on the 4^ November
following: when the names of Heniy Wisner^ of New- York
and Thomas M^ICean^ of Delaware, are not printed as sub-
scribers, tho' both were present in Congress on the 4^ of July
& voted for Independence.

Here fidse colours are certainly hung out ; there is culpability
somewhere : what I have heard as an explanation is as follows ;
when the declaration was voted, it was ordered to be ingrossed
on parchment and then signed, and that a few days afterw'ff a
resolution was entered ^^ on the secret journal, that no person
should have a seat in Congress during that year until he should
have signed the declaration of independence. After the 4V* ^
July I was not in congress for several months^, having marched
with a regiment of associators as Colonel to support General
Washington, until the flying camp of ten thousand men was com-
pleted. When the associators were discharged, I returned to
Philadelphia, took my seat in Congress & signed my name to
the declaration on parchment.^ This transaction should be truly
stated, and the then secret journal should be made public. In

194

ITS HISTORT

the manuscript journal, Mt Pickering, then Secretary of State, and
myself saw a printed half sheet oi paper ^, with the names of the
members afterwards in the printed journals stitched in. We ex-
amined the parchment where my name is signed in my own
hand-writing. —

JefFerson's noteSy however, say :

^ the debates having taken up the greater parts of the 2? 3^ & 4?
days of July were, in the evening of the last, closed ^ the declara-
tion was reported by the cominee ^, agreed to by the house and

present :I7

signed by every member^except in? Dickinson.

Indeed, in a letter to Samuel W. Wells, written (in
1 8 19) two years after the publication^ of the letters of
M:Kean, he quotes these notes and says that the Dec-
laration " was signed by every member present, except
mr Dickinson ", on July 4th.

Wells, at Boston, had written him, under date of April
14th : " [S] The imperfect record of the proceedings of
the congresses prior to the Declaration of Independencei
has buried in obscurity much important information . . .
Thus we are taught to believe that the question of the
declaration was passed unanimously ; but by mr Gal-
loways examination before a Committee of the British
parliament on American affairs, an account of which was
published in London in 1779, it appears: ^That the
debates lasted nearly a fortnight and when the question
was put, six Colonies divided against six ; the delegates
for Pennsylvania being also divided, the question re-
mained undecided. However, one of the members of
that colony who had warmly opposed it being wrought
up by mr [Samuel] Adams' art, changed his opinion^

19s

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

ftnd upon the question the next day tt was carried in the
•ffirmative by a single vote only.* This is a very differ-
entaccount from that given in the printed journals, which
we know to be incorrect pardcuUrly as it respects the
time when it is stated to have been passed aad the signa-
tures attached to it ... It has been stated . . . That
on die question of the Declaration of Independence, he
[Samuel Adams] spoke several hours, and that the argu-
ments he adduced in its support were so cogent and con-
clunve, that he brought over some of those who were
agunst it, and tiiereby secured its success } These as-
sertions were made by the late Judge Pune. — "

Jefferson's letter", dated Monticdio, May lath, is
ts follows:

[P] Ao lAnmce of tmne time at an occauonal and dutant
residence mutt apologiie for the delay in acknodging the recdpt
ni your fvrot of Apr. 12. and candor obl^es me to add that k
has been somewhat extended by an aversion to writing, a< well
at to calls on my memory for lacts so much obliterated from it by
time as to lessen my own confidence in the traces which seem
to remain . . .

I will now proceed to your quotation from rnf Galloway's
statement of what passed in Congress on their declaration of
independance in which statement there is not one word of truth,
and where bcaring^rcsemblance to truth, it is an entire perversion
of it. I do not charge this on mr Galloway himself, his deser-
tion having taken place* long before these measures, he doubt-
less" received his information from some of the loyal friends
he left behind him, but as yourself as well as others appear
embarrassed by inconsistent accounts of the proceedings on that
memorable occasion, and as those ^ who have endeavored to
restore the truth have themselves committed some errors, I will

.96

ITS HIS TORT

give you some extracts from a written document^ on that
subject ; for the truth of which I pledge myself to heaven and
earth; having, while the question of Independance was under
consideration before Congress, taken written notes, in my seat^
of what was passing, and reduced them to form on the final
conclusion. I have now before me that paper, from which the
following are extracts.

*On Friday the 7^* of June 1776. the delegates from Vii^nia
moved, in obediance to instructions from their constituents, that
the Congress should declare that these United colonies are, and
of right ought to be, free & independant states ; that they are
absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, & that all
political connection between them and the state of Gr. Britain
is, & ought to be totally dissolved; that measures should be
immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers,
and a Confederation be formed to bind the colonies more closely
together, the house being obliged to attend at that time to some
other business, the proposition was referred to the next day when
the members were ordered to attend punctually at ten oclock.
Saturday June 8. they proceeded to take it into consideration,
and referred it to a committee of the whole, into which they
immediately resolved themselves, & passed that day and Monday
the 10^!^ in debating on the subject.

It appearing in the course of these debates that the colonies
of New York, New Jersey, Pensylva, Delaware, Maryland &
South Carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent
stem, but that they were fast advancing to that state, it was
thought most prudent to wait awhile for them, and to postpone
the finel decision to July i. but, that this might occasion as little
delay as possible, a committee was appointed to prepare a Declara-
tion of Independance. the committee were J. Adams. Df f^rank-
lin, Roger Sherman, Robert R. Livingston and myself, this was
reported to the house on Friday the 28'!^ of June when it was

197

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

read and ordered to He on the table, on Monday the i^ of July
the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and ,
resumed the consideration of the original motion made by the
delegates of Virginia, which being again debated thro' the day,
was carried in the affirmative by the votes of N. Hampshire,
Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode-island, N. Jersey, Maryland,
Virginia, N. Carolina and Georgia. South Carolina and PensyU
vania voted against it. Delaware having but two members pres-
ent, they were divided, the delegates from N. York declared
they were for it themselves, and were assured their constituents
were for it; but that their instructions having been drawn near
a twclve-monih before, when reconciliation was still the genera!
object, they were enjoined by them to do nothing which should
impede that object, they therefore thought themselves not
justifiable in voting on either side, & aslced leave to withdraw
from the question, which was given them, the Committee rose,
and reported their resolution to the house. nTr Rutlege of S. m
Carolina then requested the determination might be put of j
to the next day, as he believed his colleagues, the' they disap-
proved of the resolution, would then join in it for the sake of
unanimity, the ultimate question whether the House would agree
to the resolution of the Committee was accordingly postponed
to the next day, when it was again moved & South Carolina
concurred in voting for it, in the meantime a 3'' member had
come post from the Delaware counties, and turned the vote
of that colony in favor of the resolution, members of a difFer-
ent sentiment attending that morning from Pensylvania also,
their vote was changed; so that the whole 12. colonies, who
were authorised to vote at all, gave thdr votes for it, and
within a few days [July 9.]" the convention of N. York
approved of it, and thus supplied the void occasioned by the with-
drawing of their delegates from the vote.' [be careful that to ob-
serve that this vacillation and vote was on the original motion of
198

ITS HIS TORT

the 7^ of June by the Virginia delegates that Congress should de-
clare the colonies independant.] ^ Congress proceeded the same
day to consider the Declaration of Independance which had been
reported and laid on the table the Friday preceding, and on Mon-
day referred to a Committee of the whole, the pusillanimous idea
that we had friends in England worth keeping terms with, still
haunted the minds of many, for this reason those passages which
conveyed censures on the people of England were struck out,
lest they should give them offence. — the debates having taken
up the greater parts of the 2I 3*! and 4*? days of July, were, in
the evening of the last, closed : the Declaration was reported by
the Committee, agreed to by the House, and signed by every

preaent

member^except mr Dickinson.' so far my notes.

Governor M?Kean^, in his letter" to MsCorkle of July [June]
16. 1817. has thrown some lights on the transactions of that day :
but trusting to his memory chiefly at an age when our memories
are not to be trusted, he has confounded two questions, and as-
cribed proceedings to one which belonged to the other, these
two questions were i. the Virginia motion which wao voted oi»
that day, of June 7. to declare independance, and 2. the actual
Declaration, its matter and form, thus he states the question on
= the declaration itself as decided on the i* of July — but it

was the Virginia motion which was voted on that day in commit-
then
tee of the whole; = South Carolina, as well as Pensylvania^voting

against it. but the ultimate decision in the House on the report
of the committee being by request postponed to the next morn-
ing, all the states voted for it, except New York, whose vote was
delayed for the reason before stated, it was not till the 2lof July
that the Declaration itself was taken up ; nor till the 4*^ that it
was decided ; and it was signed by every ^ member present *,
except mr Dickinson.

The subsequent signatures of members who were not then
present, and some of them not yet in office, is easily explained, if

199

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

we observe who they were ; to wit that they were of N. Yorfc
and Pcnsylvania. N. York"* did not sign till the is'!"*" because
it was not till the g"?" (S-days after the general signature) that
their Convention authorised them to do so. the Convention of
Pensyivania, learning that it had been signed by a minority *^ only
of their delegates, named a new delegation*^ on the 20'!' leaving
out** iSr Dickinson who had refused** to sign, Willing*® &
Humphreys who had withdrawn, reappointing the 3. members
who had signed, Morris who had not been present '% & 5 new
ones, to wit, Rush, Clymer, Smith, Taylor & Ross: and Morris
and the 5 new members were permitted to sign**, because it
manifested the assent of their full delegation, and the express
will of their convention, which might have been doubted on the
former signature of a minority only, why the signature** of
Thornton of New Hampshire was permitted so late as the 4'!' of
November, I cannot now say ; but undoubtedly for some particular
reason ^j which we should find to have been good had it been
expressed, these were the only" post-signers, and you see, Sir,
that there were solid reasons for receiving those of N. York and
Pensyivania, and„this circumstance, in no wise affects the faith of
this Declaratory charter of our rights, and of the rights of man.

With a view to correct errors of fact before they become in-
veterate by repetition, I have stated what I find essentially ma-
terial in my papers, but with that brevity which the labor of
writing constrains me to use.

Wells writes again, June 2d : " [S] The information
which you were so kind as to communicate to me . . .
has explained some circumstances that were confused and
mysterious; among them is the fact that mr R. R. Liv-
ingston who was one of the committee selected to draft
the declaration, was not among the number of its signers ;
and it 13 still rather a singular occurrcDcej that he should

ITS HISTORT

have consented to be one of a Committee, whose pro-
ceedings he did not conceive that the instructions of his
constituents would authorize him to approve of. The
error into which governor M'Kean had fallen on this
subject, may also have been, in part, that of mr Galloway,
viz. the confounding of the declaratiotiy with the motion
for independence. Your letter informs me, that in the
course of the debates this motion that six Colonies ' were
not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but as
they were fast advancing to that state, it was thought
prudent to wait awhile for them, and to postpone the
final decision to July i.' Although it does not appear
by this, that a vote was taken upon the question at this
time yet, I conclude there must have been as I cannot
see how the state of opinion could otherwise be accurately
obtained • . . If this be fact, it must be true, that the
motion for independence was passed by a majority of one
vote only. Before I had seen the statement of mr Gallo-
way, I had been informed by many persons who yet live,
of some remarks that were made by the late Judges Paine
and Chase of nearly the same import, as it regarded my
grandfather, and I concluded that mr Galloway had
nearly given the particulars of the case. But he was evi-
dently wrong in stating that the vote which was deter-
mined in favor of the question, was that of Pennsylvania.
It may have been Georgia, or North Carolina. If, there-
fore, this question in its first stage^ was determined by the
vote of one Colony, it may have been effected by the
vote of one delegate of any particular Colony that may
have been equally divided, and this vote obtained as he
states, by the exertions of some member, who was par-

20X

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

dculariy ardent in its fsTor. If, then, either Georgia, o
North Carolina, which are the only two Colonics that
can think it probable any division of sendment existe
(In''] had been named instead of Pennsylrania, mr Gallc
ways stattment could then hare been reconciled to youn
which must be considered the only standard . . . Th
punting" executed by c»l. Trumbull, representing th
Coi^ress at the declaration of independence, will, I feai
bare a tendency to' obscure thehistory of the event whic
ic is designed to commemorate ... I oinfess, that I ar
not a litde surprised at the fiivorable reception, which thi
badly executed performance has met, fiom the public.
will frankly avow that I was much disappointed at nc
findii^ it (according to my idea) executed in a styl
irordiy of the sut^ect. I expressed my opinions wit
freedom on the work, through the medium of the newj
papers under the signature of Historkus ... It was b
inresdgatii^ this subject, that I discovered the discrepar
des in the printed journals, of Congress on this memora
ble event . . ."

To this, Jefferson responds, June 23d : " [P] yoi
suppose that the fact that six colonies were not yet ma
tured for a separation from the parent stock could no
have been known unless a vote had been taken, yet noth
ing easier, for the opinion of every individual was knowi
to every one who had anxiety enough on the subject ti
scrutinise and calculate, there was neither concealmen
nor reserve on the subject on either side ; and how th
vote of each colony would be, if then pushed to a vot
was exactly ascertainable ... I certainly will not, oi
the authority of memory alone affirm facts in oppositioj

ITS HISTORT

to nf? Galloway, judge MfKain, or any one else, but
what I wrote on the paper from which I sent extracts to
you, was written on the spot, in the moment, and is true ;
and all that remains is to reconcile to that the contra-
dictions of others . . • Galloway can be no better
authority than the common herd of passengers in the
streets, he knew nothing but the rumors of hearsay:
for he had quitted us long before, and mr MfKain
was very old, and his memory much decayed when he
gave his statement. The painting lately executed by
Col? Trumbull, I have never seen . . ."

On August 6, 1822, he adds to the copy of his first
letter to Wells the following :

[S] P. S. Aug. 6.^'since the date of this letter, to wit this
day Aug. 6. 22 I receive the new publication of the Secret

of J11I7 19. 1776

Journals of Congress, wherein 4^ is stated a Resoln^that the
Declaration passed on the 4^ be fairly engrossed on parchment,
and when engrossed, be signed by every member, and another
of Aug. 2. that being engrossed and compared at the table was
signed by the members, that is to say the copy engrossed on
parchment (for durability) was signed by the members after being
compared at the table with the original one signed on paper ^ as
before stated^. I add this P. S. to the copy of my letter to
t^T Wells to prevent confounding the signature of the original
with that of the copy engrossed on parchment.

These contradictory statements of M:Kean and Jeffer-
son — both of whom were present in Congress on July
4th — have very naturally given rise to much dispute
and many lengthy arguments."

Our own opinion is that Jefferson is mistaken.

203

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Neither the rough^ nor the corrected^ Journal mei
tions any signing on July 4th ; nor does the printed corf
of the Declaration wafered into the rough Journal (excel
that of the President) or the Declaration as embodied J
the corrected ]ouTna.\ show the name of a single member^

The secret domestic Journal (also formerly in the Da
partment of State but now in the Library of Congress) -
beginning with June 7th — contains no entries whatex
except for June 24th and July 8th, i ith, 17th and igtl
nor thence''* until November 27th : and the entry for t
19th only^ bears upon the subject of independence.

This entry "", evidently in the handwriting of Thomson
is as follows :

[S] July 19. 1776
+

[The following is along the left margin of the p^
lengthwise, from top to bottom:]

4- @ grossed on parchment with the title and stile of

Unanimous Declaration of the 13 United States of America
and that the same when engrossed be signed by every member
of Congress. —
''N PAug. 2. 1776. The declaration of Independence being engrossed
& compared at [he table was signed by the Members.

Indeed, we believe that the greater portion (of the
statements of fact) of page y*^ of Jefferson's notes was not
based upon anything as taken "in my seat" "while the
question of Independance was under consideration before
Congress," but that it was composed from memory, or
from memory and the printed Journal, at the time (the
exact date of which we do not know") of reducing them

ITS HISTORT

** to form on the final conclusion "• We believe espe-
cially that " and signed by every member * except nf?
Dickinson " was a general statement, not carefully con-
sidered or in any way investigated.

More than this, we believe that, ify at the time of
reducing the notes " to form", Jefferson had in mind that
the Declaration was signed on parchment on August 2d
and was not simply following what he might readily take
to be the meaning of the printed Journal, he wrote the
words "and signed" without any intention that they
should be governed by the words " in the evening of
the last"^; and that his Declaration "on paper"
(August 6, 1822) was the result of his perusal of the
printed secret domestic Journal — showing that the Decla--
ration on parchment was signed on August 2d — and of the
necessity to make his letter of May 12, 18 19, to Wells
conform to this fact.

Certain it is that he first mentioned a Declaration " on
paper" on the slip^ which he added to th^ notes after
the writing of this letter to Wells and in the above post-
script to the letter.

Moreover, John Adams writes* — to Chase from
Philadelphia, July 9th — but five days after the adoption of
the Declaration : " [QyC] As soon as an American Seal is
prepared, I conjecture the Declaration will be subscribed
by all the Members, which will give you the Opportu-
nity you wish " for, of transmitting your Name, among
the Votaries of Independence."

Also, Gerry — who, as we shall see, John Adams
writes, Monday, July 15th, "Setts off, tomorrow, for
Boston," after the Declaration had become unanimous

205

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

fay the stncdoB of New Toric — tvrites, to Samuel and
JdiB Adama from Kingsbridge, July 21st : " [SA] I
have been fullj em{dojred aince Thursday Noon in ob-
tainilig some Knowledge of y* State of y' Army & con-
6nu^ w^ y* different Corps of Officers from y' General
to y' Field Officers, & have y* pleasure to inform You
that diey appear to be in high Spirits for Action & agree
tn- Sentiments that y* Men are as firm & determined as
they wish them to be, having in View since y' Declara-
tion of Independence an Object that they are ready to
contend for, an Ol^ect that they will chearfuUy pursue at
y* Risque of Life & every valuable Enjoyment ... It
seems that Lord Howe ia sorry that he did not arrive
a Day or two before & thinks he could have prevented
y* Deckratn c^ Independence . . . Pray subscribe for
me y* Declaration of Independence if y' same is to be
signed as proposed. I think We ought to have y' privi-
iege when necessarily absent of voting and signing by
proxy." ^

The fiicts, too, that the New York delegation were^^
not authorized — on July 4th — to vote at all upon the
question of independence, that the broadsides printed
in July, 1776, do not bear the names of signers and
that the authenticated copy of the Declaration printed
by order of Congress bears the signatures (except
M :Kean's) of those who signed the Declaration oh
parchment speak strongly agdnst any signing on that
day.

John Adams himself, however, in a letter to™ Mercy
Warren, written at Quincy, February a, 1814", and refer-
ring to M:Kean's letter to him of January (1814), says
S06

ITS HISTORT

(though perhaps he" was led so to state by misreading"
the printed Journal): "[QyC] I send you a curiosity.
Mr M Kean, is mistaken in a day or two, the final vote
for Independence after the last debate, was passed on the
2°** or third of July, and the declaration prepared, and
signed on the 4*^ What are we to think of history ?
when in less than 40 years, such diversities appear in the
memories of living persons who were witnesses. After
noting what you please, I pray you to return ''* the letter,
I should like to communicate^*^ it to Gerry, Paine, and
Jefferson, to stir up their pure minds. The unanimity
of the nation in Independence, so modestly boasted now,
by the tories, is too gross to impose upon all."

Also, Franklin, under date of July 4, 1786, writes, to
Mrs. Jane Mecom : "[X] There is much rejoicing in
town to-day, it being the anniversary of the Declaration
of Independence, which we signed this day ten years,
and thereby hazarded lives and fortunes."

Also, there is now in the New York Public Library
(Lenox) a copy of the Journal of Congress for 1776
« PRINTED AND SOLD BY R. AITKEN, BOOK-
SELLER, FRONT-STREET, M,DCC,LXXVII "
which contains the following marginal notes in ink, after
the following printed names respectively :

Matthew Thornton, signed [?]

A=:i77=

William Floyd,

William rioya, -\
Philip Livingston, V signed
Francis Lewis, J July i

Lewis Morris.

807

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

On a slip of paper pasted on the inside of the first cover,
in the handwriting of Paul Leicester Ford, is the follow-
ing : "Charles Thomson's own copy of the Journal of
Congress, with autographic notes on fly leaves in his hand-
writing and two very important marginal notes, relating
to the Declaration of Independence, at p. 245 P. L, F."

An examination of these "notes on fly leaves" indi-
cates that some, and perhaps all, are in the handwriting
of Thomson, as stated ; but the " two very important
marginal notes," if in Thomson's handwriting, were evi-
dently written by him when advanced in years: and wc
know that he lived until August i6, 1824.

The question whether M:Kean or Jefferson is right
does not afl^ect, however, the signing^" of the Declaration
en parchment '" — now in the Department of State.

The Journal tells us that Congress, on July 19th,

Resolved '^ That the Declaration^be fairly engrossed on parch-
ment with the title and stile of " The unanimous declaration of
the thincen united states of America " & that the same when ^
engrossed be signed by every member of Congress. ^9

and that, on August 2d '*,

*'The declaration of independance being enerossed & com-
pared^ at the ubie was tigned

Jared Sparks relates" the following anecdote "re-
specting an incident which took place when the members
were about to sign the Declaration. ' We must be
unanimous,' said Hancock; 'there must be no pulling
different ways ; we must all hang together.* ' Yes,'

^Tr

•T - ■ ■_ • • ■- s • » w : . r a

■: : : ■ • "»^ : ■: : ,-. ^ - o : * . ; ^C

, A ikitM

'^ fill

rSt^m

^K>?

ITS HISTORT

replied Franklin, *we must, indeed, all hang together,
or most assuredly we shall all hang separately/ "

Hancock doubtless® was the first ^ to sign. "He
wrote his name where all nations should behold it, and
all time should not efface it." Watson says: "[V]
When John Hancock signed his name, he did it in a large
strong hand, and rising from his seat, said, ^ There!
John Bull can read my name without spectacles, and may
now double his reward of ^500 for my head. That is
my defiance.' '* ^

Hopkins' signature, on the contrary, is very infirm —
a fact which has given rise to the belief that he trembled
with fear. Sanderson says, however, that he was
afflicted with the shaking palsy and that he scarcely
ever wrote at all.®

Charles Carroll of Carrollton, says John Adams in his
letter of February 18, 1776, "is ... a gentleman of
independent fortune, perhaps the largest in America —
a hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand pounds
sterling ; educated in some university in France, though
a native of America, of great abilities and learning, com-
plete master of the French language, and a professor of
the Roman Catholick religion, yet a warm, a firm, a
zealous supporter of the rights of America, in whose
cause he has hazarded his all." It does not seem
strange, therefore, that Sanderson writes: "[B] Mr.
Hancock . . . during a conversation with Mr. Carroll,
asked him if he would sign it [the Declaration]. * Most
willingly,' was the reply, and taking a pen, he at once
put his name to the instrument. * There goes a few

millions,' said one of those who stood by ; and all present
14 209

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

at the time agreed, that in point of fortune, few risked
more than Charles Carroll of Carrollton." " The story
often repeated and as often denied," writes^ Kate Mason
Rowland, " that Charles Carroll added ' of Carrollton ' to
his signature, when jestingly reminded by one of hia
colleagues that there were others of his name in Mary- |
land, and he would therefore incur little risk [unless he J
added these words], though a pretty legend is, of course,
not tenable as history. It has been seen that Charles 1
Carroll had signed himself as ' of Carrollton '** from the |
time of his return to America in 1765."

All of those who appear as subscribers to the Declara-
tion on parchment, however, did not sign on this day— 11
August 2d.

Thornton cannot have signed before November 4.th f
for only then he appeared in Congress and produced
his credentials. He was not elected even until Septem-
ber 12th. He took the place of Langdon.*^

M:Kean also was a poj/-signer; for Carsar Rodney
writes "', from Philadelphia to Thomas Rodney (?), August
8th : " [Tr] Mf M^Kean is Yet in the Jerseys, and not
likely soon to return . . ."

Indeed, M:Kean himself writes, to Alexander J.
Dallas ", August 4, 1796 : " I had not heard that the
Instrument had been engrossed on parchment and signed
until some weeks after I returned from Camp, and (I
believe) until I returned from Newcastle, where I had
been employed some weeks, as a member of the Con-
vention chosen to form a new Government for that
State ; but I subscribed my name to it in the presence
of the Congress sometime in the year 1776."

ITS HISTORT

The exact date ^ of his signing, however, has never
been ascertained.

Gerry ^ too was absent on August 2d.

John Adams writes, from Philadelphia, to his wife, July
I5th^: " [Qy] My very deserving Friend, M' Gerry,
Setts off, tomorrow, for Boston, worn out of Health,
by the Fatigues of this station — He is an excellent
Man, and an active able statesman. I hope he will
soon return hither.'* Four days later, Joseph Trumbull
writes from New York, to Hancock : " Mr. Gerry is
here — better than when he left Philadelphia " ; and, on
the 25th, he writes from the same place, to Samuel and
John Adams : " [SA] Our Friend M' Gerry left us on
Sunday in pretty good Health — " On the 25th, also, at
8 o'clock in the evening, Mifflin — at "[S]Camp on
Mount Washington" — writes, to Washington: "I have
this Minute received a Letter from M' Gerry at Norwalk
on his way to Boston." The next day (Friday), (Jona-
than) Trumbull writes from Lebanon, to Williams : " Mr,
Gerry keeps Sabbath here."

Gerry himself — on his way back — writes, from Hart-
ford, to Gates, August 24th : " [NY] I am here on my
Journey to Philadelphia, from which I have been absent
about a Month for Health . . ." He was chosen upon
a committee on September 20th.

Wolcott was another absentee.

He left Philadelphia probably*^ on June 27th ; "••In

a letter to his brother-in-law, Deputy-Governor Matthew

Griswold, dated New York, July i . . . [he wrote] : * I

am on my way home for the recovery of my health ^ and

to see my family : for three weeks past* have been much

211

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

unwell, owing, I suppose, to a too long confined way of
living.' " ; and he arrived home doubtless** on July 4th.

On August ijth, Trumbull writes, from Lebanon to
Washington; " [S] Immediately upon receipt of your
Letter [dated the 7th] I Summoned my Council of Safety,
and Ordered Nine Regiments of our Militia in addition
to the Five Western Regiments, Fourteen in the whole
to march without loss of Time and join you, under the
Coriiand of Oliver Wolcott Esq' Col° of the Regi-

ment as their Brigadier General, who is appointed and
Commissioned to that OfEce " ; and, two days later,
Wolcott — at Litchfield — replies : " I shall most cheer-
fully render my country every service in my power, and
am sorry my health is not better to go through the duties
of a military life, and more so that my inexperience and
want of knowledge in this service are so very consider-
able . . ."

He returned to Philadelphia on October ist, as shown
by a letter from him of that date from that city to his
wife: "[MsS] This morning 1 arrived safe in this City,
with as much Health as when I left Home, tho* a little
fatigued with a long Journey."

Indeed, Lewis Morris, R. H. Lee ™ and Wythe "" also
had left Philadelphia and had not yet returned.

Morris, as we have seen "", was in attendance upon the
Convention of New York upon August ad.

Lee doubtless'"" departed on June 13th.

His purpose seems to have been to attend upon the
Convention.™ At least, we hear of him there on June
a^th'"* ; and he was in attendance there certainly also
on July ist, 3d and 5th. On the last day, the Con-

ITS HISTORT

vention adjourned to the first Monday of October. In
fact, he himself writes from Williamsburg, to Samuel
Adams, on July 6th : " [SA] A fortnights stay here has
enabled me to assist my Countrymen in finishing our
form of Government . . . Surely the great business of
Independance and Foreign Alliance is rightly determined
before now — I shall be rejoiced to hear it . • . I leave
this place today for Chantilly, where I shall remain until
the last of August when I sett out for Congress."

On the 15th ^^ of July, Samuel Adams writes to him,
from Philadelphia: "[A] Pray hasten your Journey
hither — your Country most pressingly solicists, or will
you allow me to say, demands your Assistance here " ;
on the next day, Francis Lightfoot Lee writes to him
from the same city : " [N] I have written you every
post, since you left this • . . The 11-** of next month
Col? Harrison & Braxton are no longer delegates & as
Mr JeflFerson is determined to go home then, we shall
be without a representation, unless you join us. we have
not heard when Ml Wythe intends to be here. I have
now got a very good house, near the State house, in
which you may have choice of good rooms well fiir-
nished, except with beds, as we have but one, it is neces-
sary we shoud know as soon as possible when to expect
you, that we may provide for you. We have this house
certainly till the last of Oct! & a chance for the winter";
and, on the 30th ^^, Chase also writes fi-om Philadelphia
to him — " [A] at Chantilly" : "Your Letter of the 14
Inst: followed Me to this City, and your other favour
of the 21? was delivered by yesterdays Post."

Meanwhile, on July 21st, and evidently before any of

313

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

tbesc letten wis recOTed* Lee, at ChantiUy, writes also
to Jeflfenon i ** [S] Our Friend MI Wythe proposes to
me fay letter diat I meet him at H«oes Ferry the 3"! of
Septsmber, and I have i^reed to do so, unless some
frening caU takes me to Congress sooner. Can yoa
Innre patience so long ^l'*

On July a^th, still at Chantilly, he ref^es to Samuel
Adams' letter: "[SA] I am much oblige to you for
your favor by last ^ost ... I hope to be «ith you soon
lAer the middte of August"

Jefferson writes to Page, August 5th : ** [Tr] Colo Lee
■being unable to attend here till the ao''' itnt. I am und^
the punfnl necessity of putting off my departure . . ."

On the aotii of August, Lee was at Belle View ; for,
on that day, he writes dience, to Henry: "[Q] I am
then fiur OD my way to Congress, having been sometime
ddsyed by the slowness of the Workman that made
My Carriage iriieels, the old bang quite shattered and

Indeed, Jefferson writes, as late as August 26th :
"[Ms] Colo Lee being not yet come I am still here,
& suppose I shall not get away till about this day se'n-
night'** I shall see you in Williamsburgh the morning
of the Assembly " ; though Lee must have arrived in Phil-
adelphia that same or the next day, for the Journal shows
that he was chosen upon a committee on August 27th.

Wythe would seem to have departed with Lee. As
shown by Jefferson's notes, he was in Congress on either
June 8th or loth or on both days.

Certainly as early as June agth (and on July 1st, 2d,
4th and 5th), however, he was in Williamsburg, in attend-

ITS HISTORT

ance upon the Convention. Indeed, four days later (July
9th), Pendleton — writing from "Caroline" — asks Jeffer-
son to let him know the cost of some wire which Jeffer-
son had purchased for him, " [S] that I may remit it by
Mr. Wythe"; on the 20th, Page — evidently at Wil-
liamsburg — speaks of Wythe as though present ; and,
on the 27th, Wythe himself writes from Williamsburg,
to Jefferson : " [S] I had not reached this place before
the appointment [June 20th] of delegates. An attempt
to alter it as to you was made in vain^^ ... I have
directed a carriage to meet me at Hooe's Ferry the third
of September."

On September 14th, Bartlett writes from Philadelphia,
to Whipple : " Mr. Wythe is come to Congress."

Stockton also, it seems likely, was elsewhere when, in
the main, the Declaration on parchment was signed ; for,
on July 19th, he writes from Trenton, to Jefferson:
" [S] Upon my arrival at this place I waited upon
the New Jersey Convention — and proposed to them
the agreeing to furnish 2000 men far the increase of the
flying Camp • . ." We know, however, that he was
chosen upon a committee in Congress on August 9th.

It even is possible that Gwinnett did not sign on the
2d ; for the Journal for that day says that Congress
" Resolved that M' Walton be appointed a member of
the marine committee in the room of M' Gwinnet, who
is absent." It is not at all unlikely, however, that he
signed with the others and absented himself later in the
day. At least, he must have signed on or about the 2d :
for John Adams' debates show that he was present in
Congress on July 26th ; Thomas Jones writes to James

aiS

Iredell from Halifax, N. C, Jugust ijlk: "[I] As to
news from the North, the following is nearly the sub-
stance, and which may be depended upon, as I had it
from Mr. Gwinet, a countryman of ours from Glouces-
tershire on his return from the Continental Congress,
of which he is one of the delegates for the State of
Georgia"; and Charles C. Jones, Jr., says"" that, on
August 30th, Gwinnett presented to the Council of
Safety, in Georgia, certified copies of certain resolution*'
passed by Congress on July 24th, that he became
member of the Council on October 7th, that he w
elected President of the new government (of Geoi^ia)
on March 4, 1777, and that he engaged in a duel tn
May and died a few days later from the wound he then
received. Indeed, — though the Convention, on Octo-
ber 9th {1776), reelected Houston, Lyman Hall, Gwin-
nett and Walton and elected Nathan Brownson — only
Hall and Walton signed the following letter, dated De-
cember loth, to Hancock: " [S] We have received
accounts ai our reappointment to represent the state of
Georgia in Congress, and will be ready to take our seats
in a day or two '" ", and we find no record of the attend-
ance upon Congress of Gwinnett following July 26th.

Nor arc we certain (though it is probable'") that Wil-
liams had arrived by the 2d; for Charles J. Hoadly
writes'": "William Williams chained for attending
Congress from July 2a to Nov. ai, 1776, 123 days.
These are the dates of his setting out from home and
of his return again; for on July 22 he was in Hart-
ford, on his way to Philadelphia, and gave a receipt
to the Treasurer of the Colony for money advanced.
ai6

ITS HIS TORT

November 21, he was agdn in Hartford and attended
a meeting of the Council of Safety."

Paine also may not have signed with (most of) the
others ; for John Adams writes"*, to James Warren, July
27th : " [J] Mr. Paine has been very ill for this whole
week, and remains in a bad way. He has not been able
to attend Congress for several days, and if I was to judge
by his eye, his skin, and his cough, I should conclude
he never would be fit to do duty there again, without
a long intermission . . . Mr. S. Adams ^^, between you
and me, is completely worn out • . . My ^** case is
worse . . ."

That Heyward too may possibly have been absent on
August 2d would perhaps suggest itself to one reading
the proceedings of the Assembly of South Carolina, sit-
ting at Charleston, of September 30th; for they say:
'Mt being suggested to the House, that upon a suppo-
sition that the seat of the Honourable Thomas Hey-
ward became vacant in consequence of his being absent
from this State as a Delegate at the Continental Con-
gress, a new Representative for Charles-Town was elected
in his room, and that such proceeding was irregular and
invalid, it was, therefore, moved and seconded, that the
House do resolve that Mr. Heyward has a right to take
his seat, notwithstanding the said election. And it
was resolved accordingly." A letter to the Committee
of Safety of North Carolina, dated Philadelphia, Sep-
tember 3d, signed by Hooper, Hewes and Penn, says,
however: "[NC] From the Newspapers, aided with the
information which you will receive' from our friend M'

Heyward . . ." ; from which "^ it would appear that

217

J>ECLARJTTON OF INDEPENDENCE

"Heyward was the bearer of the letter and, therefore,
cannot have left Philadelphia before September 3d.
Beyond question, he was still present on September
4th ; and he then purposed to leave on the 5th."*

Jefferson's letter to Page of July 20th "' raises a doubt
also as to Braxton's presence in Congress on August 2d ;
but we think, in view of all of the circumstances'*', that he
probably did not leave for Virginia until after that day.

Indeed, since 55 members besides the President signed
the Declaration on parchment, Jefferson's notes would
seem to indicate the probable (though not certain) absenq
on August id of still others. The notes say :
on the 30"? & 31!' of that month [July] & i? of the ensuing,

ihose articles were debated which . . . the first of these articles

Mr Chase moved . , ,

Mr John Adams observed . . .

Mr Wilson said . . ,

£i. P>T>e . . ."<

D^ With«spoon was of opinion . ■

The other article . . .

cles

July 30. 31. Aug.t.^ Mr Chase observed . . .
D: Franklin . . .
D? Withcrspoon opposed . , .
John Adams advocated . . .
Mr Harrison proposed . , .
Dr Rush took notice . , .
Mr Hopkins observed . . .
Mr Wilson thought , , .

John Adams* debates show only that Jefferson, Sher-
man, Chase, Wilson, (Lyman) Hall» Heyward and
3 18

ITS HISTORT

Hopkinson^^ spoke on July 25th; (Edward) Rutledge,
Lynch ^^, Gwinnett, Jefferson, Braxton, Wilson, Wal-
ton, Stone, Witherspoon, Chase and Sherman on the
26th; Franklin, Witherspoon, Clark, Wilson, Chase,
Lynch and (Edward) Rutledge on the 30th ; Hooper,
Franklin, Middleton, Sherman, Rush, Witherspoon and
Hopkins on August ist; and Sherman, Chase, Harrison,
Huntington, Stone and Jefferson on the 2d.

The Journal for July 25th shows only that Jefferson,
Wilson and Sherman were chosen upon a committee and
that Congress resolved itself into a committee of the
whole and that Harrison was chairman; for the 26th
only that Congress resolved itself into a committee of
the whole and that Morton was chairman ; for the 29th
only that Clark was chosen upon a committee and that
Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole
and that Morton was chairman ; for the 30th only that
Harrison, Samuel Adams and Lynch were chosen upon
a committee and that Congress resolved itself into
a committee of the whole and that Morton was chair-
man ; for the 3 ist and for August ist only that Congress
resolved itself into a committee of the whole and that
Morton was chairman ; and for the 2d only that Walton
was chosen upon a committee " in the room of M' Gwin-
net, who is absent" and that Congress resolved itself
into a committee of the whole and that Morton was
chairman.

ai9

THE Declaration changed a war of principle — m
defensive war, a war for the redress of wrong
— into a war for the establishment of a separate
government.

Gerry, enclosing a copy of the Declaration " for your-
Belfj and another for Major Hawley," writes, to James
Warren, July 5th : " I have the pleasure to inform you
that a determined resolution of the Delegates from some
of the Colonies to push the question of Independency
has had a most happy effect, and, after a day's ^ debate,
all the Colonies, excepting New- York, whose Delegates
are not empowered to give either an affirmative or nega-
tive voice united in a declaration long sought for, so-
licited, and necessary — the Declaration of Independency.
New- York will most probably on Monday next, when
its convention meets for forming a constitution, join in
the measure, and then it will be entitled The Unani-

ITS HISTORT

mous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of
America."

On the same day, John Adams declares, to Polly
Palmer^: "[QyC] I will inclose to you a Declaration, in

which all America is most remarkably united. It

compleats a Revolution, which will make as good a Figure
in the History of Nations, as any that has preceded it.
— provided always that the Ladies take Care to record
the Circumstances of it, for by the Experience I have
had of the other Sex, they are either too lazy or too
active, to commemorate it."

Whipple writes, July 8th, to Langdon : " Yours of
the 24th ultimo I have received . . . The Declaration
will no doubt give you pleasure. It will be published
next Thursday at the head of the Army at New- York.
I am told it is to be published this day in form in this
city ... I hope that you will take care that the Decla-
ration is properly treated. Colonel Bartlett desires his
compliments " ; and, at 10 o'clock in the evening (of the
same day), also, of course, from Philadelphia, to Joshua
Brackett (?): " [Mn] I cannot forbear communicating
the Pleasure I know You will enjoy on Receipt of the
enclosd Declaration, it was this day published in form
at the State House in this City ..."

" Sir," says Joseph Barton of Delaware, to Wisner, his

cousin, on the 9th, " it gives a great turn to the minds of

our people declaring our independence. Now we know

what to depend on. For my part, I have been at a great

stand : I could hardly own the King, and fight against

him at the same time ; but now these matters are cleared

up. Heart and hand shall move together. I don't think

221

there will be five Tories in our part of the country
in ten days after matters are well known. We have had
great numbers who would do nothing until we were
declared a free State, who now are ready to spend their
lives and fortunes in defence of our country."

Caesar Rodney writes, July loth*, to Thomas Rodney
"The Declaration has laid the foundation, and will be
followed by laws fixing the degree of offence and punish-
ment suitable. Some people have done things which,
if done in future, nothing less than life will be sufficient
to atone for . . . Neither Betsey's nor Sally's shoes* are
yet done, though the measures were sent as soon as I got
to town. ] am glad to find that you are of opinion ray
harvest will be down by the last of this week. Pray da
attend to it. Perhaps wheat will bring something
year."

Evidently about the same rime, Samuel Adams wril
to John Pitts: " [SA] You were inforrad by the luc
Post that Congress had declared the thirteen united Colo-
nies free & independent States — It must be allowd by
the impartial World that this Declaration has not been
made rashly . . . Much I fear has been lost by Delay,
but an Accession of several Colonies has been gaind by
it — The Delegates of every Colony were present & con-
cured in this important Act; except those of N Y who
were not authorizd to give their Voice on the Question,
but they have since publickly said that a new Conven-
tion was soon to meet in that Colony & they had not
the least Doubt of their acceding to it[.] "

Five days later, he declares to R. H. Lee: "[A] Our
Declaration of Independency has given Vigor to the

y do —

ITS HISTORT

Spirits of the people. Had this decisive Measure been
taken Nine Months ago, it is my opinion that Canada
would at this time have been in our hands . . . We
were more fortunate than I expected in having 12 of the
13 Colonies in favor of the all important Question —
The Delegates of N. York* were not empowered to give
their Voice on either Side — Their Convention has ac-
ceded to the Declaration & published it even before^
they received it from Congress — So mighty a Change in
so short a Time ! . . . A Convention is now meeting in
this City [Philadelphia] to form a Constitution for this
Colony — They are empowered ... to chuse new Dele-
gates for Congress — I am told that there will be a
Change of Men, and if so, I hope for the better[.] "

Again, on the i6th, he writes, to Warren : "[SA] Our
Declaration of Independence has already been attended
with good effects — It is fortunate beyond our expecta-
tion to have the voice of every Colony in fevor of so
important a question — "

A third letter of the 15th (Monday), from Dr. Samuel
Cooper, at Boston, says : " [SA] Nothing could give
greater Joy here than an unanimous Vote in Congress
for Independence — We received last Saturday by the
Post the Declaration. It is admir'd for it's Compre-
hensive & calm Dignity. — But how came the Dele-
gates of Maryland to happen to be out of the Way
when so important a Question was to be decided? . . .
Is it not strange that at this Time of day N. York Dele-
gates should not be empowered to vote — The Declara-
tion must give a new spring to all our Affairs."

On the same day (the 15th), John Adams writes, to his

223

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

wife : "[Qy] There is a. most amiable, laudable and gal*
lant Spirit prevailing, in these middle Colonies. — The '.
Militia turn out in great Numbers and in high Spirits,
in New Jersey, Pensilvania, Maryland, and Delaware.
So that We hope to resist Howe and his Mirmidons-

Joseph Hawley, in acknowledging to Gerry the receipt 1
of the copy which had been forwarded for him, writes, J
from Northampton, July 17th : " I have often said thatJ
I supposed a Declaration of Independence would be I
accompanied with a declaration of high treason. Most f
certainly it must immediately, and without the least de- I
lay, follow it . . . No one thing made the Declaration J
of Independence indispensably necessary more than cut—j
ting off traitors."

Another son of Massachusetts, Tristram Dalton, writ-
ing from Newburyport to Gerry, July 19th, says: "I
wish you jay on the late full Declaration — an event s
ardently desired by your good self and the people yoal
particularly represent. We are no longer to be amusedJ
with dciusivc pruspccts. The die is cast. All is
stake. The way ts made plain. No one can now doubt
on which side it is his duty to act . . . We are not to
fear what man or a multitude can do. We have put on
the harness, and I trust it will not be put off unril we
see our land a land of security and freedom — the won-
der of the other hemisphere — the asylum of all who
pant for deliverance from bondage."

John Page, of Virginia, writes, to Jefferson, July 20th :
"[S] I am highly pleased with your Declaration* God
preserve the united States — We know the Race is not
to the swift nor the Battle to the strong — Do you not

ITS HIS TORT

think an Angel rides in the Whirlwind & directs this
Storm ? "

Bartlett writes, to Langdon, July 22d : " The Conven-
tion here have taken on them the government of this
Colony [Pennsylvania], and have appointed Delegates
for Congress, men who will forward, and not hinder,
spirited measures. In short, there is a far greater har-
mony in carrying on spirited measures in Congress than »
heretofore. The Conventions even of Maryland and
New- York seem now to be in earnest."

The next day, "An old Friend** (evidently Rush*),
writing from Philadelphia to General Lee, says: "The
Declaration of Independence has produced a new era in
this part of America. The Militia of Pennsylvania
seem to be actuated with a spirit more than Roman . . .
The Tories are quiet, but very surly • . . The spirit of
liberty reigns triumphant in Pennsylvania. The Pro-
prietary gentry have retired to their country seats, and
honest men have taken the seats they abused so much in
the government of our State. The papers will inform
you that I have been thrust into Congress ... I think
the Declaration of Independence will produce union and
new exertions in England in the same ratio that they
have done in this country."

Certainly, on the 30th, Rush writes, to Dr. Walter :
" [Mn] The influence of the declaration of independance >
upon the senate & the field is inconceivable.'*

Benjamin Kent writes, to Samuel Adams from Boston,

August 4th : " [SA] It is GOD'S doing the bringing

about this truly astonishing and unparallel'd union the

declaration of Independence — "
IS 22s

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Clark writes '°, to Colonel Dayton from Philadelphia,!
August 6th: " [Gz] Your favour of the 15 July 1
M' Caldwells of the 26 from the German Flatts, Ifl
red A few days ago ... As to my Title — I know *
not yet whether it will be honourable or dishonourable, the
issue of the War must Settle it — Perhaps our Congress
will beExalted on a high Gallows — We were truly brought
to the Case of the three Lepers — if we continued in
the State we were in, it was evident we must Perish — if
We declared Independence, we might be saved, we could
but perish . . . Excepting my health I am as Agreably
Situated as I could expect Doctor Witherspoon M'
Hart &my Self quartertogether . , , P. S. You'lplease
to Accept this on Plain Paper, our dignity don't afford
Gilt, and our pay scarcely Any. — "

In The Essex Journal, etc., (C) for September 6th ap-
pears an article by " Philomathes " in praise of thei
Declaration. '

Nor was the change wrought among the doubtful " only
but even among many who had previously strongly
favored reconciliation. Among the latter, John Adams
has given us Dickinson, Jay, Duane and William
Livingston.

Joseph Reed, writing to Robert Morris from New
York City, July i8th, says: "[U] I fear the die is
irrevocably cast, and that we must play out the game,
however doubtful and desperate. My principles have
been much misunderstood if they were supposed to mili-
tate against reconciliation . . . My private judgment"

ITS HIS TORT

led me to think that if the two great cardinal points of
exemption from British taxation and charge of internal
government could have been secured, our happiness and
prosperity would have been best promoted by preserving
the dependence. The Declaration of Independence is a
new and very strong objection to entering into any ne-
gotiation inconsistent with that idea. But I fancy there
are numbers, and some of them firm in the interests of
America, who would think an overture ought not to be
rejected, and if it could be improved into a negotiation
which could secure the two points I have mentioned
above, would think the blood and treasure expended well
spent. I have no idea from anything I have seen or can
learn that if we should give the General and Admiral a
full and fair hearing, the proposition would amount to
anything short of unconditional submission, but it may
be worth considering whether that once known, and all
prospect of securing American liberty in that way being
closed, it would not have a happy effect to unite us into
one chosen band, resolved to be free, or perish in the
attempt ... I trust and hope . . . the publick will not
lose your services in Congress."

Morris replies, " [NY] From the Hills on Schuylkill",
July 2ist^^: "I received your obliging letter of the iS'!"
yesterday in Congress ... I am sorry to say there are
some amongst us that cannot bear the thought of Rec-
onciliation on any terms ... I cannot help Condemn-
ing this disposition as it must be founded in keen
Resentment or on interested Views ... I think with
you that if the Commissioners have any propositions

to make they ought to be heard • • • I am not for

227

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

making any Sacrifice of Dignity, but still " I wou'd hear
them if possible, because if they can offer Peace on ad-
missible terms I believe the great majority of America
wou'd still be for accepting it; If they can only offer
Pardons & that is fully ascertained it will firmly Unite
all America in their exertions to support the Independ-
ance they have declared • . . If they offer or desire a
Conference & we reject it, those who are already dissat-
isfyed will become more so and others will follow their
example & we may expect daily greater disunion &
defection in every part of these States, at least such are
my apprehensions on this Subject — I have uniformly
voted against & opposed the declaration of Independ-
ance because in my poor oppinion it was an improper
time and will neither promote the interest or redound
to the honor of America, for it has caused division
when we wanted Union, and will be ascribed to very
different principles than those, which ought to give rise
to such an Important measure I did expect my Conduct
on this great Question wou'd have procured my dismis-
sion from the great Council but find myself disapointed
for the Convention have thought proper to return me in
the New Delegation, and altho, my interest & inclination
prompt me to decline the Service Yet I cannot depart
from one point that first induced me to enter in the
Public line. I mean an oppinion that it is the duty
of every Individual, to Act his part, in whatever Station
his Country may Call him to, in times of difficulty
danger & distress, whilst I think this a duty I must
submit, altho the Councils of America have taken a

different course from my Judgment & wishes — I think

228

ITS HISTORT

an individual that declines the Service of his Country
because its Councils are not conformable to his Ideas,
makes but a bad Subject, a good one, will follow if
he cannot lead . . . This being Sunday Morning &
in the Country I have spun out this letter to a length
not common with me now adays I beg my Comp** to
the Gen! I dined in Company with M? Washington
yesterday at Col* Harrisons & expect her here at din-
ner to day[.]"

Jasper Charlton, at " CufFnell's *', writes, August 24th,
to James Iredell : " [I] Although politics is a subject of
conversation I would by choice decline, yet I cannot
help giving you my sentiments respecting the most in-
teresting event which has as yet occurred, I mean inde-
pendency. My idea of it is simply this, that America
is as yet too young to effect her own salvation, more
especially when respect is had to the tempers, complex-
ions, and various conditions of its inhabitants. I think
this business (if ever manageable) should have fallen
into the hands of an united, robust and populous poster-
ity ; and that at present she may be compared to a tender
plant, by no means able to withstand the many rude
shocks that a most inclement season will give it. God
knows what the womb of time may produce. I will
therefore quit a topic that awakens all my fears, and
brings to my idea a train of melancholy events, and
disastrous consequences/'

Indeed, Rev. Jacob Duche, in a letter to Wash-
ington, dated Philadelphia, October 8, 1777, writes:
" [NM] I was however prevailed upon among the rest of

my Clerical Brethren in this City to gratify the pressing

239

-DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Desire of ray fellow Citizens by preaching a Sermon t<
one of the City Battalions. I was pressed to publish this
Sermon & reluctantly consented . . . My Sermon speaks
for itself and wholly disclaims the Idea of Independency.
My Sentiments were well known to my Friends. I
communicated them without reserve to my Friends many
respectable Members of Congress, who expressed their
Approbation of thera. I persisted to the last Moment in
using the Prayers for our Sovereign though threatened
with Insult from the violence of a party — Upon the
Declaration of Indepency I called my vestry & solemnly
put the Question to them whether they thought it best
tor the peace & welfare of the Congregations to shut
up the Churches or to continue the Service without
using the Prayers for the royal Family. This was the
sad alternative. I concluded to abide by their Decision,
as I could not have time to consult my spiritual Su-
periors in England. They determined it most expedient
under such Critical Circumstances to keep open the
Churches that the Congregations might not be dis-
persed which we had great reason to apprehend — A
very few days after that fatal Declaration of Independ-
ence I reef a letter from M' Hancock . . . acquainting
me that I was appbinted Chaplain to the Congress
and desired to attend them at 9 o'Clock the next
morning. Surprised and distressed by an Event, 1 was
not prepared to expect, obliged to give an immediate
answer without the opportunity of Consulting my
Friends, I rashly accepted the appointment. I could
have but one motive for taking this Step. I thought
the Churches in Danger and hoped by this means to

ITS HISTORT

have been instrumental in preventing those Ills I had so
much reason to apprehend I can however with truth
declare that I then looked upon Independency rather as
an Expedient and a hazardous one — indeed thrown out
in Terrorem in order to procure some favorable Terms,
than a measure that was to be seriously persisted in at
all Events . . . Upon the return of the Committee of
Congress appointed to confer with Lord Howe I soon
discovered their real intention . . . that Independency
was the Idol they had long wished to set up . . . From
this Moment I determined upon my Resignation and in
the beginning of October 1776 sent it in Form to M!
Handcock after having officiated only two Months &
three Weeks and from that time as far as my Safety
would permit I have been opposed to all their Measures."

Rush writes, April 8, 1777: "[Rid] The declaration
of independance was said to have divided & weakened
the colonies — The contrary of this was the case. Noth-
ing but the signing, & recognising of the declaration of
independance preserved the congress from dissolution in
Decem' 1776 when Howe marched to the Delaware.
Maryland had instructed her delegates to concur in an
Accommodation notwithstanding any measure (meaning
independance) to the contrary. But further the dec-
laration of independance produced a secession of tories —
timid — moderate & double minded men from the coun-
sels of America in consequence of which the congress as
well as each of the states have possessed ten times the
vigor and strength they had formerly [.]"

231

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

""The Governor of Halifax received the Declaration .
of Independancy, about four weeks since, but would not
permit the poor dupe of a printer {had he ever so good a
mind) to publish any more of it than barely the last clause,
where it says; ' We therefore, the Representatives of the
United States of America in General Congress assembledj
Do, &c. &c.' And his reason (as we are credibly infornied)i/
was 'because it may gain over to them (the rebels) many-
converts ; and inflame the minds of his Majesty's loyal
and faithful subjects of the province of Nova-Scotia.' "

" " Tuesday last arrived Capt. M'Kay from St. Chris-
tophers . . . He says the inhabitants of St. Christophers
continue warmly attached to our cause, and that their
reigning toasts are, WASHINGTON, LEE, and
INDEPENDENCY to America.'"

The Declaration appeared in The London Chronicle'
(PH), and extracts from it in The Daily Advertiser {C),
also of London, of August 17th."

The Gentleman's Magazine, etc., (C) published in the
same city, for August, also contains the Declaration, and
the statement: "In the preceding part of this Magazine
the reader will find the Declaration of Independency
issued by the American Congress, with a recapitulation
of the grievances which have forced them into that des-
perate measure. Whether those grievances were real or
imaginary, or whether they did or did not deserve a
parliamentary enquiry, we [Sylvanus Urban] will not
presume to decide. The ball is now struck, and rime
only can shew where it will rest."

ITS HISTORT

The Scofs Magazine (C) — published in Edinburgh —
for August says : " The Congress, on the 4th of July>
declared the colonies independent states. It is said, the
number of provinces for independency were seven, against
it six . . . Other accounts say, that the Congress were
Unanimous: it is probable, that the members were
divided, but, agreeable to the secret article of the Con-
gress, the minority had gone in with the sentiments of
the majority, and thus gave it the appearance of unanim-
ity .. . We insert the Declaration of Independency ;
subjoining, in the form of notes ^ some remarks by a
writer under the signature of ^n Englishman ; which he
introduces thus : * . . . The Declaration is without doubt
of the most extraordinary nature both with regard to
sentiment and language ; and considering that the motive
of it is to assign some justifiable reasons of their separating
themselves from G. Britain, unless it had been fraught
with more truth and sense, [it] might well have been
spared, as it reflects no honour upon either their erudi-
tion or their honesty.'**

The Annual Register j etc., (N) for 1776, published in
London, also contains the Declaration, headed as follows :
" Reasons assigned by the Continental Congress j for the
North- American Colonies and Provinces withdrawing their
Allegiance to the King of Great-Britain**

Ralph Izard writes, to Claude Crespigny, August
31st: "They laugh, you say, at St. James at the
Declaration of Independence. I do not know that they
have much cause to do so. When the Duke of Braganza
declared Portugal independent of Spain, and himself
King of it, the Count-Duke Olivarez affected likewise

233

to laugh. Philip the Fourth was persuaded to think it
a very pleasant and comical circumstance . . . The King,
however, was deceived, and the Spanish Monarchy dis-
membered. Perhaps some historian may find a parallel
to this Spanish story." ■

William Lee writes, from London, September lothi^
" The declaration of independence on the part of America,
has totally changed the nature of the contest between
that country and Great Britain. It is now on the part
of Great Britain a scheme of conquest, which few imagine
can succeed. Independence . . . has altered the face of
things here. The Tories, and particularly the Scotch,
hang their heads and keep a profound silence on the
subject; the Whigs do not say much, but rather seem to
think the step a wise one, on the part of America, and
what was an inevitable consequence of the measures taken
by the British Ministry."

The King, in his speech (drawn, of course, by Lord
North) which opened the House of Peers, on October
31st, said: "'*. . . so daring and desperate is the Spirit
of those Leaders, whose Object has always been Dominion
and Power, that they have now openly renounced all
Allegiance to the Crown, and all political Connection
with this Country : They have . . . presumed to set
up their rebellious Confederacies for Independent States.
If their Treason be suffered to take Root, much Mis-
chief must grow from it, to the Safety of my loyal
Colonies, to the Commerce of my Kingdoms, and in-
deed to the present System of all Europe. One great
Advantage, however, will be derived from the Object of
the Rebels being openly avowed, and clearly understood ;
"34

ITS HISTORT

We shall have Unanimity at Home, founded in the gen-
eral Conviction of the Justice and Necessity of our
Measures."

Following the reading of this speech, an address ap-
proving its sentiments was moved by the Earl of Carlisle
(who spoke of the " insolence of the Rebels ") and
seconded by Earl Fauconberg. In the debate which en-
sued, the address was supported by the Earl of Derby,
the Earl of Sandwich, Lord Viscount Weymouth and
Lord Cardiff, the last of whom declared the Colonists
"exceedingly ungrateful."

The Marquis of Rockingham, however, condemned
this measure and moved that it be amended. He said
that, if the Colonists had " declared themselves independ-
ent, it was long after they were declared enemies ; and
for his part he could not possibly see what degree of
obedience was due, where public protection was openly
withdrawn." He was supported by Lord Wycombe
and Lord Osborne.

The Duke of Richmond thought it would be much
better to have the Americans " as friends than enemies,
though we should be under the necessity of acknowledg-
ing them as so many independent States " ; and, in speak-
ing of the various measures that preceded the Declaration,
he said that the " Ministers had been successful, and
gained what they secretly wished for, though they did not
dare to avow it . . ."

The Duke of Grafton " pledged himself to the House,
and to the publick, that while he had a leg ^ to stand on,
he would come down, day after day, to express the most
marked abhorrence of the measures hitherto pursued, and

23s

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

meant to be adhered to, in respect to America. He con-
demned, in terms equally explicit and unreserved, the
measures which had compelled America to declare her-
self independent, though he was sorry for it, and thought
she acted extremely wrong in so doing."

The address was adopted as introduced.

In the address to the King/rom the House of Csmmons,
moved by Neville, seconded by Hutton and supported
by Wombwell, we read : " While we lament the con-
tinuance of the troubles which have so long distracted
your Majesty's Colonies in North America, and of the
calamities and oppressions which our unhappy fellow-
subjects are still suffering under the arbitrary tyranny of
their leaders ; we cannot forbear to express our detesta-
tion and abhorrence of the audacious and desperate spirit
of ambition, which has at last carried those leaders so far,
as to make them openly renounce all allegiance ..." _

In the debate here, as well as in the House of PeerSj^
many — among them General Conway — showed them-
selves, however, to be opposed to the Ministry.

An amendment, offered by Lord John Cavendish and
seconded by the Marquis of Granby, proposed to strike
out the first part of the address and insert : " Nor can we
conceive that such an event . . . could have taken place
without some errour in the conduct observed towards
them . . ."

Wilkes declared : " Much has been said, sir, of the
prophecy of the Ministers, that the Americans would in
the end declare themselves independent. I give the
Ministers no credit for such a prophecy . . . They
might very safely promulgate such a prediction, when
336

ITS HISTORT

they knew that the unjust and sanguinary measures which
they intended to pursue, must bring about the event.
They drove the Americans into their present state of
independency. The Jesuits in France risked nothing
when they prophesied in 1610 the death of the best
prince that ever reigned in Europe, within that year.
Theirs was the sure word of prophecy. They employed
Ravillac to assassinate their Sovereign . . . This [declar-
ing independence] was done with circumstances of spirit
and courage, to which posterity will do justice. It was
directly after the safe landing of your whole force . • .
I hope, and believe, you never will conquer the free
spirit of the descendants of Englishmen, exerted in an
honest cause. They honor and value the blessings of
liberty."

Governor Johnstone "^ said he was far from being
pleased with the Americans for their declarations in
favour of Independency, but he saw clearly that they
were driven to the measure by our vigorous persecution
of them. We had hired foreign troops to fight against
them, and they had no other way of putting themselves
on a footing with us, than by throwing off the yoke . . .
and inviting foreign aid to defend them. They had,
he said, taken every possible means to avoid such a
measure . . ."

Fox thought that " The Americans had done no more
than the English had done against James the II."

The Honorable Temple Luttrell and the Right Hon-
orable T. Townshend approved of the act of the Col-
onists. The former said, " For his part, he construed

this speech [the King's] an infamous, groundless libel

237

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

fabricated by a tyrannical faction, against some of the
most valuable members of the British community, who,
actuated by principles of justice and honour, were nobly
contending on the other side of the Atlantick, for the
dearest rights of mankind ; and who, limiting their resist-
ance to a redress of real and essential grievances, were
falsely accused of having, from the beginning of this
unhappy contest, had no other object in view than anar-
chy and independence." The latter, speaking of the
Declaration, expressed himself thus: "To say that the
measures of last year did not tend to this end, seems to
me absurd to the last degree . . . There is, I think,
one part of the speech which mentions a discovery of
the original designs of the leaders of the Americans. In
God's name, who made them leaders ? How came they
to be so ? If you force men together by oppression, they
will form into bodies, and choose leaders. Mr. Han-
cock^ was a merchant of credit and opulence when this
unhappy business first broke out. Men in that kind of
situation are not very prone to a change of Government."

"The arrival^ of the declaration of independence" in
France, Bancroft says, "gave more earnestness to the
advice of Vergennes . . . [His] words . . . were sharp
and penetrating . • . but the young prince whose deci-
sion was invoked was too weak to lead in affairs of magni-
tude . . • with the utmost firmness of will of which his
feeble nature was capable, he was resolved that the peace
of France should not be broken in his day. But decid-
ing firmly against war [with Great Britain], he shunned

the labor of further discussion ; and indolently allowed

238

ITS HISTORT

his ministers to aid the Americans . . . the Marquis
of Lafayette . . . whispered his purpose of joining the
Americans . . . Besides disinterested and chivalrous vol-
unteers, a crowd of selfish adventurers, officers who had
been dropped from the French service under the reforms
of Saint-Germain, and even Swiss and Germans, thronged
Deane's apartments in quest of employment, and by large
promises, sturdy importunity, or real or pretended recom-
mendations from great men, wrung from him promiscu-
ous engagements for high rank in the American army."

Deane himself writes, from Paris, December ist: ". . .
emigrations from Europe will be prodigious immediately
on^ the establishment of American independency."

But we must look still further. Bancroft tells us: " The
civilized world had the deepest interest in the result : for
it involved the reform of the British Parliament, the
emancipation of Ireland, the disinthralment of the people
of France, the awakening of the nations of Europe. Even
Hungary stretched forward to hear from the distance the
gladsome sound; the Italians^ recalled their days of
unity and might." " In Spain, the interest in America
was confined to the Court . . . the catholic king was
averse to hostile measures ; his chief minister wished not
to raise up a republic on the western continent, but only
to let England worry and exhaust herself by a long civil

war."

239

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

THE FIREWORKS OF 1776

ON the very day the Declaration was adopted,
Congress, as we have seen, ordered " That cop-
ies'of the declaration be [printed and] sent to*
the several assemblies, conventions & committees or
councils of safety and to the several commanding officers
of the continental troops . . ."

In pursuance of this order, Hancock, on the 5th, en-
closed to the Committee of Safety of Pennsylvania " a
copy of the Declaration of Independence, which I am
directed ", he says, " to request you will have proclaimed
in your Colony in the way and manner which you shall
judge best . . . The important consequences flowing
from the Declaration of Independence . . . will nat-
urally suggest the propriety of proclaiming it in such a
mode that the people may be universally informed of
it" Another copy he enclosed to the Convention of
New Jersey.' The next day, a similar letter was sent to
the Convention of New York*, to the Assembly of
Massachusetts, to the Assembly of New Hampshire, to
Governor Trumbull, to Governor Cooke, to Washington
and to General Ward. The letter to Maryland and the
letter to Vii^nia were dated the 8th.
340

ITS HISTORT

The Committee of Safety*^ of Pennsylvania received
its copy of this order of Congress of July 4th, which
they immediately directed to be entered on their min-
utes, together with " copy of the Declaration", on the
6th «.

" [Pa] Letters were wrote ^ " by them immediately to
the Counties of Bucks, Chester, Northampton, Lancas-
ter and Berks, "Inclosing Copy® of the said Declara-
tion," and requesting that it be published on the next
Monday at the places where the elections for Delegates
to the Convention® were to be held.

They then adjourned to 5 o'clock, when they ^^ " [Pa]
Ordered, That the Sheriff of Philad'a read, or Cause to
be read and proclaimed at the State House, in the City
of Philadelphia, on [the same] Monday, the Eighth day
of July, instant, at 12 o'Clock at Noon of the same day,
the Declaration . . . and that he cause all his Officers,
and the Constables of the said City, to attend the read-
ing thereof Resolved, That every Member of this
Committee in or near the City, be ordered to meet at the
Committee Chamber, before 12 o'Clock, on Monday, to
proceed to the State House, where the Declaration . . .
is to be proclaimed. The Committee of Inspection of
the City and Liberties were requested to attend the
Proclamation of Independence, at the State House, on
Monday next, at 12 o'Clock."

On the same day, as appears from his Diary^ Mar-
shall, a member of the Committee of Inspection, "near
eight, went to committee. Philosophical Hall . . .
Agreed that the Declaration of Independence be de-
clared at the State House next Second Day. At same
16 241

HECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

time, the King's arms there are to be taken dow
nine Associators, here appointed, who are to conv
to a pile of casks erected upon the commons, for the
purpose of a bonfire, and the arms placed on the top.
This being Election day, I opposed the motion, only
by having this put off till next day, fearing it would
interrupt the Election, but the motion was carried by a
majority."

On Monday, the 8th" ^^ in accordance with the order
and resolution of the Committee of Safety, "'^The
Committee of Safety", and Committee of Inspection,
went in procession to the State House [in Philadelphia],
where the Declaration "... was read '* to a very large
number of the Inhabitants" of this city and county,
which was received with general applause and heart-felt
satisfaction. — "

John Adams, in his letter of July 9th to Chase, de-
scribes the scene thus : " [QyC] Yours of the 5"' " came
to me the 81' — You will see'* by this Post, that the
River is past and the Bridge cutt away. — The Declara-
tion was yesterday published and proclaimed from that
awfull Stage *", in the State house yard, by whom do you
think ? by the Committee of Safety ! the Committee of
Inspection, and a great Crowd of People. Three
Cheers rended the Welkin. — The Battalions*' paraded
on the common, and gave Us the Feu de Joy, notwith-
standing the Scarcity of Powder. The Bells rung all
Day, and almost all night. Even the Chimers", chimed
away. The Election for the City was carried on amidst
al! this Lurry with the Utmost Decency, and order ..."
I agree with you, that We never can again be happy.

ITS HISTORT

under a single Particle of British Power, indeed this
Sentiment is very universal. — The Arms, are taken
down from every public Place."

"^ ... in the evening ^ [of the 8th] our late King's
coat of arms was brought ^ from the Hall, in the State-
House, where the said King's Courts ^ were formerly
held, and burned amidst the acclamations of a crowd of
spectators."

George Ross, as chairman, also on the 6th writes, "In
Committee, Lancaster," to Colonel Galbraith (evidently at
Elizabethtown) : "We this day received^ the enclosed
resolves of the Congress as to the Independency of the
United States of America, which we forward to you for
the regulation of your conduct in the present alarming
situation of our affairs. The battalions in this town were
this day drawn out . . ."

The Declaration was received at Easton, Northampton
County, on the 8th. On the same day — the day of
the celebration in Philadelphia — , "^The Colonel
and all other field officers of the first battalion repaired to
the court-house, the light infantry company marching
there with drums beating, fifes playing, and the standard
(the device for which is the thirteen United Colonies)
which was ordered to be displayed, and after that the
Declaration was read aloud to a great number of spec-
tators, who gave their hearty assent with three loud
huzzas, and cried out MAY GOD LONG PRESERVE
and UNITE the FREE and INDEPENDANT
STATES of AMERICA." *>

The Declaration, as seen, was formally approved by
the Convention of Pennsylvania on July 25th.

243

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

**On the same day (the 8th) that the Declaration was
read in Philadelphia and in Easton, it (together with the
new State Constitution, adopted on the 2d) was pro-
claimed at Trenton. " ^ The members of the Provin-
cial Congress, the gentlemen of the committee, the officers
and privates of the militia, under arms, and a large con-
course of the inhabitants, attended on this great and
solemn occasion. The declaration, and other proceed-
ings, were received with loud acclamations."

We are still more interested in the scene at Princeton
on the following night. " ^ Nassawhall was grandly
illuminated, and INDEPENDENCY proclaimed under
a triple volly of musketry, and universal acclamation for
the prosperity of the UNITED STATES. The cere-
mony was conducted with the greatest decorum."

The Declaration reached New Brunswick, according to
Charles D. Deshler^ , on the 9th ^ and was proclaimed
there on either the same or the next day. He gives an
interesting account of the scene, which, he says, he had
from his grandfather, Dr. Jacob Dunham : " When
the Declaration of Independence was brought to New
Brunswick, I was a boy about nine years old. There
was great excitement in the town over the news, most of
the people rejoicing that we were free and independent,
but a few looking very sour over it . . . The Declara-
tion was brought by an express rider, who was at once
furnished with a fresh horse, and despatched on his way
to New York. The Countv Committee and the Town
Committee were immediately convened, and it was de-
cided that the Declaration should be read in the public
street [Albany Street], in front of the White Hall tavern,

244

ITS HISTORT

that the reader should be Colonel John Neilson, and
that the members of the two committees should exert
themselves to secure the attendance of as many as pos-
sible of the staunch friends of independence, so as to
overawe any disaffected Tories, and resent any interrup-
tion of the meeting that they might attempt. Although
these Tories were not numerous, they were, most of them,
men of wealth and influence, and were very active. Ac-
cordingly, at the time appointed [I cannot now recall the
hour, if, indeed, my grandfather stated it], the Whigs
assembled in great force, wearing an air of great deter-
mination. A stage was improvised in front of the White
Hall tavern, and from it Colonel Neilson, surrounded by
the other members of the committee, read the Declara-
tion with grave deliberation and emphasis. At the close
of the reading there was prolonged cheering. A few
Tories were present ; but although they sneered, and
looked their dissatisfaction in other ways, they were pru-
dent enough not to make any demonstration."

"^ A letter written by Major Barber to Mr. Caldwell,
on the seventeenth of the same month, informs us how
the news of independence was received by Colonel Day-
ton's New Jersey command — then at Fort Stanwix.
After the Declaration had been read, cannons fired, and
huzzas given, the battalion was formed in a circle with
three barrels of grog in the center. The Colonel took a
cup and drank to the toast — ' God bless the United States
of America.' The other officers followed, drinking the
same toast, as did afterwards the battalion, accompanied
by loud hurrahs, shouting, and other signals of appro-
bation."

24S

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

The Provincial Congress, on the 17th, resolved that
they would support the freedom of the " States with our
lives and fortunes, and with the whole force of New-
Jersey,"

Bridgetown did not proclaim the Declaration until
August 7th ; but its reception of the instrument was no
less spirited than that of the places already described.
The Committee of Inspection for the County (Cumber-
land), ^^ the officers of the militia, and a great number of
other inhabitants, having met . . . went in procession
to the Court-House, where the Declaration • . . the
Constitution of New-Jersey, and the Treason Ordinance,
were publickly read, and unanimously approved of.
These were followed with a spirited Address by Dr.
Elmer, Chairman of the Committee; after which the
Peace Officers* staves, on which were depicted the King's
\^ , Coat of Arms, with other ensigns of royalty, were burnt

in the street. The whole was conducted with the
greatest decency and regularity. The following, being
the substance of the before mentioned Address is
published at the particular request of the Committee
and all who were present : * Gentlemen of the Committee,
Officers of the Militia, and Gentlemen spectators:
From what has now been read, you see the long wished
for, but much dreaded period has arrived, in which the
connexion between Great Britain and America is totally
dissolved, and these Colonies declared Free and Inde-
pendent States. As this is an event of the greatest
importance, it must afford satisfaction to every intelli-
gent person to reflect, that ir was brought about by

unavoidable necessity on our part, and has been con-

246

ITS HISTORT

ducted with a prudence and moderation becoming the
wisest and best of men. With the Independency of the
American States a new era in politicks has commenced.
Every consideration respecting the propriety or im-
propriety of a separation from Britain, is now entirely
out of the question ; and we have now no more to do with
the King and people of England, than we have with the
King and people of France or Spain. No people under
Heaven were ever favoured with a fairer opportunity of
laying a sure foundation for future grandeur and happi-
ness than we. The plan of Government established in
most States and Kingdoms of the world, has been the
effect of chance or necessity : ours of sober reason and
cool deliberation. Our future happiness or misery, there-
fore, as a people, will depend entirely upon ourselves.
If, actuated by principles of virtue and genuine patriot-
ism, we make the welfare of our country the sole aim of
all our actions ; if we intrust none but persons of abilities
and integrity with the management of our publick affairs ;
if we carefully guard against corruption and undue in-
fluence in the several departments of Government ; if we
are steady and zealous in putting the laws in strict
execution ; — the spirit and principles of our new Con-
stitution, which we have just now heard read, may be
preserved for a long time. But if faction and party
spirit, the destruction of popular Governments, take
place, anarchy and confusion will soon ensue, and we
shall either fall an easy prey to a foreign enemy, or some
factious and aspiring demagogue, possessed of popular
talents and shining qualities — a Julius Caesar or an
Oliver Cromwell — will spring up among ourselves, who,

247

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

taking advantage of our political animosities,- will lay
violent hands on the Government, and sacrifice the
liberties of his country to his own ambitious and domi*
neering humour. God grant that neither of these may
ever be the unhappy fate of this or any of the United
States. To prevent which, while we are striving to
defend ourselves against the unjust encroachments of a
foreign and unnatural enemy, let us not neglect to keep
a strict and jealous eye over our own internal police and
Constitution. Let the fate of Greece, Rome, Carthage,
and Great Britain, warn us of our danger ; and the loss
of liberty in all those States, for want of timely guarding
against the introduction of tyranny and usurpation, be a
standing admonition to us, to avoid the rock on which
they have all been shipwrecked. Let us, as good citizens
and sincere lovers of our country, exert ourselves in the
defence of our State and in support of our new Con-
stitution ; but while we strive to vindicate the glorious
cause of liberty on the one hand, let us, on the other
hand, carefully guard against running into the contrary
, extreme of disorder and licentiousness. In our present
situation, engaged in a bloody and dangerous war with
the power of Great Britain, for the defence of our lives,
our liberties, our property, and everything that is dear
and valuable, every member of this State who enjoys the
benefits of its civil government, is absolutely bound, by
the immutable law of self-preservation, the laws of God
and of society, to assist in protecting and defending it.
This is so plain and self-evident a proposition, that I am
pursuaded every person here makes it the rule of his

conduct on all occasions ; and consequently, in a time of

243

ITS HISTORT

such imminent danger, will be extremely careful, at our
ensuing election, not to intrust any one with the manage-
ment of our publick affairs who has not, by his vigilance
and activity in the cause of liberty, proved himself to be
a true friend to his country. The success, gentlemen, of
our present glorious struggle wholly depends upon this
single circumstance. For though the situation and
extent of the United States of America and our number-
less internal resources, are sufficient to enable us to bid
defiance to all Europe, yet should we be so careless
about our own safety as to intrust the af&irs of our
State, while the bayonet is pointed at our breasts, to
persons whose conduct discovers them to be enemies to
their country, or whose religious principles will not suffer
them to lift a hand for our defence, our ruin will in-
evitably follow. As it is impossible for any one pos-
sessed of the spirit of a man, who is a friend to the
United States, and whose conscience does not furnish
him with an excuse to stand by, an idle spectator, while
his country is struggling and bleeding in her own
necessary defence, all such inactive persons ought there-
fore to be shunned as enemies or despised as cowards.
And as I have reason to believe that many who plead
conscience as an excuse are sincere in their pretentions,
and as every man's conscience ought to be fi-ee fi-om com-
pulsion, this single consideration should restrain us from
forcing such into any of the departments of Government.
For to put such persons, at this time, in places of
publick trust, is actually to deprive them of liberty of
conscience ; for we thereby compel them either to betray

the trust reposed in them, or to act contrary to the

349

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

dictates of their own consciences ; a dilemma in which,
act as they will, their conduct must be criminal. Besides,
if we consulted only our own safety, it is plain, that to
intrust the affairs of our Government, at this juncture,
to such people, is as dangerous as to intrust the manage-
ment of a ship in a violent storm to an infant or an
idiot. As a friend to my country and a lover of
liberty, I thought it my duty to address you on this
occasion; and having now, as a faithful member of
society, discharged my duty, I shall leave you to the
exercise of your own judgment, and conclude with a
request, that you would conduct yourself this day in such
a manner as to convince the publick that your abhorrence
of the cruel and bloody Nero of Britain, and his despi-
cable minions of tyranny and oppression, arises, not from
the mere impulse of blind passion and prejudice, but
from sober reason and reflection ; and while we rejoice
in being formally emancipated from our haughty and
imperious task-masters, let us remember that the final
termination of this grand event is not likely to be brought
about without shedding the blood of many of our dear
friends and countrymen.' "

"The message [of M:Kean^^] no sooner reached him
[Caesar Rodney, in Delaware]," says Sanderson ^^, " than,
laying aside all other engagements, he hastened to Phila-
delphia, where he arrived just in time to give his vote,
and secure the unanimity of the daring measure. He
transmitted an account of it to Dover on the same day^;
and his friend colonel Haslet, in acknowledging his

letter on the sixth of July, thus refers to it. * I con-

250

ITS HISTORT

gratulate you, sir, on the important day which restores
to every American his birthright; a day which every
freeman will record with gratitude, and the millions of
posterity read with rapture. Ensign Wilson arrived here
last night ; a fine turtle feast at Dover, anticipated and
announced the declaration of congress ; even the barrister
himself laid aside his airs of reserve, mighty happy/
At the time Mr. Rodney's letter reached Dover, the
election of officers of a new battalion was going on ; the
committee of safety, however, immediately met, and after
receiving the intelligence proceeded in a body to the
court house, where (the election being stopped) the presi-
dent read the Declaration of congress . . . which re-
ceived the highest approbation of the people, in three
huzzas. The committee then went in a body back to
their room, where they sent for a picture of the king of
Great Britain, and made the drummer of the infantry
bear it before the president ; they then marched two and
two, followed by the light infantry in slow time, with
music, round the square, then forming a circle about a
fire prepared in the middle of the square for that pur-
pose, the president, pronouncing the following words,
committed it to the flames ; * Compelled by strong ne-
cessity thus we destroy even the shadow of that king who
refused to reign over a free people/ Three loud huzzas
were given by the surrounding crowd; and the friends
of liberty gained new courage, to support the cause in
which they had embarked/'

Hancock's letter to Washington, accompanied by " the
enclosed ^ Declaration," requested him, as we have seen,

251

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

to " have it proclaimed at the Head of the Army in th«
Way, you shall think most proper,"

Washington was then in New York City*^ and, as
shown by his orders, made the following order on the 9th *^ :
" [S] The Hon. the Continental Congress, impelled by
the dictates of duty, policy and necessity, having been
pleased to dissolve the Connection which subsisted
between this Country, and Great Britain, and to declare
the United Colonies of North America, free and inde-
pendent STATES The several brigades are to be drawn
up this evening on their respective Parades, at six Oclock,
when the Declaration of Congress, shewing the grounds
& reasons of this measure, is to be read with an audible
voice. The General hopes this important Event will
serve as a free incentive to every officer, and soldier, to
act with Fidelity and Courage, as knowing that now the
peace and safety of his Country depends (under God)
solely on the success of our arms: And that he is now
in the service of a State, possessed of sufficient power to
reward his merit, and advance him to the highest Honors
of a free Country. The Brigade Majors are to receive,
at the Adjutant Generals Office, several of the Declara-
tions *^ to be delivered to the Brigadiers General, and the
Colonels of regiments."

In accordance with this order, as Lossing tells usi
" [H] The brigades ** were formed " in hollow squares
on their respective parades. One of these brigades was
encamped on the * Commons,' where the New York City
Hall now stands." " [H] The venerable Zackariah
Greene . . . yet {185a) living at Hempstead, at the age
of ninety-three years, informed me that he belonged
359

ITS HISTORT

to . . . [this] brigade • . . The hollow square was
formed at about the spot where the Park Fountain now
is. He says that Washington was within the square, on
horseback, and that the Declaration was read ^ in a clear
voice by one of his aids."

Washington himself, in a letter of the loth to
Congress, describes the scene — quite simply — thus:
" *^ Agreeable to the request of Congress I caused the
Declaration to be proclaimed before all*® the Army
under my immediate Command, and have the pleasure to
inform them, that the measure seemed to have their hearty
assent ; the Expressions and behaviour both of Officers
and men testifying their warmest approbation of it [.] "

His statement is confirmed by*^ Colonel Seymour, in
a letter to Trumbull, dated the nth**: "The enemy"
are constantly in view, upon and at Staten-Island . . .
Independency is highly approved by the Army."

cc52 ^Yit same evening^ [the 9th] the equestrian statue
of George III." which Tory pride and folly raised in the
year 1770, was, by the sons of freedom**, laid prostrate
in the dirt, the just desert of an ungrateful tyrant ! The
lead wherewith this monument was made is to be** run
into bullets, to assimilate with the brain of our infatuated
adversaries, who to gain a peppercorn [referring to Lord
Clare's speech in the House of Commons : that a pepper-
corn, in acknowledgment of Britain's right to tax America,
was of more importance than millions without it], have lost
an empire. * ^os Deus vult perdere prius dementat* A
gentleman, who was present at this ominous fall of leaden
Majesty, looking back to the original's hopeful beginning
pertinently exclaimed, in the language of the Angel to

253

Lucifer, ' If thou be 'st he ! but ah, how fallen !
changed ! ' "

The next day, " " In pursuance of the Declaration of
Independency, a general gaol delivery with respect to
debtors, took place . . ."

Alexander Graydon, whose regiment (Shee's) and Ma-
gaw's, of Pennsylvania, were encamped upon the ground
on which Fort Washington^ was erected, says**^ that the
Declaration was, " when received, read to the respective
regiments. If it was not embraced with all the enthusi-
asm that has been ascribed to the event, it was at least
hailed with acclamations . . . The propriety of the meas-
ure had been little canvassed among us . . . Being
looked upon as unavoidable, if resistance was to be per-
sisted in, it was approved ; and produced no resignations
among the officers that I am aware of, except that of
Lieutenant-Colonel William Allen . . . who was with
his regiment in Canada."

The Declaration was read at Ticonderoga * on the
28th, "*' immediately after divine worship ... by Col.
St. Clair, and having said, ' God save the Free Independ-
ant States of America ! ' the army manifested their joy with
three cheers. It was remarkably pleasing to see the
spirits of the soldiers so raised after all their calamities;
the language of every man's countenance was, Now wc
are a people ! we have a name among the states of this
world."

The first publication of the Declaration i« pursuance of

the resolution of the Convention would seem to have been

at White Plains, where the Convention was sitting. This

was doubtless on the iith.^

354

ITS HISTORY

The formal publication in pursuance of the same
resolution® in New York City took place on the i8th,
"®*at the City Hall^, when a number of true Friends to
the Rights and Liberties of America attended, and signi-
fied their approbation by loud acclamations. After
which, the British arms from over the seat of Justice in
the Court House, was taken down, exposed, torn to
pieces and burnt. Another British arms, wrought in
stone, in the front of the pediment without, was thrown
to the ground and broke to pieces, and the picture of
King George III. which had been placed in the Council
Chamber, was thrown out, broke, torn to pieces, and
burnt, of all which the people testified their approbation
by repeated huzzas.®^ The same day, we hear, the Brit-
ish arms from all the churches in the city, were ordered®'^
to be removed and destroyed."

Governor Tryon — from the " Ship Duchess of
Gordon, off Staten-Islahd " — writes to Lord George
Germaine, August 14th : " The confederated Colonies
have declared themselves independent States. Enclosed
is a printed copy ^ of their Declaration of Independency,
which was published through the streets of New- York
the middle of last month, where the King's statue has
been demolished, as well as the King's arms in the City
Hall, the established churches shut up, and every vestige
of Royalty, ^s far as has been in the power of the Rebels,
done away . . ."

The celebration at Huntington, Long Island, took
placeon July 22d. "^. . . t\i^ Freedom ^jid Independency^
of the Thirteen United Colonies, was, with beat of drum,
proclaimed at the several places of parade, by reading

2SS

the Declaration . . . together with the Resolutions
of our Provincial Convention thereupon \ which were
approved and applauded by the animated shouts of the *
people, who were present from all the distant quarters of ^|
this district. After which, the flag which used to wave ^|
on Liberty-pole, having Liberty on one side, and George
III. on the other, underwent a reform, 1. e. the Union
was cut off, and the letters GEORGE III. were dis-
carded, being publickly ripped off; and then an effigy of
the Personage, represented by those letters, being hastiljr
fabricated out of base materials, with its face black like
Dunmore's Virginia Regiment, its head adorned with a
wooden crown, and its head stuck full of feathers, like
CarUton and Johnson's Savages, and its body wrapped in
the Union, instead of a blanket or robe of State, and
lined with gunpowder, which the original seems to be
fond of. — The whole, together with the letters above ]
mentioned, was hung on a gallows, exploded and burnt i
to ashes. In the evening the Committee of this towii,4^
with a large number of the principle inhabitants sat
around the genial board and drank 13 patriotic toasts,
among which were, The free and independent Stales of
America ; — The General Congress ; — The ConventtOHt
of the I J States ; — Our principal military Commanders,
and success and enlargement to the American Navy : Nor
was the Memory of our late brave heroes, who have
gloriously lost their lives in the cause of liberty, and
their Country, forgotten."

™ Almost immediately after the adoption of the Declar-
ation, ""about 150 tones in the Nine- Partners and
856

It ^

ITS HISTORT

places adjacent [in Connecticut], rose in a body, fell upon
the sons of liberty there, disarmed them, and took pos-
session of the Committee Chamber." The uprising was
" quelled by a party of near jcxx^ men from the western
parts " of the Colony. About twenty were taken and
confined in prison.

No record has come down to us, however, of the
proclamation of the Declaration (in Connecticut) ; and it
seems almost certain that it was never, at least officially,
proclaimed.

The data upon the subject are mosdy in the minutes
of the Governor (Trumbull) and Council of Safety.
Among the Council were Williams and Hosmer, alter-
nates to Congress, and Dyer.

The entry here for July nth is: " Congress Declara-
tion of Independency received in a letter from Colonel
Trumbull ^ to me"." Those for the i ath^* say : " Letters
from the Congress of the 6th instant came in, by express,
containing information of their late Declaration of Inde-
pendence, and a copy of it, requesting the same to be
duly published, &c." " The matter and manner of
publishing the Independency as recommended by Con-
gress largely discoursed, and many things given out rela-
tive to the matter, &c., and concluded to lay by for the
present period." On the i8th, "The matter of publish-
ing the Independency [was] taken up again, and largely
discoursed . . . and finally thought best^* to let the
matter of publishing the Independency remain for the
determination of the General Assembly at their next
stated session."

The Assembly did not meet, however, until October;
17 257

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

and, though they approved (on the loth) the Declaration,
they said nothing regarding its proclamation.

Meanwhile, according to an item in a newspaper,
headed Hartford, Monday, July 29th, " ™ Last Sunday
a Child was baptized by the Rev. Mr. Perry of East
Windsor, by the Name of INDEPENDENCE."

On December i6th, Mathew McHugh, an innkeeper
of Lebanon, was committed to gaol for declaring against
the Declaration. J

Governor Cooke — at Providence — received the
letter of Hancock at least as early as the i6th; for, on
that day, he acknowledges it, and writes, to Washing-
ton : " I have also received from Congress the Declara-
tion of Independency, and daily expect the Treaty of
Confederation and Union, which hath induced me to
call the General Assembly to meet on Thursday next
[the 18th], when, I can safely assure you, they will give
to both a hearty assent and concurrence."

It was laid before the General Assembly on the day
appointed and approved.

Newport held her celebration two days later (July
20th). "". . . the General Assembly . . . being then
sitting at the State-house in this town, at twelve o'clock,
the brigade stationed here, under the command of the
Colonels William Richmond and Christopher Lippitt,
Esqrs, marched from head-quarters, and drew up in two
columns, on each side the parade, before the Statehouse
door ; his honor the Governor and members of Assembly
then marched through and received the compliments of
the brigades ; afterwards the Secretary read, at the head
258

ITS HISTORT

of the brigade, a resolve of the Assembly concurring
with the Congress in the Declaration of Independence,
the Declaration ^® itself was then read ; next thirteen can-
non were discharged at fort Liberty ; the brigade then drew
up and fired in thirteen divisions, from east to west,
agreeable to the number and situation of the United
States. The Declaration was received with joy and
applause by all ranks. The whole was conducted with
great solemnity and decorum.**

It is of this occasion that Cooke — still at Providence
— writes (on the 23d) when he says: "The Declaration
was published on Saturday last, at Newport, with great
solemnity, in presence of the whole General Assembly,
the brigade being under arms, thirteen cannon fired,
&c. It will be published here on Thursday, and in
the several towns in the Colony, at their next stated
meetings."

The day this letter was written, " ^ The Kentish
guards [in East Greenwich], commanded by Col. Richard
Fry, appeared in their uniforms; about 12 o'clock they
drew up on the parade before the State-House when the
Declaration . . . was read ; likewise a resolve of the
Assembly concurring with the same; which was an-
nounced by a discharge of thirteen cannon at Fort
Daniel ; next the guards fired thirteen volleys ; this was
followed by three huzzas from a numerous body of in-
habitants ; they then repaired to Arnold's Hall, where,
after partaking of a very decent collation, the following
patriotic toasts were drunk: i. The Thirteen United
States of America, a. The General Congress of the
American States. 3. General Washington. 4. The

259

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

American army. 5. Augmentation of the American
navy. 6. In memory of those immortal heroes who
have fallen in the American cause. 7. May a happy
rule of government be established in the State of
Rhode-Island. 8. American manufactures. 9, Free trade
with all the world. 10. May true patriotism warm the
breast of every American. 11. May the independency
of the American States be firmly established, and a
speedy peace take place. 12. May Liberty expand her
sacred wings, and in glorious effort diffuse her influence
o'er and o'er the globe."

The demonstrations in Providence took place (Thurs-
day, the 25th) as expected, at 11 o'clock. "*". . , the
Governour, attended by such members of the Upper
and Lower Houses of Assembly as were in town, and a
number of the inhabitants went in procession to the
State-House, escorted by the Cadet and Light Infantry
, companies, where at twelve o'clock was read the act of
Assembly concurring with [the Declaration] . . . the
Declaration was also read, at the conclusion of which
thirteen volleys were fired by the Cadets and Light Infan-
try; the Artillery Company next fired 13 cannon, and a
like number of new cannon (cast at Hope Furnace) were
discharged at the Great Bridge ; the ships Alfred and
Columbus likewise fired 13 guns each, in honour of the
day — At 2 o'clock his Honour the Governour, attended
and escorted as above, proceeded to Hacker's-hall, where
an elegant entertainment was provided on the occasion ;
after dinner the following toasts were drank, viz. i. The
13 free and Independent states of America. 2. The
Most Hon. the General Congress. 3. The Army and
a6o

ITS HISTORT

Navy of the United States. 4. The State of Rhode-Island
and Providence plantations. 5. The Commerce of the
United States. 6. Liberty to those who have spirit to
assert it. 7. The friends of the United States in every
part of the earth. 8. General Washington. 9. The
Officers of the American army and navy. 10. May the
Crowns of tyrants be crowns of thorns. 11. The memory
of the brave officers and men who have fallen in defence
of American Liberty. 12. May the Constitution of
each separate State have for its object the preservation
of the civil and religious rights of mankind. 13. May
the Union of the States be established in justice and
mutual confidence, and be as permanent as the pillars
of nature. The artillery company, and a number of
other gentlemen, dined the same day at Lindsey's tavern,
when the following toasts were drank: i. The Free and
Independent States of America. 1. The General Con-
gress of the American States. 3. The Hon. JOHN
HANCOCK, Esq ; 4. His Excellency General Wash-
ington. 5. His Excellency General Lee. 6. The brave
Carolinians. 7. Success to General Gates and the
Northern army. 8. May the subtilty of the American
Standard destroy the ferocity of the British lion. 9. The
State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations.
10. The Hon. Governour Cooke. 11. May the Inde-
pendent States of America forever be an asylum for
liberty. 12. The American army and navy. 13. The
Providence Independent company. The whole was
^ conducted with great order and decency, and the declara-
tion received with every mark of applause. Toward the

evening the King of Great Britain's coat of arms was

261

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

taken from the late public office, as was also the sign from 1
the crown coffee-house and burnt."

As we have seen, Hancock forwarded a copy of the I
Declaration to the General Court of Massachusetts on I
July 6th.^ Three days later, Washington also sent them I
a copy ; and, on the day after, he writes to the President I
of Congress ; " ^'I have transmitted a Copy to General I
Ward at Boston, requesting him to have it proclaimed to\
the Continental Troops in that Department."

The Declaration was first read publicly (in Massa-< J
chusetts), it is claimed, by Isaiah Thomas, then onlyj
twenty-seven years of age, "^In a letter in possession
of Daniel Seagrave, dated July 2, 1897, Charles WJ
Burbank of Worcester writes that Samuel Smith, wheBj
city clerk of Worcester, told him the story of the reading
of the Declaration as related by Capt. Benjamin Fla^
a resident of the town at the time — which was tha^
'at about noon on Sunday, July 14th, 1776, a messengd
on his way to Boston stopped at one of the taverns on '
Main street for dinner for himself and team. While
waiting for his team to eat and rest he was met by Isaiah
Thomas, who obtained from him a copy of the Declara-
tion, which he took to the church and read trom the
porch ", which was on the west side of the building.' "

In the Meeting House at Watertown on Tuesday, the
1 6th **, occurred perhaps the most striki ng incident of all
those which have come down to us. The Council of the
Colony (and House of Representatives) — representing
the other Colonies also — and delegates from St. John's
and Michmac Tribes of Nova Scotia were then in coa-
262

ITS HISTORT

Terence ; and the Declaration was interpreted and a copy
of it exhibited to the Indians, and they were told by
Bowdoin, the President, that they and the Americans
were no longer subjects of the King.

On the next day, the council « «^ ORDERED, That
the Declaration of Independence be printed®^; and a
copy sent to the Ministers of each Parish, of every De-
nomination, within this State ; and that they severally be
required to read ^ the same to their respective Congrega-
tions, as soon as divine Service is ended, in the afternoon,
on the first Lord's-Day after they shall have received it :
• . . And after such Publication thereof, to deliver the
said Declaration to the Clerks of their several Towns, or
Districts ; who are hereby required to record the same
in their respective town, or District Book there to remain
as z perpetual Memorial thereof."

Already, on Monday as it would seem, at Southamp-
ton, "® The old Gentlemen, Grandfathers to the age of
seventy years old, and upwards, [ had ] met, agreeable
to appointment, and formed themselves into an inde-
pendent company ... and unanimously made choice
of Elias Pelletreau Esq; for their leader, (with other
suitable officers) who made a very animating speech to
them, on the necessity of holding themselves in readiness
to go into the field in time of invasion ; they chearfully
agreed to it, and determined, at the risk of their lives to
defend the Free and Independent States of America. — "

Thursday, July i8th, was the great day in Boston*^.

According to a newspaper account, the Declaration,
""pursuant to an order of the Honorable Council, was

proclaimed from the Balcony of the State-House . . .

263

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

There were present on the occasion, in the Council
Chamber, the Committee of Council, a number of the
Honorable House of Representatives, the Magistrates,
Ministers, Selectmen, and other gentlemen of Boston and
the neighbouring towns ; also the commission officers of
the Continental Regiments stationed here [Boston], and
other officers. Two of those regiments were under arms
in King *^-street, formed into three lines on the north side
of the street, and in thirteen divisions ; and a detach-
ment from the Massachusetts Regiment of artillery, with
1 pieces of cannon, was on their right wing. At one
o'clock the Declaration was proclaimed by Colonel
Thomas Crafts [Sheriff of Suffi^lk County], which was
received with great joy, expressed by three huzzas from
a great concourse of people assembled on the occasion.
After which, on a signal given, thirteen pieces of cannon
were fired from the fort on Fort-hill, the forts at Dor-
chester Neck, the Castle, Nantasket, and Point Alderton,
likewise discharged their cannon : Then the detachment
of Artillery fired their cannon thirteen times, which was
followed by the two regiments giving their fire from the
thirteen divisions in succession. These firings corre-
sponded to the number of the American States United.
The ceremony was closed with a proper collation to
the Gentlemen in the Council Chamber; during which
the following toasts were given by the President of the
Council, and heartily pledged by the Company, viz :
Prosperity and perpetuity to the United States of America.
The American Congress. The General Court of the State of
Massachusetts-Bay. General WASH I NGTO N, and suc-
cess to the Arms of the United States. The downfall of

264

ITS HISTORT

tyrants and tyranny. The universal prevalence of civil and
religious liberty. The friends of the United States in all
quarters of the globe. The bells in town were rung on
the occasion, and undissembled festivity cheered and
brightened every face. On the same evening the King's
arms, and every sign with a resemblance of it, whether
lion and crown, pestle and mortar and crown, heart and
crown, &c, together with every sign that belonged to a
tory was taken down and the latter made a general con-
flagration of in King^ street.'*

" ^ There was published some years since in the
(British) United Service Journal an account of the way
independence was first proclaimed in Boston, written by
a British officer, who in June 1776, had been captured
on board a transport in the bay, and was then held as a
prisoner in the town. He was invited, with other officers
then on parole, to the Town House, on the i8th of July.
* As we passed through the town,* he says, * we found it
thronged; all were in their holiday suits; every eye
beamed with delight, and every tongue was in rapid mo-
tion. The streets adjoining the Council Chamber were
lined with detachments of infantry tolerably equipped,
while in front of the jail (Court Street) artillery was
drawn up, the gunners with lighted matches. The crowd
opened a lane for us, and the troops gave us, as we
mounted the steps, the salute due to officers of our rank
. . . Exactly as the clock struck one. Colonel Crafts,
who occupied the chair, rose and read aloud the Declara-
tion. This being finished, the gentlemen stood up, and
each, repeating the words as they were spoken by an offi-
cer, swore to uphold the rights of his country. Mean-

265

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

while the town clerk read from a balcony the Declaration
to the crowd ; at the close of which a shout, begun in
the hall, passed to the streets, which rang with loud
huzzas, the slow and measured boom of cannon, and the
rattle of musketry . . . There was a banquet in the
Council Chamber, where all the richer citizens appeared;
large quantities of liquor were distributed among this
mob ; and when night closed in, darkness was dispelled
by a general illumination." ... It was now in front of
the historic Bunch of Grapes tavern^ on the upper cor-
ner of State and Kilby streets, that all portable signs of
royalty in the town, — such as the arms from the Town
House, the Court House, and the Custom House, — _;
were brought and thrown in a pile to make a bonfire."

Yet another, and perhaps even more interesting j
count, is found in a. letter of the aist from Mrs. (Abi
gaii) Adams to her husband, John Adams. She saya'^
" [Ad] Last Thursday, after hearing a very good sermon,'
1 went with the multitude into King Street to hear the
Proclamation for Independence read and proclaimed.
Some field-pieces with the train were brought there.
The troops appeared under arms, and all the inhabitants
assembled there (the small-pox prevented many thousands
from the country), when Colonel Crafts read from the
balcony of the State House the proclamation. Great at-
tention was given to every word. As soon as he ended,
the cry from the balcony was, * God save our American
States,' and then three cheers which rent the air. The
bells rang, the privateers fired, the forts and batteries, the
cannon were discharged, the platoons followed, and every
face appeared joyful. Mr. Bowdoin then gave a senti-
366

ITS HISTORT

ment, * Stability and perpetuity to American Independ-
ence. ' After dinner, the King's Arms were taken down
from the State House, and every vestige of him from
every place in which it appeared, and burnt in King Street.
Thus ends royal authority in this State. And all the
people shall say Amen."

Watertown honored the newly declared independence
on the same day (the i8th). ""*. . .a number of the
members of the Council (who were prevented attending
the ceremony at Boston, on account of the small pox
being there) together with those of the Hon. House of
Representatives who were in town and a number of
other Gentlemen assembled at the Council Chamber . . .
where the said declaration was also proclaimed by the
Secretary, from one of the windows : after which the Gen-
tlemen present partook of a decent collation prepared on
the occasion, and drank a number of constitutional Toasts,
and then retired . . . The King's arms . • • was on
Saturday last [July 20th], also defaced."

The (at least main) celebration at Worcester took place
on the 22d. "^. . . a number of patriotic gentlemen of
this town, animated with a love of their country . . .
assembled on the green near the liberty. pole, where after
having displayed the colours of the Thirteen Confederate
Colonies of America, the bells were set a ringing, and the
drums a beating : After which, the Declaration . . . was
read to a large and respectable body (among whom were
the Select-men and Committee of Correspondence) as-
sembled on the occasion, who testified their approbation
by repeated huzzas, firing of musquetry and cannon, bon-
fires, and other demonstrations of joy — when the arms

267

of that Tyrant in Britain, George the III. of execrable
memory which in former reigns decorated, but of late
disgraced the Court-House in this town, were committed
to the flames and consumed to ashes; after which a select
company of the Sons of Freedom repaired to the Tavern,
lately known by the sign of the King's Arms, which
odious sinature of despotism was taken down by order of
the people, which was chearfuliy complied with by the
Innkeeper, where the following toasts were drank, and
the Evening spent with joy, on the commencement of the
happy sera. i. Prosperity and perpetuity to the United
States of America. 2. The President of the General
Council of America. 3. The Grand Council of America.
4. His Excellency General Washington. 5. All the
Generals in the American Army. 6, Commodore Hop-
kins. 7. The Officers and Soldiers in the American
Army. 8. The Officers and Seamen in the American
Navy, 9. The patriots of America. 10. Every Friend
of America. 11. George rejected and Liberty protected.
11. Success to the American Arms. 13. Sore Eyes to
all Tories, and a Chesnut Burr for an Eye Stone.
14. Perpetual itching without the benefit of scratching
to the Enemies of America. 15. The Council and Rep-
resentatives of the State of Massachusetts- Bay. i6. The
Officers and Soldiers in the Massachusetts service,
17. The Memory of the brave General Warren. 18. The
memory of the magnanimous General Montgomery.
10 [19.] Speedy redemption to all the Officers and Sol-
diers who are now Prisoners of war among our Enemies.
20. The State of Massachusetts-Bay. 21. The town of
Boston, 22. The Select-men and Committees of Corre»-
36S

ITS HISTORT

pondence for the town of Worcester. 13 [23]. May
the Enemies of America be laid at her Feet. 24. May
the Freedom and Independency of America endure till the
Sun grows dim with age, and this Earth returns to Chaos.
The greatest decency and good order, was observed, and at
a suitable time each man returned to his respective home."

At Newburyport ^, on August 5th, " ^. . . the gentle-
men belonging to the alarm list . . . were embodied on
the Parade, where the Declaration ^ was published — On
which joyful occasion many zealous friends to the Rights
and Liberties of this Country, attended, and testified
their cordial approbation, by loud acclamations, and the
discharge of cannon and small arms."

Samuel Adams arrived ^^ in Boston, August 28th.

On the same day, " the General Assembly . . . con-
vened at Watertown, agreeable to adjournment " ; and
the Council — Bowdoin, Walter Spooner, Caleb Cush-
ing, John Winthrop, Benjamin Chadbourn, Thomas
Cushing, John Whetcomb, Benjamin Lincoln, Samuel
Holten, Jabez Fisher, Richard Derby, Jr., Moses Gill,
John Taylor, Benjamin White, William Phillips, Benjamin
Austin, Joseph Cushing, David Sewell and D. Hopkins
— sent a message to the House of Representatives which
said: "This declaration we have ordered to be made
publick, agreeable to the request of Congress, through
every part of the Massachusetts-Bay, and we shall readily
concur with you in expressing our approbation of the
measure, and readiness to risk our lives and fortunes in
defence and support of it." The House, in answer,
expressed " their entire satisfaction in the Declaration

of Independence . . ."

369

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Meshech Weare, at Exeter, answers Hancock's letter
to the " Assembly ", on the i6th : " Jt is with pleasure,
I can assure you, that notwithstanding a very few months
since many persons in this Colony were greatly averse
to anything that looked like independence of Great
Britain, the late measures planned and executing against
us have so altered their opinions that such a Declaration
was what they most ardently wished for; and I verily
believe it will be received with great satisfaction through-
out the Colony, a very few individuals excepted . . .
P. S. The General Court and Committee of Safety sit
at Exeter, where you will please to direct in future.
This express went thirty miles out of his way, by being
directed to Portsmouth,"

Two days later, " "" (pursuant to an order of the Great
and General Court of this state) the Independent Com-
pany under Col. Sherburne, and the Light-Infantry Com-
pany under Coi. Langdon "*", were drawn up on the
parade [in Portsmouth], in their uniforms, when the
Declaration '"'.,. was read, in the hearing of a nu-
merous and respectable audience; the pleasing coun-
tenances of the many patriots present spoke a hearty
concurrence in this interesting measure, which was
confirmed by three huzzas, and all conducted in peace
and good order."

August I St was the day in Amherst. "'"Pursuant to
orders from the committee of safety for said State to the
sheriff of said county [Hillsborough], requiring him to
proclaim Independency in Amherst the shire-town of
said county, The sheriff, attended by the militia, a great
part of the magistrates of the county, and several hundred

ITS HISTORT

of other spectators met at the Meeting house in said
town ; and after attending prayer, were formed into a
circle on the parade, the sheriff in the center on horse
back, with a drawn sword in his hand : The Declaration
was read from an eminence on the parade, after that was
done, three cheers were given, colours flying, and drums
beating ; the militia fired in thirteen divisions attended
with universal acclamations. The whole was performed
with the greatest decorum."

The Council of Safety of Maryland — Jenifer, Charles
Carroll and James Tilghman seeming to have been
present — ordered, July 13th ^", "[Md] That Copies
of the Letter ^^ received from the President of the Con-
gress, of the 8*^ Inst, be sent to the several committees
of Observation in each County and District in this Prov-
ince respectively." Its letters carrying out this order
were dated the i6th. They said: "[Md] Inclosed
we send you the declaration of Independence, and the
Letter that accompanied it from Congress to the Con-
vention ... we transmit the Declaration to you that
you may proclaim it in your County in the manner
you Judge most proper for the Information of the
People."

The Committee of Frederic County, Middle District,
answered, by John Hanson, Jr., its chairman, on the
a5th. The letter acknowledged the one from the Coun-
cil to them "[Md] inclosing several resolves and the
Declaration of Independency to the contents of which
papers due attention will be paid."

The Committee of Baltimore, of which Samuel Purvi-

271

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE*

ence was chairman, on the 23d, " Resolved, That on
Monday next the Declaration ... be proclaimed at the
Court-House of the County," and " Ordered, That
Messrs. Wiliiam Smith, John Boyd, and Benjamin Levy,
together with the General and Field Officers of the Town
Battalion, and of the Independent Company, be a Com-
mittee to form the regulation of the procession . . .
The Committee acquainted Mr. Robert Christie, Jun.,
(Sheriff of this County) of the time agreed on . . .
and at the same time requested him to attend at the
same time, and proclaim Independency ; which he
promised to do." When the day came, however, the
Declaration "was proclaimed by Mr. William Aisquith,
(Mr. Christie being out of Town ; ""} Captain Nathaniel
Smith's Company of Matrosses, Captain John Sterrett's
Company of Independents, Captain John Smith's, Cap-
tain James Cox's, Captain George Wells's, and Captain
William Richardson's Companies being drawn up under
arms on the occasion." "'*

The Declaration was laid (by the Council of Safety)
before the Convention, August i6th^''''. The Conven-
tion " Ordered, That the same be taken into considera-
tion tomorrow morning." On the next day, — Chase,
Goldsborough, Paca, Charles Carroll, Charles Carroll of
Carrollton and (Matthew) Tilghman being present"" —
it was resolved that the " Convention will maintain the
freedom and independency of the United States, with
their lives and fortunes." Two days later, " On motion,
[it was] Ordered, That the Resolution of Saturday, re-
specting the Declaration of Independence, be published
in the Maryland Gazette."

373

ITS HISTORT

John Page "^ President of the Council of Virginia, in
acknowledging to Hancock"^ the receipt of the Declara-
tion, mailed on the 8th, writes, July 20th, that the people
" have been impatiently expecting it, and will receive it
with joy."

On the same day, the Council " ^^ Ordered, That the
printers publish "* in their respective Gazettes the DEC-
LARATION . • . and that the sheriff of each county
in this commonwealth proclaim the same at the door of
his courthouse the first court day after he shall have re-
ceived the same."

In pursuance of this "^"* order of the Hon. Privy
Council, the DECLARATION . . . was solemnly pro-
claimed" in Williamsburg on the afternoon of the 25th
**at the Capitol, the Courthouse, and the Palace, amidst
the acclamations of the people, accompanied by firing of
cannon and musketry, the several regiments of continen-
tal troops having been paraded on that solemnity."

Eleven days later (August 5th), ""® being court day,"
it was proclaimed in Richmond, "before a large con-
course of respectable freeholders of Henrico County,
and upwards of 200 of the Militia, who assembled on
that grand occasion. It was received with universal
shouts of joy ; and re-echoed by three vollies of small
arms. The same evening the town was illuminated, and
the members of the Committee held a club, when many
patriotic toasts were drunk. Although there were near
1000 people present, the whole was conducted with the
utmost decorum ; and the satisfaction visible in every
countenance sufficiently evinces their determination to

support it with their lives and fortunes."
18 273

\J ('

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

The " goings on " in North Carolina — so far as
they have come down to us — centered about Cornelius
Harnett.

On July 22d"', the Council of Safety — having met
at 8 o'clock in the morning — " [NC] Resolved That
the Committees of the respective Towns and Counties in
this Colony on receiving the . . . Declaration"*, do
cause the same to be proclaimed in the most public
Manner in Order that the good people of this Colony
may be fully informed thereof."

On the 25th, the same body, taking into consideration
the fact that the " [NC] Declaration renders the Test as
directed to be subscribed by the Congress at Halifax im-
proper and Nugatory. Resolved, That a Test as follows
be substituted in lieu thereof and subscribed by the
Members of this Board : We the Subscribers do . . .
Solemnly and sincerely promise and engage under the
Sanction of Virtue honor and the sacred Love of Liberty
and our country, to Maintain and support all and every
the Acts, Resolutions and Regulations of the said Con-
tinental and provincial Congresses to the utmost of our
powers and Abilities. In Testimony whereof we have
hereto set our Hands at Halifax, this 24*^ day of July
1776. Com" Harnett, Willie Jones, Tho" Person, Whit-
mill Hill, Thomas Eaton, John Simpson, Jos. Jno.
Williams, Thos. Jones, James Coor."

Again, on the 27th, they " [NC] Resolved, That
Thursday the first day of August next be set apart for
proclaiming the said declaration at the Court House in
the Town of Halifax; the freeholders and Inhabitants
of the County of Halifax are requested to give their
Attendance at the time and place aforesaid."
374

ITS HISTORT

" "• On the appointed day an immense concourse of
people assembled at Halifax to witness the interesting
ceremony of a public proclamation of the Declaration of
Independence. The Provincial troops and militia com-
panies were drawn up in full array, to witness the scene
and to swear by their united acclamations to consum-
mate the deed. At mid-day Cornelius Harnett ascended
a rostrum which had been erected in front of the Court
House, and then as he opened the scroll, upon which
was written the immortal words of the Declaration, the
enthusiasm of the immense crowd broke in one swell of
rejoicing and prayer. The reader proceeded to his task,
and read the Declaration to the mute and impassioned
multitude with the solemnity of an appeal to Heaven.
When he had finished, all the people shouted with joy,
and the cannon, sounding from fort, to fort, proclaimed
the glorious tidings . . . The soldiers seized Mr. Har-
nett, and bore him on their shoulders through the streets
of the town, applauding him as their champion, and
swearing allegiance to the instrument he had read."

Still further action — remedial in its nature — was taken
by the Council of Safety on August 6th. " [NC] ... as
it appears that there is no Committee in the County
of Cumberland, [they] Resolved, That Colonel Ebenezer
Folesome and Colonel David Smith or either of them on
receiving the said declaration call a General Meeting of
the Inhabitants of the said County, and that they or either
of them cause the same to be read and proclaimed in
the most public manner in order that the good people
of this State may be fully informed thereof . . ."

« 120 'pi^g Declaration ^^ . . . was sent on by express,

375

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE '

and received on the last of July ^^ in Charleston ", South
CaroHna.

Her Delegates — Thomas Lynch, Sr., Edward Rut-
ledge, Arthur Middleton, Heyward and Thomas Lynch,
Jr. — wrote, in their letter, dated Philadelphia, July 9th :
" Enclosed also, are some other occasional resolutions of
Congre3s,and a very important Declaration, which the King
. . . has at last reduced us to the necessity of making.'^
All the Colonies were united upon this great subject, ex-
cept New-York, whose Delegates were restrained by an in-
struction given several months ago . . . P. S. The express
is to be paid for every day that he is detained in Carolina."

The time was especially propitious; for the battle of
Fort Moultrie had occurred on the 28th '^ of June pre-
ceding, and the Colony had, therefore, at last, tasted
some of the bitterness of war, with which the northern
Colonies, directly or indirectly, had been long familiar.

" "^ The importance of this measure was duly appre-
ciated by the civil authorities, and they determined that
the announcement should be as imposing and impressive
\ as possible. The civil '^ and military were all paraded,
and the reverend gentlemen of the clergy of all denomi-
nations were invited, and did very generally unite to
countenance and solemnize the ceremony. The Liberty
Tree^, in Mazychborough . . . was the favorite resort
for all meetings of the people, with revolutionary objects,
during the preceding ten or twelve years. The popular
feeUng for this tree associated with its name, induced the
governor and council to select this as the place for the
first declaration of independence. Thither the proces-
sion moved from the city, on the 5th of August, em-
.,6

ITS HISTORT

bracing all the young and old, of both sexes, who could
be moved so far. Aided by bands of music, and uniting
all the military of the country and city, in and near
Charleston, the ceremony was the most splendid and
solemn that ever had been witnessed in South-Caro-
lina.**^ It was opened by prayers, offered up to the
throne of the Most High, by the Rev. Mr. William
Percy, of the Episcopal Church. The declaration was
then read in the most impressive manner by Major
Barnard Elliott, and closed with an elegant and appro-
priate address by the same reverend gentleman, inspiring
the crowded audience with piety and patriotism. It
was followed by a universal burst of applause, by loud
huzzas and animating cheers. The infantry responded
with a general feu de joicj and the discharge of can-
non echoed and re-echoed the general enthusiasm . . •
There were always secret enemies and informers in our
country, and this ceremony was described soon after
in the British prints with as much ridicule as possible.
Among other circumstances, the day was said to have
been very hot, and the reverend gentleman, while ad-
dressing the audience, was shaded by an umbrella, held
over him by his servant, a negro man. As the crowd
pressed forward, and the orator became warm with his
ardor of patriotism, his countenance also glowed with the
actual heat of the weather, the ardor of sunshine. The
black servant was then observed to be fanning his mas-
ter, while holding the umbrella over him, and the British
Narrator observed on the circumstance :
" Good Mr. Parson, it is not quite civil

To be preaching rebellion, thus &nned by the devil."

277

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 1

The General Assembly, however, was not in session, J
and did not convene until the 17th of September — and J
then only by proclamation of John Rutledge. I

On the 19th, Rutledge ™ " delivered to both Houses " I
a speech in which he said: " Since your last meeting, the!
Continental Congress have declared the United Colonies 1
free and independent States , . . an event which neces- j
sity had rendered not only justifiable but unavoidable. 1
The Declaration, and several resolves of that honourable I
body received during your recess, shall be laid before 1
you. I doubt not you will take such measures as may ]
be requisite in consequence of them." J

This speech, on the same day, was referred to a com--J
mittee composed of Rawlins Lowndes, Charles Pinckney^J
the Attorney General, Rev. William Tennent, Johni
Edwards, John Neufville, Isaac Motte, Phillip Smith j
and Roger Smith ; and, on the next day, Lowndes re- 1
ported a draft of a reply, which declared : " It is with theJ
most unspeakable pleasure we embrace this opportunity o(M
expressing our joy and satisfaction in the declaration . . . '
declaring the United Colonies free and independent States,
absolved from allegiance to the British Crown ... an
event unsought for, and now produced by unavoidable
necessity . . ." Immediately upon the reading of this draft,
a motion was made to strike out the words " unspeakable
pleasure ", and a debate ^ ensued ; but the amendment
foiled of being carried. The draft, however, was amended
so that the reply, when adopted, on the same day, read :
'* It is with unspeakable pleasure we embrace this oppor-
tunity of expressing our satisfaction . . . constituting the
United Colonies free and independent States . . ."
378

ITS HISTORT

This reply was presented to Rutledge on the 2ist, in
the Council Chamber, where he had come especially " to
receive the House with their Address"; and, when "Mr.
Speaker, with the House . . . returned [to its chamber],
Mr. Speaker reported that he, with the House, having
attended the President in the Council Chamber with
their Address in answer to his Speech his Excellency
had been pleased to reply in the following words : * . . .
May the happiest consequences be derived . . • from
the independence of America, who could not obtain even
peace, liberty and safety by any other means.' "

The Legislative Council replied to the speech, on the
20th: "The Declaration . . . calls forth all our atten-
tion. It is an event which necessity has rendered not
only justifiable but absolutely unavoidable. It is a
decree now worthy of America. We thankfully receive
the notification of and rejoice at it ; and we are deter-
mined at every hazard to endeavour to maintain it . . ."

Rutledge responded to this reply, on the same day:
"Your determination to endeavour to maintain the inde-
pendence of the United States, at every hazard, proves
that you know the value and are deserving of those
rights for which America contends."

The Declaration was approved by the grand jury of
Charleston on October 15th.

Very naturally, it also was late before Georgia celebrated
the action of Congress in declaring independence. On
August loth, however, " ^^ A Declaration being received
from the Honourable John Hancock, Esq. ... his Ex-
cellency the President [Bullock], and the Honourable the

279

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Council met in the Council-Chamber [in Savannah], and
read the Declaration. — They then proceeded to the
square before the Assembly House, and read it likewise
to a great concourse of people, when the grenadier and
light infantry companies fired a general volley. After
this, they proceeded in the following procession to
Liberty Pole: — The grenadiers in front — The Provost
Marshal, on horseback, with his sword drawn — The Sec- _
retary with the Declaration — His Excellency the Presi- J
dent^The Honourable the Council and gendemen
attending — Then the light infantry, and the rest of the
militia of the town and district of Savannah. At the
Liberty Pole they were met by the Georgia battalion,
who, after the reading of the Declaration, discharged their
field pieces, and fired in platoons. Upon this they pro-
ceeded to the battery, at the Trustees Gardens, where the
Declaration was read for the last time, and the cannon of
the battery discharged. His Excellency and Council,
Col. Lachlan Mcintosh, and other gentlemen, with the
militia, dined under the cedar trees, and cheerfully drank
to the United, Free, and Independant States of America.
In the evening the town was illuminated, and there was
exhibited a very solemn funeral procession, attended b^
the grenadier and light infantry companies, and other
militia, with their drums, muffled, and fifes, and a greater
number of people than ever appeared on any occasion
before in this province, when George the Third was
interred before the court-house in the following manner:
' Forasmuch as George the Third, of Great Britain, hath
most flagrantly violated his coronation oath, and trampled
upon the constitution of our country, and the sacred

ITS HISTORT

rights of mankind, we therefore commit his political
existence to the ground, corruption to corruption, tyranny
to the grave, and oppression to eternal infamy ; in sure
and certain hope that he will never obtain a resurrec-
tion to rule again over these United States of America ;
but my friends and fellow citizens, let us not be sorry, as
men without hope, for TYRANTS that thus depart;
rather let us remember America is free and independent,
that she is, and will be, with the blessing of the Almighty,
GREAT among the nations of the earth. Let this
encourage us in well doing, to fight for our rights and
privileges, for our wives and children, for all that is near
and dear to us. May God give us his blessing, and let
all the people say AMEN.' "

" 131 w^i^h similar joy was the Declaration of Independ-
ence welcomed in the other parishes of Georgia. St.
John's Parish, the Home of Hall and Gwinnett, two of
the signers, was most pronounced in its demonstrations
of approval."

38 X

At this time, therefore, the Declaration on parchmei
must, in all probability, have been in that city.^

Henceforth until sometime during the administratiodi
of Pickering as Secretary of State (December, 1795, to
May 12, 1800), and thenceforth until 1814, we have
found no /iroo/"of its whereabouts.

We know, however, that, on September 15, 1789, an
Act was approved providing " [D '] That the Executive
department, denominated the Department of Foreign
Affairs, shall hereafter be denominated the Department
of State ^, and the principal officer therein shall hereafter
be called the Secretary of State " and " That the said
Secretary shall forthwith after his appointment be entitled
to have the custody and charge . . . of all books, records
284

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.5 00

ITS HISTORT

and papers, remaining in the office of the late Secretary
of the United States in Congress assembled . . ."

We know also that — strangely enough — Jefferson
was appointed the first Secretary of State, and was con-
firmed, September 26th.

M:Kean, in his letter of January, 18 14, to John Adams,
as we have seen ^ tells us :

In the manuscript journal, Mi Pickering, then Secretary of
State, and myself saw a printed half sheet of paper^ with the
names of the members afterwards in the printed journals, stitched
in. We examined the parchment where my name is signed in
my own hand-writing. —

This examination doubtless took place just previous to
the writing by M:Kean of his letter (August 4, 1796) to
Dallas ; for, in that letter *, he says that he

signed the declaration after it had been engrossed on parchment
where my name, in my own hand-writing, still appears • . .

. . . The manuscript public Journal has no names annexed to
the declaration of independence, nor has the secret Journal ; but
it appears by the latter, that on the 19th day of July, 1776, the
Congress directed that it should be engrossed on parchment, and
signed by every member^ and that it was so produced on the 2d ,
August, and signed. This is interlined in the secret Journal, in
the hand- writing of Charles Thompson, Esquire, the Secretary.
The present Secretary of State of the United States and myself
have lately inspected the Journals, and seen this.

Indeed, also, in his letter (June 16, 18 17) to Messrs.
Wm. M'Corkle & Son^, he says:

Afterwards, in 1797, when the late A. J. Dallas, Esq. then
Secretary of the Commonwealth, was appointed to publish an

285

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

edition of the laws, on comparing the names published as sub-
scribed to the Declaration of Independence, he observed a vari-
ance, and the omission, in some publications, of the name
of Thomas M'Kean ; having procured a certificate from the
Secretary of State that the name of Thomas M'Kean was
affixed in his own handwriting to the original Declaration of
Independence • • •

Of course, we may safely assume that the Declara-
tion on parchment was among the papers which were
transferred from Philadelphia to Washington, in 1800,
when the seat of government was changed, of which John
Adams, in his message to Congress, November lid of
that year, says: "[D] Immediately after the adjourn-
ment of Congress [May 14th] at their last session in
Philadelphia I gave directions, in compliance with the
laws, for the removal of the public ofRces, records, and
property. These directions have been executed^, and
the public officers have since resided and conducted the
ordinary business of the Government in this place."

In 1 8 14, the British, under Admiral Cockburn and
General Ross, visited the city (Washington) and burned
the Capitol and other public buildings. Most of the
citizens fled from their homes, and many of the records
of the government were carted into the country to save
them from destruction. Madison was President, and
Mrs. Dolly Madison, it seems, was among the last to
flee from the White House after the news of the defeat
of the Americans at Bladensburg.

Lossing® tells us that, "snatching up the precious
parchment on which was written the Declaration of Inde-
pendence and the autographs of the signers, which she

286

ITS HISTORT

had resolved to save also, she hastened to the carriage
with her sister (Mrs. Cutts) and her husband, and two
servants, and was borne away to a place of safety beyond
the Potomac."

For this beautiful story, however, we regret that we
have been unable to find any authority.

Indeed, General S. Pleasonton directly assures us that
the Declaration was in the Department of State and that
it was taken thence to the Virginia side of the Potomac.
In a letter to William H. Winder at Philadelphia, dated
Washington, August 7, 1848, he says:

*I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 5th in-
stant • . •

After a lapse of 34 years I may not be perfectly accurate in
my recollection of all the circumstances . . . but I will, with
great pleasure, state them as they now occur to my memory • • •

Soon after learning that the British fleet were in the Chesa-
peake, we learned also that they were ascending the Patuxent,
evidently with the view of attacking this city. Upon receiving
this information, which was about a week before the enemy
entered Washington, Col. Monroe, then Secretary of State,
mounted his horse, and proceeded to Benedict, a small village
on the Patuxent, where the British forces were being landed • • •
he sent a note^^, either to Mr. John Graham, the chief clerk of
the oflice, or myself, (I do not remember which,) by a vidette,
advising us to take the best care of the books and papers of the
oflice which might be in our power. Whereupon I proceeded to
purchase coarse linen, and cause it to be made into bags of con-
venient size, in which the gentlemen of the oflice, assisted by
me, placed the books and other papers, after which I obtained
carts, and had them conveyed to a grist mill, then unoccupied,
belonging to Mr. Edgar Patterson, situated a short distance on

flS;

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

the Virginia side of the Potomac, beyond the chain-bridge, so
called, two miles above Georgetown.

Whilst engaged in the passage way of the building with the
papers, the Department of State being on one side, and the War
Department on the other side of the passage. General Arm-
strong ^i, then Secretary of War, on his way to his own room,
stopped a short time, and observed to me, that he thought we
were under unnecessary alarm, as he did not think the British
were serious in their intentions of coming to Washington. I
replied that we were under a different belief, and let their inten-
tions be what they might, it was the part of prudence to preserve
the valuable papers of the Revolutionary Government^, com-
prising the declaration of Independence^^, the laws, the secret
journals of Congress, then not published, the correspondence of
General Washington . . •

Considering the papers unsafe at the mill, as, if the British
forces got to Washington, they would probably detach a force
for the purpose of destroying a foundry for cannon and shot in
its neighborhood, and would be led by some evil disposed person
to destroy the mill and papers also, I proceeded to some farm
houses in Virginia, and procured wagons, in which the books
and papers were deposited, and I proceeded with them to the
town of Leesburg, a distance of 35 miles, at which place an
empty house was procured, in which the papers were safely
placed, the doors locked, and the keys given to Rev. Mr. Little-
john, who was then, or had been, one of the collectors of internal
revenue.

Being fatigued with the ride, and securing the papers, I retired
early to bed, and was informed next morning by the people of
the hotel where I staid, that they had seen, the preceding night,
being the 24th of August, a large fire in the direction of Wash-
ington, which proved to be a light from the public buildings the
enemy had set on fire, and burned them to the ground.

2S8

ITS HISTORT

On the 26th of August I returned to Washington, and found
the President's house and public offices still burning, and learned
that the British arniy had evacuated the city the preceding
evening . . .

As a part of the British fleet soon afterwards ascended the
Potomac, and plundered Alexandria of a large quantity of flour
and tobacco, threatening Washington at the same time with a
second invasion, it was not considered safe to bring the papers of
the State Department back for some weeks, not, indeed, until
the British fleet generally had left the waters of the Chesa-
peake. In the meantime it was found necessary for me to
proceed to Leesburg occasionally, for particular papers, to which
the Secretary of State had occasion to refer in the course of his
correspondence.

The next link in the history of the Declaration on
parchment is found in a letter (received at the Senate,
January 2, 1824) of John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State, and in a resolution of Congress (of May 26th)
thereupon. These say :

[D] ... an exact facsimile, engraved on copperplate^*, has
been made by direction of this department, of the original copy
of the Declaration of Independence, engrossed on parchment
• . . Two hundred copies have been struck oiF from this plate,
and are now at the office of the department, subject to the
disposal of Congress.

[D] Resolved, That the two hundred copies of the Declaration
of Independence, now in the Department of State, be distributed
in the manner following : two copies to each of the surviving
signers ^^ of the Declaration of Independence ; two copies to the
President of the United States ; two copies to the Vice President
of the United States ; two copies to the late President, Mr.
Madison ; two copies to the Marquis de Lafayette ; twenty
19 389

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

copies for the two Houses of Congress } twelve copies for the
dilferent Departments of the Government ; two copies for tbe
President's house; two copies for the Supreme Court room ; ona
copy to each of the Governors of the States ; and one to each
branch of the Legislatures of the States ; one copy to each of
the Goveniors of the Territories of the United States; and
one copy to the Legislative Council of each Territory ; and the
remaining copies to the diiferent Universities and Colleges of tbe
United States, as the President of the United States may direct.

We have also, as we shall see", a letter of February
15, 1840, from R. H. Lee, the grandson, which speaks
of the Declaration "at Washington ".

Then comes a letter from Daniel Webster, Secretary
of State, to Henry L. Ellsworth, Commissioner of
Patents. It bears date June 11, 1841, and says:

'' Having learned that there is in the new building appropriated
to the Patent Office suitable accommodations for the safe-keeping,
as well as the exhibition of the various articles now deposited
in this Department, and usually exhibited to visitors ... I
have directed them to be transmitted to you . , .

You will aJso receive the articles enumerated in tbe annexed
schedule, C, which have been deposited in the Department since
. . . [January 14] 1834, or which ^^, having been usually
exhibited to visitors at this Department, may be interesting to
those calling at the Patent Office.

SCHEDULE C

6. The Ori^nal Declaration of Independence

On February 6, 1877, a letter was written from the
Oepartment of State, signed by Secretary Hamilton Fish,

ITS HISTORT

to Zachariah Chandler, Secretary of the Interior, which
reads:

^•It appears from a letter of my predecessor, Mr. Webster
• • . that, for the reasons therein set forth, certain articles
which had previously been lodged in this Department, were
transferred to the custody of the Patent Office, which was then
under the supervision of the Secretary of State. The connection
of this Department with that office was severed by the act of
Congress of the 3? of March 1849, creating the Department of
the Interior, and the functions of the Secretaiy of State in respect
to Patents were devolved upon the Secretary of the Interior, but
the articles transferred to the Patent Office above adverted to
were not returned to this Department.

This Department now occupies the new, fire-proof and
spacious edifice which has been constructed for its use, and it
is considered that it would be preferable for such of the articles
which were sent to the Patent Office as are records or papers
(the custody of which it is believed is by the Statute intrusted to
this Department,) should be returned here for future custody.

I would consequently request the return of the original Dec-
laration of Independence . . .

I have consulted with the President, and have conferred ver-
bally with yourself on this subject, and in pursuance of your
suggestion, I have submitted this application to the President,
who has endorsed his approval thereon, and his authorization of
the return of the documents referred to.

Below Fish's signature is the following :

Executive Mansion, February 6, 1877.
The custody of the original Declaration of Independence . . .
appearing to be by law placed with the Secretary of State, I ap-
prove the request made by him for their return to the Department

29 z

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

and hereby authorize such return i
Secretaiy of the Interior.

be made by the Hon. cbe
U. S. Grant •

The letter (in reply), returning the Declaration on
parchment to the Department of State, is signed by
Chandler and bears date March 3d. It says :

[S] I . . . forward, herewith, the original Declaration of
Independence, and the Commission of General George Washing-
ton, as Commander-in-Chief.

Compliance with your request relative to these papers, was
delayed by an effort on the part of prominent citizens of Phil-
adelphia to have them retained permanently in Independence
Hall, where they were placed during the Centennial Exhibition.

After its return to the Department of State, the
Declaration on parchment, for many years, was enclosed
in a cabinet* on the eastern side of the Library, where now
is li. facsimile of it.

Since April 23, 1894, it has reposed in a steel safe^ in
the same room. The transfer was ordered, because the
light^ was fading it rapidly.

At the present time, the heavy handwriting of Han-
cock is scarcely visible ; and only a few of the names can
be pl^nly read.®

Appendix

JEFFERSON'S NOTES^

ess. Friday June 7. 1776. the Delegates from Virginia moved in obedience
to instructions from their constituents that the Congress should declare
that these United colonies are & of right ought to be free & independant
states, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and
that all political connection between them & the state of Great Britain
is & ought to be totally dissolved ; that measures should be immediately
taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a Confederal
tion be formed to bind the colonies more closely together.

The house being obliged to attend at that time to some other business,
the r— ciutioft * proposition was referred to the next day when the members
were ordered to attend punctually at ten o'clock.

Saturday June 8. theypt^ution propos»d was howv proceeded to
takej^into consideration and referred it to a committee of the whole, into

which -ft-^inmied lately resolved themselves, and passed that day & Moo-
day the 10^ in debating on the subject.

It was argued by Wilson, Robert R. Livingston,

[The remainder of page i and all of pages 2, 3, 4 and 5 of
the notes Sire to be found at p. 11 1. The following is on the
reverse side of page 5 :]

It appearing in the course of these debates that the colonies of N. York,

& South Carolina

New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware 41» Maryland^had wot yet adran— 4
«» were not yet matured for falling «ff ' from the parent stem, but that they
were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait
a while for them, and to postpone the final decision to July I . but that

29s

3 the house c

dingiy done,
Friday the
on the table, on Mocdxy
cotnniee of the whole &
delegates of

mitlecs were ilao appoin
federitioa for the colonic
for foreign alliiDce. the
pendance desired me lo
and being approved by [hem, I reported ii
z8'^ of June when it was read and ordered [c
the r.' of July the house resolved itset!" Ini
resumed the consideration of the original motion made 1
Virginia, which being again debated through the day,
■ffirmative by the voles of N. Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachuscts,
Rhode ialand, N. Jersey, Maryland, Virpnia, N, Carolina, & Georgia,
S. Carolina and Pennsylvania voted against it. Delaware having but two
members present, they were divided ; the delegates for New York declared
they were for it themselves & were assured their constituents were for it,
but thai their mstructions having been drawn near a twelvemonth before,
whet) reconciliation was still the general object, they were enjoined by
lliem to do nothing which should impede that object, they therefore
thought themselves not justifiable in voting on cither ade, and asked leave
to withdraw from the question, which ihey had' was given them, the
Cominec rose Sc reported their resolution to the house, mV, Ruiicge oF
S. Carolina then ^eaifgd the determination might be put off to the next
day, at he believed hw coUegaes, iho' they disapproved of the resolution,
would then join in it for the sake of unanimity, thia was Aoat ^ the ulti-
mate <]uestion whether the houie would agree to the resolution of the
committee wti accordingly postponed to the next day, when/,S. Carolina
concurred in voting for it in the mean time a third member had come
post from the Delaware counties and turned the vote of that colony in
ftvour of the resolution, members of a

dtficrent sentiment attending that morning from Pennsylvania also, their
vote wa* changed, so that the whole 1 1. colonies, who were authorized
to vote at all, gave their voices for it; and within a few days*'*
the convention of N. York approved of it by thatf yow w^supplied"

APPENDIX

the void occasioned by the withdrawing of their delegates from the
vote.

Congress proceeded the same day to^ consider the deckration of
Independance which had been reported & kid on the table the Friday

and on Monday referred to a comfS^ of the whole.^*

preceding^ the pusillanimous idea that we had friends in England worth
keeping terms with, still haunted the minds of many, for this reason those
passages which conveyed censures on the people of England were struck
out, lest they should give them offence, the clause too, reprobating the en-

slaving the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisance^«e South
Carolina & Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of
slaves, and who on the contrary still wished to continue it. our Northern
brethren also I believe felt a little tender on that ^* under those censures ;
for tho' their people have very few slaves themselves yet they had been
pretty considerable carriers of them to others, the debates having taken
up the greater parts of the 2? 3? & 4*** days of July were, in the evening
of the last, closed ^* the declaration was reported by the commee, agreed

Am Ik* — ifaiMti limm v ka*n mi aaly by «te« thay iMtH*. b«l «h»« thay s^Ml tkm, I wS itali <h* *m •fite aa

present ■•

to by the house and signed by every member^ezcept iS^ Dickinson, ^dec-
struck out
laration ^ as originally reported, w here subjoined ; ^ the parts omitttd

shaflbe** ^

4tffr-4^ by Congress -am- distinguished by a black line drawn under them ;

by them shall be

&those inserted^AM placed in the margin or m a concurrent column*.*

[Here follows the Declaration, which is given at p. 172. It
ends on page 1 2 of the notes.

[Immediately following it, a slip ^ is pasted onto the page, on
which slip is the following :]

the Dedaration thus signed on the 4^.^ on paper was engroased 00 parchment, ft signed again on the a^of Ang>**

Some erroneous statements ^ of the proceedings on the declaration of inde-
pendance having got before the public in latter times, mr Samuel A. Wells
asked explanations of me, which are given in my letter to him of May 12.
19.*^ before and now again referred to. I took notes m my place while

[The following is on the reverse side of the slip :]
these things were going on, and at their close wrote them out in form and

from X. to 7. ■> of

with correctness and^tnio and ^ the two precedmg sheets * are the origi*

297

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

mil then writCen ; at the two following ** are of the earlier dibalei on the
Cocfedeticion, which I toolc in like muiner.

[The remaining portion of page i2 (b^inning as follotrs:
""On Friday July 12. the Committee appointed to draw the
articles of confederation reported them . . .*') and the remain-
ing pages of the nettt refer to the subject of c«i$ftdiratiaH.'\

29S

}

APPENDIX

LETTERS OF M:KEAN

Aagast 4, 1796, from PhilaHrlphiij to
ALEXANDER J. DALLAS

** . • . The Pablicmtion of the DecUratUm §f ludefeudena oa llbe
4? (kf of J11I7 1776, as printed in the Journals of Congress, Vol. 2»

pa. 241 &c. and also in nwrt of the Acts o^jxiblic bocties since, so fiv
as respects the names of the Delegates ox Deputies who made that
Declaration on that day in Congwss^ has [taught me to think less nn*
fiiTorably of scepticism than formerly] ... By the printed publica-
tions referred to, it would appear as if the fifty five Gentlemen, whoK

names are signed thereto and none other, were on that day personally

Whereat

present in Congress and assenting to the Declaration ; fitit the troth k

otherwise. The foUowmg Gentlemen were not^^ Members of Congrett
oa that on the 4*!* of July 1776, to wit, Matthew Thornton, Benjamin
Rash, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor and George Ross ;
Esy the five last named were not chosen Delegates until the 20*^ day of
that Month, the first not until the 1 2*^ day of September following, nor
did he cake his seat in Congress until the 4*^ of November 1776 . . ,

Altho' the six Gentlemen named had been^active in the cause of

America, and some of them to my own knowledge^in fiivor of its Inde-
pendence before the day on which it was declared, yet I "^ personally
know, that none of them were in Congress on that day.

When I Modesty should not rob any man of his just honor, when
by that honor his modesty cannot be offended. My name is not in the
printed Journals of Congress as a party to the Declaration of Independ-

vitiated

ence, and this, like an error in the first concocdon, has pervaded most

the fact is that tbca A

of the subsequent publicadons ; and yet^I was^a Member of Congress

299

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

for the State of Dcllware, wai persanally preicol in Congress, voted in
favor of IndepMce on the 4* of July 1776, and aftefwi-<fd* signed the
declaration, after it was engroiicd on parchment j where my name in my
own hand-writing still appears . , . [Henry Wisner, of the state of New-
Vork, was also in Congress, and voted for Independence.] On the ;*? of
Jkily 1776 Iwa* chosen Chairman at a conference . . . And in a few dayi
afterward* I marched with the-4:^ Battalion of the Philadelphia MiiiM^
being the Colonel, to Amboy in New-Jersey, and remained in the Arm^ '
till the flying camp of ten thousand men was formed, — In 1781 I
publiihed the i Vol, of the Slate Laws of Pennsylvania, and hid mj
name : — to the Declaration of Independence. —

From these circumsunccs it must be pretty evident, that I was prct-
ent in Congress on the 4'?" July 1776 gn^J join* A- in— the voio for

I welt remember, that on Monday the i? July the Congress, in 1 Com*
mittee of the whole, voted in favor of Independence, all the Slates con-
curring except Pennsylvania, which voted in ihc negative, and Delaware,
which was divided. Those Delegates for Pennsylvania, who voted in the
negative, were John Dickinson, Robert Morris, Thomas Willing and
Charles Humphries Esquires, those in the affirmative were^ Benjamin
Franklin and Jamei Wilson Esquires. For Delaware, my vote was fat J
Independence, my Colleague George Read Esquire voted against it. On J
the 4'^ Jiily (which was a rainy day) Mess? Dickinson & Mortis di^-sst
Mtiait and in conse<]uence the Vote of Pennsylvania was in favor of the
measure and Cxsar Rodney^ihe other Delegate for Delaware hiving
beeo^ient for^by Eapwwi attended and voted likewise in the tSrmatint
K dut on that day there wa* an unanimout vote of the thirteen Sam ftr
Independence. — I had not heard that die dwlinw Instrument had been
engrossed on parchment ind ugned, by the wicmbrt, until some weeks
titer I returned from Camp, and (I believe) until I returned troin New-
castle, where I bad^employed some weeks, as a member of the Conven-
tion chosen to (arm «beif t new Government for that State i but I
anbtcribed my name to it in the presence of the Congress sometime in
the year 1776.

How the wraf* in the printed Journal has happened I know not ; cb* ic
300

APPENDIX

[The mtnuscript public Journal has no names annexed to the declaration
of independence, nor has the secret Joomal ; but it appears by the latter,
that on the 19th day of July, 1776, the Congress directed that it should
be engrossed on parchment, and signed by every member, and that it was
so produced on the 2d August, and signed. This is interlined in the
secret Journal, in the hand-writing of Charles Thompson, Esquire, the
Secretary. The present Sccreury of State of the United States and
myself have lately inspected the Journals, and seen this. The Journal]

pablished

was ppiAi«4 first. in 1778 by Mf John Dunlap.** [and probably copies,
with the names then signed to it, were printed in August, 1776, and that
Mr. Dunlap printed the names from one of them.] However I have now
given you a true, tho' brief history of the Afiairy^aat being- willing to
•nkrgt upon i» and flatter myself some steps will be taken to correct the
error I am & which have been sufiered too long to exist.* . . .

* As you are engaged to publish a new edition of the Laws of Penn-

it
sylvania I thought this a proper opportunity to convey to you this information.

August 22, 181 3, from Philadelphia, to
CiESAR AUGUSTUS RODNEY

^ Your favor of the 22*! last month . . . came safe to hand . • •
I recollect what passed in Congress in the beginning of July 1776
respecting Independence ; it was not as you have conceived. On Mon-
day the 1? of July the question was taken in the committee of the whole,
when the State of Pennsylvania (represented by seven Gentlemen then
present) voted ag. it : Delaware, (having then only two Representatives
present) was divided ; all the other States voted in favor of it. Where-
upon, without delay I sent an Express (at my private expence) for
your honored Uncle Csesar Rodney Esquire, the remaining member for
Delaware, whom I met at the State-house door in his boots U spurs, as
the members were assembling ; after a friendly salutation (without a word
on the business) we went into the Hall of Congress together, and found
we were among the latest : proceedings immediately commenced, and

was put

after a few minutes the great question .; when the vote for Delaware was
called, your uncle arose and said ; " As I believe the voice of my con-
stituents and that of all sensible & honest men is in &vor of Independence

ft e

my own judgment concurs with them, I vote for Independence, or in
words to the same effect. The State of Pennsylvania on the 4*? of July

301

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

(There being only five members present. Mess" Dickinson & Morris,

voted

who had in the committee of the whole .against Independence were
absent) voted for it ; three to two. Mess? Willing & Humphries in the
negative. Unanimity in the thirteen States, an all important point on so
great an occasion, was thus obtained ; the dissension of t single State
might have produced very dangerous consequences.

Now, that I am on this subject, I will tell you some truths, not gener-
ally known. In the printed public journal of Congress for 1776, vol. 2.
it would appear that the declaration of Independence was signed on the
4^ July by the members, whose names are there inserted, but the fiict is
not so, for no person signed it on that day nor for many days after and
among the names subscribed, one was ag! it, M' Read, and seven were
not in Congress on that day, namely. Mess? Morris, Rush, Clymer,
Smith, Taylor & Ross of Pensylvania, and M5 Thornton of New-
Hampshire, nor were the six Gentlemen last named at that time mem-
bers ; the five for P. were appointed Delegates by the Convention of that
State on the 20^ July, and M^ Thornton entered Congress for the
first time on the 4* of Novem' following : when the names of Henry
Wisner of New- York & Thomas M^Kean of Delaware are not printed as
subscribers, tho' both were present & voted for Independence.

Here false colours are certainly hung out; there is culpability some-
where. What I can offer as an apology or explanation is ; that on the 4*^
of July 1776 the declaradon of Independence was ordered to be ingrossed
on parchment & then to be signed, and I have been told, that a resolve
had passed a few days after and was entered on the secret journal, that no
person should have a seat in congress, during that year, until he should
have signed the declaration, in order (as I have been given to understand)
to prevent traitors or spies from worming themselves amongst us. I was
not in Congress after the 4^^ for some months having marched with my
regiment of associators of this city as Colonel, to support General
Washington until a flying camp of ten thousand men was completed.
When the associators were discharged I returned to Philadelphia, took my
seat in congress & then signed the declaration on parchment. Two days
after I went to Newcastle, joined the Convention for forming a consti-
tution for the future government of the State of Delaware (having been
elected a member for Newcastle county) which I wrote in a tavern,
without a book or any assistance.

You may rely on the accuracy of the foregoing relation.

302

APPENDIX

Jane 16, 1817, from Philadelphk, to
MESSRS. WM. M'CORKLE & SON

^ Several applications having been recently made to me, to state the
errors which I had observed, and often mentioned, in the pablications of
the names of the members of the Continental Congress, who declared in
fiivor of the Independence of the United States, on the 4th day of July,
1776 — I have not, at present, sufficient health and leisure to reply
severally to each application. There can be but one correct sutement
of facts : one public statement, therefore, through the press, will serve
the purpose of the gendemen who have made the request, and may also
give satisfaction to the minds of others, who have turned their thoughts
upon the subject. If I am correct in my statement, it may be of use to
future historians ; if not, my errors can be readily corrected. I wish,
therefore, by means of your paper, to make the following statement of
the £icts within my knowledge, relative to the subject of enquiry.

On Monday, the 1st day of July, 1776, the arguments in Congress
for and against the Declaration of Independence, having been exhausted,
and the measures fully considered, the Congress resolved itself into a
committee of the whole ; the question was put by the chairman, and
all the States voted in the affirmative, except Pennsylvania, which was
in the negative, and Delaware, which was equally divided. Pennsylvania,
at that time, had seven members, viz. John Morton, Benjamin Franklin,
James Wilson, John Dickinson, Robert Morris, Thomas Willing, and
Charles Humphreys. All were present on the first of July, and the
three first named voted for the Declaration of Independence, the remain-
ing four against it. The State of Delaware had three members, Caesar
Rodney, George Read, and myself. George Read and I were present.
I voted for it, Geo. Read against it. When the president resumed the
chair, the chairman of the committee of the whole made his report, which
was not acted upon until Thursday, the 4th of July. In the meantime,
I had written to press the attendance of Csesar Rodney, the 3d delegate
from Delaware, who appeared early on that day at the state house, in
his place. When the Congress assembled, the question was put on the
report of the committee of the whole, and approved by every State. Of
the members from Pennsylvania, the three first, as before, voted in the

303

)

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

eJIirmative, and the two last in the negative. John Dickinson ind
Robert Morris were not present, and did not take their seats on that
day. Cassar Rodney, for the state of Delaware, voted with me in (he
affirmative, and Gco.-gc Read in the negative.

Some monihs afier this, I saw printed publications of the names of
those gentlemen, who had, as it was said, voted for the DecUratioil
of Independence, and observed, that my own name was omitied. I wu
Dot a little surprised at, nor could 1 account for the omission ; because.
I knew that on the 2+th of June preceding, the deputies from the
committees of Pennsylvania, assembled in provincial conference, held
at the Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, which had met on the i8th. and
chosen rne their president, had unanimously declared iheir willingneu lo
concur in a vole of the Congress, declaring the United Colonies free
and independent states, and had ordered their deelaradon to be signed,
and their President to deliver it to Congress, which accordingly I did
the day following ; I knew also, that a regiment of associacora, of which
I was colonel, had, at the end of May before, unanimously made the
same declaration. These circumstances were mentioned, at the time, 10
gentlemen of my acquaintance. The error remained uncorrected until
the year 1781, when I was appointed to publish the laws of Pennsyl-
vania, to which I prefixed the Declaration of Independence, and inserted
my own name, with the names of my colleagues. Afterwards, in 1 797,
when the late A. J. Dallas, Esq. then Secretary of the Commonwealth,
was appointed to publish an edition of the Laws, on comparing the names
published as subscribed lo the Declaration of Independence, he observed
a variance, and the omission, in some publications, of the name of
Thomas M'Kean; having procured a certificate from the Secretary
of State thai the name of Thomas M'Kean was affixed in his owa
hand writing to the original Declaration of Independence, tho' omitted
in the journals of Congress ; Mr Dallas then requested an explanation
of this circumstance from me, and from my answer to this application,
the following extracts were taken and published by Mr. Dallas id the
appendix to the first volume of his edition of the laws,

". , . The publication of the Declaration of Independence on the
4th day of Jaly, 1776, as primed in the journals of Congress, vol, z,
page 142, &c. and also in the acts of most public bodies since, so far
as respects the names of the delegates or deputies who made that declara-
tion, has [taught me to think less un&vorably of skepticism than formerly]
304

APPENDIX

• • . By the printed publications referred to, it would tppear ts if the
fifty-five gentlemen, whose names are there printed, and none other,
were on that day, personally present in Congress, and assenting to the
declaration ; whereas the truth is otherwise. The following gentlemen
were not members on the 4th of July 1776, namely, Matthew Thornton,
Benjamin Rush, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, and
George Ross, Esquires. The Kvt last named were not chosen delegates
until the 20th of that month the first, not until the 1 2th day of Sep-
tember following, nor did he take his seat in Congress, until the 4th of
November, which was four months after . . . Although the six gentle-
men named, had been very acdve in the American cause, and some of
them, to my own knowledge, warmly in fiivour of its independence,
previous to the day on which it was declared, yet I personally know that
none of them were in Congress, on that day.

'< Modesty should not rob any man of his just honour, when, by that
honour, his modesty cannot be offended. My name is not in the printed
journal of Congress, as a party to the Declaration of Independence, and
this, like an error in the first concocdon has vidated most of the sub-
sequent publications, and yet the fact is, that I was then a member of
Congress for the state of Delaware, was personally present in Congress,
and voted in fiivour of Independence on the 4th day of July, 1776, and
signed the Declaration, after it had been engrossed on parchment, where
my name, in my own hand writing, still appears. Henry Wisner,
of the state of New-York, was also in Congress, and voted for
Independence.

''I do not know how the misstatement in the printed journals has
happened. The manuscript public journal, has no names annexed to the
Declaradon of Independence, nor has the secret journal ; but it appears
by the latter, that on the 19th day of July, 1776, the Congress directed
that it should be engrossed on parchment, and signed by every member ^
and that it was so produced on the 2d of August, and signed. This is
interlined in the secret journal, in the hand writing of Charles Thompson,
Esq. the Secretary. The present Secretary of State of the United States,
and myself, have lately inspected the journals, and seen this. The journal
was first printed by Mr. John Dunlap, in 1778, and probably, copies
with the names then signed to it were printed in August 1 776, and that
Mr. Dunlap printed the names fi-om one of tbemJ*

ao 305

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

VARIOUS DRAFTS, ETC., OF THE DECLARATION J

(Of the foUoning, the lines marked a represent the Declaration oi
ment, now in tlic Dcpiilnient of Stale ; the lines marked b the Declar
written out m the etrrtttrd Journal j ihe lines marked c the Declaration u
printed by Dunlap under the order of Congreai, a copy of which is nafercd
into the magh Journal { the lines marked d the draft of the Declaration in the
handwriting of Jefferson now in The American Philosophical Society, in Phil-
uleiphia ; the lines marked e the draft of the Declaration in the handwriting
of Jefferson now in the New York Public Library, Lenox ; the lines maHced
ythe draft of the Declaration in the handwnting of Jefferson now in the
Masrachusclts Historical Society, in Boston ; and the lines marked g the copjr
in the handwriting of John Adams of the "Rough draught" of the D«chtn-

Sociny.)

. "[S]lii CONGRESS, July, 4.
t

, "In CONGRESS, July, 4,
d
1

f
f

1776.I

"[S]

1776.1

••[A]
"[N]
" M.]
"Sf]

jDcdaradoIi

i l>ecIar«tion by ih« reprcKn

Eativet

of the Abtteh
of diej

*DECLARATION| By the REPRESENTATIVES of the|
^Declandon by the Representatives of the

» DeclantioD by the Representatives of the

y Declaration by the Represetitstives of the

; Declaration by the Representatives of the

* united Statea of America

b united states of America in Congreri

«■ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.] In GENERAL CONGRESS

rf UNITED STATES OF| AMERICA in General Congress

* UNITED STATES QFi AMERICA in General CongrcM
y United States of America in| General CoQgreM
g United States of Ameiica [ in general Congtds

306

APPENDIX

b afsembled
€ assembled.
i assembled,
/assembled.
/* assembled.
g afsembled

M When in the Course of human events, it becomes necefsaiy for one

h When in the course of human events, it becomes necefsary for one

c When in the Courfe of human Events, it becomes neceflary for one

d When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one

/ When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one

f When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one

g When in the Courfe of human Events it becomes necefsary for a

M people to difsolve the political bands which have connected them with

k people to difsolve the political bands, which have connected them with

c People to diifolve the Political Bands which have connected them with

i people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with

t people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with

f people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with
g People to advance from that Subordination, in which they have hitherto

M another, and to afsume among the powers of the earth, the feparate and

h another, and to afsume, among the powers of the earth, the feparate and

c another, and to alFume among the Powers of the Earth, the feparate and

1/ another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and

t another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and

y* another, & to assume among the powers of the earth the separated

g remained and to afsume among the Powera of the Earth, the equal and

a equal flation to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God

b equal station, to which the laws of nature and of nature's God

c equal Station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God

</ equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's god

e equal station to which the laws of nature k. of nature's god

yequal station, to which the laws of nature k. of nature's god

g independent Station to which the Laws of Nature and of Natures God

307

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

4 cntidc ihem, a decent respect
i entitle them a decent refpect
{ entitle them, a decent Rcfpect
^CDcicle ihem^ a decent respect
e entitle them, a decent respect
yentitle them, a decent respect
; entitle them, a decent Respect

a they fhould declare the caufes

i they Ihoold declare the caules

t they fhauld decUre the caufes

i/they should declare the causes

e they should declare the causes

ythcy should declare the causes

g they should declare the Caufes,

a We hold these truth!

i [^ We hold thefe truths to

f [^] We hold thefe Truths

J [II] We hold these truths to

e [f ] We hold these truths

/[Ij] We hold these truths

g pi] Wc hold thcfc Truths to

to the opin:
to the Opini
to the Op
to the opi
to the opi
to the op
to the Opi

which impel
which impel
which impel
which impel
which impel
which impel
which impell

be felf-evidenC
be fclf evident
be felf-evidert
be self-evident
be self-evident
be self-evident
be felf evident"

ns of manL:iiid requires that
ns of mankind requires that
as of Mankind requires that
ns of mankind requires that
la of mankind requires that
ns of mankind requires that
19 of Manldnd requires thtt,

them to the reparation. -
them to the feparadon
them to the Separation,
them to the separation,
them to the separation,
them to the separation.
them to the Change .

, that all men a
That all men a
that til Men a
I that all men a
; that all men a
: that oil men a
1 that aU Men a

created

/equal
/equal

, that they are endowed by their Creator with
, that they are endowed by their creator with
, that they are endowed by their Creator with
! that they are endowed by their Creator with
[ that they are endowed by their Creator with
: that ihey are endowed by their creator with**

; equal and independent ; that from that equal Creation they derive

unalienable Rights, that among these are

unalienable rights { that among thefe are

unalienable Rights, that among thefe are

that among these are

that a these are

among which are the

f cenuD

d inherent and inalienable lights

t inherent ti inalienable rights

f inherent & inalienable rights

g Rights inherent and unalienable *' ;

308

APPENDIX

M lifcy Liberty and the pursuit of Happinefs. — That

h life, liberty & the pursuit of happinefs ; that

f Life, liberty, and the Purfuit of Happinefs.. That

d life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that

i life, liberty, U the pursuit of happiness ; that

f life, liberty, & the pursuit of happiness : that

g Preservation of life, and Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happinefs ; that

Mto fecure
h to fecure
rto fecure
dio secure
/ to secure
/"to secure
g to Secure

M their just
h their just
( their just
1/ their just
e their just
/"their just
g their just

these rights. Governments

these rights governments

thefe Rights, Governments

these rights, governments

thefe Ends, Governments

are instituted
are inftituted
are inllituted
are instituted
are instituted
are instituted
are instituted

among Men, deriving
among men, deriving
among Men, deriving
among men, deriving
among men, deriving
among men, deriving
among Men, deriving

powers
powers
Powers
powers
powers
powers
Powers

from the
from the
from the
from the
from the
from the
firom the

consent
consent
Confent
consent
consent
consent
Consent

of the
of the
of the
of the
of the
of the
of the

governed, -
governed ;
Governed,
governed ;
governed ;
governed :
governed ;

-That whenever
that whenever
that whenever
that whenever
that whenever
that whenever
that whenever.

^rany
iany
rany
duny
/any
/any
^any

tf the
ithe
rthe
^the
/the
/the
^the

Form of Government
form of government
Form of Government
form of government
form of government
form of government

becomes
becomes
becomes
becomes
becomes
becomes

form of Government, Shall become

destructive
deftructive
deftructive
destructive
destructive
destructive
destructive

of these ends, it is
of these ends, it is
of thefe Ends, it is
of these ends, it is
of these ends, it is
of these ends, it is
of thefe Ends, it is

Right of the People to alter or to abolish

right of the people to alter or to abolifh

Right of the People to alter or to abolifh

right of the people to alter or to abolish

Right of the People to alter, or to abolish

309

t, and to institute new
t, and to infUtute new
t, and to infUtute new
t, and to institute new
t, and to insdtute new
t, & to institute new
t, and to institute new

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

M Government,
h government^
€ Government,
d government,
e government,
f government,
g Government

laying its
laying its
laying its
laying it's
laying it*s
laying it's
laymg its

foundation on such
foundation on fuch

Foundation on fuch
foundation on such
foundation on such
foundation on such

Foundation on Such

principles

Principles,

principles,

principles

principles.

Principles,

and organizing
and organi^ng
and organizing
and organising
6c organising
6c organising
and organidng

M its powers
b its powers
c its Powers
dit^s powers
i it*s powers
y*it's powers
g its Powers

M Safety and
h fafety and
c Safety and
d safety and
i safety &
y* safety and
g Safety and

in such form, as to them shall
in fuch form, as to them (hall
in fuch Form, as to them ihall
in such form as to them shall
in such form as to them shall
in such form, as to them shall
in Such Form, as to them Shall

seem most likely to
feem most likely to
feem mofl likely to
seem most likely to
seem most likely to
seem most likely to
Seem mod likely to

efiect thdr
efiect their
effect their
effect their
efiect their
effect their
effect their

Happinefs.

happinefs.
Happinefs.

happiness.

happiness.
Happinefs.

Prudence,

prudence

Prudence

indeed, will
indeed, will
indeed, will
indeed will
indeed will
indeed will
indeed will

dictate that Governments

dictate, that
dictate that
dicttte that
dictate that
diaate that
dictate that

governments
Governments
governments
governments
governments
Governments

tf long
b long
r long
i/long
e long
/long
j^long

established

eftablifhed

ellablifhed

established

fhould
(hould
fhould
should
should
should
Should

not be
not be
not be
not be
not be
not be
not be

changed
changed
changed
changed
changed
changed
changed

for light and
for light and
for light and
for light &
for light &
for light and
for light or*'*^

transient
tranfient
tranfient
transient
transient
transient
transient

caufes ;

caufes ;
Caufes ;

causes .

causes :
Caufes :

a and accordingly al
b and accordingly al
c and accordingly al
</and accordingly al
e and accordingly al
/and accordingly al
g and accordingly al

expenence
experience
Experience
experience
experience
experience
Experience

hath fhewn, that
hath fhewn, that
hath fhewn, that
hath she\vn that
hath shewn that
hath shewn that
hath Shewn, that
310

mankind are
mankind are
Mankind are
mankind are
mankind are
mankind are
Mankind are

more dis-
more dif-
more dif-
more dis-
morc dis-
more dis-
morc dis-

APPENDIX

tf posed to fuffer, while evils are fufferabley than to right themselves hj

^pofed to (uSkr, while evils are fufferable than to right themselves by

€ pofed to fufier, while Evils are fufierabley than to right themfelves by

^"^oettd to sufier, while evils are sufierable, than to right themselves by

/ posed to sufier while evils are sufferable, ■ - themselves by

/"posed to suffer while evils are sufFerable, than to right thenoselves by

g pofed to Suffer* while Evils are Sufferable» than to right themsdves, by

M abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a loK\g

h abolifhing the forms, to which they are accustomed. But when a long

€ abolifhing the Forms to which they are accuflomed. But when a long

^abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed, but when a lon^

r abolishing the forms ■ they are accustomed, but when a long

/* abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed, but when a long

g abolishing the Forms to which they are accustomed. But when a loi\g

d train of abuses and ufurpations,
h train of abufes 6c ufurpations
€ Train of Abufes and Ufurpations,

d train of abuses and usurpations, begun at a distinguished period &
/ train of abuses & usurpations, begun at a distinguished period, U
f train of abuses & usurpations, begun at a distinguished period, &
^ Train of Abufes and Ufurpations, begun at a distinguished Period, and

4r pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them

h purfuing invariably the fame object evinces a defign to reduce them

rpurfuing invariably the fame Object, evinces a Defign to reduce them

1/ pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them

e pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them

/pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them

g purfuing invariably, the Same Object, evinces a Defign to reduce them

a under absolute Despotism , it is their right, it is their duty, to throw

h under absolute defpotifm , it is their right, it is their duty to throw

€ under abfolute Defpotifm , it is their Right, it b their Duty^ to throw

4/ under absolute despotism , it is their right, it is their duty, to throw

e under absolute despotism , it is their right, it is their duty, to throw

/under absolute despotism*", it is their right, it is their duty, to throw

I under absolute ** Power , it is their Right, it is their Duty, to throw

i off fuch gov
(offTucli Government, an
J off such government, &
f off juch governments it
y off such government, &

o provide n

□ provide
o provide

future fecur-
guards for their future fecur'
V Guards for their future SecuT-
guards for their future secur-
guards for their future aecur-
guards for their future sccur-

f off Such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future Sceor-

4 'ny. — Snch has been the patient fufferancc of these Colonies j and fuch

and fuch

and fuch
Sc such

and such
and Such

i ity, — Such has been the patient fuffcrance of thefc cola
t ity. — Such has been the patient Sufferance of thefe Colcmies ;
/ity. such hai been the patient sufferance of these colonies ;
t ity. such has been the patient suficrancc of these colonies ;
/ ity. such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies ;
g ily. Such has been the patient Sufferance of thefe Colonies ;

' the necefaty which

' the necefsiiy, which

I the Ncceffity which

T the necessity which

them to alter their former

them 10 alter their farmer

them to alter their former

them to expunge their former

' the necessity which constrains them to expunge their former
r the necessity which constrains them to expunge thdr former

g Is noir the Necefsiiy which

them t

A Systems of Government.

i fystems of government.

rSyftems of Government.

J systems of government.

systems of government.

The history of the

The Hiftory of the

the history of the

present King of

present king of

prefent King of

present king of

present king

y systems of government. the history of the** present king of

*Sy»t.

I of Government. The History of his present Majesty

« Great Britain
i great Britain
t Great-Britain
/Great Britain,
/Great Britain,
/Great Britwn *

I history of repeated injuries and ufurpati<

I history of repeated injuries and ufurpations,

I Hiftory of repeated Injuries and Ufurpaiii

I history of unremitting injuries and usurpatioat,

t history of unremitting injuries k usurpationi,

I history of unremitting injuries & usurpations,

I History, of nnremitting Injuries and Ufurpations,
313

APPENDIX
h

4/ among which appears no solitary fact to contra-

e among which appears no solitary fact to contra-

y among which appears no solitary ftct to contra-

g among which no one Fact Stands Single or Solitary to contra-

M all having in direct object

h all having in direct object

c all having in direct Object

4/ diet the uniform tenor of the rest; but all have in direct object

i dirt the uniform tenor of the rest ; but all have in dirert objert

/"diet the uniform tenor of the rest, but all have in dirert object

g dirt the Uniform Tenor of the rest, all of which have in direct objert,

M the eftablishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove

h the eftablishment of an absolute tyranny over thefe ftates. To prove

rthe Eftablifhment of an abfolute Tyranny over thefe States. To prove

4/ the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. to prove

i the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. to prove

y*the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. to prove

g the Establishment of an abfolute Tyranny over thefe States. To prove

a this, let Facts be fubmitted to a candid world

b this let facts be fubmitted to a candid world

e this, let Facts be fubmitted to a candid World

4/ this let facts be submitted to a candid world, for the truth of which

e this, let ftcts be submitted to a candid world, for the truth o^ which

/*this, let facts be submitted to a candid world, for the truth of which

^this, l:t Farts be Submitted to a candid World, for the Truth of which

4 .— He

h . [f] H^

. [H] He

d we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood. [^] He

e we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood. [^ He

f we pledge a faith yet unsullied by ^Isehood. [^] He

g We pledge a Faith, as** yet unsullied by a Falsehood. [P. 2 ; ^] He

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

a hu refused his Afaent to Laws, the most wholesome and necefsary for

i has refused his afseat to laws the most wholesome and necefsBiy for

f has refufcd his Aflent to Laws, the moft wholcfome and ncceffary lor

^hi3 refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for

* has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome I

/ has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome j

g has refused his Afscnc to Idws, the mosi wholesome and necefsary for

4 the public good.
i the public good.
f the public Goad.
^the public good.
/ the public good :
/"the public good :
g the public Good.

« of immediate and prefiing importas

— He has forbidden his Governors to pafs Lawt

||5[] He has forbidden his governors to pafs law*

[^] He has forbidden his Governors lo pafs Laws

[il] ^^ ^^^ forbidden his governors to pass lawt

[^] he has forbidden his governors to pass laws

[^[] he has forbidden his governors to pass laws

[^] He has forbidden his Governors to pafs Uwi

*of

Jof

/°f

immediate and prcfsing importance,
immediate and preding importance,
immedime Sc pressing importance,
immediate Sc pressing importance,
immediate St pressing importance,

g of an" immediate and prcfsing Importance,

unlefs fuspended in their openi.

mlefs fuspcnded in their opcrt-
i, unlefs fufpcnded in their Oper«-
;, unless suspended in their opcra-
inless suspended in their Opcn-
mless suspended in their opcra-
inlefs fuspended in their Opera-
4 tion til] his Afscnt should be obtained j and when so fuspended, he hai
i tion till his afscnl fliould be obtained, and when fo fuspended, he hu
t tion till his Aflent (Hould be obtained; and when fo fufpended, he has
^tion till his assent should be obtained; and when lo suspended, he hu
e tion till his assent should be obtained ; Sc when so suspended, he has
ytion till his usent should be obtained i and when so suspended, he has
g tion, till his Afsent Should be obtained ; and when So fuspended he has

utterly neglected to attend to them.

He ha> lerured

utterly neglected to attend to them.

He ha> relu^

atterly neglected to attend to them.

[H]

He ha. refufed

neglected utterly to attend to them.

[H]

he h.. refused

* neglected utterly to attend to them :

[t]

he hai refiised

** neglected utterly to attend to them.

CP.a

he ha> refused

neglected utterly to attend ^ them.

™

He has rerufed

314

APPENDIX

a to ptfs other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of peopk,

^ to pafs other laws for the accommodation of large diftricts of people,

r to pafs other Laws for the Accommodation of large Diftricts of People,

ii to pass other laws for the accomodation of large districts of people,

e to pass other laws for the accomodation of large districts of people,

y*to pass other laws for the accomodation of large districts of people,

g to pafs other Laws for the Accommodation of large Districts of People,

M nnlefs those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the
I unlefs thofe people would relinquifh the right of reprefentation in the

f nnlefs thofe People would relinquifh the Right of Reprefentation in the

Sunless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the

/unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the

/"unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the

g unlefs thofe People would relinquish the Right of Representation in the

M Legislature , a right ineflimable to them and formidable to tyrants

i l^islature , a right ineflimable to them and formidable to tyrants

f Legiflature , a Right ineflimable to them, and formidable to Tyrants

ii legislature ; a right inestimable to them, & formidable to tyrants

i legislature , a right inestimable to them & formidable to tyrants

/* legislature , a right inestimable to them, & formidable to tyrants

g Legislature ^S a Right ineflimable to them, and formidable to Tyrants

a only . — He has called together legislative bodies at places

i only , [5[] He has called together legislative bodies at places

c only , [^] He has called together Legiflative Bodies at Places

d only . [P. 2 ; 5[] ^^ has called together legislative bodies at places

e only : [P. 2 ; ^] he has called together legislative bodies at places

/only . [^] he has called together legislative bodies at places
g only** .

a unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public

3 unufual, uncomfortable and distant from the depofitory of their public

r unufual, uncomfortable, and diflant from the Depofitory of their public

4/ unusual, uncomfortable, & distant from the depository of their public

/unusual, uncomfortable, & distant fi-om the depository of their public

y* unusual, uncomfortable, & distant from the depoatory of their public

315

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

a Rec^ords, for che sole purpose of Tariguing them into compliance with hi
i records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with hU i
t Records, for the fole Purpofe of fatiguing them into Compliance with hU J
d records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing ihcm into compliance wit
e reeordi, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with lul J
/"records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with hia

a meafures. — He has difaolved Represtative Houses repeatcdlj',

^mcafures. [^] He has difsoked rcprefentative houses repeated! jr

t Meafures. [^] He has diiToIved Reprefcntative Houfes repeatedly,

[^f] he has dissolved Representative houses repEBiedly

[^ he has dissolved Representative houses repeatedly

[^J he has dissolved Representadve houses repeatedly

[^ He has dtfsolved Representative Houfes, repeatedly.

for opposing

for oppofmg

inually, for opposing

tnually, for opposing

illy, for opposing with

^•nd

4 rights of the people.

i rights of the people.

e Rights of the People.

J rights of the people.

e rights of the people :

_/■ rights of the people.

h manly firmncfs his invadons on the

:h manly (irmncfs his invafions on the

h manly Firmnefs his Invalions on the

h manly firmness his invasions on the

ily firmness his invasions on the

ily Firmnefs his Invaliotts, on the

He has refused for a long

He has refufed for ■ long

he has refused for E long

he has refilled for ■ long

he has reftised for ■ long

g Right of che People," [%] "*He haj refiised, for a long Space of

« . time, after such difsolutions , to cause others to be elected ; whereby

i time, after such difsolutions , to caufe others to be elected ; whereby

e Time, after fuch DifToIutions , (o caufe others to be elected j whei«by

J dme after such dissolutions Co cause others to be elected whereby

t dme after such dissolutions to cause others Co be elected, whereby

/ dme after such dissolutions to cause others co be elected, whereby

g Time after Such Difsoluuons **, to caufe others to be elected, whereby

3.6

APPENDIX

iTthe
hxht
rthe

/the
/the
^thc

Legisladve
legislative

Legiflative
legislative
legislative
legislative
legislative

a People
h people
c People
d people
e people
f people
g People

at large
at large
at large
at large
at large
at large
at large

powers,

powers

Powers,

powers,

powers.

Powers,

for their
for their
for their
for their
for their
for their
for their

incapable
incapable
incapable
incapable
incapable
incapable
incapable

exercise ;

exercife ;

exercise,

Exercife,

returned

the

returned

the

returned

the

returned

the

returned

the

returned

the

returned

the

of Annihilation, have
of annihilation have
of Annihilation, have
of annihilation, have
of annihilation, have
of annihilation, have
of Annihiladon, have

the State remaining in the mean time
the (late remaining in the mean time
the State remaining in the mean time
the . state remaining in the meantime
the state remaining in the meantime
the state remaining in the meandme ,
the State remaining in the mean Time,

a exposed
b exposed
€ expofed
d exposed
i exposed
/"exposed
g expofed

to all the dangers

to all the Dangers

to all the dangers

to all the Dangers

of invasion
of invafion
of Invafion
of invasion
of invasion
of invasion
of Invafion,

from without, and
from without and
from without, and
from without, &
from without, &
from without, 6c
from without, and

convulsions
convulfions
Convulfions
convulsions
convulsions
convulsions
Convulsions

M within. —
h within.
c within.
d within.
i within :
/"within,
^within —

a these
h these
( thefe
d these
/these
/these
g thefe

States
flates
States
states
states
states
States

[If]

[II]

[ID
[H]
[IT]

for that
for that
for that
for that
for I hat
for that
for that

He has

he has

He has

purpose
purpose
Purpofe
purpose
purpose
purpose
purpofe

endeavoured

endeavored

endeavoured

obstrucdng
obstrucdng
obftructing
obstructing
obstructing
obstrucdng
obstructing

317

to prevent
to prevent
to prevent
to prevent
to prevent
to prevent
to prevent

the populadon of
the populadon of
the populadon of
the populadon of
the populadon of
the population of
the Populadon of

the Laws

the laws
the Laws
the laws
the laws
the laws
the Laws

for Naturalizadon of
for naturalizadon of
for Naturalization of
for naturalization of
for naturalizadon of
for naturalizadon of
for naturalization of

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

a Foreigners ; refining to pafs oihera ti

b foreigners ; refusing to pafs others ii

f Foreigners ; refilling to pafa others ti

d foreigners ; refusing to pass others t(

i foreigners ; refusing to piss others t<

f foreigners ; refusing to pass others li

g foreigners ; refiismg to pafa others ti

/has
f has

sing the

ling the

d ntifing the

raising the

raising the
d raising the

s obilrucled
s obftructed
% suffered
s suffered
suffered
Suficred

I encourage their migrations hither,

I encourage their migrations hither

I encouragE their Migradons hither,

I encourage their migrations hither ;

I encourage their migrations h'lihef ;

I encourage their migrations hither;

I encourage their Migrations hither ;

Conditions of n<
conditions of n

conditions of ni
Conditions of ni

the Administration
the administration
the Adminillration
the administration
the administration
the administraiion
the Admioistration
, by refusing his Afsei

•i Appropriations of Lands. -
1 appropriiiiotii of lands.
7 Appropriations of Lands.
v appropriations of lands.
' appropriations of lands :
7 appropriations of lands.
' Appropriations of Lands.

ofjuitict
of Justice
of Jullice

of justice

[H]

ra '«
[HI >■=
[in !■•

[in He

it.lly I,

'■■ily »

of Justice totally tt

some of
Some of

^ these state
t these staK
ythese state
f thefe Coll

b powers.

^powers.

/powers.
g Powers.

«5 for establishing Judiciary

by refufing his afsent to laws for ellablifliing judciary
by refufing his aflent to Laws for eliabliHiing Judiciary
refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary
refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary
refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary
refufing his Afsent to Laws for establishing judiriary
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone,
judges dependant on his will alone
Judges dependent on his Will alor

[il] He has made

[^] He has made

i^] he has made our judges dependant

[^] he has made our judges dependant o

[T[] he has made our judges dependant o

[^j He has made our Judges dependent o
3.8

will alone,
will alone.

APPENDIX

a for the
i for the
f for the
J for the
/for the
/for the
^for the

tenure
tenure

Tenure
tenure
tenure
tenure

Tenure

of their
of their
of their
of their
of their
of tlieir
of their

offices,
offices
Offices,
offices,
offices
offices.
Offices,

and the

& the

8c the

and the

amount and
amount and
Amount and
amount ie
amount Sc
amount &
amount and

payment

Payment

paiment

paiment ^

payment

of
of
of
of
of
of
of

i9 their
^ their
r their
1/ their
r their
/their
^ their

s
6

4/ self-assumed
# self assumed

salaries,
falaries
Salaries,
salaries,
salaries :
salaries.
Salaries :

[H]

He has

he has

He has

erected a
erected a
erected a
erected a
erected a
erected a
erected a

multitude of New Offices
multitude of new offices
Multitude of New Offices
muldtude of new offices by t
multitude of new offices by a
multitude of new offices by t
Multitude of new Offices by t

, and sent hither

, and fent hither

power, & sent hither

/self-assumed
g Sel^fsumed

power, & sent hither
Power, and Sent hither

fwarms
fwarms
Swarms
swarms
swarms
swarms
Swarms

of Officers
of officers
of Officers
of officers
of officers
of officers
of Officers

to harafs our

to harass our

to harrass our

to harafs our

a people, and eat out their
6 people and eat out their
r People, and eat out their
d people, and eat out their
i people, 8c eat out their
y people, & cat out their
£ People, and eat out their

fubstance.

fubdance.

Subilance.

substance.

substance :

substance.

Subilance.

tf times of peace. Standing Armies
^ times of peace standing armies
c Times of Peace, Standing Armies
J times of peace, standing armies and
/ dmes of peace standing armies &

He has kept among us, in

[^] He has kept among us in

[^] He has kept among us, in

f^j] he has kept among us, in

[^] ^^ ^^ ^^P^ among us, in

[^] ^^ ^^^ ^^P( among us, in

[^] He has kept among us, in

without the Con-
, without the con-
, without the con-
ships of war, without the con-
ships of war without the con-

^ times of peace, standing armies &
^ Times of Peace, Standing Armies and

319

ships of war without the con-
Ships of War

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

A sent of our le^sUtures. -
h fent of our legislatures
f feniofour Legiflatures,
^KDE of our legislanires.
« lent of our legislatures:
y»ent of our legislatures."

He tiai affected to render the MiliDuy
[^] He has affected to render the miJitary
[^] He has affected to render the Military
[•fj] he has affected to render the military
[^] he has affected to render the military
[^] he has nffected to render the miliury

(l^f] He has affeaed to render the militajy,
« independent of and superior to the Civil power. — He has cotn-

i independant of & fupcrioi

ivil power f^] He has com.

(■ independent of and fuperior to the Civil Power. [^[] He ha

(/independant of, & superior to, the civil power. [^[] he has coni>

* independani of, and superior to, the civil power : [^] he haj conw

yindependant of, & superior to, the civil power. [^] he has com-

f independent of, and Superiotir to, the civil Power : Q^3 ^^ '^** com-

« bined with others to fiibject

b bined with others to fubjeci

e bined with others to fubject

^bioed with others to subject

/bined wi[h others to subject us

/"bined with oilien to subject us

g bined with othen to fubjea Us

M tion , and unacknowledged by o

to a jurisdiction foreign to our

to a jurisdiction foreign to our confliciM.

to a Jurifdiction foreign to our ConlUto-

jurisdiction foreign to <

jurisdiction foreign to i

iurisdiction foreign lo i

Jurisdiction foreign to our Consiitiu

lav

; pving his Afscnt to their

ition and unacknowledged by our laws.

giving his afscnt to their

e rion , and unacknowledged by our Laws

giving his AITent to their

^lions, and unacknolcged by our Uws

giving his assent to thdr

t lions, and unacknolcged by our laws

giving his assent to their

/"tions. and unacknolcged by our laws

giving his assent to their

g tion and unacknowledgci! by our Laws

giving his Ardent to their pre-

For quartering large

i ■«* of pretended legisladon

t Acts of pretended Legiflation :

[5f] For quartering large

[5J] for quartering large

[^i for quartering large

/ act* of pretended le^slation

[t] for q"-rtering large

I tended Act* of Legislation ;

for quanering large

APPENDIX

41 bodies
h bodies
r Bodies
d bodies
/ bodies
y bodies
^Bodies

of anned

of Anned

of armed

troops among us:

troops among us

Troops among us:

troops among us ;

Troops among Us ;

[f]

Ct]

[IF]
[ID

For protecdng
for protecting

For protecting
for protecting
for protecting
for protecdng
for protecting

thenif

them

them,

them

shy 9i mock Trial,
ibya mock trial
rby a mock Trial,
Vby a mock-trial
/ by a mock-trial
/by ti mock trial
^ by a Mock Tryal

from punishment for any
from puniihment for any
from Puniihment for any
from punishment for any
firom punishment for any
from punishment for any
from Punishment for any

Murders
murders.
Murders
murders
murders
murders
Murders

which
which
which
which
which
which
which

they should
they fhould
they fhould
they should
they should
they should
they Should

4f commit on
i commit on
c commit on
^commit on
/ commit on
/"commit on
g commit on

the Inhabitants
the inhabitants
the Inhabitants
the inhabitants
the inhabitants
the inhabitants
the Inhabitants

of these
of thcfe
of thefe
of these
of these
of these
of thefe

States :
states.
States :
states ;
states ;
states ;
States ;

tf Trade
^ trade
r Trade
d trade
f trade
/ trade
^ Trade

with all
with all
with all
with all
with all
with all
with all

parts of the
parts of the
Parts of the
parts of the
parts of the
parts of the
Parts of the

world :

world ;
World ;

world ;

world ;
World ;

[f]

[H]
[H]

For cutting off our
[ID ^^^ cutting off our
[H] ^°^ cutting off our
[H] ^'^^ cutting off our
[^] for cutting off our
[^] for cutting off our
for cutting off our

For imposing Taxes on us
for imposing taxes on us
For impofing Taxes on us
for imposing taxes on us
for imposng taxes on us
for imposing taxes on us
for impofing Taxes on us

M without our
^ without our
r without our
^without our
e without our
y without our
^without our

Consent :

consents
Confent ;

consent ;

consent ;
Consent $

For depriving us in many cases, of

[^ for depriving us in many cases qf

[^] For depriving us, in many Cafes, of

[^] for depriving us of

[H] ^^' depriving us of

for depriving Us of

3^1

^f DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE "

^H a ihe benefits of Trial by Jury : —

For iraosponing us beyond

^H h the hcncliM of trial by jury [^]

for transporting us beyond

^H 1 the Benefits of Trial by Jury: [^j]

For tranfpgrting us beyond

^H d the benefits of trial by jury : [^]

for transporting us beyond

^H I the benefits of trial by jury ; [^]

for transporting us beyond

^H / ihe benefits of trial by jury ; [^]

for transporting ui beyond

^H g the Benefits of Trial by jury ;

for transporting us beyond

^^k a Seas to be tried for pretended offences : -

— For abolish-

^H i seas to be tried <br pretended offences

[in fo' abolifh-

^1 t Seta to be cried for pretended Offences :

[Tf] For abolilh-

^H J seas to be tried for pretended offences ;

[TI] for abolish-

^H / seas to be tried for pretended of!enccs ;

[f] for aboliih-

^H / leas to be tried for pretended offences ;

[P- 3 ; t] fof abolish-

^B ; Seas to be tried for pretended Offences :

^1 •ring the free System of English Laws i

n a neighbouring Province,

^H i ing the free fysiera of engliih laws i

n a neighbouring province.

^M c ing the free Syftem of Engliih Laws i

n a neighbouring Province,

^H </ing the free system of English laws i

n a neighboring province.

^H /itig (he free system of English laws i

n a neighboring province.

^H ying '^^ ^'^^ system of English laws i
1

[n a neighboring province.

tf establishing therein xn Arbitrary govcnim'

■m, and enlarging its Boun-

b eftabltfliing therein an arbitrary government and enlarging its boun-

t eftablilhing therein an arbitrary Government, and enlarging it's Boun-

4 establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlar^ng it's boun-

/ establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging it's boun-

/establishing therein an arbitrary govenunent, Jc enlarging it's Boun-
t

tfdariei i

/darics, ;

\ to render it at once an eztniple and fit inftrument ^

\ to render it at once an example & fit inllrument for

I to render it at once an Example and fit Inflmment for

1 to render it at once an example & fit instrument for

I to render it at once an example & fit instrument for

I to render it at once an example and fit inttrumeni for

APPENDIX

a mtroducing the same absolute rule

h introducing the same absolute rule

r introducing the fame abfolute Rule

4/ introducing the same abfolute rule

/ introducing the same absolute rule into these states

/"introducing the same absolute rule into these states

into these Colonies : —

into thefe colonies,

into thefe Colonies :

into these states ;

[in
[in
[i[]

LIT]

[II]

For

for
For
for
for
for
for

4f taking
h taking
€ taking
i/ taking
/ taking
/taking
g taking

M altering
b altering
c altering
d altering
e altering
f altering
g altering

away
away
away
away
away
away
away

our Charters, abolishing our most

our charters, abolifhing our most

our Charters, abolifhing our moft

our charters, abolishing our most

our Charters,

valuable Laws , and
valuable laws and
valuable Laws , and
valuable Laws , and
valuable laws , and
valuable laws**, &

and

fundamentally the

[P. 3] fundamentally the

fimdamentally the

fundamentally the

Forms of our

forms of our

Forms of our

forms of our

Forms of our

Governments :
governments.
Governments :
governments ;
governments ;
governments ;
Governments ;

^[m

^[1T]
^[P.3;1[]

/[m
g

it themselves
b themselves
c thcmfelves
d themselves
e themselves
/themselves
g themselves

For suspending our

for fuspending our

For fufpending our

for suspending our

for Suspending our [P. 3]

own Legislatures,
own legislatures
own Legiflatures,
own legislatures,
own legislatures
own legislatures
own Legislatures

and declaring
and declaring
and declaring
& declaring
& declaring
& declaring
and declaring

invested with
invested with
invefted with
invested with
invested with
invested with
invested with

power to legislate for us

Power to legiflate for us

power to legislate for us

Power to legislate for ut

323

in all cases what-
in all cases w hat-
in all Cafes what-
in all cases what-
in all cases what-
in all cases what-
in all Cafes What-

V DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE |

^H « toever. —

He has abdicated Govemmem here.

■

^M iiaeva.

[^ He has abdicated government here

■ e foever.

[^] he hu abdicated Government here.

■ ^ soever.

[5f] he has abdicated government here, withdrawing bis

H / Mcver :

r^n '"^ has abdicated government here, withdrawing his

^M /loever.

[^] he has abdicated government here, withdrawing bis

H ^ ^f"-

[^] He has abdicated Government here, withdrawing his

by declaring us out of hit

Protection

by declaring us out of his

protection

by declaring us out of his

Protection

^1 i/ governors,

& declaring us out of his allegiance and

protection

1 r governors.

& declaring us out of his allegiance and

protection

H /governors.

& declaring us out of his"

H ; Governors,

and declaring us, out of hts Allejjance and

Protection

H < and waging War (gainst us. — He b» plundered

our seas.

H 6 and waging war against lU. (^[] He has plundered

our tea.

H ( and waging War againll lu. [^] He has plundered

our Seas.

[f ] he has plundered

our ie»,

: [^]] he has plundered

our seas.

■

. nn He has plunders!

oar SeM,

W 4 ravaged o

a Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the

Uvea of

i ravaged o

WT coasts burnt our towns & defiroyed the

lives of

.ravaged 0

ur Coafts, burnt our Towns, and deftroyed the

Lives of

^ravaged o

or coasts, burnt our towns, & destroyed the

Urea of

rnvaged our coasts, burnt our towns, & destroyed the

g ravaged our Coafts, burnt our Towns, and destroyed the

lives of

Livei of

dOur Peopi

. — He is at this time transporting large Armies of

iour peopl

ni] ^* '* "^ ''''* '''"* transporting large armies of

four Peopl

dl] fJ* ''• ■' ^''i' Time, tranfporting large Armies of

^our people

: ^] he is at this rime transporting large Brmi^=

*our people

• [^] ''* " " '''" ''™* transporung large armies of

g our People.

[^] He is at this Time transporting large Annies of"
3>4

APPENDIX

M foreigB Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and
^foreig;n mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desoUtion an4
c foreign Mercenaries to compleat the Works of Death, Defoladon, and
i/ foreign mercenaries, to compleat the works of dea^ desolation &
/foreign mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation U

g foreign Mercenaries to compleat the Works of death. Desolation, and

A tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy

h tyranny, already begun with drcumftances of cruelty and perfidy

r Tyranny, already begun with circumfcances of Cruelty and Perfidy,

i tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty & perfidy

e tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty & perfidy

^Tyranny, already begun with Circumstances of Cruelty and Perfidy

J fcarcdy paraUeled in the most barberous ages, and totally unworthy the
b icarcely paralleled in the most barberous ages and totally unworthy the
€ firarcely paralleled in the moft barberous Ages, and totally unworthy the
i unworthy the

# unworthy the

g unworthy thf

tf Head of a civilized nation. — * He has conatrained our fellow

h head of a civilized nation [^ He has conftrained our fellow

/ Head of a civilized Nation,

i head of a civilised nation, *

# head of a civilized nation: ^

g Head of a civilized Nation.

He has conftrained our fellow
he has constrained others,
he has constrained others.

J Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their

h citizens taken captive on the high feas to bear arms against their

/Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms againft their

a taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their

/ taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their

/
I

325

^f DECLARATION

OF INDEPENDENCE V

■ « Country, to become

the eiecut

onen of their

friends and Brethren, or

^B i couniry, to become

the execut

oners of thci

friends and brethren or

^M fCouniry, lo become the Execuc

oners of their

Friends and Brethren, or

^M d country, lo become

the ejtecut

oners of their

friends, & brethren, or

^^ / country, to become

the execut

oners of their

friends and brethren, or

^^k t to fiill chemielves

by their Hands. —'

He has excited

^^k h to fall themselves

by their

hands

[•[[] He has excited

^H t to fiiU ihemfelves

by their Hands,

[t] He has excited

H dv) fall themselves

by their hand si

"lim he

H /to Tall themselves

by their hands ; "

"itni] he ^

■

[H] He ^

^1 tf domestic infurrecii

DS amongst

us, and has c

deavoured to bring on the

^1 b domestic inrurrections amongst

U9 and has endeavoured to bring on the

^1 fdoraeftic Inrurrections omongll

US, and has e

idcavourcd to bring on the

■

base

deavored to bring on the

has endeavored to bring on the

■

hag endeavoured to bring on the

^ d inhabitants of our frontiers, the

nercilefs Indian Savages, whose knovrn

b inhabitants of our fronlicra the

■nercilcfs indi

n favages, whofc known

c Inhabitants of our Frontiers, the merdlefs Indian Savages, whofe known

i/ inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known

(InlubitaDti of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known

g Inhabitants of our Pronlierg, the mercilefs Indian Savages, whofe knewn

a rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, feies and

b rule of warfare is an undiAinguiUied deflniction of all ages, sexes and

/Rule of Warfare is an undillingiiilhed Deftruction, ofall Ages, Sexes and

^ rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction ofall ages, sexes, &

( rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction ofall ages, sexes, tt
f

g Rule of War&re is an undistinguished Deftruction ofall Ages, Sexes, and
3i6

APPENDIX

m condidonf •

h conditions

c Condidons •

d conditions of existence •
e condidons of existence :

g Condidons of Existence.

b
c

[^ he has incited treasonable insurrections of
[^ he has incited treasonable insurrections of

[^ He has incited treasonable Insurrections of

^our fellow citizens , with the allurements of forfeiture & confisca-
e our fellow-citizens » with the allurements of forfeiture & confisca-

g our Fellow Citizens ^^ with the Allurement ^^ of Forfeiture & Confisca-

i/tion of our property, | [^ he has waged cruel war against human

e tion of our property : | [^ he has waged cruel war against ,

/ tion of our Property* [^] He has waged crud War against human

i nature itself, violating it's most sacred rights of life & liberty in the

e — itself, violating it's most aacr = of life & liberty in the

g Nature itself, violating its most Sacred Right ^ of life and Liberty in the

b
c

d persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and
e persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating &

/ Persons of a disunt People who never oficnded him, captivating and

327

DECLARATION

INDEPENDENCE^^

Jcarymg

e carrying

them rata rfirery in
them into ilavery in

inother
inother

/Cirrying

Aem into Skvery in

mother

e, or to incur miserable

</dMth i

/ dMth i

n (heir
n their

traniportidon thither. thii
tninjporwtion thither. rhis

pintical warfare, iliv^l
piratical warfare, the

gtaih. in their

Transportarion (luther. This

piratical WarfaK, the

■

t opprobrium of infidet power*,
J opprobrium of infidel Poweri,

h the

, ii the

wtrftre of the Christiin king of

wirftre of the Chriitiwi ting of

, a the Wufire of the Chriitiui Kong Of jH

J Great Britain. detemuned to keep open a market where MEN

/ Great Britun. determined to keep open a market where MEN

I Great Britain. [■([]

J ihodd be bought & told,
/ ihould be boaght Be told/'

he hot prosdmted his negaarc &r
he hu prostitnted hit negatire for

" [U] ^B ^*l proititned hii Negatire for
3«8

APPENDIX

aappretuDg ereiy legblidTC tttcmpt to prohibit or to reitnai tlib tz«
soppressiog ererj legitktive tttcmpt to prohibit or to rettrua thir ex-

Supprefiing eroy kgiilatire Actenpt to prohibit or to reatnia an ** cz^

ecrtblc comincrc^
ecrtble commerce:

ccrabk Commerce, detenBiaed to keep opes a Market where Men Shoal4

and thai this assemblage of horrort might want no
and that thb assemblage of horrort might want no

g be boaght and Sold,^ and that this Afscmbkge of Horren might want no

i
i

i fiict of distinguished die, he is now exciting thoae rerj people

e fiict of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people

I Fact of distinguished Die [^] He it now exciting thoie rerj People

d to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he hat

/ to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has

g to rife in Arms among Us, and to purchafe that liberty of which he htt

329

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

i deprived them, by murdering the people upon whom he t!io obtruded

r deprived thctn£ by murdering the people upon whom he also obtruded

g deprived them, by murdering the Pcoole upon whom he also obtruded

i^thcm ; thus paying off former crime! committed agminsc the liberties of

e ihem^ thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of

/ "^"^

g than : thua paying ofi", former Crimes committed against the Liberties of

I which he urges them to commit against the
) which he urges them to commit against the

: People, with Crimes which he urges then

t against the

■ m
m

[H]

In every (lage of these Opprefaona We have

In every stage of thcfe oppreisions wc have

In every ftage of thefe Oppreflions we have

In every stage of these oppressions, we have

in every stage of these oppressions, we have

i livci of another.
/ lives of another.

; lives of another. [^] In every Stage of thefe Opprcfsions we have

« Petitioned for Rcdrefs in the most humble terms : Our repeated Petitiont

b petitioned tor redrefs in the most humble terms : Our repeated peations

e Petiuoned for Redrefs in the molt humble Terms : Our repeated Petitions

i petitioned for redress in the most humble terms ; our repeated pedtioni

/ petitioned for redress in the most humble terms \ our repeated peritioni

g petitioned for rcdrelSj in the most humble Tenm ; our repeated Petidoni
330

APPENDIX

only
a have been answered ^

b have been anfwered only

c have been anfwered only

d have been answered only

e have been answered only '^ by repeated injury

/ [P.4]

g have been answered by repeated Injury •'. A Prince, whofe

by repeated injury
by repeated injury
by repeated Injury
by repeated injury

A Prince, whose

A prince whofe

A Prince, whofe

a prince whose

a pnnce whose

a character is

h character is

r Character is

d character is

/ character is

/* character is

g Character is

thus marked
thus marked
thus marked
thus marked
thus marked
thus marked
thus marked

by every act which

by every act, which

by every act which

by every Act which

may define a
may define a
may define a
may define a
may define a
may define a
may define a

Tyrant, is
tyrant, is

Tyrant, is
tyrant, is
tyrant, is
tyrant, is

Tyrant, is

a unfit to be the ruler of a free people
h unfit to be the ruler of a free people
i unfit to be the Ruler of a firee People

^ unfit to be the ruler of a people who mean to be fi'ee^ future

e unfit to be the ruler of a people who mean to be free. future

/■ unfit to be the ruler of a people who mean to be free. fiiture

g unfit to be the Ruler of a People who mean to be free. — future

a
b
i

d ages will scarce believe that the hardiness of one man adventured

e ages will scarce believe that the hardiness of one man adventured

f ages will scarce believe that the hardiness of one man adventured

g Ages will Scarce believe, that the Hardinefs of one Man, adventured,

b
C

^within the short compass of twelve years only to build a foundation,

/ within the short compass of twelve years only, to build a foundation,

/"within the short compass of twelve years only, to build" a foundation,

g within the Short Compafs of twelve years only, on So many Acts of Tyi>

33<

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

J so broid and undisguised, for tyranny o
e M broad & undisguised for ryranny a
/"so broad &

tndisguised, for tyranny o
a Malk, o

a people

foatered and fixed
Tostered & lixed

principles of freedom.
principles of freedc

principle
• Principle

I of freedom.
I of Liberty,

[in

[p.+^in

[p-tit]

[p-4. in

a people fosiered & fixed
1 People, fostered and fixed

Nor have Wc been wanting

Nor have we been wanting

Nor have wc been wanting

Nor have we been warning

Nor have we been wanting

attennons

I Attentions

I attentions

, Attencioni

) our Brittish brethren.

) our bridlh brethren.

) our Britifh brethren.

) our British brethren.

> our British breihreti.

1 our British hrctiiren.

] our British Brethren.

a time to time of attempts by their legislature i

i lime 10 lime of artempts by their legiiliiture t

tTime to Time ofAtiempta by their Legiflature (

/ dme to dme of attempu by their legislature t

e tinie to time of attempts by their legislature t

y time to time of attempts by their legislature i

^Time to Time of atiempta of their Legiilature, ti

We have warned them
We have warned them
We have warned them
we have warned them
we have warned them
we have warned ihcm
We have warned them

extend an i
extend ■
extend a
extend a
extend a

« rantable jurisdiction over us
i rantable jurisdiction over us
r rantable Jurifdiction over us
J jurisdicrion over these our states.

g joiisdiction over these our states.

jurisdiction over these our slates.
JurisdJctioo over thefe our State*.

We have reminded then

We have reminded them

we have reminded them

We have reminded them

33»

APPENDIX

a of the circumstances of our emigration and fetdement here.
b of the circumstances of our emigration and fettlement here.
£ of the Circumllances of our Emigration and Settlement here.
4/ of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, no one of
e of the circumstances c^ our emigration & settlement here, no one of
/*of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, no one of
g of the Circumstances of our Emigration and Settlement here, no one of

a
b

€

4/ which could warrant so strange a pretention : that these were efieaed at

i which could warrant so strange a pretension : that these were efiected at

y* which could warrant so strange a pretension : that these were effected at

g which could warrant So Strange a Pretenfion : that thefe were efiected at

m
b

€

i the expence of our own blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or

/the expence of our own blood & treasure, unassisted by the wealth or

y*the expence of our own blood & treasure, unassisted by the wealth or

g the expence of our own Blood & Treafure, unafsisted by the Wealth or

b
c

d the strength of Great Britain : that in constituting indeed our s=eral

/the strength of Great Britain : that in constituting indeed our several

f the strength of Great Britain : that in constituting indeed our several

g the Strength of Great Britain : that in conflituting indeed, our Several

b
c

d forms of govemment= we had adopted one common kmg, thereby laying

e forms of government, we had adopted one common king, thereby laying

f forms of government, we had adopted one common king, thereby laying

g Forms of Government, We had adopted one common King, thereby laying

333

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

dt foundation for perpetual league and amity with them : but that submis-
f a foundation for perpetusl league & amity with ihem : but that luboii*'

/"a founds-"

g t Foundation for perpetual League and Amity with them : but that Submif-

0 to their parliament was n
n to their parliament was n

part of 01
part of oi

1 idea*
a idea.

e Aon to their Parliament, \

o Part of our Conatituiior

ildea.

0- We ha^

>■ We hat

e We ha^

d if history may be credited : and we

/ if history may be credited : and we

g if Hiitory may be credited : and We

■ appealed to their nitive
' appealed to their native

■ appealed to their native Juf-
appealed to their native jui- ^
appealed to their native ■

appealed to their Nati'

d tice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by
(f cicc tad Biggamiiaiuy aad we have conjured them by
e tice and Magnanimity, and we have conjured them by
^tice Sc magnanimity, as well as to
f (ice Sc magnanimity, as well as to

the tte» of our

the Ties of our

the tyes of our

the ties of our

the Ties of our

« and Magnanimity, as well as to
a common kindred to disavow these ufurpaiions, which, would inevitably
kindred to disavow these ufurpations, which would inevitably
1 Kindred to difavow thefe Ufurpations, which, would inevitably
^common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which 'were likely to
/ common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which were likely to

g Kindred to difavow thefe Ufurpations, which were likely (o
33^

APPENDIX

tf interrupt our connections and correspondence • Thejr

^interrupt our connections 8c correfpondence • They

e interrupt our Connections and Correfpondence • They

i/ interrupt our connection & correspondence • they

^interrupt our connection & correspondence • they

^interrupt our Correspondence and Connection. They

M too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity

h too have been deaf to the voice of justice & consanguinity

c too have been deaf to the Voice of Juftice and of Confanguinity

dioo have been deaf to the voice of justice, and of consanguinity ; and

/ too have been deaf to the voice of justice & of consanguinity, and

g too have been deaf to the Vdce of Justice and of Consanguinity and

d when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their

e when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their

g when Occafions have been given them, by the regular Courfe of their

b
c

d laws, of removing from their Councils the disturbers of our Harmony,
e laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmonv»

g Laws of removing fi'om their Councils, the Disturbers of our Harmony,

d they have by their free election re-established them in powers at

e they have by their free election re-established them in power, at

g they have by their free Election, reeftablished them in Power. A[t] ^

335

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

( ihii very

time
time

too
too

they «=
thev ««

permitting the!
permiciing thei

chief magistrate
chief magi It rate

o send
o send

g lhi» very

Time

too

tbey .re

permitdng their

Chief Magistrate

0 fend

./over not
* over not

only soldienofour
oniv soldiers of our

"Z"

blood,
blood.

bat [Scotch and] "
but [Scotch and] "

fordgn
foreign

^ over not

Blood.

but Scotch and

fordjn
1

a iTier^diftTics 1

> invade anc
D invade St

destroy
destroy

:..

these facts have
thete fiicts have

I invade and deluge U> in Blood. Thefe Facts have

^given the lut itab to agonizing afiection; and manly spirit bids us

/ gjven the last atab to agonizing affection— and manly spirit bids us

gfpnn the laA Stab to agonizing Affection, and manly Spirit bids ns

« . We must, therefore,

^ . We must therefore

f . We mull, therefore,

/to renounce forever theie unfeeling brethren. we must

/to renounce ^i — — these unfeeling brethren, we mo=

Xto renounce forever thefe unfeeling Brethren. We must

336

APPENDIX

h
€

d endeavor to forget our former love for them, and to hold them as we
e = forget our former love for them, and to hold them, as we

g endeavour to forget our former Love for them, and to hold them, as we

yhold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends, we

/hold the rest of manlund, enemies in war, in peace friends, we

^hold the refl of Mankind, enemies in War, in Peace Friends. We

d might have been a free & a great people together ; but a communication

e might have been a free & a great people together ; but a communication

g might have been a free and a great People together but a Conmiunication

a
b

€

d of grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is below their dignity= be

e of grandeur and of freedom, it seems, is below their dignity. be

/ \ \ ~

g of Grandeur and of Freedom it feems, b below their Dignity. [^ Be

h
C

dit so, since they will have it. the road to happiness and to glory
/ it so, since they will have it : the road to happiness and to glory

g it So, Since they will have it : The Road to Happineii and to Glory **
" 337

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

acquiclce

; we will climb it apart from Ehem = and acquiesce
; we will climb it apart froin them , and acquieace

d\i open

is open to Us too j We will dirab "* it,

apan from them ", and acquklce

in the necclsity, which denounces

3ur Separation, and hold

in the necefsity, which denounces

ur reparation, and hold

in the Ncccflity, which denounces

ur Separation, and hold

in the necessity which denounces

ur eternal separation

in the necessity which denounces

ur eternal separation 1

^ in the Necefsity, which "denounces our eternal Separation"

0 them,

i them,
t them.

: hold the rest of mankind. Enemies in War, i
; hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war. i
: hold tlie reft of Mankind, Enemies in War, i

peace
Peace,

i aenJ.

, Friend..

J !

* !

e Friends. — [^ We, therefore, the Representative) of the united

We therefore the representatives of the united

We, therefore the reprefentatives of the UNITED

We dierefore die Representatives of the United

We therefore the Representatives of die United

5 ■ \%\ ^^ therefore die Represeatadves of the united

a Statu of America, in General Congrefs, Afsembled, appealing

6 Statei of America in general Congrefs afsembled appealing
e STATES OF AMERICA, in General Congress, Affembled, appealing
d Siacei of America, in General Congress assembled,

f Statei of America, in General Congress assembled,

g StMct of America in General Congrelj afsembled,

338

APPENDIX

M to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions

b to the fupreme judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions

e to the Supreme Judge of the World for the Rectitude of our Intentions^
d
i

f
g

M do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these

h do in the name and by authority of the good people of thefe

c doy in the Name and by Authority of the good People of thefe

d do, in the name U by authority of the good people of these

e do, in the name U by authority of the good people of these

g do, in the Name, and by the ** Authority of the good People of thefe

a Colonies,

b colonies

c Colonies,

d states , reject and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the kings

/ states , reject and renounce all allegiance & subjection to the kings

^ ^ —

g States , reject and renounce all Allegiance and Subjection to the Kings

a
b

€

^ of Great Britain, & all others who may hereafter claim by, through, or
/ of Great Britain, and all others who may hereafter claim by, through, or

g of Great Britam, and all others who may hereafter claim by, through, or

b
€

Sunder them ; we utterly dissolve all political connection

/ under them ; we utterly dissolve all political connection

g under them ; We utterly disfolve and break off, all political Connections

339

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

d which may heretofore have tubsiited betiveen us and the parlU-

e which may heretofore have subsisted between u( and the parlia-

g which may have heretofore Sublisted between Us and the

4 folemnly publish and

i folemnly publilh and

t folemnly Publilh and

J ment or people ofGreat Britain- and finally we do assert

I mem or people ofGreat Britun ; and finally we do assert

People or Parliament ofGrcat Brita

ind finally we do afsert and

, and of Right ought
■ and of right ought
, and of Right ought

d declare. That these United Colonies i

i declare — [^ That thcfc united colonies s

e Deelwe, That thefe United Colonies a
J the= colonies

/ these colonies

/ 7

g declare, thefe Colonies

a to t)e Free and Independent States ; that they are Absolved from
^ to be free and independant States ; that they are absolved from

r to be. Free and Independent States ; that they are abfolvcd from
J to be fi«e and independant scales ,

< to be free and iodependent states ,

; to be free and independent states ,

tfall Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection

b all alle^ance to the britifh Crown, and that all political connectioD

fall Allegiance to the Britiih Crown, and that all political CoDoectioo

APPENDIX

a between them and the State of Great Britain^ is and ought to be totally
b between them and the state of great Britain is & ought to be totally
c between them and the State of Great-Britain, is and ought to be totally

f
g

a difsolved
b difsolved
c diflblved
d
e

and that as Free and Independent States, they

and that as free & independant ftates they

and that as Free^ and Independent States, they

& that as free & independant states, they

and that as free & independant states, they

and that as free and independant States they Shall hereafter

a have
b have
c have
i/have
/have

g have

full Power to levy

full power to levy

full Power to levy

full power to levy

War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances,

war, conclude peace, contract alliances.

War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances,

war, conclude peace, contract alliances,

war, conclude peace, contract alliances.

full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances,

a establish
b efcablish
c eftablif h
d establish
e establish

g establish

Commerce, and to do all other Acts

commerce, and to do all other acts

Commerce, and to do all other Acts

commerce, & to do all other acts

and Things which
& things, which
and Things which
and things which

commerce, & to do all other acts** and things which
Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which

a Independent States may of

b independant ftares may of

/Independent States may of

d independant states may of

e independant states may of right do.

^Independent States may of

right do.

Right do.
34*

And for the fupport of this

And for the support of this

And for the Support of this

APPENDIX

So M

•« .S "fe

e i §
3 I. i

la J 2

8 d I 'S

^ £ fa mS

e
o

•o:

e :§

tf o «<

•^ a K

►=»fa

•E

e fa

a
o

•8 H' _
C C g*

m m »^

6 .

O CO

o S

h ^ e<
S I §

e
o

o g

« -P iS S 2 2 -

O S h « h fa 3

;

0 C S
O rt "^

9 I. §

fi c -

o
h

-^ v»

^1 % S •«

343

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

"The Dedaracion on parchment, the copy in the (amctid Jouroal and
die broadside printed by Dunlap under the order of Congress, we have
considered elsewhere. We will, therefore, consider (lirst) only the
other drafts.

As we have seen, Jefferson, on July 8, 1776, sent to R. H. Lee
" a copy of the Declaration of Independance as agreed to by the house *^,
& also as originally framed."

Lee answered, from Chantilly, July list: " [S] 1 thank you much for
your favor and its enclosures by this post, and I wish sincerely, is well
for the honor of Congress, as for that of the States, that the Manuscript
had not been mangled as it is. It is wonderful, and passing pitiful, that
the rage of change should be so unhappily applied — However the Thing
\i in its nature so good, thai no Cookery can spoil the Dish for the
palates of Freemen.""

Of this copy "as originally framed " ", R. H. Lee, the grandson, in
Mmsir 9f the life of Richard Henry Lee (18^5), writes: "The
original was carefiilly preserved by Mr, Lee '''° ... It has been as
carefiilly preserved by his family"', and finally [tSzt(f)] committed lo
the author."

The "author" sent it, it appears, during the same year, by George
W. Smith, to The American Philosophict] Society, in Philadelphia —
where it was received, August gth, and where it now is,

Ii b in the handwriting of jefFcrson and tills the front and reverse adei
of two sheets of foolscap now much worn and faded. These have been
folded at some time once lengthwise and five times crosswise, (It is
framed between glass.)

On the right side of the last page — lengthwise — appears: "[A]
Declaration of | Independence as re^ported to Congrefs | July 1777
[1776]". On the edges (in the main) — but also by lines under cer-
tain words, and occasionally by one side of a bracket or a vertical line,
and the word "out" — are indicated the amendments '°' made by
Congress. At the bottom of the last page — across, and stated to be
in the handwriting of R. H. Lee, the grandson — is the following :
" [A] The endorsement \jupra'\ is in the hand-writing of R. H. I,ce,
the altera- 1 tions *** in that of Arthur Lee."

In response to an inquiry, made, as we shall see, just after it was re-
ceived by the Society, Jefferson writes (from Monticello, September i6t
344

APPENDIX

1825, to Vaughan): "[P] I am not able to give you any particular ac-
count of the paper handed you by mi Lee, as being either the original, or
a copy of the declaration of Independance, sent by myself to his grand-
father, the draught when completed by myself, with a few verbal amend-
ments, by Df Franklin and mr Adams, two members of the Committee,
in their own hand-writing, is now in my own possession, and a &ir copy
of this was reported to the Committee, passed by them without amend-
ment, and then reported to Congress; this paper should be among the
records of the old Congress ; and whether this, or the one from which it
was copied, and now in my hands, is to be called the Original is a ques-
tion of definition, to that in my hands, if worth preserving, my rela-
tions with our University gives irrisistible claims, whenever, in the course
of the composition, a copy became overcharged, and difficult to be read with
amendments, I copied it fair, and when that also was crowded with other
amendments, another fair copy was made Ec.^^ these rough drafts ^^
I sent to distant friends who were anxious to know what was passing —^
but how many, and to whom, I do not recollect, one sent to Mazzei
was given by him to the countess de Tessc (aunt of Ml dc la Fayette)
as the original, & is probably now in the hands of her family, whether
the paper sent to R. H. Lee was one of these, or whether, after the passage
of the instrument, I made a copy for him, with the amendments of Con-
gress, may, I think be known from the face of the paper ... I am still
confined by indisposition, and not likely soon to be relieved from it."

On October 26th of the same year, he pens to Dr. James W. Wallace
the following ^^ : ** [P ; — ] I rec*! a Ire of Sep. 9. from John Vaughan,
of the A. P. S. informing me that R. H. Lee, gr. son, of the revolu-
tionary of that name had deposited with that society the original Ifes of
the correspdts of his gr. father of which he has availed himself in the
Memoirs of his life ** among which is the original or copy in my hand-
writing of the draught of the Decln of Indepdce. with the alteriis, in the
margin, or on the document, which had been enclosed by me to R. H.
Lee on the S'!* of July 1776." the work is out and the documts occupy I
am told it's 2*? vol.^^ when I see it I shall be able to say what it is. but
I believe all pretensions to his participn in -U^ the ^°* authorship of the
Dec In ^®® are retired from. I await however to see that paper."

In view of these letters, it seems very strange that we have no expression
on the subject from Jefferson following the receipt of Memoir , etc. ;

34S

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE '

but such, so far u we know, is ihe fact. In his lerter to Lee, the grandton,
dated Manticello, November 19, i8jf, he sayt aimply : "[P] I ihsiifc
you. Sir, for the copy yon have been so kind as to lend me of the life
of R. H. Lee, 1 ih«ll rcid ii with great pleasure . . , your grandfather
was a great man and acted a great pan "" in those awful scenes, and he
b fbrtunaie in having a descendant capable of making known bis meiilB
to the generis which will feel their benefits."

Lee, the grandson, however, writing from Washington to Vaughan,
February 25, 1840, says: " [A] The paper . . . may be called witk
strict truth a« Origins/ Draught, It is more so, than that [the Declara-
tion on parchment, evidently] at Washington — It was written verbatim
after the first rough draught 0/ the Aaihar, by the Author himself. It ii
as much, therefore, an sriglnal Draught as it well can be, in asmuch V
the priority in time as to the first ctmposti paper, is a matter of no account,
where the same Author writes, at the lame lime and Mcasion, the two
draughts. Neither are copies — " '"

Indeed, he writes again, from the same city to the same gentleman,
April 24, 1840, saying: "[A] As you think my account of the
Draught of the Declaration of Independence, in the Athemum [Societyj,
would be desirable, I enclose one." The ■■ account" reads: "[A] The
Draught of the Declaration of Independence in the Athemum in Phila-
delphia, in the handwriting of W. JefFerion, came into my possessioi^
together with the Mss of Richard Henry Lee &om [my uncle] Prancia
L. Lee, one of the Sons of R. H, Lee; and was presented by me to the
Athemum in Ph' The hiitory of this document given to mc by my father
[Ludwell Lee] and hb brother [said Francis L. LeeJ, as given them \if
their Father R. H. Lee derived from Mr Jeferson, is this, that elier
alterations had been made in Committee of the first draught drawn by Mf
Jefferson'", be dreto twt Draughts, ttte tt it repirted to CsHgren ; and
the other "' for Richard H. Lee, which he sent to him enclosed in a tetter
dated (I think) on the 8tb July 1774 [1776]. Thb letter and the
Draught were carefully preserved by R. H. Lee and after his death were
as carefiilly preserved by his Sons. Cc^ies of the letter were taken; but
the original had been lost, before the original of the Mn of R. H. Lee
came into my hands — The copy which I presemed to the Athenanim
with the Draught, was declared to me by the sods of R. H. Lee, to be
an exact copy. The Draught being drawn by M! Jefferson himself
346

APPENDIX

before the report had been made to Congress, is u much mm Origins/^ as
any other in existence. The interlineations on the Draught were written
by Arthur Lee."

The copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox) wu purchased fo dit New
from Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet of New York City. He secured it X** ^^
from Elliot Danforth of the same place, who purchased it from Cassius (Lmn)
F. Lee of Alexandria, Va. Lee had written to both Emmet and Dan-
forth, but Emmet's letter accepting the Declaration upon the terms pro-
posed was not received until after Danforth had purchased it.

How it came into the hands of Lee is not known.

Danforth writes us that he cannot find the letters which he received
from Lee, even if they are still in existence. Emmet writes us : *' I did
not preserve Mr. Lee's letters — " Lee died in 1 892, and, so far as we
can learn by corresponding with his daughter, Mrs. W. J. (Lucy Lee)
fioothe, Jr., of Alexandria, left no record of the history of the manuscript
(if he knew anything of it) among his papers.

Emmet writes, however, to Hays (Hays says) : " Mr. Lee stated to
me that it was one of the copies Jefierson sent his gnndfiither, and that it
had been sent to someone in lower Virginia by Richard Henry Lee
shortly after, and that it was not recovered for many years after" ; but
this, we think, cannot be true, unless Jefierson sent it with some other letter
than that (See p. 344) of July 8, 1776, which seems scarcely possible.

It may very well be the copy ^^* which Jefiierson mailed to Pendleton
or the one ^^ found among the papers of Wythe or, if there ever was
such a copy, the copy^^* mailed to Page.

It also is in the handwriting of Jefierson and fills the front and reverse
sides of two sheets of foolscap ; and the paper itself is of the same charac-
ter and size as that used for the draft which he sent to R. H. Lee.
Indeed, pages i, t and 4 respectively of these two drafb end upon the same
word ; while page 3 of this copy ends with the word ** altering " and of
the copy sent to Lee with ** altering fundamentally the forms of our govern-
ments; ": from which it might appear that one was copied from the other.
The individual lines, however, as well as the underscored words, as we
have seen, do not always correspond ; and there is sometimes an ** and" in
one where there is an ''&^' in the other and an occasional slight differ-
ence in punctuation. There is no indorsement — or, indeed, any extra-

347

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

a writing — upon it as there is upon the copy which wai sent to Lee.

It has 1

— upon it as there is upon the copy which v
time been folded once each way.

The copy in the Massachusetts Historical Society was presented to that
" Society by Alexander C. Washburn and Ellen M. (Bailey) Washburn,
his wife, of Boston, April 13, 1893. Mrs. Washburn is dead; and
the former, whom we saw personally, could give nothing of its history.

It likewise is in Jefferson's handwriting and is written upon both the
front and reverse sides of two sheets of foolscap of the same character and
size as that used for the draft now in The American Philosophical Society
(and for the draft now in the New York Public Library, Lenox).
These sheets have been folded four times crosswise j and, as we have
seen, three-fourths of the second arc missing. Ii has no endorsement or
other CKtrancous writing upon it,

][ may very well be the copy '" which Jefferson mailed to Pendleton
or the one "' found among the papers of Wythe or, if there ever was
such a copy, the copy '" msdled to Page.

;- The copy in the handwriting of John Adams (now at the Massacht*- d

° sects Historical Society ) fills both the front and reverse sides of two sheeti 'J

of foolscap of the same character and size as that used for the three drafts.

just referred to in the handwriting of Jefferson. It has no endorsement

or other extraneous writing upon it.

Charles Francis Adams, in speaking of it, says: "[J] Among the
papers left by Mr. Adams, is a transcript, by his own hand, of the
Declaration of Independence, very nearly as it appears in Mr. Jefierson's
rough draught. This must have been made by him before the paper had
been subjected to any change in committee, as none of the alteradons
which appear on the original, as made at the instance of Dr. Franklin,
and but one of the two suggested by himself, are found there. Several
variations occur, however, in the phraseology, and one or two passages arc
wholly omitted. The most natural inference is, that he had modified it to
suit his own norions of excellence, without deeming the alterations worth
presung in committee. As Mr. Jefferson says that this draught was sub-
mitted separately, first to Mr. Adams, and afterwards to Dr. Franklin, the
presence of this copy does not affea the question of the correctness of
either version of the proceedings."

It seemi certain, however^ that Charles Francis Adams is mistaken in

348

APPENDIX

thinking that John Adams ** modified it to suit his own notions of excel-
lence, without deeming the alterations worth pressing in committee."
It is, without doubt, merely a C9fy, made by John Adams, of the
** Rough draught * * of Jefferson — that is, a copy of that *• Rough draught "
as it read when Adams copied it. That this is so will readily be seen by
comparing it with that <' Rough draught " (See between pp. 144 and
145). It will be found that it conforms very closely to that ** Rough
draught" as originally drawn (or, if another or other drafb preceded
that so-called ** Rough draught" — See note 104, supra — ^ as first writ-
ten). Where it does not conform (except as to punctuadon, etc.), we
have indicated by notes, appended to the Adams copy (draft g).

Adaras — during or immediately after the final debates — evidently sent
this copy to Massachusetts to Mrs. Adams ; for she writes to him under
date of July 14, 1776: ** [Ad] By yesterday's post I received two
letters dated 3d and 4th of July [See note 32, chapter VII] ... I
cannot but be sorry that some of the most manly sentiments [She very
likely thought the draft Adams' composition] in the Dedaradon are ex-
punged from the printed copy. [It is not clear fi-om this whether Adams
enclosed a printed copy, though this is probable, or whether she learned
the contents of the printed copy from the copy or copies mentioned by
Price and Cooper (See note 81, chapter XI). Certainly, she cannot
yet have received the copy of The Pennsylvania Evening Post sent on
the 7th (See note 6, chapter XI).] Perhaps wise reasons indorsed it."

Nor do we know just when (the date) it was made ; though it was
made evidently (See note 6, chapter VI) before the amendments by Franklin
and, therefore, before Jefferson's <' Rough draught" was submitted to
Franklin, and probably at the dme when that "Rough draught" was
submitted (first, if submitted more than once — see note 55, supra") to
Adams. See p. 1 44.

Charles Francis Adams says : ** [J] It is said that a similar copy, in
the handwridng of Dr. Franklin, has been discovered in England, and is
in the hands of an American gentleman in London."

A draft in the handwriting of Jefferson which has not been located — Sent to
unless it be the one now in the New York Public Library (Lenox) or
the one now in the Massachusetts Historical Society — was sent to

349

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Pendleton; for he writes to Jcfitrson, from " Caroline ", August lo, >776J
" [S] Yr Esteemed FavT of July zg'" I reecd. «'!■ D: Price's Judiei
Pamphlet . , . I am also obliged '" by y'. Original Declaration of Inde-
pendence, which I find your brethren have treated as they did ye mani-
festo last summer — altered it much for the worse; ihcir hope of a
Reconciliation might mtrain them from plain truths then, bm what cooJd
cramp them now i"

o Wjihe Another draft in the handwriting of Jel&reon which has not been
located — unless ii is the one in the Netv York Public Library (Lenox)
or the one in the Massachusetts Historical Society — would seem '^
to have been sent to Wythe ; for the Ricbmand Enquirer •" (C) of
August 6, i8ii, Myi :

MALIGNITY BXPOSED.
The subjoined article from the Chatleston Patriot exposes another of the
vile attempts, nhich have been recently made by a sleepless spirit of resent-
ment, to itn'p the Imrel from the brow of Jefferson ... At least ihineen
years ago '^ we published in this paper a co[>y of the original draft *^ as it
came from his own hands: This copy wax in hLi handwriting, and was foutid
among tlie papers of the late Mr. Wythe, the friend and instrudoi of hi*
early years. This copy was published in Niles's W. Register, St m various
other newspapers of this continent. And now forsooth, we are to be amused
with a new discovery of the original draft being " scored and scratched like a
■ehool-boy's exercise." This is a most miserable exaggeration — the varia-
tions, which were made, were most of them disapproved of by the author —
we lecoUect thoie passages well — and we repeat what we nid M die time of
iv-publication, that ihe paper was altered for the worse . . ,

[FrsiB tk* ChultnaB Ptiil«.]
TUt would appetf ta be an age of calumny and all uncluriableneii . . . Bat m if
malice ii conla^Dut or admili of being pmpagited, a uadjucor to tbe " Native of Vii^nii "
bu appeared in the Federal Republican, whoie article will be found below, and who wiiha
to rab Mr. Jeflnoo of the fame of having soLdy wntien tbe Dettindon of Independence.
— Richard Henry Lee ii cndited with the honor of hiTinc mrvtd the Dedantiaa, and of
having corrccled and amended the original report of this cdebnnd paper. Mr. JeJ^ervMi
Ii not denied having fumjihtd tbe outUnei of Ihe Declaration, but it ii [retended that it ii
the work u it now itanda of abler handt. Now, the plain intent of thii fresh or Inxatten
fragment of hiitoTT just recovered and bioughc xo light, ia to deprive Mr. Jeffenon of all
cre£t for originlity in drawing op the Dedandoa of Indepeadence . . . The credit of
bang tbe tuiitr of the Declaiatian ta nawiie impaired b; the lubjeet being mnei by
another ; but the innnuation that the origiatl draft only vrat fiimltbed by him and not tbe
i by the evident

APPENDIX

[PrMD tke PhUaddphU Uaioa.]

We have long been acquainted with the fiKts alluded to in the fbUowing article from the
Federal Republican, We have leen Mr. Jeflfenon'i draft ^^ of the Dedantion of lodo-
pendence, scored and scratched like a school boj's exercise. When Mr. Schcfiier shall
comply with his promise to publish the documents relating to this subject, the jack daw will
be stiipt of the plumage, with which adulation hat adomad him, and lbs crawn will kt
placed on the head of a real patriot.

Richard Henry Lee. — It is trulj remarkable that this great statesman is forgotten
among all of the celebridea of the Fourth of July, It is to this " ilhastiious " patriot, we
are indebted for our Declaration of Independence^ for it wai ht who moved it in Cwignji
. . . Among men of sense, candor and truth, there will be no question whether At who
dared openly to propose the project, or he who had the principal agency in putting it ms
p^per deserves the most credit . . .

£re long, we hope to have leisure to publish some very important documents on this sub-
ject. We have the very copy^^ of the declaration of independence, as it was originallf
reported and sent by the " illustrious pennun,** to tint same RUMard Utmry Lee >«yi»*»f
with his remarks ^^ on it in hit own hand ^oritimg . • .

[Fed. Rep.

The Weekly Register (C and N) referred to — of July 3, 1813 —
8ay»:

The time fitting the purpose, we embrace this occasion to present our
readers with the Dechration of Independence, placing by its aide the original
draft '^ of Mr. Jefferson^ about which much curiosity and speculation has
existed. The paper from which we have our copy, was found among the
literary reliqucs of the late venerable George Wythe^ of Virginia, in the hand
writing of Mr. J. and delivered to the editor [Thomas Ritchie] of the
Richmond Enquirer by the executor of Mr. WytMs estate, major DuvaL
The passages stricken out of the original, by the committee, are inserted in
italics.

Here follow in separate columns a copy (seemingly) of the Declaratioii
as printed by Dunlap under the order of Congress and a copy ^^ (substan-
tially) of it as submitted to Congress by the committee on June 28th.
Below appears the following : " The Declaration as adopted was also
signed." ; and then come the names of the signers, except that of M:Kean,
ananged by Colonies.

As to whether or not a draft was sent to John Page, we have discussed Sent to Rige
elsewhere.^®

Of the draft sent to Mazzei, mentioned by Jefierson in hb letter ^*^ of Sent to Man
September 16, 1825, to J^^° Vaughan, we have no other record of any
kind.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

It We have aJready given L
Jefiertan's natei.

the test "' the Declar

laMadiBn JcScROn writcs to Madison, from Monticello, June i, 1783 : " [S] [
send you inclosed the debates in Congress on the subjects of Independance
... as you were desirous of having a copy of the oriEinal of the
declaration of Independance 1 have inserted it at fill] length distinguishing
the alterations it underwent."

Both this letter and "the debates . . . on . . . Independance,'
with "a copy of the original of the declaration , . . inserted"
(formerly in the Department of State) are now "•* in the library of j
Congress.

The " debates " and " declaration " — which purport to be an exact
copy of, and which are substantially "' the same as, the nsiei heretofore
given {See p. 295) — are in the form of a pamphlet (6^ in. by 4 in.).
At the top of the lirat page, in the handwriting of Madison, is the follow-
ing ; " [S] furnished to J, M, by M' | Jefferson in his hand writing t J
as I a copy from his original notes." They arc given in The Madiitn J
Papers (Washington, 1 840), vol. I, p. 9 ; and a/aciimiU of the Declara-
tion proper may be found in the third volume.

t
A copy of the Declaration — endorsed: " [S] Or/fjw/ draught of (
Declaration of Independ".' by Mr J." — (formerly in the Department of
State) also is in the Library of Congress. This, as well as the endorse-
ment, it in the handwriting of Madison. It was doubtlets made &oib
the copy of the notes (above referred to) which Jeffisrson sent him.

APPENDIX

DICKINSON'S « VINDICATION "

iM Yaat charges are brought against me.

First, That I opposed the declaration of independence in Congress.

• • •

The first charge, as it is made, I deny : but I confess that I opposed
the making the declaration of independence at the time when it was
made. The right and authority of Congress to make it, the justice of
making it, I acknowledged. The policy of then making it I disputed.

To render thb charge criminal, it should be shewn that I was influenced
by unworthy motives. It will not be enough to prove that I was mistaken :
80 far fit>m it, that if it appears I was actuated by a tender affection for
my country, I know my country will excuse the honest error.

When that momentous affair was considered in Congress, I was a
member of that honourable body for this state. I thereby became a
trustee for Pennsylvania immediately, and in some measure for the rest
of America. The business related to the happiness of millions then in
existence, and of more millions who were unborn. I felt the duty and
endeavoured faithfully to discharge it.

Malice and envy must sigh and confess, that I was among the very
first men on this continent, who by the open and decided steps we took
stdced our lives and fortunes on our country's cause. This was done at
an aera of the greatest danger, as it was unknown how far we should be
supported. In this point, no reserve, no caution was used by me ; and,
tho' marked out by peculiar circumstances for the resentment and vengeance
of our enemies, if they had succeeded, I frankly pledged my all for her
firedom.

Thus fiir I had a right to go, whatever I ventured, for I was risking
only my non. But when I came to deliberate on a point of the last
importance to you and my other fellow citizens, and to your and their
posterity, tben^ and not till then, I became guilty of reserve and caution —
if it was guilt to be more concerned for you and them, than I had been
for myself. For you and them I freely devoted myself to every hazard.
For you and them I exerted all my cares and labours^ that not one drop
of blood should be unnecessarily drawn from American veins, nor one
scene of misery needlesly introduced within American borders.

*3 353

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

My first objection to making the dcdaratii
lime teben it teas made, arose from this consideration
tdged in the debaie, that the
final event of the controversy,

strengthen as by one man, or by the least supply
might be construed to manifest such an aversion on
flime the calamities of the contest, and expose our 3

I dependence, at thg

It was acknowl-

dccisive as to the '

ition woidd not

tlie contrary, it

as might in-

id inhabitants

part,

in general to additional cruelties and outrages — We ought not, without
some prclusary trials of our strength, 10 commit our coimiry upon an altcma-
live, where, to recede would be infamy, and to persist might be destruction.

No instance was recollected of a people, without a battle fought or
tn aily gained, abrogating forever their connection with a great, rich,
warlike, commercial empire, whose wealth or connections had always
procured allies when wanted, and bringing the matter linally to ■
prosperous conclusion.

It was informing our enemies what was the ultimate object of our arms,
which ought to be concealed until we had consulted other powers, and
were better prepared for rciistance — It would loo soon confirm the
charges of those in Great Britain who were most hostile to us, and too
early contradia the defences made by those who were most friendly
toward us. It might therefore unite the different parties there against
us, without oiu- gaining anything in counterbalance. — And it might
occasion disunion among ourselves, and thus weaken us.

With other powers, it might rather injure than avail us — There wai
a ccrrain weight and dignity in such tnovemenis, when they appeared to
be regulated by prudence, that would be lost, if they were attributed to
the emoiioni of passion. If politician 1 should be induced to ascribe the
measure to the violence of this dictator, we might be deprived in their
judgment of the merit of what they thought we had well done before,
and of a just credit with them in future for our reaJ force and fixed inten-
tions — How such a judgment would operate was obvious.

Foreign aid would not be obtained by the declaration, but by our
■cnons in the field, which were the only evidences of our union and
vigour that would be respected, — and by the sentiments statesmen
should form upon the relative consequences of the dispute. This opinion
waa confirmed by many wmilar instances particularly in the war between
the United Provinces of the Low Countries and Spain, in which France
354

APPENDIX

and England assisted the former^ before they declared themselves inde-
pendent, which they did not do till the ninth year of the war. If it was
the interest of any European kingdom or state to aid us, we should be
aided without such a declaration. If it was not we should not be aided
with it. — On the sixth day of July, 1775, * J^^^ within two days
bffore the declaration. Congress assured the people of America in an
address, that, ** Foreign assistance was undoubtedlt attainable.**

PACTS SUBSEQUENT TO THAT DATS, ff'lTH H^HICB EVERT MEMBER fVAS
ACQUAINTED IT ff^AS NEEDLESS TO MENTION,

We ought to know the dispositions of the great powers, before such an
irrevocable step should be taken ; and, if they did not generally chuse to
interfere, how far they would permit any one or more of them to inter-
fere. The e;rectk)n of an Independent Empire on this continent was a
phenomenon in the world — Its effects would be immense, and might
vibrate round the globe — How they might affect, or be supposed to
affect old establishments, was not ascertained — It was singularly disre-
spectful to France, to make the declaration before her sense was known,
as we had sent an agent expressly to enquire, ** whether such a declara-
tion would be acceptable to her ; ' ' and we had reason to believe he was
then arrived at the court of Versailles — Such precipitation might be
unsuitable to the circumstances of that kingdom, and inconvenient — The
measure ought to be delayed, till the common interests should be in the
best manner consulted, by common consent. Besides, the door to
accommodation with Great Britain ought not to be shut, until we knew
what terms could be obtained from some competent power — Thus to
break with her, before we had compacted with another, was to make
experiments on the lives and liberties of my countrymen, which I would
sooner die than agree to make ; at best, it was to throw us into the hands
of some other power, and to lie at mercy ; for we should have passed the
river, that was never to be repassed — If treated with some regard, we
might yet be obliged to receive a disagreeable law tacked to a necessary
aid. This was not the plan we should pursue. We ought to retain the
declaration, and remain as much masters as possible of our own fiune and
fate — We ought to inform that power, that we were filled with a just
detestation of our oppressors ; that we were determined to cast off for ever
all subjection to them ; to declare ourselves independent ; and to support
that declaration with our lives and fortunes — provided that power should

355

■DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

tpprove the proceeding ; would scknowlcdge our independence, aod
enier into a treaty with m upon equitable and advantageous conditions.

True it is, that we have happily succeeded, without observing these
precautions ; and lei my enemies triumph in this concession, when they
shall have produced an example from hijiory to equal the justice, wisdom,
benevolence, magnanimity, and good faith, displayed by hii most christian
Tnajesiy, in his conduct towards as. Till then, at least, let me be par-
doned for having doubled — whether there wu luch a monarch u^n

arth.

at the lime tehm i

. To me it seemed.
r governments, and an
ought to precede the
lovereignty, composed
itablished

wort. They
as possible — -
ind their pos-

Oiher objections to malting the decli
mai/e, were suggested by our internal
that, in the nature of things, the formation of oi
igrcemcnt upon the terms of our confederation,
assumpcion of our station among sovereigns. A
of several distinct bodies of men, not subject to e
and those bodies not combined together by the sanction of any confirmed
articles of union, was such a sovereignly as had never appeared. These
particulars would not be unobserved by foreign kingdoms and states, and
they would wait for other proofs of political energy, before they would
treat us with the desired attention.

With respect to ourselves, the consideration was still more serious.

The farming of our governments was a new and difficuh
ought to be rendered as generally sadsfactory to the people
When this was done, and the people perceived that they
terity were to live under well regulated constitutions, thev would be
encouraged to look forward to confederation and independence, as com-
pleating the noble system of their political happiness — The objects near-
est to them were asa enveloped in clouds, and therefore those more
distant must appear confused. That they were independent, they would
know i but the relation one dtizen was to bear to another, and the con-
nection one state was to have with another, they did not, could not
know. Mankind were naturally attached (o plans of government, that
promised quiet and security under them. — General saiis&ction with
them, when formed, would be indeed a great point attained ; but per-
sons of reflection would perhaps think it absolutely necessary, that Con-
gress should institute some mode for preserving them from the misfortune
of fiiture discords.

The confederation ought to be settled before the declaratioa of inde-
3S6

I
I

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

thi injuries done my country have occasioned it. Her love I valued u
I ought, but not as much as I valued herself. I knew, and told Coii'
grcss, that 1 was acting an unpopular part in the debate upon the decla-
ration ; and I desired that illustrious assembly to witness the integrity, if
not the policy of my conduct.

What other motive can you suspect I had for this behaviour? Com-
pare it with my preceding and following actions. Though I spoke my
lentiment freely, as an honest man ought to do, yet, when a deiermini-
lion was made upon the question against my opinion, 1 received that
determtnatimi as the lacred voice of my country, as a voice that pro-
claimed her destiny, in which, by every impulse of my soul, I wai
rewlved to share, and to stand or fall with her in that plan of freedom
which she had chosen. From that moment, it became my determina-
tion ; and I checrfiilly contributed my endeavours for its perpetual
establishment.

Have you forgot, gentlemen, this remarkable circumstance, ihac
within a few days, to the best of my remembrance, within a week,
jittKK the declaration sf iadepend^nce , \ was the flfl/y'" member of Con-
gress that marched with my regiment to Elizabeth Town against our
enemies, then invading the state of New York, and continued in actual
service there, daily in sight of them, every moment erposed, and fre-
quently expecting upon intelligence received to be attacked, during the
whole tour of duty performed by the militia of this city and neighbour-
hood.

Se pleased to decide, what waa my motive for this conduct. Be
pleased also to consider what is the reason, why none of your wtiters, in
the multitude of their publicadons against me, have ever mentioned, or
even given the least hint of this fact. Don't you really believe, that, if
it was thought by them only a (rifling circumstance in my favour, they
would have taken some notice of it, and, with one of their witty turns,
have consigned it over to twncempt f Don't you really believe, it was
thought by them a strong proof of my devotion to the independcnct of
America, when once it became the resolution of America — a proof which
they wish never to be remembered in Pennsylvania — and a clear demon-
stration that all my arguments, concerning the time of making the declara-
tion, were in my judgement and conscience done away, and were of no
more use, after it was made, than the rubbish caused in erecung a palace ?
3S8

)

Notes to Text

CHAPTER I

^ See Life of George Washington.

* See p. 9.

* Georgia only was unrepresented. See note 60, chapter II.
^ He signed the Declaration on parchment now in the

Department of State.

^ Galloway says of him (See Historical and Political Reflections
on the Rise and Progress of the American Rebellion^ London, 1 780)
that he ^^ eats little, drinks little, sleeps little, thinks much, and
is most decisive and indefatigable in the pursuit of his objects."
Jefferson is reported (See note 22, chapter VI) as saying (Also,
see note 53, chapter IV): "For depth of purpose, zeal, and
sagacity, no man in Congress exceeded, if any equalled, Sam
Adams ; and none did more to originate and sustain revolution-
ary measures in Congress. But he could not speak. He had a
hesitating, grunting manner." John Adams, in his Autobiography^
says (evidently of him) that "when he did speak, his sentiments
were clear and pertinent and neatly expressed."

Samuel and John Adams are compared by Jefferson, in a letter
of 18 19 to Wells, as follows: "[P] I can say that he [Samuel
Adams] was truly a great man, wise in council, fertile in re-
sources, immovable in his purposes ... as a speaker he could
not be compared with his living colleague and namesake [John

363

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE '

Adams], whose deep conceptions, nervous style, and undaunted
firmness made him truly our bulwark in debate, but mr Samuel
Adams, altho' not of fluent elocution, was so vigorously logical^
to clear in his views, abundant in good sense, and master alwaj^
of his subject that he commanded the most profound aciention
whenever he rose in an assembly by which [he froth of declamar*
tion was heard with the most sovereign contempt." Also, see
note S3, chapter IV.

' See latter part of note 5, lupra,
I Sec note 38, chapter VIII.

' John Adams, in his Diary, says : *' He is between fifty and
sixty, a solid, sensible man." He writes later of him: " , , ,
generally he stands upright, with his hands before him, tbe
lingers of his left hand clenched into a list, and the wrist of it
grasped with his right. But he has a clear head and sound ■
judgment ; but when he moves a hand in anything like action,
Hogarth's genius could not have invented a motion more opposite
to grace ; — it is stiffness and awkwardness itself, rigid as starched
linen or Buckram ; awkward as a junior bachelor or a sophomore."

• " Duane ", writes John Adams, in his Diary, " has a sly, J
surveying eye, a little squint-eyed -, between forty and forty-five, I
I should guess . . , very sensible, I think, and very artful."

" John Adams, in his Diary, says : " Mr. Jay U a young
gentleman of the law, of about twenty-six."

" John Adams writes : " Phil. Livingston is a great, roi^h,
rapid mortal. There is no holding any conversation with him.
He blusters away . . ."

" See p. 140.

^ John Adams writes: "He is a plain man, tall, black,
wears his hair, nothing elegant or genteel about him."

" If we can credit John Adams, Rodney was "the oddest

looking man in the world ; he is tall, thin and slender as a reed,

pale; his face is not bigger than a large apple, yet there is sense

and iire, spirit, wit, and humor in his countenance."

364

NOTES TO TEXT

^* Dr. Benjamin Rush says: "[Rid] ff^'H Paca-^-^z good
tempered worthy Man, with a sound Understanding which he
was too indolent to exercise. He therefore gave himself up
to be directed both in his political Opinions & conduct by
Sam* Chase who had been the friend of his youth, & for whom
he retained a regard in every Stage of his life. — "

1' Rush says: "[Rid] Samuel Chase — a bold declaimer with
slender reasoning powers. His person & manner were very
acceptable, — and to these, he owned much of his success in
political life.''

^^ John Adams, in his Autobiography^ under date of Feb*
ruary 29, 1776, says: "He was represented to be a kind of
nexus utriusque mundi^ a corner stone in which the two walls
of party met in Virginia. He was descended from one of the
most ancient, wealthy, and respectable families in the ancient
dominion, and seemed to be set up in opposition to Mr. Richard
Henry Lee." Also, see note 93, chapter IX.

^* After one of the debates of this Congress, John Adams
speaks of him as "a perfect Bob-o-Lincoln, — a swallow, a
sparrow, a peacock; excessively vain, excessively weak, and
excessively variable and unsteady ; jejeune, inane, and puerile.**
In 1775, he writes: " Rutledge is a very uncouth and ungraceful
speaker; he shrugs his shoulders, distorts his body, nods and
wriggles with his head, and looks about from side to side, and
speaks through his nose, as the Yankees sing. His brother John
dodges his head too, rather disagreeably, and both of them spout
out their language in a rough and rapid torrent, but without
much force or effect.'*

^ John Adams writes: "He is a solid, firm, judicious
man."

^ John Adams describes him as " a tall, spare man • • • a
gentleman of fine talents, of amiable manners and great worth
• . . he is a masterly man." Also, see note 17, supra^ and
note 4, chapter IV.

36s

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

" This seems strange; for, as stated, he appears to have been
in Philadelphia for some days: see p. 5.

^ See p. 140.

^ John Adams writes : " Alsap is a merchant, of a good hearty
but unequal to the trust in point of abilities, Mr. Scott thinks."
After he himself met AIsop, he described him as "a soft, sweet
man."

" John Adams writes: "Mr. Dickinson has been subject to
hectic complaints. He is a shadow-, tall, but slender as a rcedi
pale as ashes ; one would think at first sight that he could not
live a monch; yet, upon more attentive inspection, he looks as
if the springs of life were strong enough to last many years."

^ On account of indisposition, he was superseded, October
22d, by Middleton,

« Sec note 6, chapter IV.

^ See Skelchfs 0/ the Life and Character of Patrkt Hrnry. The
ttaiemcnt seems scarcely supported by what were Henry's later
(though, perhaps, more deeply considered) views (See note 77,
chapter III), following the receipt of a letter (See note 4, chap- J
tcr IV) from R. H. Lee. See also a letter from Madison to j
Jarcd Sparks dated January 5, 1828, in Leiiert and Bthtr fVrtl' \
ingi of y ante i Aladhoriy etc.

" See Traditioni and Reminiicencei chiefly cf the American Revo-
lution in the Southy etc., (185 1).

CHAPTER II

* Timothy Dwight, in Travels; in New-England and New
Tori (1821), says: "... in the month of July, 1775, I urged,
in conversation with several Gentlemen of great respectability^
firm Whigs, and my intimate friends, the importance, and even
the necessity of a declaration of independence . . . and alleged
366

NOTES TO TEXT

for this measure the very same arguments, which afterwards were
generally considered as decisive ; but found them disposed to give
me, and my arguments, a hostile, and contemptuous, instead of a
cordial, reception . . . These gentlemen may be considered as
representatives of the great body of thinking men in this country.
A few may perhaps be excepted ; but none of these durst at any
time openly declare their opinions to the public."

Jay writes, to George Alexander Otis, January 13, 1821 :
" [NE^] During the course of my Life, and until after the
second Petition of congress (in 1775), I never did hear any
American, of any class, or of any Description, express a wish
for the Independence of the colonies ... It has always been,
and still is, my Opinion and Belief, that our country was
prompted and impelled to Independence by necessity and not
by choice."

John Adams writes, also to Otis, February 9th of the same
year: "[NE^] I cannot refrain from the pleasure I have re-
ceived from the reasoning of Mr. Jay, upon the passage from
Botta [See note 24, chapter IV] — ' That anteriour to the Rev-
olution there existed in the Colonies a desire of Independence.'
There is great ambiguity in the expression, there existed in the
Colonies a desire of Independence — it is true there always
existed in the Colonies a desire of Independence of Parliament,
in the articles of internal Taxation, and Internal policy . . .
but there never existed a desire of Independence of the Crown,
or of general regulations of Commerce, for the equal and impar-
tial benefit of all parts of the Empire. — It is true there might
be times and circumstances in which an Individual, or few Indi-
viduals, might entertain and express a wish that America was
Independent in all respects, but these were ^rari nantes in
gurgite vasto.' . . . That there existed a general desire of Inde-
pendence of the Colonies in any part of America before the Revo-
lution, is as far from the truth, as the Zenith is from the Nadir."

^ Bartlett, at Philadelphia, writes thence to Langdon, January

367

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

13, 1776 : «[BT] TTiis morning I see in the newspaper, (which:
hj the wzy is almost the only way 1 hear Trom our Colony) that!
Poiutnouth has appointed Mess? Cults Sherburne and Long,
to represent that town in Provincial Convention, and by ibe
instructions I find the town is very much affraid of the idea Coi»-
Tcycd by the frightful word Indtptitdenct ! This week a pamph-
let on that subject was printed here, and greedily bought up and
read by all ranks of people — I shall send you one of them which
you will please to lend round to the people; perhaps on Consid-
eration there may not appear any thing so terrible in that thought
as they may at firsi apprehend if Britain should force us to break
off all Connections with her."

For Samuel Adams' comment on these Instnictions, see hia
letter to John Adams of January 1 9, 1 7 76, in Tbt Lift and IFmrh
tf John Adam,.

* The action of the Provineial Qingrist may be found at p. 4I.

• Taken from Thi Pmnsyhania Gij«n^ (N) of March I, 177;
' Taken from The PtnHsyhania Gaz/tle (N) of February 2:

1775-

' Josiah Quincy, Jr., however, writes, from London, November
27, 1774 (See Mtrnoir af the Lifetfjmah ^iney, Juniar, etc.') :
"Dr. Franklin is an American in heart and soul. You may
trust him : his ideas are not contracted within the narrow limits
of exemption from taxes, but are extended upon the broad scale
of total emancipation."

For Franklin's letters of May i6th and December 9th (1775)1
ice p. 33-

On July 23d (1775), John Adams writes to his wife: "[AdJ
Dr. Franklin , , , thinks us at present in an odd sUte, neither
in peace nor war, neither dependent nor independent ; but he
thinks that we shall soon assume a character more decisive.
He thinks that we have the power of preserving ourselves ; and
that even if we should be driven to the disagreeable necessity of
368

lis

NOTES Tp TEXT

assuming a total independency, and set up a separate state, we

can maintain it."

"* For his letter of May 7th, see p. 33.

* Many Englishmen even recognized the folly of the measures
adopted by their country. A letter from London dated March
loth says: ^^Our political madness is still in its zenith, and we
are consequently taking the most effectual measures that the wit
or folly of man can devise to render America totally independent
of this Country." Indeed, Rush writes, under the heading
"[Rid] 1785 Conversations with D' Franklin": "Dined with
the Df w'!^ D' Ramsay — M^ Rittinhouse &c . . . He said in
1756. when he went to England he had a long conversation
with M^ Pratt — (afterwards Lord Camden) who told him that
Britain would drive the Colonies to Independance. This he
said first led him to realise its occurring shortly."

• The date of the Raleigh (North Carolina) Register from
which this was taken is April 30, 18 19. M. O. Sherill, Librarian
of the Library Department of North Carolina, writes us, under
date of November 20, 1899, ^^^^ there is a copy in the Library
Department at Raleigh.

^^ Joseph Gales was the printer; and he evidently is meant.

^ The " following document " itself (which had " lately come
in the hands of the editor") is stated later (See p. 22) to have
been " a . • • copy of the papers . . . left in my [J. M'Knitt's :
Dr. Joseph M'Knitte Alexander's, see note 18, ^x/] hands by
[and evidently in the handwriting of] John Matthew [John
M'Knitte: see note 14, ^^j/] Alexander, deceased." (See, how-
ever, note 16, post,)

No one is now able to locate, as we understand, either the
" copy " (which was very likely destroyed by the " editor ") or
the " papers " left in the hands of Dr. Joseph M'Knitte Alexan-
der from which it is stated to have been copied.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE I

Sec note 29, pest. I

^ This is not material. I

'^ These brackets are, of course, in the Essex Register. 1

" Sherill says also that "Matthew" is "M'Knitie" in the]
Raleigh Register.

" In The Declaration if Independence by the Cilizeni of MeciUn-
hurg County^ etc.. Published by the Governor, Under the authority
and direction of the General Assembly of the Stale of North Carnlina
(1831) (C and N]) is a foot-note which says: "This copy the
writer well recollects to have seen in the possession of Doct.
Williamson, in the year 1793, in Fayetteville, together with a
letter to him from John McNitt Alexander, and to have con-
versed with him on the subject." (It will be remembered that
"John M'Knilte Alexander writes — Sec p. 32 — that this copy
"was forwarded to him [Williamson] by Co!. Wm. Polk.")
(A statement from Polk himself as to " the words of the Com-
mittee" is given in note 2q,post.)

If, as thus appears to be the fact, this copy sent to Williamson
was made before the "records and papers were burnt" (See
p. 32), it is much to be regretted that it has not been located,
or that "the writer" did not make a copy of it, in 1793.

(^The History of North Carolina by Dr. Hugh Williamson was
published in 1S12.)

It
It is claimed that Francais-Xavier Martin procured a copy of
the original record before it was destroyed by fire, and that this
appears in The History of North Carolina, etc. This claim is
based upon the statement (repeated, it seems, in an address at
Charlotte, May 20, 1857) of Rev. Francis L. Hawks in an
address to the New York Historical Society, December 16, 1853
(See " The Mecklenbui^ Declaration of Independence,*' etc.,
in Revolutionary History of North Carolina, compiled by William
D. Cooke): "Judge Martin obtained them [the resolves] in
370

NOTES TO TEXT

manuscript, from the western part of North Carolina, and pro-
cured them as he did most of his other materials, before the year
1800 ... I knew him intimately, and had known him from
my childhood and I conversed with him touching these and
other events in our history; for, partly at his suggestion, I
had undertaken to prepare a history of North Carolina myself.
Many of his original materials had been lost, for in the latter
years of his life he was blind." (Hawks claims that the resolves
as given by Martin are Ephriam Brevard's rough draft.) Martin
himself, in his Preface^ dated ** Gentilly, near New Orleans, July
20, 1829", says: "The writer . . . had arranged all those [ma-
terials] that related to transactions, anterior to the declaration of
independence, when, in 1809, ^^* Madison thought his services
were wanted, first in the Mississippi territory and afterwards in
that of Orleans . . . The public prints stated, that a gentleman
of known industry and great talents, who has filled a very high
place in North Carolina, was engaged in a similar work; but
several years have elapsed since, and nothing favors the belief,
that the hopes which he had excited, will soon be realized.
This gentleman had made application for the materials now pub-
lished, and they would have been forwarded to him, if they had
been useful to any but him who had collected them. In their
circuitous way from Newbern to New- York and New-Orleans,
the sea water found its way to them : since their arrival, the
mice, worms, and the variety of insects t>f a humid and warm
climate, have made great ravages among them. The ink of
several very ancient documents has grown so pale, as to render
them nearly illegible ; and notes hastily taken on the journey, are
in so cramped a hand, that they are not to be deciphered by any
person but him who made them. The determination has been
taken to put the work immediately to press, in the condition it
was when it reached New-Orleans : this has prevented any use
being made of Williamson's History of North Carolina, a copy
of which did not reach the writer*s hands until after his arrival in

371

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Louisiana." The resolves appear in the last chapter of the
second (and last) volume-, and the six pages (almost) which
treat of Meclclenburg County matters give a slight indication,
it may be, of having been set up distinct from the balance of the
chapter. The resolves are a more or less polished version of
the resolves as given in the Essex Register, together with the
additional resolve: "Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions
be transmitted, by express, lo the president of the continental
congress, assembled in Philadelphia, to be laid before that body."
It seems to us that Hawks' " iSoo" is a mistake, or a misprint
for "1809". Indeed, is it not apparent from Hawks' own
language that he is merely giving Martin's Preface? Indeed,
also, it must be remembered that Hawks himself says : " In con-
senting to the preservation of the following lecture in a per-
manent form, the author owes it to himself to say, that it wza
prepared on a very short notice, and indeed, in such intervals of
leisure as could be snatched from the duties of two days only."^
Hawks does not attempt to say where Martin '^procured them".
t

It also is claimed that Alexander Garden procured a copy of
the original record before it was destroyed by fire, and that thig
appears in Anecdotes of the American Revolution published in
Charleston, S. C, in 182S. This claim is based upon the fact
that the resolves as given by him are the same (essentially) as
those given by Martin and upon the reasoning that Garden could
not have gotten them from Martin because Garden's Anecdotes^
etc., was published first.

May not Martin have sent a copy to Garden, previous to
1828, or may not Martin have taken the resolves from Garden's
Anecdotes, etc., of 1828 (for convenience, if for no other reason)
and the remainder of his information from the Raleigh Register
or gotten it from Garden by letter or from Dr. Joseph M'Knitte
Alexander or Archibald Dcbow Murphy (See note 29, post') }
37'

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

In Tht Declaration^ etc., there is also what purports to be an
" Extract from the Memoir of the late Rev. Humphrey Hunter '%
which contains a copy of resolves likewise (essentially) as given
in the Essex Register. It says, in a note: "The foregoing
extract is copied from a manuscript account of the Revolutionary
War in the South, addressed by the writer to a friend, who had
requested historical information upon the subject." We regret
that the date of the " manuscript account " is not given. The
extract iiseJf says: "The following were selected, and styled
Delegates, and are here given, according to my best recolJcctioa
. . . On that memorable day, I was 20 years and 14 days of
age, a very deeply interested spectator . . ."

" Shcrill says also that "Davies" is "Davie" in the Ratelgb
Register.

" Sherill says also that "M'Knitt" is "M'Knitte" in the
RaUigh Register. Also, William A. Graham (See note 39, /•art)
says that Dr. Joseph M'Knitte Alexander (who is stated to have
been a son of 'John M'Knitte Alexander, who is stated to have
died in 1817) often signed himself simply " Joseph M'Knitte ".

** See p. go,

* Of this, there can be no doubt.

" He was the editor of the Richnund Enquirer,

** See note iS, supra, and note 29, put.

» See p. 18.

^ He arrived in Halifax, April 15, 1776, and did not return
to Congress until after July 4th : see p. 83 and note 51^ chapter
IX, respectively.

His letter (See p. 8) of April 26, 1774, to Iredell (See
p. 85) is given in full in jf Defence of the Revolutionary Histtry
of the State of North Carolina from the Aspersions of Mr, Jeffirtm
by Jo, Seawell Jones (1834), See also p. 80 et seq.

" He was not a Delegate in 177^: sec note 65, petU
374

NOTES TO TEXT

^ He first appeared in Congress, October 12, 1775 : see note
65, pest. It seems likely, however, that JeiFerson here refers to
Penn's return, after an absence with Hooper, just before July 4,
1776 : see p. 83 and note 51, chapter IX.

^ It will, however, be remembered that JeiFerson appeared in
Congress for the first time, June 21, 1775.

^ Taken from The Declaration j etc., (See note 15, supra).

^ These may be found in Tbe Declaration^ etc., (See note 15,
supra)^ and in Force's American Archives^ ser. 4, vol. 2^ p. 855.

Under date of August 18, 18 19, and, therefore, six months
before they were printed in the Raleigh Register^ Polk wrote, as
would appear from what seem to be the originals now in the
New York Public Library (Lenox), from Raleigh to " [N]
A[rchibald]. D[ebow]. Murphy" (who was then in the Senate
of North Carolina and who, William A. Graham says, was about
to write a history when he died suddenly) and enclosed a copy
(essentially) of what had first appeared in the Raleigh Register
(bearing also " J M'^K Alexander Sen " immediately preceding the
certificate at the end) as well as a statement from his own pen.

The letter says : " It has not been in my power to bestow as
much time on the subjects mentioned in your memorandum of
the 16! ult. as I would have wished . . ."

The copy enclosed (which appears to us to be in the same hand
as the letter and statement) has at the top of the first page:
" [N] Copy of Jo. M^ K. Alexanders letter to Wm. Davidson
on Declaration of Indepence Meckf ", and, on the back of the
last page : " Copy of Letter to Wm Davidson at Congress with
the declaration of Independence by the C of Mecklenbefg
May 20, 1775".

Polk's statement, which, in general, is merely an amplification
of the subject-matter of Alexander's, embraces resolves which are
the same (essentially, but without a number of words, among

375

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

ihcm " and inalienable ", etc.) as those given in the Essix Righter,
together with the additional resolve: "[N] Resolved, That the
foregoing resolutions, be adopted and are so accordingly done
unanimously, & that the Delegates sign their names to the same."
and also the following; "The Resolution of the Mecklenburg
Delegacy, is taken from a manuscript copy given by Doctor Jos.
M'Knitt Alexander of Mecklenburg — I cannot vouch for their
being in the words of the Committee who framed them, but
they are essentially so ... At the time this meeting took place
Ac for years before & after my father Thomas Polk was the most
popular man in the County . . . and it was almost altogether
attributed to him, the course that was taken by the people of that
County . . ."

*• See note 15, supra. The report, as shown, may be found
also in Force's jfmerUan jfrchives, ser, 4, vol. 2, p. 855,

« Thr Nrw-Terk Jmrnal; cr, the General Jdvert'istr (C) of
June 29, 1775, also printed a portion of the resolves here given.

^ Sec the communication from Peter Force in the Daify
National Inulligtncer (C) of December 18, 1838. The copy of
'Hit South-Carolina Gaxetlt^ etc., in Charleston (Sec note 33, ^lO
is stated to have been found there by Dr. Joseph Johnson in 1847
and another copy in England by Bancroft when he was Minister.

■* Taken from the facsimile in the collection of Dr. Thomas
Addis Emmet now in the New York Public Libraiy (Lenox).
Ellen M. FitzSimons, Librarian of the Charlestown Libraty
Society, in Charleston, S. C, writes us» under date of De-
cember 18, 1901, that a copy of the paper containing reso-
lutions of the 31st is there.

" It will be noticed that the resolutions as given in the Sstex
Register of June 5, 1819, ante, are dated May 20th.

" It will be seen, by comparison, how difFerent these resolu-
tions arc from those given in the Essex Register of June 5, 1819,

37<i

NOTES TO TEXT

^ Neither this nor any of the following that is not given is
material.

*7 The account as found in the Essex Register of June 5, 18 19,
ante^ which purports to have been taken from the papers of John
M'Knitte Alexander, says that John M'Knitte Alexandir was
clerk. See, however, in support of the above, p. 28.

® Looking at Why North Carolinians believe in The Mecklen^
burg Declaration of Independence of May 20th^ ^775^ by Dr. George
W. Graham and Alexander Graham (1895), we find a complete
endorsement of the resolutions of the 20th, which it says ap-
peared in the Cape Fear Mercury, The only copy existing of
this, it says, was taken from the British State Paper Office by
Andrew Stevenson, a friend of Jefferson, and never returned.

See also ^^ Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence May 20,
1775 *' by C. M. Wilcox in the Magazine of American History
(C) for January, 1889, which takes the resolves evidently from
the Raleigh Register,

t
Indeed, Collier's (C) of July I, 1905, gives what purports to
be ^ facsimile of The Cape Fear Mercury of June 3, 1775, and
says :

This copy of the ** Mercury " was discovered among some papers of
Andrew Stevenson^ U. S. Minister to the Court of St, James's, and is
probably the same copy that Gov, Josiab Martin sent to London in 177S9
and that was removed from the British Foreign Office in 18 J7. Tbi
original (8J^ X ^3^ inches^ is very frail and much foxed, so that it
was with difficulty that a photograph of it could be made. The text in
the first column reads as follows :

In conformity to an order issued by the Colonel of Mecklen-
burg County, in North Carolina, a Convention, vested with
unlimited powers, met at Charlotte, in said County, on the Nine-
teenth day of May, 1775, when Abraham Alexander was chosen
Chairman, and John McKnitt Alexander, Secretary. After a
free and full discussion of the objects of the Convention, it was
unanimously resolved,

377

NOTES TO TEXT

declaring the entire dissolution of the Laws, Government, and
Constitution of this Country, and setting up a system of rule and
regulation repugnant to the laws, and subversive of His Majesty's
Government . . •"

(It will be noted that the resolves as given in Thi Sdutln
Carolina Gazette^ etc., were by the *' Committee of this county",)

The True Origin and Source of the Mecklenburg and National
Declaration of Independence (1847) ^7 ^^^* Thomas Smyth gives
the resolves of The South-Carolina Gazette^ etc., as of the JO/A.

^ This would seem to have been the view taken by Bancroft
(See The History of the United States of America^ etc.), though his
language is not very explicit. See also ^^The Mecklenburg
Declaration of Independence, May 20, 1775" by James C.
Welling in The North American Review (C) for April, 1874;
^^The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence President
Welling's reply to General Wilcox" in the Magazine of Anur"
ican History (C) for March, 1889; and The American Revolu^
tion (1893) by John Fiske.

The Address of the Hon. JVm. A. Graham on the Mecklenburg
Declaration of Independence of the 20th of May ^ l^ys^ delivered at
Charlotte, February 4, 1875, says: ^The day is not at all
material, in so small a difference in the dates.'*

^ It might perhaps be asked. Why does not the report of the
General Assembly contain the certificate attached to the ^^ Davie
copy " ?

^ Taken from The North-Carolina University Magazine (N)
for May, 1853.

James C. Welling, in the Magazine of American History (C)
for March, 1889, says: ^^This full certificate was published
for the first time, so far as I know, by the Rev. Prof. Charles
Phillips, D. D., in an elaborate article contributed by him to the

379

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

North Carolina University Magat.ine of May, 1853. When Prof
Phillips wrote his article, the ' Davie copy ' of the declaratioo
had been placed in his hands by Governor Swain, then President
of North Carolina University, who had temporarily removed the
copy from the archives of the state department at Raleigh, that it
might be subjected to a critical inspection. After making bis
transcript of it. Prof. Phillips returned the * Davie copy ' to Gov-
ernor Swain. It is now reported lu be lost or mislaid, but the
authority of the certificate, as transcribed and published by Prof.
Phillips, has never been questioned. I have private letters from
him in which he confirms the textual accuracy of the certificate
as given ... in its integrity. His high personal character is a
sufBcient guarantee for his loyalty to truih in this matter. More-
over, as the document at the time of its publication was still in
the custody of Governor Swain, it is impossible that a member
of his faculty, writing with his full cognizance, could have pul>-
lished a falsification of the document without instantaneous detec-
tion and exposure."

The " Davie copy ", as given in The North-Cardina Vmvtnity
Magazine, consists of the resolves (proper) only, which, as there
given, are the same (essentially) as those given in the Eatit
Register.

" This view is taken by Henry S. Randall in The Uft »f
Thomas Jefferson (1858) and by C. L. Hunter in SieUbes of
Western North Carolina^ etc., (1877).

Hunter, among other things, says: "Since the publication of
Governor Graham's pamphlet ["See note 39, supra] shortly before
the Centennial Celebration in Charlotte another copy of the
Mecklenburg resolutions of the 20th of May, 1775, has been
found in the possession of a grandson of Adam Brevard, now
residing in Indiana. This copy has all the outward appearances
380

NOTES TO TEXT

of age, has been sacredly kept in the family, and is in a good state
of preservation. Adam Brevard was a younger brother of Dn
Ephriam Brevard . . . This important and additional testimony,
here slightly condensed, but facts not changed, is extracted from
a communication in the Southern Home^ by Dr. J. M. Davidson,
of Florida, a man of great moral worth and high integrity, a grand-
son of Adam Brevard, a brother of Ephriam Brevard . . .**

We do not know why the name and address of the " grand-
son " in Indiana and a copy of the ^^ copy " found in his posses-
sion were not given.

Moncurc Daniel Conway, in The Life of Thomas Paine^ etc.,
says : " But the testimony is very strong in favor of two sets
of resolutions."

*^ This view is taken by Johnson in Traditions^ etc. See also
The Address^ etc., (See note 39, supra).

** For his letters of August 25th and November 29th, see pp.
18 and 19, respectively.

** See Washington's letter, p. 41.

^ He arrived in America, May 5th. For his letter of March
22d, see p. 17.

*7 For fuller statement, see The Life and Works of John Adams^
vol. 2, p. 410.

*® Charles Francis Adams tells us : " [J] Dr. Benjamin Rush
says of the author [John Adams J, in a manuscript in the Editor's
hands, — ^ I saw this gentleman walk the streets of Philadelphia
alone, after the publication of his intercepted letter in our news-
papers, in 1775, an object of nearly universal scorn and de-
testation.' " Also, see note 3, chapter VI.

*^ Taken from Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society^
XII, 227.

^ He signed the Declaration on parchment now in the Depart-
ment of State.

381

NOTES TO TEXT

Houston, Zubly, Noble Wimberly Jones and Lyman Hall were
elected.

The Journal for September 13th shows only that, ^ Georgia
having appointed delegates three of the said delegates attending
their credentials were produced read and approved • • /' We
ascertain who the ^^ three " were from John Adams' Diary.
It says : ^^ [J] Archibald Bullock and John Houston, Esquires,
and the Rev. Dr. Zubly appear as delegates from Geoigia.'' On
the 15th, Richard Smith writes in his Diary: ^Two of the
Georgia Delegates are possessed of Homespun Suits of Cloaths,
an Adornment few other Members can boast of, besides my
Broi: Crane and myself." (This and all other quotations from
the Diary of Smith are taken from it as it is given in The Anurican
Historical Review^ N, I, 288. It is there stated that the original
is in the possession of his great grandson, J. F. Coad of Char-
lotte Hall, Md., — which Coad confirms, by a letter to us — and
that ^^The manuscript shows, by various indications, that it
was copied, at some time later, but not much later, than
April, 1776, from daily notes which had been taken in Phila-
delphia." The Diary itself, for December 15, I775^ says:
^^ . . . for these Memoirs only contain what I could readily
recollect." )

^^ We have not been able to ascertain when he first attended
Congress. He was chosen upon a committee, September 23d.
See p. 140.

^ The Convention, on August nth, voted their thanks to
Pendleton and Henry, then present, and resolved that the
^^ President be desired to transmit" their thanks by letter to
Washington, for their services as Delegates. Washington had
become Commander-in-Chief of the army and Henry Colonel
of the First Regiment. Pendleton, " on account of the declin-
ing state of his health, entreated to be excused from the present

nomination • • •"

383

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

The Convention then proceeded to ballot for Delegates i and
Randolph (89), R. H. Lee (88), Jefferson (85), Harrison (83)
and Bland (61) were reelected, and Thomas Nelson, Jr., (66)
and George Wythe (58) elected, for one year.

On the next day, Bland thanked the Convention for his elec-
tion, but declined, as be was "an old man, almost deprived of
sight") and Francis Lightfoot Lee was immediately elected
in his place.

John Adams, in his Diary, says : *' [ J ] Nelson is a. &t man
... He is a speaker, and alert and lively for his weight."
" [ J ] Wythe is a lawyer, it is said, of the first eminence." In
September, he writes to his wife: "[Ad] Nelson, Wythe, and
Lee are chosen, and are here in the stead of the other three
[Henry, Pendleton and Bland]. Wythe and Lee are inoculated.
You shall hear more about them. Although they come in the
room of very good men, we have lost nothing by the change, I
believe"; and, on October igth: "[Ad] Wythe is a new mem-
ber from Virginia, a lawyer of the highest eminence in that
province, a learned and very laborious man . . ." In his
jfiilobiography, under date of March 19, 1776, he tells us:
" [ J ] Mr. Wythe was one of our best men . . ." He writes
from Quincyto Richard Bland Lee, August 11, 1819: "[QyC]
Francis Lightfoot Lee was a Man of great reading, well under-
stood, of sound judgement and inflexible perseverance in the
Cause of his attatchment to his Country [.] "

•^ This extended from August ist to September 5th.

** He was elected, August 23d — in the place of Sullivan,
" now engaged with the Army ". He produced his credentials
in Congress, September t6ih.

*? On September 8th, " Mr. Caswell informed the [Provin-
cial] Congress, as they had done him the honour of appointing
him Treasurer of the Southern District of this Province, and one
of the signers of the publick Bills of Credit, his attending those

NOTES TO TEXT

duties would render it entirely out of his power to attend the
Continental Congress • • • he therefore requested this Congress
would be pleased to appoint some other gentleman in his stead.
Whereupon, it is Resolved, That John Penn, Esquire, be, and he
is hereby appointed • • •" Penn appeared in Congress, October
1 2th.

^ He was elected on the second Thursday of October.

^ The Journal shows that on January i6, ///rf, " The Col-
ony of Con : having appointed new Del & the same attending
produced the credentials of their app^ • . •'*

^ See note 99, chapter IX.

Titus Hosmer was the other alternate. He was first elected,
November 3, 1774, and reelected on the second Thursday of
October (1775).

^ He was elected, November 4th ^- Ross and Mifflin of the
old delegation (See note 53, supra) being left out. Galloway
(See note 44, chapter IX), on May 12th, had been ^excused
from serving as a deputy '\ (As to Ross, see, however, p. 192.)

The Journal shows that on the 6th (of November), "The
Assembly of Pensylvania having appointed new Del^ates the
sd delegates produced their credentials . . .'*

"^ On December 9th, ^ The House [Convention] taking into
consideration, that this Province, by means of the necessary
attendance of some of its Deputies now in Convention, is at
present unrepresented in Congress, directed the President to
know of Mr. John Hall, whether it was convenient for him to
attend in Congress ; and Mr. Hall having signified that it was
very inconvenient to him at this time, and that it was his wish,
that some other gentleman might be appointed in his stead, and
it being represented that Mr. Robert Goldsborough, through loi^
indisposition is at present unable to attend that service, it is,
therefore. Resolved, That ... it is highly necessary that three

NOTES TO TEXT

add respectability to the little band of patriots. His manners
were agreeable, and his address prepossessing ; but he had neither
talents nor solidity sufficient to direct any affair of importance."

Gordon, in The History of the Risey Progress^ and Establishment
of the Independence of the United States of America ^ speaks in gen-
eral to the same effect : ^^ When Mr. Hancock was first elected
... it was expected that as soon as • • • [Randolph] repaired
again to congress, the former would resign. Of this he was re-
minded by one of his Massachusetts brethren [probably Samuel
Adams] when Mr. Randolph got back, but the charms of presi-
dency made him deaf to the private advise of his colleague, and
no one could with propriety move for his removal that the other
might be restored. In the early stage of his presidency he acted
upon republican principles ; but afterward he inclined to the aris-
tocracy of the New York delegates, connected himself with them,
and became their favorite."

^* Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society ^ XIV, 342,
contain, however, an ^^ abstract of papers prepared ... by Mr.
Sainsbury, from the originals in Her Majesty's Public Record
Office, in London : — ' Nov. i. Gov. Franklin to Lord Dart-
mouth . . . ^^ Many of that body [Congress] for an entire sepa-
ration, and publicly avow sentiments of independence. Dr.
Church apprehended by Washington as a spy in his camp.'

>« 9 »»

CHAPTER III

1 Sec p. 90.

^ For a letter of the ist, see p. 71.

^ For Reed's letter, sec p. 96.

^ See p. 13 (and note 2, chapter II) and note 49, chapter V.
Langdon writes to Bartlett from Portsmouth, February 26th:
^^[N£] Things are pretty much in the same Situation as they

387

NOTES TO TEXT

^ He left Congress evidently before the subject of declaring
independence came (directly) before that body: see p. 128.

^' Gerry writes, May ist : "I am glad you approve the pro-
posal for instructions • • •" Warren was President of the House
of Representatives.

^^ Compare its wording with that of the letter of Hopkins (See
notes 23 and 113, post; but see note 53, chapter IV) of April
8th, with that of the letter of Whipple of May 28th and with that
of the letter of Bartlett of June 6th (See pp. 54, 132 and 132,
respectively). (These three are the only letters we have found
from Delegates in Congress to their respective Colonies written
previous to the introduction of the initial resolution on June 7th
asking for instructions as to how to vote upon the question of independ--
ence.) Compare its wording also with that of the letter of R. H.
Lee of April 20th and with that of the letter of JeiFerson of May
17th (See note 4, chapter IV, and note 27, chapter VI, respec-
tively). See also New Tork^ chapter VIII.

1* Cooper answers : " [W] The people here almost universally
agree with you in your political sentiments.''

^® It may have been these letters which brought forth Geny's
letter of March 26th to Warren.

^7 Taken from The New England Historical and Genealogical
Register (N), XIII, 232, where it is published as a communi-
cation from J. Gardner White.

^^ Also, see Samuel Adams^ letter to Hawley, p. 46 ; Cooper's
letter, note 1$^ supra; and Gerry's letter to ' Warren, note 13,
supra,

^^ For his answer, see note ^ijpost.

^ See p. 41.

^ Boston, on May 23d, declared : ^ A reconciliation • • •
appears to us to be as dangerous as it is absurd • . • The in-
habitants of this town, therefore unanimously instruct . . . you,
that, at the approaching session of the general assembly, you use

389

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 1

jms endovovn that the ticlegim of tkk coloof ki Conptaft
be aJviwd, that in caae the Coogtcst sioD think tt occtiijiy Ibr
(be nfcty of the Unitctl Colonies, to dcdare theai toikpend-
cnt . . . the inhabjaaw of Am aJoaj, mch Aa fiics, aod ibc
feouant of their fbnuites, wiD bor dieeifulljr sappon them in
dnt mcamre. f^scii^ however, nnbaundecl coo&lcoce ia . . .
Cooptts, we are detcnnincd to wait, moa patjemlf to wait, tiB
thctr wbdom «hall dictne the nrccttiiy of making a Dedantioa
of lodepnujcnce . . ."

The (Hoccediogs of Watertown and Walpole (Majr 20th), of
New Salem (May 21st), of Maiden (May 27th), of Braoswtd:
(May 31^)1 of TauDton (June jd^, of Sciiiute (June 4.th}, of
Wrcniharo (June Sth^, of Hanover (June 6th), of Siockbridge
and of PitulicU, and doubclcss of others, can be found in Force's
Amtriean Archhtti. Those of Worcester (May) can be found
ia CtUbratkn bj ibt hhahitami sf fFerceatry Mass^ ef tht Ctn-
Itnnial Annivtrsary tf tht Dularattm rf IndtftnAtace. They are
•imilar in spirit and unanimous.

* In Force's Amtrkan Jfrch'wts can be found the proceedings
of Alfofd and Nonvich (June 7th), of Acton (June 14th), of
Palmer, Bedford and Murrayfield (June 1 7th), of Leverett (June
i8th),of Gagcborough (June 19th), of Natick {June 2CMh),of
Topsfield and Southampton (June 21st), of Williamstown (June
24th), of Nonhbridge (June 25th), of Tyringham (June 26th),
of Sturforidge (June 27th), of Fitchbui^h, Ashly and Greenwich
(July 1st), of Winchendon (July 4th) and of Eastham, and per-
haps of others.

"At a Town Meeting at Barnstable, June 25, 1776. The
Question being put, agreablc to the Resolve of the General
Court, Whether if the Continental Congress should judge expe-
dient to declare the United Colonies Independent, they the inhab-
itants of the town of Barnstable would support the measure at the
hazard of life and estate? — It passed in the Negative. Upon

NOTES TO TEXT

which a number of respectable inhabitants, whose names are
under- written, judging such procedure would have a tendency to
disunite the Colonies, and to injure the cause of their Country,
did at said meeting publicly Protest against it, hoping thereby to
avoid the imputation of acquiescence in so dishonorable a measure.
Joseph Otis, Thomas Annable, Benjamin Smith, Zac's. How-
land, Eben. Lothrop, Joseph Jenkins, Freeman Parker, Binna
Baker, Nathan Bassett, Joseph Smith, David Smith, Job How-
land, John Crocker, jun. James Davis, Nath. Howland.''
(Taken from The American Gazette: or^ Constitutional Journal^-
Ex, of July 9, 1776.)

^ Ward's physician. Young, writes, March 26th, to Henry
Ward (See note 59, chapter II) : " One, at least, of the mighty
advocates for American Independency is fallen in Mr. Ward,
to the great grief of the proto-patriot Adams."

Whipple writes, to Bartlett, March 28th: "[PD] I am just
returning from attending the remains of our worthy Friend Gov:
Ward to the place appointed for all the Humain race His
better part took its flight to world of Spirits on Tuesday morn-'
ing, this loss will be felt by Congress, and no doubt greatly
laimented by the Colony he so faithfully represented . . .**

^ This letter seems to have been lost or taken from the files.
It was written, it will be noted, over a month and a half before
the similar letter of Whipple (See p. 132). See note 14, supra.

^ He must have arrived in Philadelphia, May 14th; for, on
that day, the instructions were laid before Congress. John
Adams calls him *' [ J ] an excellent member " ; and Hopkins,
in a letter to the Governor, dated May 15th, says : " I am very
glad you have given me a colleague, and am well pleased with
the gentleman you have appointed." Also, see note 8, chapter
IX. Ellery signed the Declaration on parchment now in the
Department of State.

^ See p. 78.

391

NOTES TO TEXT

» Taken from The Works of John mthersfoon.

* Sec p. 47-

^ Rodney writes, to Thomas Rodney, May ist: "[PS] No
News Except . . . that this day is like to produce as warm if
not the warmest Election that ever was held in this City — The
terms for the parties are — Whigg & Tory — dependance &
Independence — "

In Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall — a mem-
ber of the Committee of Inspection and Observation of the
City and Liberties of Philadelphia — , under date of April aist,
we find : " Many, I understand, were the private meetings of
those called moderate men (or those who are for reconciliation
with Great Britain upon the best terms she will give us, but by
all means to be reconciled to or with her,) in order to consult
and have such men carried for Buigesses at the Election (First
of May) as will be sure to promote, to accept and adopt all such
measures . . ."

^ This and all other quotations from Marshall are taken from
his Diary (See note 37, supra).

* See p. 105.

^ See note 117, postj and note 28, chapter VIIL
^ Whipple writes. May 28th, to Meshech Weare : **[BT] It
is probable the Proprietary Gov? will be the last to agree to this
necessary step [declaring independence] — the disaflFected in them,
are now exerting themselves but their exertions are no more
than the last struggle of expiring faction." John Adams writes.
May 29th, to Benjamin Hichborn: ^^[J] The middle colonies
have never tasted the bitter cup ; they have never smarted, and
are therefore a little cooler; but you will see that the colonies
are united indissolubly. Maryland has passed a few eccentric
resolves, but these are only flashes which will soon expire. The
proprietary governments are not only encumbered with a large
body of Quakers, but are embarrassed by a proprietary interest %

393

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE'

both together clog their operations a little, but these clogs are
falling oif, as you will soon see." (For the letter to which this
is a reply, see p. 52.)

*^ For another portion of this letter, see p. 106.

« See note 37, supra.

" Seep. 17.

*^ This was dated the 20th, the day of the meeting, and was
signed by Daniel Roberdeau, as chairman.

*^ There was no quorum on the 20th; and, on the 21st also,
though a quorum, nothing was done.

*' See note 49, pest, and p. 65.

** See note 49, past.

"Marshall says: "Past ten, went to meet Committee at
Philosophical Hall, called by notices. Here was an Address to
Congress concluded on, in answer to the Remonstrance that was,
or is intended to be, sent from the Assembly, to counteract our
proceedings last Second Day at the State House, This was to
be delivered as soon as iheir Remonstrance was read in Congress.
This paper or Remonstrance of their's was carried by numbers,
two by two, into almost all parts of the town to be signed by all
(tag, longtail and bob), and also sent into the country, and much
promoted by the Qiiakers."

™ On the 24ih, an essay reported by the committee was re-
ferred to further consideration ; and, on the 2Sth, nothing was
done.

" The 26th was Sunday; and, on the 27th, there was no
quorum.

*" A copy was ordered, following its reading in Congress
on the 25th, for Robert Morris, for presentation to the
Assembly.

« It had appeared in The Pennsylvania Evening Pott (T) of
May 28lh.

" On this day, R. H. Lee introduced his resolution (See p. 109)
394

■A^

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l^lZISIB*.

i^Mn

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NOTES TO TEXT

diverted • • • by an offer of partition by Great Britain, appears
to me, if you will excuse the phrase, an absolute chimera • • •
But there is another consideration still more cogent, I can
assure you that the spirit of the people cries out for this DeclanH
tion; the military, in particular • • • I most devoutly pray,
that you may not merely recommend, but positively lay injunc-
tions, on your servants in Congress to embrace a measure so
necessary to our salvation."

Also, see p. 182.

(See, however, note 79, post.)

Five days after the adoption of the resolution (See p. 78) by
the Convention, he (Henry) writes — to R. H. Lee: **[Q]
Your sentiments [See note 4, chapter IV] as to the necessaiy
progress of this great affair correspond with mine. For may
not France ... be allured by the partition you mention ? To
anticipate therefore the efforts of the enemy by sending instantly
American Ambassadors to France, seems to me absolutely neces-
sary • . . But is not a confederacy of our states previously
necessary ? "

Similar views are found in a letter from him of the same date
(May 20th) to John Adams: ^^ \Qy^ I put up with it [the resolu-
tion] in the present Form, for the sake of Unanimity. *Tis not
quite so pointed as I could wish . . . The Confederacy. That
must precede an open Declara? of Independency & foreign
Alliances."

^ In this connection, see p. 182. (See also note 37, chapter
IX.)

7» William Wirt Henry — in Patrick Henry^ etc., (1891)
— says that ^^ Among the papers of the Convention remaining
in the Capitol are found three endorsed by the clerk, ^ Rough
Resolutions. Independence.' "

The first of these, he says, is in the handwriting of Henry
and reads as foUows :

397

NOTES TO TEXT

ment, as shall be judged most proper to maintain Peace and Order in
this colony^ and secure substantial and equal liberty to the people.

The third, he says, is believed to be in the handwriting of
Pendleton and declares :

Whereas the Parliament of Great Britain have usurped unlimited
authority to bind the inhabitants of the American Colonies in all cases
whatsoever, and the British Ministry have attempted to execute their
many tyrannical acts in the most inhuman and cruel manner, and King
George the third having withdrawn his protection from the said Colonies,
jointly with the Ministry and Parliament, has begun and is now pursuing
with the utmost violence a barbarous war against the said colonies, in
violation of the civil and religious rights of the said colonies.

Resolved, that the union that hath hitherto subsisted between Great
Britain and the American colonies is thereby totally dissolved, and that
the inhabitants of this colony are discharged from any allegiance to the
crown of Great Britain.

It would seem — in view of the letter of Thomas Ludwell
Lee to R. H. Lee of May i8th (See note 86, />w/) — doubtful,
however, whether the last is in Pendleton's handwriting.

Indeed, William Wirt Henry himself writes us, November
26, 1900, but nine days before his death: ^^I concluded on
examining the papers that the first resolution on Independence
in the Convention of '76 was that offered by General Nelson
& In an enlarged hand which I concluded was that of Patrick
Henry — I recognized the handwriting of M' Smith — in
another set of resolutions. The third set I was not certain of
the handwriting. If offered by Pendleton, they doubtless were
offered the first day. The next day, he brought in another set,
made up of different parts of the resolutions discussed the first
day — which were adopted. These rough resolutions are with
the papers of the Convention of '76 in the State Library here
in Richmond, Va."

^ Compared with the original MS. by Moncurc Daniel Con-

399

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

way, in whose possession it then was. He writes us (in 1901} :
" There is nothing preceding the first sentence relating to it.
Up to that point the history had been dealing with the whole
country, but here returns to Virginia. There arc no dates."

*' It so appears in the Journal of the Convention as given by
Force in American Archives and in the reports in the newspapers
of the day. Also, see note 86, past.

Edmund Randolph, however, writes (See note 80, supra) :
»* The vote was unanimous for independence, except in the
instance of Robert Carter Nicholas, who demonstrated his title
to popularity by despising it when it demanded [See p. 74] a
sacrifice of his judgment. He offered himself as a victim to
conscience being dubious of the competency of America in so
arduous a contest. He alone had fortitude enough to yield
to his fears on this awful occasion, although there was reason
to believe that he was not singular in their conception. But
immediately after he had absolved his obligation of duty, he
declared that he would rise or fall with his country, and proposed
a plan for drawing fonh all its energies in support of that very
independence."

" See pp. 5 7, 66 and 1 23 ; note +3, chapter V ; and pp. 132
and 183.

The resolution appeaired in Tht PtHtisylvania Evening Post Qi
and T) of May 28th — immediately following that of April 1 2th
of North Carolina; in Dunlap's Pennsylvania Packet ar the General
Advertiser (N) of June 3d ; in The Boslon-Gaxette, and Country
Jtumal (C) — published in Watertown, Mass, — of June 24th ;
and in The American Gazette, etc., (Ex) — published in Salem,
Mass. — of July 2d.

" Taken from The Connecticut Gazette, etc, (N) of June 7th.

See also The Virginia Gazette (C) of May i8th ; The Pennsylvania

Evening Past (N) of May 28th ; Dunlap's, etc, (N) of June 3d ;

and Tht American Gazette, etc, (Ex) of July 2d.

400

NOTES TO TEXT

^ Also, sec note 86, post.

^ On the 1 8th, Thomas Ludwell Lee writes (See note 103,
chapter IXX to R. H. Lee: ^Col. Nelson is on his way to
Congress " ; and, on the 20th, Henry, to John Adams : " [Qy]
Before this reaches you [It was received, June 3d] the Resolu-
tion for finally separating from Britain will be handed to Con-
gress by Cot Nelson."

Strangely enough, however, there is in existence the following :

[N] D' The Commonwealth of Virginia in Account with Thomas
Nelson jr. • • •

• • •

1776

• • •

To Attendance [in Congress] from 9^ June 76

till Aug: II* 62 -days . . .

To do from Aug : ii** Till Sep' 21* 41 Days . . •

This is endorsed, however : ^^ Thomas Nelson ;£'i69 • • 15 • • 6
Jan. 15H' 1779 Deleg? Congress Commonwealth of Virginia *'•

On September i8th. Nelson writes (from Philadelphia) to
Page : ^^ [N] I am almost overdone with such constant attend-
ance upon the business of Congress • • J*

^ R. H. Lee was notified direct by Thomas Ludwell Lee and
by John Augustine Washington (Also, see Henry's letter, note
77, supra). Both letters were dated the i8th. The former said:
^^ [M^ Enclosed you have some printed resolves which passed
our Convention to the infinite joy of the people here. The
preamble is not to be admired in point of composition, nor has
the resolve of Independency that peremptory and decided air
which I could wish • . . However, such as they are, the ex-
ultation was extreme. The British Flag was immediately struck
on the Capitol, and a Continental hoisted in its room. The
36 40^

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

troops were drawn out, and we had a discharge of Artillery and
small arms. You have also a set of resolves offered by Col. M.
Smith, but the first, which were proposed the second day by the
President, — for the debate lasted two days, — were preferred.
These he had formed from the resolves and preambles of the
first day badly put together." The latter wrote: " [M^] I . . .
enclose you ... an instruction to our Delegates ... It is not
so full as some would have wished It, but I hope may answer
the purpose. What gave me pleasure was, that the resolve was
made by a very full house and without a dissenting voice."

John Adams too was notified direct, by Richard (nor Richard
Henry) Lee by letter of the i8lh and by Henry by letter of the
20th, The letter of the former is almost identical in language
with that of Thomas Ludwell Lee to R. H. Lee. For the
letter of the latter, sec note 77, supra.

Sec between pp. 80 and 81.

^ See note 12^^ post.

** As seen by the letter of the 20th, he refers to Cemmm Semt.

" He had not returned, March ist ; see note 38, chapter IX ;
but "Hooper just returned from Boston says . . ." appears in
the Diary of Richard Smith for March 6th.

^ Penn was chosen upon a committee in Congress on
March 22d, {See note 91, past.) Hooper certainly had left
Philadelphia by the 26th : see note 93, post. They probably set
out tc^ether; though see notes 91 and 92, post. As to their
respective returns to Philadelphia, see note 51, chapter IX.

*' John Adams writes from Philadelphia on the 28th :
" [QyCJThis Morning I had the Pleasure of receiving yours
of April 17'!" . . . My respcctfull Compliments to my Country-
man M' Hooper — "

^ The committee who drafted these instructions were Corne-
lius Harnett, Allen Jones, Thomas Burke, Abner Nash, John
402

NOTES TO TEXT

Kinchin, Thomas Person and Thomas Jones. Samuel Johnston
also was doubtless present when they were adopted.

^ Hewes had iiemained in Philadelphia. (On March 26th,
he writes to James Iredell: "[I] As I imagine you will be at
Halifax, and will there see my friend Hooper, who will be able
to give you all the news and politics, I shall not trouble you with
anything in that way ; as to myself, I am ashamed to be always
complaining, yet I must say I think myself declining fast; such
close attention to business every day in Congress till three, four
and sometimes five o'clock, and on committee almost every even-
ing, and frequently in the morning before Congress meets, is too
much for my constitution — however, my country is entitled to
my services, and I shall not shrink from her cause, even though
it should cost me my life." On May 17th, he writes, to the
same friend : "[Tr] ... an obstinate Ague & Fever or rather
an intermitting Fever persecutes me continually, I have no way
to remove it unless I retire from Congress and from public busi-
ness this I am determined not to do till N? Carolina sends a
further delegation provided I am able to crawl to the Congress
Chamber . . ." For portions of a letter of July 8th, see notes
51 and 12, chapters IX and XI, respectively. Indeed, a letter
dated as early as July 8, 1775, to Iredell, also speaks very strongly
of "[I] bad health, and a weakness in my eyes . . .")

•* William Henry Drayton was President. John Rutledge,
Henry Middleton, Thomas Lynch, Jr., C. C. Pinckney and
Henry Laurens (See note 125, chapter XI) also seem to have
been present, and perhaps Gadsden; and it is almost certain that
Arthur Middleton and Heyward had not yet left (See note 37,
chapter IX) for Philadelphia.

^ See note 94, supra. Edward Rutledge and Thomas
Lynch, Sr., remained in Philadelphia.

^ This seems even certain from the language of the instruct
tions — giving "any one of the said Delegates" the power to

403

NOTES TO TEXT

of their appointment ", and it was probably June 29th before
Walton arrived. Wc Itnow the latter from the facts that 'Urt
Pennsylvania Journal; and the Weekly Advertiser (C) of June
26th, as a communication from Williamsburg, Va., dated the
15th, says: "This day arrived in town from Georgia, on his
way to the General Congress, GEORGE WALTON " j that
there is in the collection of Theodore Bailey Myers now in the
New York Public Library (Lenox) a receipt s^ncd by Walton
dated Williamsburg, June 17th ; that Bullock writes to John
Adams, from Savannah, Ga,, May ist : "[Qy] As a Mukiplic-
ity of public Business prevents my revisiting Philadelphia, I have
embraced an Opportunity by Major Walton of enquiring after
your Welfare ; and as he is capable of giving you the amplest
Account of the State of this Province, I wou'd take the Liberty
of introducing him to your Notice and Acquaintance. — " and
superscribes his letter: "Fav? by the Hon^ Major Walton"; and
that, in answering this letter, July ist, Adams says : "[J] Two
days ago I received your favor of May ist . . ."

Hall, Gwinnett and Walton, therefore, and possibly (See note
37, chapter IX) Bullock and Houston were present in the
Provincial Congress when (April 5th) the instructions were
passed.

Hall, Gwinnett and Walton signed the Declaration on parch-
ment now in the Department of State. John Adams, in hit
jfulebiographyy speaks of Hall and Gwinnett as '* [J] intelligent
and spirited men, who made a powerful addition to our phalanx,"
See p. 161.

«" A letter of March 19, 1776, from Adams, to his wife —
written before he knew who was the author of Comman Seme —
says: "[J] You ask [Sec note 8, tapra] what is thought of
* Common Sense.' Sensible men think there are some whims,
some sophisms, some artful addresses to superstitious notionti
some keen attempts upon the passions, in this pamphlet. But
40s

NOTES TO TEXT

more independents, than Common sense for hovever plausible in
theory the prospect of wealth and grandeur ; old habits and pre-
judices; and fears, of what we Icnow not, will ever be great
obstructions to changes in Governm! — tyranny & oppression often
effect it ... I beg my aif ^ comf may be accepted at Sabtne Hall
M? Lee joins in the retjuest[.] "

'* Also, sec note 32, chapter IV.

^'^ Franklin, in a letter to Josiah Quincy, written at Saratc^a,
April 15th, when on his way to Canada, says: "[X] The
novelty of the thing [the establishment of a central government
and the forming of alliances, etc.] deters some; the doubt of
success, others ; the vain hope of reconciliation, many. But our
enemies take continually every proper measure to remove these
obstacles ... so that there is a rapid increase of the formerly
small party, who were for an independent government . . .
I thought, when I sat down, to have written by this opportuni^
to Dr. Cooper, Mr. Bowdoin, and Dr. Wintbrop, but I am in-
terrupted. Be so good as to present my affectionate respects
to them . , ." Also, see p. 78 ; note 4, chapter IV ; and pp.
114, 175 and 235. See also note 125, chapter XI.

'"^ I'his and the following quotations are taken from a copy
of the letter furnished to us by Z. T. Hollingsworth of Boston,
who has the original,

A letter of Carter, to Washington of May 9th, has already
been given (See p. 75).

^"^ See p. 46 ; note 125, ptsi ; and note 97, chapter IX. See
also a letter of John Adams to his wife of April 15, I775» in
familiar Letters af 'John Adams and bis Wife Ahigail Adams^
during the Revtlutien by Charles Francis Adams.

"* For a later letter, see p. 226.

"0 For a later letter, see p. 227.

"1 See p. 69.

'^ As we have seen, he was not renominated, August 11,
409

NOTES TO TEXT

of Government for them to solace themselves under, and if they
do not prefer this to ample fortune, to ease, and elegance, they
are not my children, and I care not what becomes of them/'

^ This statement, etc., may be found also in a letter of
John Adams (to Chase) dated Philadelphia, June 14(17?), 1776.

The resolution of Maryland is in The Pennsylvania Evening
Post (N) of May 30th.

^^ Samuel Adams' opinions of the condition of affairs on April
1 6th and on April 30th are to be found at pp. 46 and 47,
respectively.

The NeW'England Chronicle (MsS) of August 2d contains the
following: "[The following paragraphs were taken from a Hali-
fax Paper of the 2d of July.] . . . May 3. The Congress have
determined to declare AMERICA an independent state . . ."

^7 A letter from Hopkins of the ifth may be found at
p. 56.

Wolcott writes to Samuel Lyman on the i6th: "[PE] The
news is Inclosd — a Revolution in Government, you will per-
ceive is about to take effect — "

R. R. Livingston writes to Jay on the 17th: "[Z] Mn
Duane tells me he has enclosed [See note 119,^1/] you a copy
of the resolutions [See p. 105] of the 15th. I make no observa-
tions on it in this place for fear of accidents. It has occasioned
a great alarm here, & the cautious folks are very fearful of its
being attended with many ill consequences next week when the
Assembly [of Pennsylvania] are to meet; some points of the
last importance are to be agitated (as we imagine), very early
. . . send some of our delegates along as the province will other-
wise be often unrepresented, since I find it inconsistent with my
health to be close in my attendance in Congress. You have by
this time sounded our people, I hope they are satisfied of the

411

NOTES TO TEXT

right to pass the resolution, any more than Parliament has.
How does it appear that no favorable answer is likely to be
given to our petitions ? Every account of foreign aid is accom-
panied with an account of commissioners. Why all this haste ?
why this urging ? why this driving ? Disputes about independ-
ence are in all the Colonies. What is this owing to but our
indiscretion ? I shall take the liberty of informing my constit-
uents that I have not been guilty of a breach of trust. I do pro-
test against this piece of mechanism, this preamble. If the facts
in this preamble should prove to be true, there will not be one
voice against independence. I suppose the votes have been num-
bered, and there is to be a majority." Also, see note 119, supra.

^ In France, the resolution was not credited with more than
its face value ; for Silas Deane writes from Paris : ^^ [It] • • • is
not considered by the Ministry as a Declaration of Independence,
but only a previous step, and until this decisive step is taken, I
can do little more to any purpose ... I must therefore urge
this measure, if not already taken, and that the Declaration be in
the most full and explicit terms."

^^ We have already given another portion of this letter at
p. no.

^^ Whipple and Bartlett had similar views : see note 41, supra^
and p. 132.

^^ Washington, who remained (See p. 80) in Philadelphia
until the morning of June 5th, writes, however, as late as May
31st, to his brother, John Augustine Washington: "[Y] I am
very glad to find that the Virginia Convention have passed so
noble a vote, and with so much unanimity . • . many members
of Congress, in short, the representation of whole provinces, arc
still feeding themselves upon the dainty food of reconciliation . . ."

^^ This letter begins : '* I had this morning the pleasure of
yours of 20 May." For Henry's letter, see note 77, supra.

413

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

CHAPTER rV

* This and all former (quotations from the Journal, as well as
all following quotations except where specially stated otherMrise,
are from the original or rough Journal and not from the trans-
cript or corrteud Journal, both of which (formerly in the De-
partment of State) are now in the Library of Congress.

There is, however, but little variance between the two.

' Here, in the currected Journal, are the words " respecting in-
dependency '*. The rough Journal, as shown, does not disclose at
all the character of the resolutions offered; sec, however, p. ii8.

* The original resolutions (See facing p. io8; see also
Force's AiitirUan Jrchivrt, ser. 4, vol, 6, p. 1700) (formerly
in the Department of State) are now in the Library of Congress.
They arc in the handwriting of R. H. Lee.

The resolutions (framed and in a case) in "Independence
Hall" (which are claimed, we understand, to be the original) are
not. (They have been photographed and some of these photo-
graphic copies also are in " Independence Hall ".)

We state this thus unreservedly (though, as we have said, the
resolutions in "Independence Hall" are framed and in a case
and we, therefore, have had no opportunity to examine them
except therein) for the following reasons : because the resolutions
in the Library of Congress are written on a half-page of paper
which is of the same texture and quality, and hears the lowei
half of the same water-mark, as the full page of paper (See note
2, chapter VII) upon which is found what we think is the
original of the report of the committee of the whole of July ist ;
because the paper, indeed, is the same as that of the various drafts
by JeiFerson of the Declaration existing and spoken of Later;
because the resolutions in the Library of Congress have three
414

NOTES TO TEXT

periods which are not visible in the resolutions in " Independence
Hall " i because on the back of the resolutions in the Library of
Congress is endorsed the following :

June? — 1776. N? 4 —
Refolutions moved

June 7? 1776,
referred for confideraiion
tiU 10 morrow

respecting Tndependanc f^"" •*«" ■" F*»^ "'■
OttbeU;S— HitauwtcuutartMka

il»Kwuk«>rorut.]

while on those (one page) in ** Independence Hall " is simply :

June 7 -1776.
RefolutioD) moved

June Tf 177*
referred for confldeiatioa
till to morroiT

because the words "respecting Independanc of the U: S — " juit
given arc in Thomson's handwriting, though the pen and ink used
were evidently difFercnt ; because, on the report of the committee
of the whole, above mentioned, is endorsed, as we shall see,
" N? 5 " i because the half-page in the Library of Congress has
been folded and the marks of the ink, resulunt from this folding,
are plainly visible ; because the resolutions in the Library of
Congress arc where the resolutions ought to be} because Charles
S. Keyser of Philadelphia writes us, under date of November 17,
1900, respecting those in "Independence Hall": "They have
been in Museum for about 25 years and were deposited by the
late Col. Etting [See note 15, chapter XI], the historian of the
Hall " ; and because one edge of the resolutions in " Independence
Hall " show) that it has been cut by scissors.

Moreover, Mrs. I. B. Chew of Philadelphia very kindly fw
4»S

NOTES TO TEXT

language of your letters that the pulse of the Congress is low ;
and that you yourself with all your vigor are by collision somewhat
more contracted in your hopes than We wish to have found —
by the eternal God if you do not declare immediately for positive
independence We are all ruin'd — *'

Jefferson, writing at Monticello to John Adams, December
1 8, 1825, says: "[P] I presume you have received a copy of the
life of Rich*^ H. Lee from his grandson of the same name, author
of the work, you and I know that he merited much during the
revolution — eloquent, bold and ever watchful at his post, of
which his biographer omits no proof. I am not certain whether
the friends of George Mason, of Patrick Henry, yourself, and
even of Gen I Washington may not reclaim some feathers of the
plumage given him noble as was his proper and original coat,
but on this subject I will anticipate your own judgment." Also,
see Appendix^ p. 346.

Also, see p. 99; note j^post; p. 121 ; Samuel Adams' letter,
p. 213; Appendix^ note 106; and Appendix^ pp. 350 and 351.

* Lossing — evidently without authority — says : '* [H] To
shield them from the royal ire. Congress directed its secretary to
omit the names of its mover and seconder, in the Journals."

® Thomson himself, as " repeat [ed], in his own words" by
William Allen (See the American ^arterly Review^ C and N,
I, 30), says : " I was married to my second wife, on a Thurs-
day; on the next Monday, I came to town to pay my respects
to my wife's aunt, and the family ; just as I alighted in Chesnut
street, the door-keeper of congress (then first met [October,
1774],) accosted me with a message from them, requesting my
presence . . • I . • . followed the messenger ... to the Car-
penters' Hall, and entered congress ... I walked up the aisle,
and standing opposite to the President, I bowed, and told him I
awaited his pleasure. He replied, ^ Congress desire the favour

419

NOTES TO TEXT

caped attention : and justice to be so far left undone to Virg? It
was in obedience to htr positive instrucmn to bcr Delates in
Cong- that the motion for Independance was made. The in-
struction passed unanimauify in her Convention on the 15 of May
1776 . . . and the mover was of course, the mouth only of the
Delegation, as the Delegation was of the Convention. Had P.
Randolph the first named not been cut off by Death, the motion
w' have been made by him. The duty, in consequence of that
event devolved on the next in order [See note 62, chapter II]
R. H. Lee, who had political merits of a sort very dificrent from
that circumstantial distinction."

John Adams, however, — in a letter to R. H. Lee, the grand-
son and biographer, dated February 24^ 1821 — says: "[J]
Richard Henry Lee . . . was a gentleman of fine talents, of
amiable manners, and great worth. As a public speaker, he had
a fluency as easy and graceful as it was melodious, which his
classical education enabled him to decorate with frequent allusion
to some of the finest passages of antiquity. With all his brothers
he was always devoted to the cause of bis country ... I can-
not take upon me to assert, upon my own mcmoiy, who were
the movers of particular measures in Congress, because I thought
it of little importance. I have read in some of our histories,
that . . . Richard Henry Lee [made the first motion] for a
declaration of independence. As such motions were generally
concerted beforehand, I presume . . . Richard H. Lee was pre-
ferred for the motion for independence, because he was from the
most ancient colony, &c. ... It ought to be eternally remem-
bered, that the eastern members were interdicted firom taking the
lead in any great measures, because they lay under an odium and
a great weight of unpopularity. Because they had been sus-
pected from the b^inning of having independence in contempl^
tion, they were restrained from the appearance of promoting any
^ai

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

great measures by their own discretion, as well as by the general
sense of Congress. That your grandfather made a speech in
&vor of a declaration of independence, I have no doubt, and
very probably more than one, though I cannot take upon mc to
repeat from memory any part of his speeches, or any others that
were made upon that occasion. The principles and sentiments
and expressions of the Declaration of Independence bad been so
often pronounced and echoed and reechoed in that Congress for
two years before, and especially for the last six months, that it
will forever be impossible to ascertain who uttered them, and
upon what occasion."

' See note 22, chapter VI,

** Madison says (See note 7, supra) the same.

» See p. 119.

" The last two letters of " this " are written over an c.

" These notes^ so far as they relate to the subject of independ-
ence, are given in full (except the portion here quoted and
the Declaration proper, found at p. 172) in the jtfpendix^ p. 295.

The original noUs are among the Jefferson papers {formerly in
the Department of Slate) now in the Library of Congress, bound
as a part of Jefferson's liutob'iegraphy, which begins as follows:
"^Sj 1S21. Jan. 6 at the age of 77. 1 begin to malcc some
memoranda and state some recollections of dates & facts con-
cerning myself, for my own more ready reference & for the
information of my family."

They seem to have been written practically at one sitting (See,
however, Appendix, note 15), and, we thini, after his retirement
from Congress, of which he speaks as follows in his yfutobiogra-
pby : "[S] The new government was organizing ... I thought
I could be of more use in forwarding that work. I therefore
retired from my seat in Congress, on the 2'} of Sep. [17 76] resigned
it, and took my place in the legislature of my state, on the 7V of
October."

43s

NOTES TO TEXT

This and all other quotations from the nta were taken frov
the original MS.

i» See p. 137.

'* See l^fe tf Thtmas ftffinm^ etc., fay Thomas James
Parton, p. 187.

^ See [q>. 116 and 139.

*' A copy of the mats sent by JcfFcrson (and in his handwrit-
ing) to Madison in 1783 ($e:e AppttidiK^ p. 352) reads as follows:
". . . Livingston, E. Rutl^e, Dickinson . . ." The correc-
tions in the mtety however, are, we think, in different (yet brown)
ink than the body of the notes, seeming to be of the same color
as (chough perhaps slightljr darker than) that of the copy of the
netts sent to Madison, John Rutledge, of course, was not
present.

(This and all other quotations from this copy were taken horn
the original MS.)

'' See note 23, pest.

'* See p. 117; hut bear in mind that Rutledge's letter was
written on the 8th.

1* The last two letters of '< this " are written over at. The
copy of the netts sent to Madison in 1783 hat "thia".

*> « PaniinylvaniB," and " &el«", of course, do not appear in
the copy of the tatts which JefFereon sent to Madison in 1783.

^ This erasure was made evidently at the time of writing.
The copy of the notts sent to Madison in 1783 reads as follows:
". . . must retire . . ."

^ The copy of the notts sent to Madison in 1783 reads as
follows : " of the present campaign, which we all ht^ed would
he succesful, we . . ."

** Dickinson writes, from Wilmington, October 9, 1807, to

Mercy Warren, who had submitted to him her history of the

Revolution : " [E] As well u I can rely on my lading memory,

R. H. Lee and John Adams were the priacipal 1

433

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

of a declaration of independence. As for myself and those whi
acted with me, we certainly entertained, and expressed, apprehen
sions of great calamities to both countries should that measure b<
adopted, but the expression of these apprehensions was alway
accompanied by a solemn declaration that, dreadful as they (lhos<
calamities) might be, they were to be firmly encountered, what
ever the consequences might be."

** Charles Botta, in Histary of the Revalution, gives a speecl
purporting to be Lee's speech on this day (the 8th) ; an<
R. H. Lee, in Memoir of the Lift of R. H. i«, his grandfather
quotes the concluding portion of the speech thus given, witl
the following introduction ; " Memory has preserved a fain;
outline of his first speech, and pronounces the following, as thi
concluding sentences, with which he introduced his memorabli

John Adams, writing from Quincy, July 30, 1S15, to M:Kear
and to Jefferson, says, however ; " [QyC] Chevalier Botta ... ha;
followed the example of the Greek and Roman Historians, bj
composing speeches for his Generals and Orators. The Re-
viewers have translated one of Mr R H Lee in favour of thi
declaration of Independence. A splendid morcell of oratory il
is; how faithful, you can judge": and Jefferson replies froir
Monticello, August loth: " [P] Botta, as you observe, has pin
his own speculations and reasonings into the mouths of person;
whom he names, but who, you & I know, never made such
speeches"; and MiKean, from Philadelphia, November 2Cth :
" [J] ^^^ speech of Mr. Richard H. Lee, given by . . . Botta,
which I have read, may have been delivered, but I have no re-
membrance of it, though in Congress, nor would it do any
member much credit." Moreover, Madison, in a letter to George
Alexander Otis, who was translating Botta's Histary, etc., writes
(as shown by what is evidently the original draft, formerly in the
Department of State and now in the Library of Congress), from
424

NOTES TO TEXT

Montpelier in January, 1821 : " He [Botta] was probably led to
put his fictitious and doubtless very erroneous speeches exhibiting
the arguments for & ag*' Independence, into the mouths of Mf
Lee & M' Dickenson, by discovery that the former was the
organ of the proposition, and the latter the most distinguished
of its opponents. It is to be regretted that the Historian had
not been more particularly acquainted with what passed in Cong*
on that great occasion. He would probably very justly have
assigned to your venerable correspondent [John Adams] a very
conspicuous part on the Theatre. I well recollect that the re-
pons from his fellow labourers in the cause from Virg^ filled
every mouth in that State with the praises due to the comprehen-
siveness of his views, the force of his arguments, and the boldness
of his patriotism."

Indeed, in any event, Lee, the biographer, is in error in calling
it the speech " with which he introduced his memorable motion '* ;
for the resolutions were introduced on the 7/A.

Also, see note 7, supra,

^ See p. 117; but bear in mind that Rutledge's letter was
written on the 8th. Franklin may have been absent : see note 7,
chapter VI.

^ This was inserted evidently at the time of writing. The
copy of the notes sent to Madison in 1783 reads as follows:
". . . they had only . . .'*

^ See pp. 52, 59 and 69.

^ It would seem certain from this that Rodney as well as
M:Kean was present at this time (though, of course, we could
not say even then that Rodney must, therefore, have been present
on both the 8th and loth). (He was present certainly on May
29th ; for, on that day, he writes from Philadelphia, to Thomas
Rodney : ** [G^] The Colonies of North-Carolina and Virginia
have both by their Conventions declared for Independence by a
Unanimous Vote ; and have Instructed their members to move

425

)

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

and Vote for it in Congress . . .") See, however, note 44,.]

chapter IX. See note 113, chapter III. '

Read, on May ist, as we have seen (See p. 61), expected to
go (from Philadelphia) to Wilmington "on Saturday next."

Indeed, on May lOth, he writes from Wilmington, to M:Kcan
and Rodney: "[GR] I know not when I shall be with you,
as I may be of some little use here. I shall stay till there is
some alteration in the appearance of things. Excuse this scrawl
. . . P. S. — Apothecary's paper — written in the smell of vials."

On May i+th, however, he was again in Philadelphia; for he
writes there on that day : " [GR] I have your letter of the 1 2th
instant. I did expect to have been with you last evening, but
was detained by a special call of the marine committee ... I
was out at Mr. Gurney's all Friday, on a message from Mrs.
Gurncy the preceding night, delivered to mc in bed about eleven
o'clock ... As to my own health, it is not so good as I could
wish. This day week I confined myself to the house, and took
some bark, that has relieved me, and am now better, and I should
have dined with Gurney to day, but the rain induced mc to accept
of a seat in Mr. Braxton's coach, and I have been at Mr.
Robert Morris' countiy-house, with a set of people who think
and act alike — some consolation in these times. As our Assem-
bly are to meet to-morrow week, I shall have a proper excuse to
return to you the last of this. Be assured I wish it most sincerely
. . . P. S. — I expect Mr. Rt^ers, of Maryland, to carry this."

*° From this — and from their letter of the 8th to the Provin-
cial Congress (Sec p. 183) (which seems to have been lost or
taken from the files) and the fact that R. R. Livingston accepted
a place upon the committee to draft the Declaration (See p.
200), etc. — , it would seem that the New York Delegates did
not take the decidid stand at this time that they did later, afur
ibe receipt of the refly {Sec p. lii^)yriim their Previndal Congress,
426

NOTES TO TEXT

Indeed, it is curious to note that the Delegates of New York — -
who are not mentioned here as ^^ absolutely tied up," while
those of Pennsylvania and Maryland are — were the only ones
who did not vote on the last days.

^ This erasure was made evidently at the time of writing.
The copy of the notes sent to Madison in 1783 stops with the
colon.

^ This correction was made evidently at the time of writing.
The copy of the notes sent to Madison in 1783 reads as follows:
". . . consonant with the . . ."

^ Common Sense puts it thus : ^^ Under our present domination
of British subjects, we can neither be received nor heard abroad :
the custom of all courts is against us, and will be so, until, by an
independence, we rake rank with other nations."

® In Dunlap^Sy etc., (C) of October ist appears the following, as
a letter of May 19th from London: ^^ Should America this spring
declare Independence, it is most certain that France and many
other powers of Europe will give her immediate assistance, if
applied to, which no power will attempt to do while the Ameri-
cans stile themselves subjects of the King of Great Britain • • .
America must expect to undergo a ten years war, and perhaps a
total defeat at last, if she does not declare immediate Independence**

•* For a letter of the New York Delegates, also of the 8th,
see p. 183.

^ See, to the same effect, Hancock's letter, p. 137.

» See p. 188.

^ For the debate on this day (and on the 8th), see p. ill.
See p. 137.

^ We feel sure that this resolution is what is found (See note
3, supra) upon the reverse side of the piece of paper upon which
are written the original resolutions of June 7th. It will be noticed
that a few changes were made by Congress.

* See p. 125.

427

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

*" These words were added., sometime after 1783 : see Appendix^
note 5. It, therefore, would appear that originally Jefferson men-
tioned here but fivt Colonies; and that these were New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland.

He doubtless added "South Carolina" because it occurred to
him that her Delegates also were opposed at this time to a declara-
tion (See, however, p. 132}, and, of course, in this rtifict^ the
addition made the netn more accurate i but, at the same time,
the notti as originally written evidently were correct. JetFerson
is here speaking of the Colonies which had not yet matured for
falling from the parent stem but were fast advancing to that
state andyir which '■^it was thought most prudent to wait a while".
Congress evidently did not expect to hear from South Carolina
during the next "three weeks ".

*■ See the letters of Wells and Jefferson, p. 195 et teq. It it
quite important that these be read in connection with this portion
of this chapter. (See, however, p. 128.} See p. 25,

Perhaps some will be found, however, who will conclude that
the change of Hewes took place on June 24th (See p. 130)
(though there was no "immediate motion for adjournment"
on that day) or even as late as July 1st (See p. 163); or that
it look place — before, in fact, the ijucsiion of declaring inde-
pendence came (directly) before Congress — on March 22d
(Sec p. 104) or on May 9th (when the resolution of May isth,
as called, was adopted in the committee of the whole and ad-
journed by the request of a Colony).

See (also) pp. 23, 114, 139, 161 and 163 and note 51,
chapter IX.

*" He writes from Philadelphia to Samuel Johnston, July 28,
1776: "[Nl . . . these two Capital points [a confederation
and a plan for foreign alliances] ought to have been settled before
our declaration of Independance went forth to the world, this was
my opinion long ago and every day experience serves to coniirm
428

NOTES TO TEXT

me in that opinion . . ." For other letters from him, see pp. 3 1
and 81 ; note 93, chapter III ; pp. 85 and 139 j and note iz^
chapter XI. Also, see pp. 23 and 25.

** Also, see pp. 23, 25 and 201.

** Samuel Adams (?): see p. 195 */ ttq.

** A letter from Wolcott of this date is given in note 98,
chapter IX.

See note 14, chapter VI.

** He writes to John Lowell on the next day : *< [QyC] Some
of you must prepare your Stomacks to come to Philadelphia. I am
weaiy, and must ask Leave to return to my Family, after a little
Time, and one of my Colleagues at least, must do the Same, or
I greatly fear, do worse. "

On the 1 6th, he writes, to his wife: "[Qy] Great Things
are on the Tapis. These Throws will usher in the Binh of a
fine Boy."

" See p. 2D0.

* Also, see p. 11.

*• See p. 99.

"* Pickering writes to him from Salem, August 2d: "[MsC]
By the public journals ■' appears that ... the next day [June
nth], the committee for preparing the declaration . . , was
chosen ... Mr Jeflcrson being first on the list, became the
chairman. This, considering the composition of the committee,
and that M! Jefferson was the youngest man [7*his is a mistake!
Livingston was younger: but Jefferson was the youngest of
those who fmartd a declaration], would ^pear remarkable. —
M' Charles Lee, who married the daughter of Richard Heniy
Lee, once gave me this account: that M' Lee having moved
the resolution for declaring the Colonies Independent, would,
according to the usual course, have been elected chairman of
the committee . . . but sickBess in his fiunily caused him to
4^

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE ^

return home. M.'. Jefferson, another Virginian, was then chosen
to supply his place. By Dl Ramsay's history of the revolution
it appears that R. H. Lee moved the resolution, and that it was
seconded by you. This, I have always supposed, was done
by previous concert: it being the policy of the Massachusetts
delegates (as M' Samuel Adams once told me) to cultivate the
best harmony with those of Virginia, and in great measures to
get her to take the leading step. — This Battered the pride of
the Ancient Dominion and obtained a pledge of her persever-
ance . . . The late chief justice Parsons once told me, that
in conversing on this subject, you informed him that you and
M- Jefferson were the sub-committee to prepare the declaration,
and that you left to Mf Jefferson the making of the draught.
Some years ago, a copy of the declaration, as reported to Con-
gress, was put into my hands by some one of the Lee family.
It was in M! Jefferson's hand-writing, and inclosed in a short
letter from him to R. H. Lee, together with a copy of the
declaration as amended in Congress . . . Accurate copies of
the reported declaration & the letter I lodged a few years ago
with the Historical Society in Boston [See note 50, chapter
VII] ... I have thought it desirable that the facts in this case
should be ascertained. You alone can give a full statement of
them . . ."

In Political Essays. A Series of Letters addressed to the Peoplt
of the United States ( 1 8 1 2), Pickering says : " And Mr. Jefferson
being the first on the list of the committee was of course the
chairman. A particular policy governed the choice. In the
early period of our revolution, it was deemed expedient, in veiy
important questions, that Virginia should take the lead. Virginia
was then the largest and most populous of the Colonics. Peiv
haps too, it was expected that her going before would powerfully
influence her neighbors to follow in her track. There might be
430

NOTES TO TEXT

other reasons. Such, however, was the fact ; as I was once
assured by the late Mr. Samuel Adams (then a member from
Massachusetts) with a significance of countenance, in making
the remark, which distinguished that wily politician."

" See p. 9.

^ R. H. Lee himself writes/ram Philadelphia to Washington,
June ijth : " [S] I shall be exceedingly obliged to you Sir for
getting M' Eustace to give In writing all that he knows about
this business, and inclose the same to me at Williamsburg . . .
This day I sett off for Virginia . . ,"

Also, Rogers writes, June I2tli: " [PD] Upon my return to
my lodging last Night I found in my room your favor of the
1 1'? of May . . . How it came there, or for what reason it has
been a Month upon the road, I am unable to inform you . . .
Ever since I have been here . . . The Canada Commissioners
are returned . . . This comes by Col Richard Henry Lee who
if you should happen to fall in with him will give you the best
information of every matter you may be desireous of know-
ing . . . best respects to M" Lee and my good friends of
Mellwood . . ."

^ Jefferson writes from Momicello, January 31, 1819, to
Dr. Benjamin Waterhousc; "[P] I was the youngest man but
one in the old Congress, and he [Samuel Adams] the oldest but
one, as I believe, his only senior, I suppose, was Stephen Hop-
kins of and by whom the honorable mention made in your letter
was richly merited, altho' my high reverence for Samuel Adams
was returned by habitual notices from him which highly flattered
me, yet the disparity of ^c prevented intimate and confidential
communications. I always considered him as more than any
other member the fountain of our important measures, and altho'
Ik w» neither an eloquent nor easy speaker, whatever he said
krWas sound and commanded the profound attention of the
Bouse, in the discussions on the floor of Congress he reposed
431

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

himself on our main pillar in debate liTr John Adams, these
two gentlemen were verily a host in our councils, comparisons
with their associates, Northern or Southern, would answer no
profitable purpose, but they would £ulfer by comparison with
none."

CHAPTER V

1 Also, see p. 125.

* As to their subsequent actions, see pp. 18 1 and
speciively. New Jersey, Delaware and Maryland are treated
in this chapter. Sec note 40, chapter IV. Indeed, see p. 132.

^ Sec note 40, chapter IV, and Apptndix-, note 5.

' S== p. 78.

' He was in Congress as late (See p. 59) as June lotb;
for he signed a letter there on that day.

' He seems not to have attended upon Congress: see note
27, chapter III.

' The others were Richard Smith, De Hart and William
Livingston : see p. 57.

Smith — before the reading of the resolution of the Convention
of Virginia — asked of the Provincial Congress "leave to resign
his seat" in the Continental Congress "on account of indis-
position", which resignation was ordered to be accepted. He
seems not to have been opposed to independence: see p. 58.

De Hart was chosen upon a committee in Congress, May
i8th. He left probably on the day of the postponement. On
June 13th — the day after Smith's resignation — , he also asked
of the Provincial Congress leave to resign his seat in the Conti-
nental Congress, " on account of the situation of his family
and afiairs", which resignation also was accepted. He seems
to have been opposed to independence ; see Ibid,

«8

NOTES TO TEXT

Livingston also would seem (See ibid, and note 13, post)
to have been opposed to independence. Indeed, John Adams
says (See Jay^ note 39, chapter IX) that he " left Congress
himself". Adams does not, however, say when Livingston left;
but we know that he was chosen upon a committee on June 5th;
that, on June 12th, a committee was chosen, to be composed of
one Delegate from each Colony, and that no one was chosen
from New Jersey — doubtless because there was no one in
Philadelphia to choose; and that, on the 14th, a letter yr^/if him,
dated the 13th, was laid before Congress. On the 2ist — the
day before the election — , the Provincial Congress resolved that
the President write to him to ^^ take command of the Militia
destined for New York " ; and the minutes of the 25th show
that he answered declining " for reasons therein mentioned ".
He had long since (October 28, 1775), however, been appointed
a Brigadier-General of Militia of New Jersey; and, indeed,
he writes as such to General Mercer from Elizabethtown on
July 4th.

® See note 7, supra,

• Before the election took place, he " resigned " and his
resignation was accepted. See his letters, p. 57 et seq,j and
his letter immediately following in the text. Indeed, John Adams
writes to him, July 21st : " [QyC] Your Delegates, behave very

well : but I wish for you among them. I think, however,

that you judged wisely in continuing in Convention. where

I believe you have been able to do more Good, than you would
have done here. -^ — "

^^ He signed the Declaration on parchment now in the De-
partment of State.

^ John Adams, in 1774, describes him as "[J] a clear,
sensible preacher." See p. 60.

^ Also, see note 9, supra^ and p. 131.

^ John Adams, in his Autobiography^ under this date, says:

^ 433

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

" [Qy] A new Delegation appeared from New Jersey M' Willia
Livingston and all others who had hitheno resisted Indepcnden
were left out." It seems likely, however, that the Journal
correct, and that the Delegates alher than Hapiinian did n
arrive until on or just before July ist. Indeed, Adams himse
in a letter to Mercy Warren (See p. 159), in describing ihf dttt
on that day (July ist), says: "[QyC] ... the New Jere
Delegates appearing for the first time, desired that the questi<
might be discussed " ; though, of course, he may have mea
simply ** for the first time " when a declaration of independca
was under consideration.

Also, see p. J58.

John Adams writes to his wife, August 21st: " [Ad] YesM
day morning I took a walk into Arch Street to see Mr. Peali
painter's room ... At this shop I met Mr. Francis Hopki
son, late a Mandamus Counsellor of New Jersey, now a memb
of the Continental Congress, who, it seems, is a native of Phil
delphia, a son of a prothonotary of this county, who was
person much respected. The son was liberally educated, ai
is a painter and a poet. I have a curiosity to penetrate a liti
deeper into the bosom of this curious gentleman, and may pc
sibly give you some more particulars concerning him. He
one of your pretty, little, curious, ingenious men. His head
not bigger than a large apple, less than our friend Pemberton,
Dr. Simon Tufts. I have not met with anything in natm
history more amusing and entertaining than his personal appc:
ance; yet he is genteel and well bred, and is very social."

Rush writes: "[Rid] May 9'* This morning died suddenly 1
an Apoplexy Francis Hopiinsm Judge of the federal Court 1
Pennsylvania. He was a man of various talents — he cxcell
in poetry & music, and had great taste, with some knowledge
painting. His fort was humor & Satyre in which Posterity n
434

NOTES TO TEXT

probably say he was not surpassed by Lucian — Swift or Rabel-
lais. These extraordT powers of nature were generally conse-
crated to the purposes of patriotism & Science. He possessed
uncommon talents for pleasing in company. His wit was not
of that coarse kind which sets ^ a table in a roar '. It was mild
— delicate and elegant, and infusing chearfulness rather than
mirth in all who heard it . . . He shared largely in the friend-
ship of D^ Franklin. He was so agreable as neighbour that
he constantly created friends in every part of the city in which
he resided. — His domestic character was unsullied by any of the
usual imperfections which sometimes cleave to genius. He was
frugal — regular — faithful — and kind in his family. In public
life he was active and just, and the various causes which contrib-
uted to the history of the establishment of the Independance
and the federal Gov:^ of the United States will not be fully traced
Unless much is ascribed to the irresistable influence of the Ridi-
cule which he occasionally poured forth upon the enemies of
those great political events. — " Of course, see p. 192.

1^ We know that he was in Philadelphia on June 3d ; and he
was chosen upon a committee as late as the 12th. The Journal
shows that, on the next day, ^^ A letter from M' M Kean dated
2. ^'clock this morning . . . was laid before Congress." This
letter — headed: *'[S] Newcastle June 13*? half past 2 A M.
1776." — says: "The Assembly here have information this
moment by express that there are a thousand Tories under
arms in Sussex county . . . but we expect soon to give a good
Account of these misguided people. — " It was followed bjr
another, which reads : " [S] Newcastle June 13? 7 oclock
P. M. 1776 ... I have the pleasure to inform you that the
Insurgents in Sussex county have dispersed • . /*

^* See note 30, chapter VII.

^® See p. 105.

^^ See note 29, post.

435

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

1* Sec p. 189.

*• This was due somewhat to distance but more especially to
the facts that her Convention had been called for the 20th, while
the Provincial Congress of New Jersey and the Assembly of
Delaware had been called for the loth, and that her Convention
sent word, as wc shall see, to Philadelphia, for all of the Delegates
to attend and awaited a reply before taking any action.

*• On February id, the Delegates in attendance upon Congress
from Maryland were Paca, Alexander and Rogers; for, on that
day, the first two sign a letter to the Council of Safety and
in it say: "[Md] ... a Committee of Congress of which
M' Rogers is a Member ■ . ." They were soon joined by
Chase i for he writes a letter " [Md] In Congress " on the 6th.
On the 2d, as shown by another letter from him, to Daniel of
St. Thomas Jenifer, he had been at "[Mtl] Charles Town",
These four Dclcgaies seem to have served practically throughout
February. On the 7th and on the 9th, Chase is chosen upon
a committee ; on the loth, he writes to Jenifer from Philadelphia;
on the 13th, Alexander is chosen upon a committee j on the
same day and on the 14th and 15th, we know, Chase was
present; on the i6th, Alexander signs a letter to the Council;
on the 20th, Paca and Chase are chosen upon a committee ;
on the 21 St, a matter was referred to Paca, Chase and others; on
the 23d, Paca is chosen upon a committee ; on the 25th,
Alexander and Rogers sign a letter to the Council ; on the 26th,
Chase is chosen upon a committee ; and, on the 27th, Alexander
writes (For a previous portion of this letter, see p. 68), to the
Council : " [Md] I make no doubt you have heard M' Chase
is ordered to Canada, he sets off in a few days. M' Rogers
has Leave of Absence, should he leave Congress, Maryl'' will
be without Representation. I mention this, to shew the Neces-
sity of your Requesting Mess" Johnson & Stone to attend. I
wrote M' Tilghman, but have not any Answer, altho' my private

NOTES TO TEXT

Business requires my Presence in Maryland, I shall not leave
this City until a suffi* number of my Brethren arrive." Just
when Rogers left, we do not know ; but Tilghman was chosen
upon a committee on March 4th, and Johnson was present, we
know, on the 7th (of March). Alexander, however, seems not
to have left, despite their arrival. On the 9th, he and Johnson
write from Philadelphia to the Council. On the 20th also, he
writes to the Council, mentioning Johnson as if present (and,
indeed, Johnson was chosen upon a committee on that day), and
signs ^^[Md] for self & Colleagues"; and he signs again, with
Johnson, on the 26th. Tilghman remained certainly until the
1 6th (of March), for he writes to the Council from Philadelphia
on that day ; while Chase was present as late, we know, as the
22d. On the 19th, Paca, Chase and Johnson sign a letter to
the Committee of Safety of Pennsylvania. About the time of
Chase's departure for Canada (The commissioners left New
York, April 2d, as shown by Carroll's Journal — See The Lift
of Charles Carroll of Carrollton^ etc., by Kate Mason Rowland),
it seems probable that Tilghman — though he had not been
present long — also left, and was followed soon by Paca, and
that Stone arrived. That this is so is based upon the facts that
Alexander, Johnson, Paca and Stone sign a letter to the Council
written at Philadelphia on April 2d ; that Johnson is chosen upon
a committee on the 3d ; that Johnson, Stone and Alexander
sign on the 9th ; that Johnson and Stone only sign on the 12th
and that, on that day, Alexander is chosen upon a committee in
the place of Chase, who, the Journal says, is absent ; that John-
son, Stone and Alexander sign on the 13th and 1 6th (and Stone
and Alexander only, a second letter, on the latter date); that
Johnson signs — mentioning Stone and Alexander as if present
— on the 1 7th ; that Johnson, Stone and Alexander sign on the
1 8th ; that Johnson is chosen upon a committee on the 19th and
on the 22d; that Johnson signs — stating ^^ [Md] R. A. and T,

437

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

S. join in respects to you " — on the 23d j and that Alexander
is chosen upon a committee on the 24th anil that, on the same
day, as we have seen, Stone writes to the Council: "[Md] I
shall set out on Saturday or Sunday next to meet my wife."
(This, of course, may mean that his wife was on her way to
Philadelphia, to remain with him there; but we think that,
under all the circumstances, this is not likely.) Two days
before the last letter was written, the Council write to the Del-
ates, asking them to attend a meeting of the Convention,
called for May 7lhi and, on the day after (the 25th) that
letter was written, which was the day doubtless upon which the
letter from the Council was received in Philadelphia, Stone (who
was preparing to depart, as we have seen), Johnson and Tilgh-
man (who had evidently returned to relieve Stone) write: "[Md]
If M' Rogers is able we wish his attendance here that as many
of us as might be should be at the convention we don't think
the province ought to be left unrepresented here." Johnson
was still present on the 26th ; fur he was chosen upon a
committee on that day. Goldsboiough (See note 70, chapter
II) also now attended, as appears from the choice of him upon
a committee on the 29th. The Council, on the 27th, for-
warded a copy of this request to Rogers, asking that he com-
ply therewith ; and Rogers, on the 28th, replied, to the Council :
" [Md] I shall endeavour to comply with the request in your
favor received this morning by express, I am just recovering
from a severe attack of the Gout, and find myself much relaxed
and weaken'd, but I am in hopes of being able to set ofF on
Wednesday next, and of getting to Philadelphia time enough
for such of the Maryland Gentlemen as intend to be at the
Convention, to attend the first day of its meeting [,]" The
records of the Convention, sitting at Annapolis, show that
Johnson and Goldsborough were present there on the 8th (of
May) and that Paca appeared there the next day \ and that,
438

NOTES TO TEXT

as shown by the choice of them upon committees. Golds-
borough was present certainly as late as the 24th and Paca and
Johnson on the 25th, the day of the adjournment, Alexander
had remained in Philadelphia, as shown by the choice of him
upon a committee in Congress on April 27th and on May 8th;
and so also evidently had Tilghman, for he was chosen upon a
committee on May 25th. Rogers arrived, to complete the repre-
sentation, probably as he had promised. (See note 28, chapter
IV.) Stone returned on or before June 4th; for a letter to
the Delegates from the Council, dated June 8th, says: " [Md]
We received M' Stone's Letter of the 4*^ inst . . ." He evi**
dently relieved Alexander; for, on June I2th, the Council write
the latter : " [Md] M' Purvience has just now informed us of
your return to Bait** Town, after your long absence from your
family and friends • . • We hope soon to hear of your being
restored to perfect health."

^ This " call " was, of course, wholly unconnected with the
(direct) action of Congress upon the subject of independence.

^ See note 20, supra.

^ Carroll's Journal for June lOth says: "Set off from Eliz-
abeth-town half-past five. Got to Bristol at eight o'clock,
P. M.: — at nine, embarked in our boats, and were rowed down
the Delaware to Philadelphia, where we arrived at two o'clock
in the night."

** Franklin returned earlier^ on account of ill health. He left
Montreal, May nth; on the 27th, he writes from New York
City to Chase and Carroll : " [N] We arrived here safe yesterday
Evening"; and he aurived in Philadelphia, May 31st.

^ February 1 5th. See, however, note 20, supra.

^ This note is folded ; and, on the back, is : " John Adams
Esq! " It bears no date.

^ Chase's wife was very ill: see p. 130 and note 51, chapter
IX.

439

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

** Ai least, the copy m the copy-book is so dated j and this
follows a copy of a letter dated the 1 2th and precedes one of the
i6th, which last is followed by one of the 2ist. Each is marked
"Sent".

® Our reasons for this belief are as follows :

The copy in the copy-book, it is true, is dated the 14th (Also,
see note 28, /«;tra )i but Chase's letter of the 28th (See p. 131)
acknowledges Adams' letter of the /71'A, and Adams seems not
to have written any of that date, so far as the copy-book shows.
M:Kean can scarcely (Sec p. 125) have "returned from the
Lower Counties" by the T^th. The "Letter which has just
come to my Hand", of which Adams speaks, itself was dated
the i^ih (See p. 124). Chase had not yet heard (See p. 130)
from Adams on the 21st; and it usually took only three or four
days for a letter between Philadelphia and Annapolis : see pp. 126,
127, 130, 132, 242 and 271.

«» See p. 124.

" He was not reelected, July 4th, though present in the Con-
vention certainly on the first three days of July. See note IIO,
chapter XL

" As for Alexander, sec note 51, chapter IX. See aba
note 20, lupra.

•* See note 29, supra.

•• He evidently refers to the unanimous resolution of the
Committee — Jonathan Willson, chairman, Edward Burgess,
Robert Owen, Thomas Cramphin, Jr., Charles G- Griffith,
Zadock Magruder, Samuel W. Magruder, Gerard Briscoe,
Archibald Orme, Allen Bowie and Thomas S. Wootton being
present — of the Lower District of this County of June 17th.
It appears as follows in The Maryland Gaxelle (Ann), published
in Annapolis, of the 20th 1 "That what may be recommended
by a majority of Congress ... we will, at the hazard of our
lives and fortunes, suppon and maintain ; and that every rcsolu-
440

NOTES TO TEXT

tion of convention, tending to separate this province from a
majority of the colonies, without the consent of the people, is
destructive to our internal safety, and big with public ruin.''

^ He was present in Congress certainly as late as June 25th ;
for he signs a letter dated Philadelphia on that day. He was
not, however, reelected, July 4th ; and the letter from Stone of
July 1 2th (See note 51, chapter IX) implies that he had, some-
time prior thereto^ left for Maryland — doubtless immediately
following the receipt (See note 29, supra) in Philadelphia of the
news of the election.

* The following appears in The Virginia Gazette (C) of
June 2 1st: "Monday the ist of July is fixed upon to decide
the grand question of AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, in
General Congress."

^ See the next paragraph.

^ The Maryland Journal^ etc., (Ba) (See note 63, chapter III)
of June 26th contains the following: " QUERIES to the Free-
men of Maryland. I. Whether the instructions, given by the
Convention of this Province to the Deputies in Congress, in
December last, and renewed at the last Convention, ought not
to be recalled, and the restrictions therein contained, removed ?
2. Whether this Colony ought not to be united with the other
Twelve Colonies, represented in Congress, and the Deputies of
this Colony, authorized and directed to concur with the other
Deputies in Congress, in declaring the United Colonies, FREE
and INDEPENDENT STATES . . . ? "

^ The Scots Magazine (C) — published in EeUnburgh — for
August says : " A letter from on board the Fowcy man of war,
at Maryland, dated July i, after speaking of the great confusion,
noise, and clamour, in their meetings and councils, on the debates
of a separation from the mother country, says, ^ The whole eight
eastern-shore counties were against independency; four of the
western were for it, and the other four were against: so that

441

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

in Maryland the division was twelve to four.' " This, how-
ever, must cither be incorrect or refer to the vote in the Con-
vention of Maryland on May 2ist (Sec p. 68),

« See p. 68.

*' For facsimilty see The Lift and ff^orii ef "John Adamt^,
vol. 3, p. 56.

" Sec note 34, mpra. Tht Maryland Gaxette (Ann) of
June 27th says: "At a very respectable meeting of the asso-
ciators of Anne-Arundel county, held at West-River on Satur-
day the twenty-second instant, the following important questions
were submitted to their consideration . . , zdly. Whether
the instructions that were imposed upon the delegates of this
province in Congress, by the December and continued by the
May sessions of Convention, should or should not be imme-
diately rescinded by the present Convention, and the delegates
in Congress instructed with discretionary powers of exer-
cising their own judgments upon any question that may cooie
under iheir consideration. Resolved unanimously in the affirma-
tive . , ." The resolution of the Ufrfier District of Frederic
County — "entered into by the two Battalions of this District,
and many other respectable inhabitants thereof, on the 28th and
29th of June" — declared that ,thc Convention ought to be dis-
solved and a new one elected to carry out the resolve of Congress
of May 15th and that "we will support the union of the Colonies
with our lives and fortunes." Talbot County wished to have
the old instructions to the Delegates in Congress rescinded and
the Delegates instructed to concur with the other Colonics " in
forming such further compacts between the said Colonies, con-
cluding such treaties with foreign kingdoms, and in adopting
such other measures as shall be judged necessary for promoting
the liberty, safety, and interest of America, and defeating the
schemes and machinations of our enemies . . ." The Charles
County instructions —" signed by a great number of the inhabi-
44a

NOTES TO TEXT

tants of CHARLES county *' — declared, as given in The Marf^
land Gazette (Ann) of July 4th, that they earnestly wished them
^^ to move for, without loss of time, and endeavour to obtain
positive instructions from the convention of Maryland to their
delegates in congress, immediately to join the other colonies in
declaring, that the United Colonies no longer owe allegiance to,
nor are they dependant upon, the crown or parliament of Great-
Britain, or any other power on earth, but are, for time to come,
free and independent states . . ." The instructions " drawn up
by conferees appointed by the several battalions of militia of
Anne-Arundel county, and afterwards signed by a great number
of the inhabitants of the county," which appeared in The
Maryland Gazette (Ann and Ba) of July i8th, charged: "That
you move for and endeavour to obtain a resolution in Conven-
tion . . . that the delegates of this colony be authorized and
directed to concur with the other united colonies, or a majority
of them, in Congress^ in declaring the United Colonies free and
independent states . . ."

*8 John Page, of Virginia^ writes, to General Lee, July 12th:
" The Marylanders were roused by the resolve of our Conven-
tion, and have lectured their Representatives so well, that they
have unanimously voted for Independence — **

^ It is evident that the people were not unanimous ; for, in
the middle of June, " Isaac Costin, with many others, went to
their neighbours' houses, to inform them that Job Ingram and
Barkley Townsend had come express from Lewistown, to let the
people of Somerset County know that a large number of men
were coming from Lewistown to compel them to assent to inde-
pendency . . . Costin persuaded them to assemble at Merumsco
Dams to oppose it, and ... in consequence of the said report,
Isaac Costin, with about two hundred people, did assemble at
Merumsco Dams for the declared purpose of opposing independ-
ency.'* Indeed, see p. 68.

443

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

*' Not, however, it would seem, bo early as Hopkins : see p.
54. See note 14, chapter III.

* He was elected, January 23d. On March 2d, he writes,
from Philadelphia, to Weare : "I arrived here the 28th ultimo.
The roads were so extremely bad it was impossible for me to get
here sooner . . . My colleague [Bartlett] talks of leaving me in
about a fortnight . . ." He signed the Declaration on parch-
ment now in the Department of State. Sec note 115, chapter IX,

*" Sec note 46, supra. He did not return to Philadelphia
until May lyih, as shown by a letter from him of the 19th to
Langdon : " Last Friday, I arrived here, all well."

*' On July 9th (Also, see note 2, chapter II), Bartlett writes
to Wcare : "As wc were so happy as to agree in sentiments
with our constituents, it gave us the greater pleasure to concur
with the Delegates of the other Colonies in the enclosed Decla-
ration . . ." Also, see p. 221.

" Langdon replies from Portsmouth, June 24th (See The
Historical AIaga%irte^ N, VI, 239); "Your kind favor of the
10'" i 've Reed ... I like the Resolutions of Virginia well ;
they ever have been firm as Rocks ; near relations to the Tanieet.
Our Colony no doubt will be for Independence, as I know of
none who oppose it. Those who did some time since, and had
like to have overset the Government, (and would most certainly
have done it, had it not been for a few,) have all been appointed
to some office, either in the Civil or Military Department, and
those few who were worthy, entirely left out. Strange conduct
this, by which the Houses have in great measure lost the confi-
dence of the people . . . Should I be appointed Agent, I shall
resign my seat in the House, if Desired by Congress." (For
the reply to this letter of the 24th, see perhaps p. 221.)

" See note 49, supra, and pp. 134 and 270.

•• Bartlett (in a letter of July ist, to Folsom) says : ** [G«]
Your favor [See p. 134] of the 15'" ult° is come to band I

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

terms of peace to Great-Britain, until, as other nations have done
before us, we agree to call ourselves by some name, I shall rejoice
to hear the title of the U^^^ED States op Ameuca, in order that
we may be on a proper fooling to ncgociate a peace. Besides,
the conditions of those brave fellows who have fallen into the
enemy's hands as prisoners, and the risk which every man runs,
who bears arms either by land or sea in the American cause,
makes a decbration of independancc absolutely necessary, because
no proper cartel for an exchange of prisoners can take place
while we remain dependants. It is some degree of comfort to a
man, taken prisoner, that he belongs to some national power, is
the subject of some state that will see after him. Oliver
Cromwell would have sent a memorial as powerful as thunder
to any King on earth, who dared to have used prisoners in the
manner which ours have been. What is it that we have done
in this matter? Nothing. We were subjects to Great- Britain,
and must not do these things. Shame on your cowardly souls
that do them not ! You are not fit to govern. Were Britain
to make a conquest of America, I would, for my own part,
choose rather to be conquered as an independant state than as an
acknowledged rebel. Some foreign powers might interpose for
us in the first case, but they cajitiot in the latter, because the
taw of all nations is against us. Besides, the foreign European
powers will not be long neutral, and unless we declare an inde-
pendancc, and send embassies to seek their friendship, Britain
will be beforehand with us; for the moment that she finds that
she cannot make a conquest of America by her own strength,
she will endeavour to make an European affair of it. Upon the
whole, we may be benefited by independance, but we cannot be
hurt by it, and every man that is against it is a traitor."

See note 14, chapter VI.

446

NOTES TO TEXT

Bishop White, of Christ Church, writes (See Tbi Lift and
Times of Bishop Whiu by Julius H. Ward) : " I continued, as did
all of us, to pray for the King until Sunday [June 30th] before
the 4th of July, 1776. Within a short time after, I took the
oath of allegiance to the United States, and have since remained
faithful to it. My intentions were upright, and most seriously
weighed.'' As for Rev. Jacob Duche, see p. 229.

* For the reply to this letter, see Jay^ note 39, chapter IX,
The reason he did not reply sooner would seem to be his
absence from New York : see ibid.

CHAPTER VI

1 Also, see note 50, chapter VII.

' Referring to his letter of August 2d.

' He (John Adams) writes to Richard Rush, July 22, 1816:

[Gz ; -]

<< Jefferson is no more my Friend
Who dares to Independence to pretend
Which I was bom to introduce
Refin'd it first and ShewM its Use.

^Why is not D' Rush placed before D' Franidin in the
Temple of Fame ? Because Cunning is a more powerful Di*
vinity than Symplicity. Rush has done infinitely more good to
America than Franklin. Both have deserved a high Rank among
Benefactors to their Country and Mankind ; but Rush by far the
highest • . . James Otis, Sam. Adams, John Hancock William
Livingston, John Dickinson, Richard Henry Lee and his
Brothers and John Rutledge, &c &c &c have been plundered
of their Merits Services Sacrifices and SufFererings and all havej
been conferred on Washington Hamilton and Ames • • • If JT^

447

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

touch altercation and debate, that they were worried with the con-
tentions it had produced, and could not, from mere lassitude, have
been induced to open the instrument again; but that, being
pleased with the Preamble to mine, they adopted it in the House
by way of amendment to the Report of the Committee j and
thus my Preamble became tacked to the work of George Mason,
the Constitution, with the preamble, was passed on the ig'"' of
June, and the Commee of Congress had only the day before thai
reported to that body the Draught of the Declaration of Independ-
ance. the fact is that that preamble was prior in composition
to the Declaration, and both having the same object, of justifying
our separation from Great Britain, they used necessarily the same
materials of justification : and hence their similitude."

1' See note 27, /njK.

'^ It must be borne in mind that only the resolution relating
to independence is given on pp. 78 and 79. See, however,
between pp. 80 and 81.

On May 24th, Pendleton writes to Jefferson: «[S] You*l
have seen y'. Instructions to propose Independance and our reso-
lutions to form a Government. The Political Coolcs are busy
in preparing the dish, and as Col° Mason seems to have the
ascendency in the great work, I have Sanguine hopes it will be
framed so as to Answer its end . . ."

" See note 3, chapter VII.

^ This might create a doubt as to Harrison's presence in Con-
gress on August 2d ; but John Adams' debates show that he spoke
on that day. Indeed, Jefferson writes /ram Philadelphia, August
pth : " [K] As Col. Harrison was about to have some things
packed, I set out upon the execution of your glass commission " ;
and at the bottom of the letter is : " Francis Eppes, Esq., At
the Forest, By favor of Col. Harrison."

«
453

NOTES TO TEXT

Harrison writes from "[N] Virg* Sep! 5* 1776" to Robert
Morris : ^^ I wrote you by last post . . • The ease and tranquility
I enjoy here, and the Company of my Friends and Family, have
removed those alarming Pains in the Head that afflicted me in
Philad? and I am in perfect Health which I know will give you
Pleasure I have not even a Wish to return again into Public
Business, except such as arise from Friendship, I often think on
the Happy Hours I have spent in the agreeable Society of your
Pleasant Villa, and if any thing carries me again into the Buisy
Scenes of Politics it will be the Hopes of renewing my acquaint-
ance with those Worthy Friends that surround that Hospitable
Board ... I am happy to find my Removal [See note 3, chap*
ter Vn] has given great Disgust to the Worthy part of my
Country of all Degrees and Conditions, and I make not the least
Doubt of their shewing a Proper Resentment when Opp^ offers — *'

2^ See Annals^ etc. ; also The Historic Mansions and BuiUings
of Philadelphia by Thompson Westcott ; and also, most particu-
larly. The House^ etc., by Thomas Donaldson.

%
Aside from the house mentioned in the text, the places claimed
to be the place where Jefferson lived at the time he wrote the
Declaration are the Indian Queen Inn, once located (but torn
down in May, 185 1) on the west side of Fourth Street, above
Chestnut and near Market Street, it is stated ; the brick building
known as Kelly's Oyster House (For a photograph, see The Housi^
etc., facing p. 62), Nos. 8 and 10 South Seventh Street, now
just in the rear of the building occupied by the Penn National
Bank, it is stated; the brick building (For a picture of it in
1776 — though see p. 154 — , see Potter^s^ etc., for May, 1876,
p. 381; and, in 1883, The House^ etc., facing p. 74), known
at different times as No. 232 High Street and as No. 702 Market
Street, torn down in February and March, 1883, it is stated —
the site of which is now occupied by a part of the western half

453

NOTES TO TEXT

of which Gilmer can inform you . . . should our Convention
propose to establish now a form of government perhaps it might
be ^rceable to recall for a short time their delegates, it is a
work of the most interesting nature and such as every individual
would wish to have his voice in. in truth it is the whole object
of the present controversy ; for should a bad government be in-
stituted for us in future it had been as well to have accepted at
first the had one offered to us from beyond the water without
the risk & expence of contest, but this I mention to you in
confidence, as in our situation, a hint to any other is too delicate
however anxiously interesting the subject is to our feelings . ■ ■
I am at present in our aid lodgings tho' I think, as the excessive
heats of the city are coming on fast, to endeavour to get lodgings
in the skirts of the town where I may have the benefit of a freely
circulating air ... 1 am here in the same uneasy anxious state
in which I was last fall without mfS Jefferson who could not come
with me. I wish much to see you here, yet hope you will contrive
to bring on as early as you can in convention the great questions
of the session. I suppose they will tell us what to say on the
subject of independence, but hope respect will be expressed to
the right of opinion in other colonics who may happen to dil^r
from them, when at home I took great pains to enquire into
the sentiments of the people on that head, in the upper counties
I think I may safely say nine out of ten are for it, P. S. in
the other colonies who have instituted government they recalled
their delegates leaving only one or two to give information to Con-
gress of matters which relate to their country particularly, Se
giving them a vote during the interval of absence."

See note 24, supra.

^ This postscript appears at the bottom of what, as stated,
is evidently the original draf^ of the letter. It is in Jefferson's
handwriting, uid was added evidently after he had made a clean
co[y oftbeknertoaend'but before sending it.

NOTES TO TEXT

of the building. The joists were cut all the way up and the
old trimmer was in sight in 1883. Such a front stairway was
common to stores on Market street in early Hays."

Indeed, in The Philadelphia Directory for /7p/, we find that
Jacob Hiltzheimer (who owned what is here referred to as " No.
230 High street, afterward No. 700 Market street" before
Simon and Hyman Graiz : see note 43, post) then resided at
No. I South Seventh Street.

** A picture (?) of the house in 1852 is to be found in History
of Philadelphia by Scharf and Westcott, p. 309 (and in The Hausty
etc., by Donaldson, facing p. 66); and phot<^raphs of it in 1854
and 1857, in The House, etc., facing pp. 68 and 70, respectively.

^ It will be remembered that Mease says that Graff told him
the same thing in 1825.

*8 For a sketch of the house at this time, see Harper's Weekly of
April 14, 1883 (and The //auj;, etc., by Donaldson, facing p. 76).

^ Only a little over half of the bronze tablet placed to mark
the spot and now on the front of the building occupied by the
Pcnn National Bank (For a photograph, sec The House^ etc., by
Donaldson, facing p. 92) rests over the lot formerly occupied by
the house in which Jefferson lived — the remaining portion being
over the lot of a house, known at different times as No. 232
High Street and No. 702 Market Street, built in 1796.

»8 Sec The House, etc., by Donaldson.

*■ For a. facsimile of the bill, see The House, etc., by Donald-
son, facing p. 80.

*" For a photograph, see The Hmscy etc., by Donaldson, p. 94.

*' Thomas Blaine Donaldson, son of Thomas C. Donaldson,
deceased, writes us, however, under date of January 23, 1901 :
"The lot, on which the rough material of the hoi
many years, was next to a house which we own at 877 Preston
Street, West Philadelphia . . . Last summer, a year, 1899, I
had the lot stripped of w^oa loads of trash until the Jeffenon
459

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

was not built until after " No. 700 Market street ", viz., " [Sh]
... the following entries in the private diary (manuscript) of
Jacob Obillzheimcr [Hiltzheimer], who bought the house at the
southwest corner of Seventh and Market Streets in '777: ''796)
January 10, Cloudy forenoon. Edward Wells came to see
me; conversed with each other concerning the house he is to
build for me next spring, in Market Street, adjoining the south-
west comer of Seventh and Market Streets.' ' 1796, April 11
. . . Mr. Barge laid the foundation-stone at the house I am
going to build adjoining the southwest corner of Seventh and
Market Streets.' "

Also, see note 33, supra, ^B

t m

The fact that Hihzheimer here speaks of what was to become
known as No. 232 High Street (afterward No. 702 Market Street)
as a " house " and that in 1 80 1 (See note 42, supra) the building
upon the lot next to the corner was a " Tenement or Stare ", wc
think, does not prove that they were not the same. Indeed, the
same private diary (manuscript) says (also) : " [Sh] ' 1 796, July 9
. . . Had the raising supper on the second floor of the house ad-
joining the house at the southwest corner of Market and Seventh
Streets, which was begun in April last, intended for a store' "

** Of course, we refer here to the" Rough draught ". He doubt-
less wrote upon this desk also all of the other drafts which he made.

*" It was at the Exposition at ButFalo in 190 1.

For a picture of it, sec Thi Declaration of Independence by
Michael, between pp. 6 and 7.

•* According to Jefferson's " Account Book " (See note 2a,
tupra\ which ought, wc think, to be considered better evidence
than this letter, he lodged first with ^aniolph — at his old quar-
ters (Sec note 27, supra).

" Sec note 1 1 8, chapter III.

** See The Declaration af Independence by Michael, facing p. 8.
4G3

NOTES TO TEXT

^ As to whether or not R. R. Livingston was present, see note
15, chapter VIII.

^ See note 12, supra. The three drafts (dy eznAf) given
in the Appendix^ p. 306, or perhaps more particularly the draft
(See Appendix y p. 344) sent to R. H. Lee, however, show the
wording of this draft.

CHAPTER VII

* See note 24, chapter VI.

^ There is a paper (See facing p. 164) (formerly in the Depart-
ment of State) in the Library of Congress which, without doubt, is the
original of this resolution (with the votes in Congress on July 2d —
in the handwriting of Hancock — endorsed thereon). The resolu-
tion is in the handwriting of Thomson and reads (with the endorse-
ments, of which certainly also " The resolution for independancy
Agreed to July 2*! 1776" is in his handwriting) as follows :

[8] The Com*? of the whole Congrefs to whom was referred the refolu-
tion and*e%e-thc Declaration refpecting independence. —

united

Refolved That thefc^colonies arc and of right

ought to be free and independant ftates;
that they are absolved from all allegiance
to the bridfh crown and that all political
connection between them and the state of
great Britain is and ought to be totally
difsolved

Tin - July 2- ^77^'

July Report kc. ' "

IThe resolution for 5 | S? fi: | I | 1 E^P «.

• ^ /independancy '"t'^'^%'«'5j T.J'^

Agreed to July 2? 1776 I I j^

(The last line under " A " is blurred. New York, it will be

remembered, did not vote.)

463

" Jefferson, in a letter of this date to William Fleming, s.
"[M] Your's of 22d. June came to hand this morning .
General Howe with some ships (we know not how many) i
arrived at the Hook, and, as is said, has landed some horse on
the Jersey shore ... I wish you had depended on yourself
rather than others for giving me an account of the late nominiition
[on June 20th] of delegates. I have no other state of it but the
number of votes for each person, the omission of Harrison and
Braxton and my being next to the lag give me some alarm, it
is a painful situation to be 300. miles from one's country, and
thereby open to secret assassination without a possibility of self-
defence. I am willing to hope nothing of this kind has been
done in my case, and yet I cannot be easy, if any doubt has
arisen as to me, my country will have my political creed in the
form of a ' Declaration ' &c, which I was lately directed to draw,
this will give decisive proof that my own sentiment concurred
with the vote they instructed us to give, had the post been to go
a day later we might have been at liberty [See note 5, foit] to
communicate this whole matter. July. 2. I have kept open my
letter till this morning but nothing more new."

The letter of Fleming (referred to) — written at Willi am sbuig
at 3 o'clock in the afternoon — says simply: "[S] As some of your
friends have, no doubt, given you a history of our late election
of delegates to serve in congress, & of the spirit (evil spirit I bad
almost said) and general proceedings of our convention, I shall,
for the present, forbear any animadversions thereon . . ."

In replying to Jefferson, however, from Mt. Pleasant, July
27th, he says: "[S] . . . the reduction of the number to five w«s
on motion of the governor, ' first to save expense, and secondly,
that we might have the assistance of the two supernumeraries in
our own government, where gentlemen of abilities are much
wanting.' It met with little or no opposition. The appoint-
ment of D: Rickman physician & director general to the con-
464

NOTES TO TEXT

tinental hospital, when M^ Clurg, a native & regular bred
physician, had been recommended by the committee of safety,
& by gen! Lee, gave very great offence, and was undoubtedly
the cause of col"^ Harrisons being left out, as it was generally
supposed Rickman's appointment was through his influence. —
Mr Braxton's address on government made him no friends in
convention; and many reports were propagated in W'2?burg
(upon what grounds I know not) respecting the extreme impru-
dent, and inimical conduct of his lady, which, with many people,
affected his political character exceedingly ... As to your own
case, you may make yourself perfectly easie, for you are as high
in the estimation of your countrymen as ever, and the reason you
were so late in the nomination was the mention of a letter you
had written to D' Gilmer, signifying your inclination to resign.
He was out of town at the time of nomination, but desired
another gentleman, if the matter came on in his absence, to in-
form the house he had received such a letter, which he accord-
ingly did, and thereupon arose a debate whether or not your
excuse should be admitted, some were of opinion you were jest-
ing, & some that you were in earnest, and after near half an
hour debate, they proceeded to ballot without a question being
put, and many of your warmest friends (myself among the rest)
erased your name out of their ballots, taking it for granted that
your services in congress were to be dispensed with, as the oppo-
sition grew faint toward the latter end of the debate. Had it not
been for these circumstances, I much doubt whether there would '
have been three votes against you. Your letter to the president on
the same subject [Sec The History of Virginia^ etc., by John Burk
(continued by Skelton Jones and Louis Hue Girardin), vol. 4,
Appendix] appeared the next day, which would have been effectual,
had it arrived in time ; but as the nominations wer[e] over the
house did not seem inclined to a new election • . .^
Also, see p. 215.

30 46s

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Pendleton wriics, August i oth, to Jefferson : "[S]I . . . Assent
. . . readily . . . to your usefulness in the Representative body,
where having the Pleasure of M? Jefferson's Company [Sec
note 27, chapter VI], I hope you 'I get cured of y'. wish to
retire so early in life, from the memory of man, & exercise Y!
ulents . , ■^_

For a letter of Banlett (of July 1st), see note 51, chapter V. "

* See note 32, chapter VIII.

* John Adams writes to M:Kean from Quincy, July 30,
1815: "[QyC] The most essential . . . debates & delibera-
tions in Congress from 1774 to 1783 were all in secret, and
are now lost forever. Mr Dickenson printed [He doubtless
refers to Dickinson's "Vindication ", Jppertdix^ p. 353] a speech
which he said he made in Congress against the declaration of
Independence; but it appeared to me very different from that
which you and I heard. Dr Witherspoon has published [Sec
note 34., chapter III (?)] speeches, which he wrote before hand,
and delivered Memoriter, as he did his sermons. But these I

' believe are the only speeches ever committed to writing. The
orators, while I was in Congress from 1774 to 1778 appeared
to me very universally extemporaneous, & I have never heard
of any commilled to writing before or after delivery."

He sent at the same time a similar letter to Jefferson.

Jefferson replied, August lOth : " [P] On the subject of the
history of the American revolution, you ast who shall write it ?
who can write it f and who ever will be able to write it ?
nobody; except merely it's external facts, all it's councils,
designs, and discussions having been conducted by Congress
with closed doors, and no member, as far as I know, having
even made notes of them. These, which are the life and soul
of history must forever be unknown ... I have said that no
member of the old Congress, as far as I know, made notes of
466

NOTES TO TEXT

the discussions. I did not know of the speeches you mention
of Dickinson and Witherspoon. but on the questions of Inde-
pendance [on June 8th and loth] and on the two articles of
Confederation respectively taxes & voting I took minutes [See
Appendix^ p. 295] of the heads of arguments, on the first I
threw all into one mass, without ascribing to the speakers their
respective arguments . . . but the whole of my notes on the
question of independance does not occupy more than 5 pages,
such as of this letter . . . they have never been communicated
to anyone [His memory was at fault: see Appendix^ p. 352]."

Jefferson failed to take any notes of this final debate in the
committee of the whole^ probably because of his notes of the debate
in June.

Why we do not find accounts of the debates in private cor-
respondence is shown by the secret domestic Journal, for November
9> '775 • " [S] Resolved That every member of this Congress
considers himself under the ties of virtue honor and love of his
country not to divulge directly or indirectly any matter or thing
agitated or debated in Congress before the same shall have been
determined without leave of the Congress ; nor any matter or
thing determined in Congress, which a majority of the Congress
shall order to be kept secret . . ."

^ There would seem to be no doubt that he believed firmly in
what he said. (See p. 38 ; note 23, chapter IV ; note 8, post ;
and his '* Vindication ", Appendix^ p. 353.) Indeed, on August
loth, he writes, from Elizabethtown, to Charles Thomson : " [E]
As for myself, I can form no idea of a more noble fate than • . •
after cheerfully and deliberately sacrificing my popularity and all
the emoluments I might certainly have derived from it to principle
• . . than willingly to resign my life, if Divine Providence shall
please so to dispose of me, for the defence [See Appendix^ p. 358]
and happiness of those unkind countrymen whom I cannot for-
bear to esteem as fellow-citizens amidst their fury against me " ;

467

)

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

and Thomson replies, from SummcrvUle, August i6th ; " fE] 1
know the rectitude of your hean and the honesty and upright-
ness of your intentions . . . Consider, I beseech you, and do
justice to your ' unkind countrymen.' Tbey did not desert you.
You left them. Possibly they were wrong in quickening their
march and advancing to the goal with such rapid speed. They
thought they were right, and the only * fuiy ' they showed gainst
you was to choose other leaders [See p. 192] to conduct them.'
Also, see pp. 38 and 191.

' See Afptndix^ p. 353 (and note ^, supra).

' Bancroft says that Adams spolce first.

It seems very likely that Bancroft based his statement upon
the following (beginning on page 79 of what is entitled " [Rid]
Anecdotes — (acts Characters Sic") in tbe handwriting of Rush
(who, however, we must remember, was not present) : " M' Jn'
Dickinson possessed great political integrity in every stage of the
controversy, but wanted political fortitude. In the debates upon
the declaration of Indepcndance M'. Jn° Adams began a Speech
by invoking the God of Eloquence to inspire him upon such a
copious Subject. M' Dickinson b^gan a reply to M' Adams's
Speech in the following words. * The Gentleman who spoke
last began by invoking a heathen God. ! shall introduce what
I have to say by humbly invoking the God of heaven it earth to
inspire me with the knowledge & love of truth, and if what I
am about to say in opposition to the declaration of Indepcndance
should be injurious in any degree to my country, I pray God to
overrule my Aigumcnts, and to direct us to such a decision upon
this weighty question as Shall be most for the interest & happi-
ness of tbe people committed to our care.' — I know added he
further — that the tide of the prejudices & passions of the people
at large is strongly in favor of Independance. I know too that
I have acquired a character, and some popularity with them both
of which I shall risk by opposing this favorite measure. But I
468

NOTES TO TEXT

bad rather risk both, than Speak, or vote contrary to tbe dictates
of my judgement and conscience', — "

• Sec note 5, iupra.

^ Sec note 13, chapter V.

" This seems curious, in view of his opposition to the measure
(See p. 116) ; but see p. 163.

^ The last two sentences, in view of the fact that they are
written very closely between the preceding and what follows (not
given in the text), we think, were evidently an afterthought.

^ Sec The Revolution of America by Abbe Raynal.

'* These would seem to disprove the statement, in his letter
to Mercy Warren and in his Autsbiegraphy, that he thought there
would be no debate. See p. 348.

" Sec p. 131.

^ Sec, to the same effect, a letter of Samuel Adams, p. 223. '

" For Chase's reply, see note 69, chapter IX.

^ See p. 124 and note 13, chapter V.

" See note 100, chapter III.

* See note 54, chapter V.

*> See note 22, chapter VI.

•* Also, see note 24, chapter IV.

^ Bancroft, tn describing the debate on this day, says :
** Wilson of Pennsylvania could no longer ^ree with his col-
league [Dickinson]. He had at an early day foreseen independ-
ence as the probable, though not the intended result of the
contest} he had uniformly declared in his place, that he never
would vote for it contrary to his instructions, nay, that he
regarded it as something more than presumption to uke a step
of such importance without express instructions and authority.
' For,' said he, ' ought this act to be the act of four or five in-
dividuals, or should it be the act of the people of Pennsylvania ? '
But now that thdr luthority was communicated [See p. 191] by
die conference of coiu;tiIitccs [Abo, see p. 189], he stood on vety

NOTES TO TEXT

committee of the whole on the ist, seems to have been taken the
first thing in the morning (See p. 165 and Appendix^ pp. 296 and
297). Also, see note 59, post.

^ This, M:Kean tells us (See p. 193), was in consequence of
an express sent to Rodney by hiniy at his own expense.

See notes 8 and 44, chapter IX. Also, Rodney must, it would
seem, have known of the instructions (See p. 125) of his Colony.
One might, therefore, ask why he did not attend on July isx. of
his own accord. Can he have supposed that Read would, follow-
ing the removal of the former restrictions, vote /or independence;
or did he desire to avoid, if possible, breaking with his former
friends ; or did he think the measure would be carried without
the vote of Delaware ?

^^ Ebenezer Hazard writes from New York — three days later

— to Gates : " [NY] Since my last the British Fleet has arrived,

— about 70 Sail are within the Narrows, at the watering Place,
under Staten Island Shore. They have landed their Men, and
taken Possession of Staten Island, Cattle Tories & all ... It
was last night reported at Coffee House, and I believe the Report
may be depended on, that the Congress had determined upon a
Declaration of Independence ; & that the Vote was unanimous,
except New York, whose Delegates not being instructed, could
not vote. Our new Convention meets next Monday, & I think
will doubtless concur with the other Colonies. — The Philadf
Post is not yet come in . . ."

Marshall, in his Diary^ writes simply : '' This day, the Conti-
nental Congress declared the United States Free and Independent
States."

See note 28, chapter VIII.

n ■

471

NOTES TO TEXT

the 13th, says (as a communication from Boston of the iitb):
" We are assured that on July the 2d, the Congress voted for
INDEPENDENCY, not one colony dissenting ; but the dele-
gates of New- York remained neuter, for want of being instructed
on the head."

The one exception was The Massachusetts Spy Or^ American
Grade of Liberty^ published in Worcester by W. Stearns and
D. Bigelow. In its issue (T), of the loth, it says: *'It is
reported that the Honorable Continental Congress have declared
the American Colonies INDEPENDENT of that Monster
of imperious domination and cruelty — Great Britain ! Which
we hope is true."

^ The copies made at the time so indicate. The originals
also are so dated. On the 14th, Mrs. Adams, however, acknowl-
edged (See Appendix^ p. 349) his " two letters dated 3d and 4th
of July " ; and, on the 23d, in replying to this, Adams himself
wrote : " [Qy] Since the letters of July 3^ and 4* which you
say you have rec^ I have written to you of the following dates
. . .": and we find no letter (or copy) extant of the ph.

® Report of the Commission to locate the Site of the Frontier Forts
of Pennsylvania^ vol. I, p. 405, (1896) says: "Fort Horn was
erected on a high flat extending out to the river and commanding
a good view of the river up and down, as well as the north side
of the river ; is about midway between Pine and McElhattan
Stations on the P. & E. R. R., west of Fort Antes . . . One
of the most remarkable incidents of Revolutionary times — an
incident which stands, so far as known, without its counterpart
in the history of the struggle of any people for liberty and inde-
pendence, occurred within sight of Horn's fort, but across the
river on the Indian land. This was what is known as the ^ Pine
Creek Declaration of Independence.* The question of the col-
onies throwing off the yoke of Great Britain and setting up busi-
ness for themselves, had been much discussed, both in and out

473

NOTES TO TEXT

*• That the Declaration was a justi/catim of the Rivolution-, see
"The Declaration of Independence" by William F. Dana in
the Harvard Law Review (N) for January, igoo. See also Tht
Outlook (C) for May, 1899. Also, see note 16, chapter VI.

" Henrich MilUn Penmyhamscher StaaisbBle (PH and Rid) of
the 5th — the first newspaper to announce the Declaration — says
(the first sentence in large type): "Gestern hat der Achtbare
Congress dieses Vcsten Landes die Vereinigten Colonien freye
und Unabhangige Staaten erklaret. Die Declaration in Eng-
lisch isc jetzt in der Presse ; sie ist datirt, den 4ten July, 1776,
und wird heut oder morgen im druck erscheinen."

(Wc cannot tell from this language whether Miller is here re-
ferring to the broadside printed under the order of Congress by
Dunlap, which issued, we thinic — See note 38, lupra — on that
day, or whether he is announcing a broadside to be issued by bim-
lelf. The German may mean either. It would seem, however,
that, if be were issuing such a broadside, he would have announced
it more in detail; while, at the same time, there is, among "Du
Simitiere's Scraps ", in The Library Company of Philadelphia,
Ridgeway Branch, a broadside which differs from any other
that we have found and which does not bear the name of any
printer. This is headed; "In CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.I
A Declaration by the Reprefentatives of the UNITED STATES |
of America, in General Congrefs afTembled." The body of the
instrument is in two columns, separated by two lines. At the
bottom of the second column is the usual printed attestation of
Hancock and Thomson.)

For the names and dates of the newspapers, etc., which printed
the Declaration, see note 42, pest; pp. 232 and 233 ; and notes
6, 50, 74, 85, 105 and 114, chapter XI.

* The Declaration appears in Tbe Scots Magazine (C) — pub-

lUbed in Edinbutfih — for August. A note-reference therein

477

NOTES TO TEXT

to make an idea out of it, but own I am unable. Prior to my
having any right at all as a man, it is certain / must be a man,
and such a man / certainly cannot be if I have no life ; and
therefore if it is said that I have a right to life, then the word /
must signify something without life: and consequently, some-
thing without life must be supposed to have a property, which
without life it is not possible it can have. Well, but they say,
all men have not only a right to life, but an unalienable right.
Tliejvord unalienable signifies that which is not alienable, and
that which is not alienable is what can not be transferred so as
to become another's; so that their unalienable right is a right
which they cannot transfer to a broomstick or a cabbage-stalk;
and because they cannot transfer their own lives from themselves
to a cabbage-stalk, therefore they think it absolutely necessary
that they should rebel ; and, out of a decent respect to the opin-
ions of mankind, alledge this as one of the causes which impels
them to separate themselves from those to whom they owe obedi-
ence. The next assigned cause and ground of their rebellion is,
that every man hath an unalienable right to liberty ; and here
the words, as it happens, are not nonsense; but then they are
not true; slaves there are in America; and where there are
slaves, their liberty is alienated. If the Creator hath endowed
man with an unalienable right to liberty, no reason in the world
will justify the abridgement of that liberty, and a man hath a right
to do everything that he thinks proper without controul or re-
straint ; and upon the same principle, there can be no such things
as servants, subjects, or government of any kind whatsoever.
In a word, every law that hath been in the world since the for-
mation of Adam, gives the lie to /this self-evident truth, (as they
are pleased to term it) ; because every law, divine or human, that
is or hath been in the world, is an abridgement of man's liberty.
Their next self-evident truth and ground of rebellion is, that they
have an unalienable right to the pursuit of happiness. The pur*

479

NOTES TO TEXT

sons to me. I presented a copy of my Life of R. H. Lee to
Mr JeflFerson — He wrote me a polite note in return [See Appen^
Sxy p. 346]. He never hinted, that there was the slightest
inaccuracy in the account of the adoption of the Declaration
of Independence as I have given it in that work, or in any of
the documents accompanying it."

To the same gentleman and from the same city, he writes,
February 25, 1840: "[A] I have taken time to recollect all the
incidents connected with the draught of the Decl? of Independ-
ence [See Appendix^ p. 344] I presented to the Athenaeum, as
well [as] with the copy of M' Jefferson's letter ... I am, how-
ever, extremely sorry, that I have it not in my power to send
you, the original Mss. letter of M' Jefferson, which enclosed the
draught of the Decl? of Ind? It had unfortunately been lost,
before the Mss of R. H. Lee came to my hands. As I learnt
from my father and Uncle, who preserved my Grandfather's
Mss. an exact copy had been made from the original letter, from
an apprehension, that the original might be lost or worn out, as
the Decl. had nearly been. Both these gentlemen told me they
had often seen the original letter . . •"

The letter as given in the text is taken from a copy in the
Massachusetts Historical Society, in Boston, presented to the
Society by Timothy Pickering.

This copy shows that the letter was superscribed : " To Rich-
ard Henry Lee esquire at Chantilly. Virginia, to be left at Fred-
ericksburg for the Westmoreland rider, free Th : Jefferson [.] "

Accompanying this copy is a copy of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence " as originally framed " and a statement and a memo-
randum by Pickering.

The statement, dated Wenham, November 29, 181 1, says
that the copy of the letter to Lee and that of the Declaration
** [Ms] I have this day transcribed from my original copies made

31 481

NOTES TO TEXT
transcript of that copy . . . The words interlined and added to
(he Declaration in red ink, and the words inclosed with red lines,
exhibit the declaration as amended in Congress, the words and
letters inclosed in those red lines having been stniclc out."

How the Declaration "as originally framed" came into
Pickering's possession at Washington does not appear.

Sec, however, note 50, chapter IV.

We know, however, that, on April 7, 18 11, Henry Lee writes
to Pickering, from Alexandria : " [Ms] I persuade myself I shall
not be considered as intrusive when I surest to you an opinion
entertained here 6c which excites some disquietude among the
nearest friends to R H Lee. Y' late publication [See note 50^
chapter IV] so far as it has gone, & y' taking a second copy of
(he original draft of the declaration of indepcndance before you
left Congress has given rise to the opinion. Wc fear that you
mean to introduce it in the publication now progressing & how-
ever wc should rejoice to see the document alludcred to, ushered
into the world by a character we so sincerely respect yet there
are many considerations in our judgement which forbid the
present introducrion. I will mention two. i' We think it
best becomes the gravity of history St that only it ought to
appear in some historical work which treats of the revolution.
2' We think it ought never to be seen in (he present publica-
tion, which evidently refers to personal objects & cannot be
exempt from the passions which such objects will always excite,
it more especially as R H L & J. Adams were intimate friends " 1
that, on May 3d, Pickering replies, from Wenham : " [MsC] I
duly received your letter of the 7"* of April, expressing the
apprehensions of (he friends of Richard Henry Lee, that I pur-
posed to introduce, in my present addresses to the people of the
U. States, a copy of the original draught of the declaration of
independence which had been sent to him by M' JefFenon. . I
had no such in(ention ; tbo' I meant to refer 10 St describe J

483

NOTES TO TEXT

Committee & being considered as having the best pen was
charged with the duty of preparing a draft of a declaration of
independence to be reponed to Congress : that he had the benefit
of the ideas of the committee and that many alterations were
made in the draft after it was reported to Congress and he
believed some alterations were made by the committee in the
original draft laid before them by M! Jefferson, but of this latter
he was not sure. This is the substance of what I heard from
M: Adams to the best of my recollection and of what I men-
tioned to you a few years ago when we were conversing on the
same topick . . . The resolutions were moved by M^ Lee on
the j'^ June 1776 who having been assigned to this honorable
office had postponed for some days his return to his sick family
in Vii^inia in order that the resolutions might be moved by him
and he has been heard to say that it was the most awefut moment
of his life when he rose to make the motion."

'' R. H. Lee, the grandson and bii^rapher, and, doubtless
following him, Paul Leicester Ford (See Tht ffritings of Thomat
Jefferstn) give this as follows : ". . . you, and not Wythe . . ."
They are evidently mistaken. Sec note 107, chapter IX.

" Abo, see p. 145.

'^ He did not take part In the debates: see p. 145.

" See Appendix^ pp. 349, 344 and 350, respectively.

" Sec the preceding portion of this letter, p. 142.

* Jefferson's «««, as wc have seen, say : " the debates
. . . were, in the evening of the last [the 4th], closed . . ."

" A poem — called " Independence Bell — -July 4, 1776" —
commemorative of the event here detailed is to be found Jn
The Franklin Fifth Reader by G. S. Hillard. Also, see Tht
Legends sf the American Revolution by George Lippard.

" Tit Setts Magazine (C) — published in Edinburgh — for
August contains the following : " A letter from Philadelphia says,
*The 4th of JuljTi 1776, the Americans appointed as a day of
48s

NOTES TO TEXT

chapter IX), to set out from New York City with Lewis, he
seems — from the fact that he did not sign the letter of the 8th
— not to have arrived with him.

^ A letter of the 2ph of June to the Provincial Congress —
not, however, on this subject — is signed by Clinton, Francis
Lewis, Floyd, Wisner and Alsop. This would seem to indicate
that, interim^ Clinton had arrived at Philadelphia and R. R.
Livingston departed. Indeed, see p. 140. See, however, R. R.
Livingston^ note 39, chapter IX.

(There is an article entitled "The Declaration in a new
Light " in Harper's New Monthly Magazine for July, 1883.)

^® The New York Delegates, accordingly, did not vote at all
in the committee of the whole on July ist, nor in Congress on
the 2d or 4th.

^^ See, however. Hazard's letter of July sth, note 31, chapter
VII.

^® Woodhull was President ; Pierre Van Cortlandt was among
those present.

For the feeling in New York City previous to its meeting, see
Hazard's letter, note 31, chapter VII.

^ For what took place in New York City on this day, see
p. 251.

^ For the stand taken by them on this day, see p. 163.

'^ Arnold J. F. van Laer, Librarian of Manuscripts in the
New York State Library, under date of November 14, 1899,
writes us : " Neither the letter from the Delegates to the Con-
tinental Congress, nor the copy of the Decl. of Indep. enclosed
in that letter, are on file. The index for v. 34 of Miscellane-
ous papers 1775—76, refers to 2 printed copies of the Decl. of
Ind. [one of which is evidently that sent by Hancock : see note
25, post^ and p. 240] but both papers are wanting in the volume
. . . The index to vol. 35 refers to a ' Printed copy [See p. 284]
of the Decl. of Ind. with all the signatures and a request from

489

NOTES TO TEXT

The other is headed: "In CONGRESS, July 4, 1776. | A
DECLARATION | by the | REPRESENTATIVES | of the
j UNITED STATES | of | AMERICA, | In GENERAL
CONGRESS Assembled." The body is in two columns. At
the bottom is: "NEW-YORK: Prmted by JOHN HOLT,
in Water-Street." The edges have been trimmed. See note
50, chapter XI. It is endorsed on the back: ^^[AIJ July
9*** 1776 Declaration of Independence N? 29".

^ These were sent, July i ith, and were read in Congress by
the President on the isth — the day when, Jefferson says (Sec
p. 200), the New York delegation signed the Declaration on paper.
On the same day (the nth), the following letter to Hancock
was drafted (by the Convention) : " Your letter of the 6th July
instant [See p. 240], enclosing a copy of the Declaration [See
note 21, supra] • • . has been received. It gives us pleasure
to inform you that, having been informed of that Declaration
by our Delegates, we have anticipated the request of Congress,
by our Resolutions of the 9th instant, a copy of which was en-
closed in a letter we did ourselves the honour of writing you this
morning."

Also, see Jlsop^ note 39, chapter IX.

^ See p. 60.

*^ Marshall, in his Dlary^ for June 8th, says : " This day, fresh
instructions were given by our Assembly to their Delegates in
Congress, Yeas 31, Nays 12."

^ Marshall, in his Diary^ says: "Down to where the First
Battalion exercised ; stayed till the resolves of Congress, Fifteenth
of May, and the resolves made the Twentieth at the State House
were read, then proposed whether they should support them at
all hazards. The same was agreed to unanimously, except two
officers in the Foot, two officers in the Infantry and about
twenty-three privates in the Infantry. From thence to the
Second Battalion, where the same was read and agreed to by.

49T

NOTES TO TEXT

at y* New Tavern, Gen* Wooster had taken my hat in a Mis-
take & the Negro woman found y® money in my bed room
amongst some old Papers — I have prevailed on my Landlord to
rent Little New House, next Door to the Tavern where I have
a genteel bed room & 2 Closets with locks & keys & a small
Parlour below to do business in, so that I am quite out of y*
hurry of y* Tavern — I have got a touch of Rheumatism in my
Shoulder by Sleeping with my Windows open M^ Adams say
I very well deserve it, for being so earless I told him as M'
Duchee prays for us every Day I thought there was no need to
take Care of ourselves, he told me God helps them who help
themselves — M' Hancock is a better Doctor, as he has some-
thing of y' Gout himself & has promised me some Pine buds
to make Tea, however I have shut my Windows these 2 Nights
& y' Pain is almost gone off, it never hurt my Eating & Drink-
ing— I dont like your Notion of coming here, the Horse trots
rough & the mare is skittish, & all your male friends are at
Camp & all your female ones in the Country, besides as you
Cant bring the Children with you it woud distress them to be
left behind ... if you cant reason down your inclination I woud
rather you woud go to your brother Billy's & send Caezar up
& I woud leave to go that far — But woud rather you woud send
Caezar with the Horses to Philad* next week, & I will get
leave to go home for some time — the week after — Excuse all
this stufF& believe me to be your aflf^ husband &c [.]"
^ See p. 225.

CHAPTER IX

^ For his letters — of similar import — to Dallas and Rodney^
see Appendix^ pp. 299 and 301, respectively.
* See Appendix^ p. 303.
^ This was published in the Register at the request of John

49S

NOTES TO TEXT

account you have given me of this important transaction."
(For M:Kean's reply, see Appendix j p. 301.)

' He was in Congress doubtless as late as June 5th ; for he
was chosen upon a committee on that day. Also, see note 28,
chapter IV. (On March 6th, he writes from Newcastle to
M:Kean and Read : ^^ [GR] I am ordered by the House to re-
quire your immediate attendance, unless business of the first im-
portance should make your stay in Congress necessary: if so,
you are immediately to let the House know it." He was chosen
upon a committee — in Congress — on April 29th; see note 37,
chapter HI ; and he was chosen upon a committee on May 8th.)

On November 3, 1776, Rodney writes from Dover: ** [N] I
am in a better state of Health than When I left Philadelphia, and
Tho' Verry Much Engaged in business, have many, not only pleas-
ing, but Laughable Reflections : Among Others, the happyness
my Good Landlady must feel in my being so far removed from
the Backgammon-Tables which so often interrupted her Evening
Repose ... If it should be my misfortune to be oblidged to
leave home and attend Congress, I Shall be with you — You will
be pleased to make my Compliments to M! Elliry • • "

• See "Caesar Rodney's Fourth of July, 1776" in Poetical
Addresses of Geo, Alfred Townsend.

^^ This, as stated^ is an error. The vote upon the ^th was
not upon the question of ^^ independence " but upon the adoption
of the Declaration itself. The same error is found at other places
in this letter. We believe, however, that Rodney did vote upon
the question of independence^ as M:Kean says, but that it was (See
note 29, chapter VII) upon the 2d.

^ If we are correct in our belief (See note 29, chapter VII)

that Rodney returned on the 2d (and not on the 4th as M:Kean

says), and if, as seems natural, M:Kean associated in memory

the absence of Dickinson with the return of Rodney, then we

3« 497

NOTES TO TEXT

written after the publication of M:Kean*s Utter to Messrs. Wm.
ATCorkle ^ Son, Without doubt, he simply followed M:Kean.

Certain it is that Morris — like Dickinson — honestly believed
in the position which he took.

His patriotism is beyond question. John Adams, on April
27th, writing to Gates, says : " [NY] You ask me what yoU
are to think of Rob! Morris ? — I will tell you what I think of
him — I think he has a masterly Understanding, an open Tem-
per and an honest Heart : and if he does not always vote for
What you and I should think proper, it is because he thinks that
a large Body of People remains, who are not yet of his Mind* —
He has vast designs in the mercantile Way. And no doubt pur-
sues mercantile Ends, which are always gain; but he is an excel-
lent member of our Body — " Nor did Adams' opinion change
(See p. 191) after the question of independence came before
Congress, or, indeed, after Morris' stated absence.

The only light which we have from Morris himself is a letter
of July 2 1 St (and a letter in similar vein to Gates, dated
October, 1777: sec The Pennsylvania Maga^ne of History and
Biography^ I, 336) : see p. 227.

Morris writes to John Nicholson, February 5, 1798: **[T8]
If writing Notes could relieve me you would do it sooner than
any man in the world but all you have said in those now before
me N? 5 to 9 inclusive amount when summed up to nothing.
My Money is gone, my Furniture is to be sold, I am to go to
Prison & my Family to Starve — "

^* If we are correct in our belief (See note 29, chapter VII)
that Rodney returned on the 2d (and not on the 4th as M:Kean
says), and if, as seems natural, M:Kean associated in memory
the presence of " only five members " with the return of Rod-
ney, then we must understand this to mean that Willing and

499

NOTES TO TEXT

^ Why his name does not appear in the printed Journal (Also,
see note i, chapter XIII) has never been accounted for, though
various theories have at different times been advanced*

Bancroft (though upon what authority he does not state) and
Mellen Chamberlain (See ^^ The Authentication of the Declara-
tion of Independence, July 4, 1776 " in Procadings of the Mas-*
sacbusetts Historical Society^ ser. 2, vol. I, p. 272), following him,
maintain even that M:Kean did not sign until 1781. (Can it be
that Bancroft was lead so to state by misreading the letter of
M:Kean of June 16, 1 817, to Messrs. Wm. M'Corkle & Son,
Appendix^ p. 304 ?)

The Diary of Richard Smith for September 26, 1775, bays:
^^. • • the Journal was read in Order for Publication and some
Parts of it ordered not to be printed as improper for Public
Inspection . . ." The Journal for the same day tells us:
^^ The Committee appointed to examine the journal of the Con-
gress during last Sessions reported a copy which was ordered to
be read." The same Diary for January i, 9 and 16, 1776,
respectively, shows us : ^^ We finished reading the Journal and
sundry Passages were marked, according to Custom as improper
for present Publication." ^^ A Letter from L*^ Stirling enclosing
a Packet which he caused to be intercepted near Elizabeth Town
containing ... a printed Journal of Congress ... a Copy of
a Petition of our Assembly against Independency . • •" ^^ Duane
and £. Rutledge were desired to rectify a Mistake in the Journals
now printing . . ** The Journal for March 21, 1776, says:
^^ Resolved That a committee be appointed to superintend the
printing the Journals of Congress, & if the present printer
cannot execute the work with sufficient expedition, that they be
empowered to employ another printer[.] "

On September 26, 1776, as given in the Journal, it was:
*^ Resolved, That the committee appointed to superintend the

NOTES TO TEXT

1 2 Journals JanT to May . . . both b^ together " ; under the
22d : ^^ Mr Sellers paper mould Makf D^ To 2 Vols Journals
of Congress " and " Geo Walton Esqf Df To Journals of Con-
gress 1775 .. . To I D? printed by Aitken bound"; under
the 23d : '* Congress D^ for Cha? Thomson Esqf 2 Journals
8 M? Brad? & Aitk? bound together " and ** Geo. Walton Esqf
Dr . . . 1 2 Journals of Congress in boards ...12 Journals
1775 Bradfd! Edit."; under the 26th: « M' Rob! Wells
Books^ S? Carolina D^ To 38 for 30 Journals of Congress in
b'l* . . . To 28 Journals p'? by Bradford " ; under the 30th :
** Mess? Bradfords D? To 6 Journals of Cong? JanT to Jun "
and "Mes? Bradfords D? By 30 Journals of Congress Con!«
four [?] Months Stitched " ; under November 4th : " Mess?
Bradford's D? To Sundries 12 Journals in boards"; under the
7th : " Congress — D? for John Hart i Journals of Congress
in boards " ; under the 8th : " M' Aaron Hunter Df 30 for
24 Journals of Congress" and "Clf Mess" Bradfords — 6 Jour-
nals of Congress" ; under the 19th: " Mess? Bradfords printers
D? To 6 Journals of Congress"; under January 26, 1777:
** Mr Robert Bell — Dl To 6 Journals of Con-
gress" ; under May 2d : " Matthew Thornton Esq^ Df for Con-
gress Journals of Congress 2 Vols " ; under the 13th : ** Congress

. D? To 100 Journals of Congr. : Vol : if

... in blue Boards " ; under the 20th : ^^ Delivered to R. H,
Lee, F. L. Lee & M. Page for Congress — 3 Journals of Con-
gress Vol. iM " and " Congress Dr For 600

Journals of Congress V? i** in blue Boards"; under June 3d :
** Mr Rob^ Bell .... Cr for Stitching 300 Vf Joum? Con-
gress of Vol: I** in Boards"; and, under October 4th:
"Congress D? To 14 Rms i* Edit Journ*? of Congress
by their Order delivered to Mr Flowers — for the purpose
of Cartridges".

This contains also the following entries, in 1777 :

S03

NOTES TO TEXT

is a volume containing the proceedings from January I through
April, 1776; and these bear: ^^Philadelphia: Printed by R.
A it ken. Bookseller, opposite the London CofFee-house, Front-
Srrcvr. M,DCC,LXXVL"

( M this printing, Aitken speaks (in his WasU Book) as followi,
iiiiri: r (late of January 2, 1779 (stating: ** N.B. This Acco!
sht)uld precede y^ on y! opposite Page") :

United States D?

To printing Journals of Congress from
Feb. I — 1776 to Apr. 29 — inclusive
on a pica type contain? 15 sheets

8 TO
• • •

at this period of printing I was
ordered to print no more on this
1776 hrge type, & to begin a New Edit,
beginning w! first - of Cong!

which rend? sale of above abortive
C! — Meantime I sold 80 . • •
Also 14 Rms of this Edit to —
Benj Flowers for the Use of
army for Cartriges • • •

Some few were sold evidently by reason of an advertisement
placed by Aitken in The Pennsylvania Journal^ etc., (and in Thi
Pennsylvania Gazette^ C and N, of October 9, 1776, and, we
understand, in The Pennsylvania Packet of October 3d and later
issues). This appears as follows in its issue (Rid) of October 9,
1776 :

This day is published, printed, and to be sold by ROBERT
AITKEN, Printer and Bookseller opposite the London Coffee-
House, Front street, containing nearly 240 pages, laree Octavo,
in blue boards (price One Dollar) the JOURNALS of the
PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS, held at Philadelphia, from
January to May 1776.

505

NOTES TO TEXT

John Rutledge seems to have been another*

He, with Thomas Lynch, Heniy Middleton, Gadsden and
Edward Rutledge, was reelected, November 29, 1775*

He and Henry Middleton, as shown by the secret domestic
Journal, left Congress sometime prior to January i, 1776; and
the proceedings of the Provincial Congress show that, on
February 2d, they, "being lately returned from Philadelphia,
being in their places as Members of this Congress," took part in
its proceedings.

Gadsden (and son) also, as told by Marshall, in his Diary^ for
January 17, 1776, "Near seven . . . came to take their leave,
they being to embark for South Carolina to-morrow''; and the
proceedings of the Provincial Congress for February 9th show
that he, " having arrived last night, and being present in his
place, as a Member of this Congress, for Charlestown," was
thanked for his services at Philadelphia.

(It is of him that Nelson speaks when he writes to Jefferson
from Philadelphia on the 4th — of February : " [S] You would be
surprized to see with how much dispatch we have done business
since Dyer & Gaddesden left us. The former you know was
superseeded & the latter was orderd home to take command of
his Regiment." See, however, pp. 12 and 88.)

A week after (February i6th) Gadsden arrived, a new election
for Delegates was held ; and, though John Rutledge had, the
day before, requested the Provincial Congress to dispense with
his further attendance upon the Continental Congress, because
he felt that he could be of more service to the cause at home, he
was again reelected. He does not seem to have resigned nor
does any one else seem to have been chosen in his place follow-
ing his election, March 27th, as President of the new govern-
ment (See p. 88).

The new delegation were (Also, see note 38, post) John
Rutledge, as stated, Thomas Lynch, Edward Rutledge, Arthur

509

NOTES TO TEXT

tion held in Savannah, February 2d] . . . openly accused Dr.
Zubly of treachery. Zubly stoutly denied the charge, and chal-
lenged his accuser to produce the proofs. Finding, however,
that his perfidy would be clearly established, he immediately fled.
Mr. Houston was directed to pursue him, and to adopt every
expedient measure to counteract any evils that might result from
the disclosure." We know that, on September 14, 17759
Richard Smith writes in his Diary: ^^ these Motions were op-
posed by Chase and J. Adams and supported by Nelson, Hous-
toun and Dr. Zubley. the latter out of Humor with Chase " ;
and we know that Zubly writes to Houston and Bullock (?) :
" [N] I am Setting off for Georgia greatly indisposd You will
doubtless reach home before me tho You should not depart these
ten days, in Case of my first Arrival I think not to make any
Report to our Council of Safety till we are all present. I have
left my Case with Spirits [?J at my Lodgings (having a smaler [?]
one [?]) which I advise You to take with You well filed if
You do not mean to drink whiskey &c by the [?] Way, it will
either suit You or Mess Habersham [?] Should I arrive before
You I will not fail to acquaint Your friends but I can only
travel slow — I wish You a pleasant Journey [.] "

Bullock was in Congress doubtless as late as February 23d
(1776); for he was appointed upon a committee on that day.
As we have already seen (See note 100, chapter HI), he writes to
John Adams from Savannah, Ga., however, May ist, and, on
May 2d, he writes from the same place to Samuel Adams:
"[SA] The Gentleman, Major Walton, who is the Bearer of
this, will most readily inform you ... A Pamphlet has lately
appeared among us entitled Common Sense; By the numerous
Editions it has gone thro', we may form an Idea of its Success.
With respect to myself, I cannot but coincide with the Author
in his Sentiments, and think his Reasonings clear and Demon-
strative. What blessed Fruit [?] we might expect from a Recoo*

NOTES TO TEXT

dismiss me " ; and, on June 29th, as shown by the proceedings
of that body, " Mr. Jay asked for, and obtained leave to go to
Elizabethtown, and is to return on Monday morning/'

Two days after (July 6th) the Declaration was adopted by
Congress, Jay writes, to Edward Rutledge : " [Z] Your friendly
letter [See p. 139] found me [still in New York City] . . .
engaged by plots, conspiracies, and chimeras dire . . • Your idea
of men and things (to speak mathematically) run, for the most
part, parallel with my own ; and I wish Governour Tryon and
the devil had not prevented my joining you on the occasion you
mentioned. How long I may be detained here is uncertain, but
I see little prospect of returning to you for a month or two yet
to come. We have a government, you know, to form; and
God only knows what it will resemble . . . My compliments
to Messrs. Braxton, Lynch, and such others as I esteem, — of
which number rank yourself, my dear Ned, among the first."

Three days later, the Convention met — at White Plains; and
Jay was present. He was still there on the 15th.

On the 22d, however, Robert Yates writes from Poughkeepsie:
"Mr. Jay is gone to Salisbury for cannon"; and, on the 26th,
Trumbull writes from Lebanon, Conn. : " Mr. Jay came here
on Friday for the loan of cannon to use on the North River."
Jay himself writes, from Salisbury, July 29th, to his wife : " [Z] I
am now returning to Poughkeepsie, where I am to meet some
members of the Convention on the 7th of August."

Jefferson, writing at Monticello, September 4, 1823, to John
Adams, says : " [P] I observe your toast of mr Jay on the
4? of July, wherein you say that the omission of his signature
to the Declaration of Independance was by accident, our im-
pressions as to this fact being different, I shall be glad to have
mine corrected, if wrong. Jay, you know, had been in constant
opposition to our laboring majority, our estimate, at the time,
was that he, Dickinson & Johnson of Maryland by their ingen*

NOTES TO TEXT

jf Seeeiui Memorial a/ Henry IVisner hy Franklin Burdge saj^S :
"I have a copjr of the first edition [of Cemmen Sense'j, with the
following letter written on the margin of the first page : < Sir, I
have only to ask the lavor of you to read this pamphlet, consult-
ing Mr. Scotc and such of the Committee of Safety as you think
proper, particularly Orange and Ulster, and let me know their
and your opinion of the general spirit of it. I would have wrote
a letter on the subject, but the bearer is waiting. Henry Wisner,
at Philadelphia. To John Mc Kesson, at New York.* " (See
The Life of Thomas Paine, etc., by Cheetham, p. 4.7, note.)

According to his Memorial of Wimtr, in May, 1776, Wisner
was in Orange County, N. Y., engaged in erecting two powder
mills. Data in the office of the Comptroller of the State of New
York would indicate that Wisner charged for 14 days* " Service
in Provincial Congress" during that month. He was chosen
upon a committee in Congress on June 7th, however; and he
signs letters dated Philadelphia, June 8th, i7tb and 27th and
July 2d. Moreover, see pp. 140 and 194 and AppenMx, pp.
300, 302 and 305.

He was, without doubt, therefore, in Congress on July 4tfa
and 15th, Indeed, Congress, as shown by the Journal, on the
4th, " Resolved that M^ Wisner be empowered to send a man at
the public expense to Orange county for a sample of flint stone ",
and, on the i6th, " Resolved That M' Wisner be empowered to
employ a proper person to manufacture gun-flints, — "

It seems likely that he again left Philadelphia immediately after
the last resolve. Certainly at 8 o'clock on the morning of the
23d, he was in attendance upon the Convention, at White Plains.
He was there also at least until the morning of the 27th } and
we find bim chosen upon a committee there on August 6th and
i^in recorded as present on the morning of the 7tb.

NOTES TO TEXT

New Yorfc City the following (of which, however, »* ii. June"
seems strange) :

1776 The Hon''.' Convention of the State

Of New York to Philip Livingston Debf

For his Allowance for Expenses'^
attending Congress from 11. June I Dollars
to the 20. Dec? is 193 Days at [ 772

4 Dolf pT Day J

Kingston the 11. March, 1777. Rec4 the above
Sum in Ace! this Day . . .
Phil. Liv^'-gston

Floyd signs letters dated Philadelphia, June 8, 17 and 27,
July 2 and August 10, 1776. Moreover, see p. I40.

Indeed, he rendered the following statement to the Conven-
tion, and received pay for the attendance therein enumerated:

[N] Convention of the Sutc of New York Dr to William
Floyd for Expences in attending the Continenul Congress
from 23 of April 1 776 i__,„-i„. J 169 Days at 4 Dollars 1 , ,
to the 8 October 1776 ^"'^'"''"'^ ( per Day j **70

He was, without doubt, therefore, in Congress on July 4th and
15th and on August 2d.

Francis Lewis (See Philip Livingston^ supra, and AlsBp, pest)
writes from New York City, to Sherman, May 2, 1776; "As our
election for Delegates is to be on the i4tb instant, I shall defer
my return to Philadelphia till that is over." He attended, as we
have seen, upon the Provincial Congress on the 19th. Ten days
later. Jay writes, from the same city ; ^ [Z] Messrs. Alsop and
Lewis set out next Saturday [June 1st] for Philadelphia . . ."
Lewis was chosen upon a committee io Congress on June 5th 1
5 '9

NOTES TO TEXT

Morris, accordingly, left Philadelphia (though we do not knovir
when) ; and, on July 9th, we find him in the Convention, at
White Plains.

Sometime "P. M." of the same day — after the adoption of
the resolution respecting independence (See p. 186) — , however,
as shown by the proceedings of that body, ^^ General Morris's
daughter being extremely ill, he requested and obtained leave
of absence."

At 4 ^^ P. M. " on July 2 2d, we find him again upon the
roll (of the Convention) \ and he was in attendance there upon
August 2d also.

On August 1 2th, Washington writes to Hancock: "General
Morris too is to take part with the brigade on the Sound and Hud-
son's River for ten days " ; and Morris himself writes to Abraham
Yates from New Rochelle, August i8th, recommending " [N]
the Dismissing the Militia for the present . . ."

On the 26th, as shown by the proceedings of the Convention,
" General Morris suggested sundry reasons to the Convention for
his attendance at Philadelphia. Ordered, That General Morris
attend at Congress at Philadelphia, and return with all possible
despatch."

He writes from Philadelphia, September 8th, to Jay :. " [Z]
I am very anxious about our situation at N. York. I should
have gone off this day but Mr. Lewis has taken flight toward
that Place in quest of his family, that were on Long Island, and
there remain only three of us." This was followed, on the
24th, by a letter, to the Committee of Safety (?), which says :
"[NM] I had the honor to receive your Letter accompanying the
Resolve of Congress relative to my return to resume the command
of my Brigade . . . Since my arrival at Philadelphia the State
of N York has had no more than a representation in Congress,
and as the Gentlemen of the Committee for Indian Affairs were
mostly out of Town, the whole of that necessary business has

521

NOTES TO TEXT

family ; and we find Livingston chosen upon a committee, June
7th, taking part in the debate on the initial resolution offered by
R. H. Lee, June 8th or loth or on both days, chosen upon the
committee to draft the Declaration, June nth, and signing a
letter dated Philadelphia, June 17th.

Then Clinton came; and, on June 27th, his name appears
upon the letter to the Provincial Congress (See note 15, chapter
VIII), while Livingston's does not. Whether Livingston had
at this time left Philadelphia or not, however, we do not know.

A paper in the office of the Comptroller of the State reads :

The New York Provincial Congress D'
To Rob' R Livingston for his services at Congress including
4 weeks in which he was employed as one of a Committee of
Congress to Ticonderoga.

Days
From the 13'!* [?] of May 1776 to the 8'? of July 56.

Going & returning -------- 10

From the ii*!* of Sep! to the 1 1*? of Dec' - - - - 90

Going (return from Albany being one day is included

in the above) - - - - 5

On July 1 7th, Livingston appears in the Convention, at White
Plains ; and, on the 22d, he was in Poughkeepsie. The 5th of
August finds him again in the Convention.

Duane writes, to Jay, from Philadelphia, May 1.6, 1776 (Also,
see his letter of March 20th, p. 97): "[Z] I hope you will
relieve me soon as I am impatient to visit my Friends; I look
upon Business here to be in such a train that I can well be
spared", and, on the 25th: ^^[Z] It is more than 9 months
since I have seen my children & I have spent but about ten
days in that time with Mrs» Duane."

Four days later (the 29th), Jay advises R. R. Livingston —
then at Philadelphia — that Alsop and Francis Lewis will leave for

523

NOTES TO TEXT

It, however, is very certain that hi at least did not sign any
Declaration on the 15th (of July) or on any other day; for, on
the 1 6th, he writes to the Convention : " Yesterday our President
read in Congress a resolve [See p. 186] of your honorable body
... I was much surprised to find it come through that channel.
The usual method hitherto practiced has been, for the Convention
of each Colony to give their Delegates instructions to act and
vote upon all and any important questions. And in the last letter
[See p. 184] we were favoured with from your body, you told us
that you were not competent or authorized to give us instructions
on that grand question; nor have you been pleased to answer our
letter of the 2d instant [See p. 185], any otherwise than by your
said resolve, transmitted to the President ... as you have, I
presume, by that Declaration, closed the door of reconciliation,
I must beg leave to resign my seat as a Delegate . • ,**

In response to this letter, the Convention, on July 22d, " Re-
solved, unanimously. That the Convention cheerfully accept of
Mr. Alsop's resignation . . ." At the same time, they enclosed
to their Delegates in Congress a copy of his letter to them and
two copies of the resolution. One copy of the resolution was
to be delivered to Alsop ; the other, with the copy of his letter,
was to be laid before Congress, '' since they will best be able to
investigate the meaning of the writer, and determine how far his
knowledge of the publick transactions may or may not be safely
trusted in his custody."

Philip Livingston, replying for himself and the other Dele-
gates, August T6th, says: ^^Your favour, dated the 22d July,
enclosing copy of Mr. Alsop's letter to the Convention, and a
resolve of your body accepting his resignation of his seat in
Congress, was received, and agreeable to your directions com-
municated the same to t)ie Congress, and delivered a copy to
Mr. Alsop, who had not attended for some days before, though
we did not then know the reason of his absenting himself."

52s

NOTES TO TEXT

These gentlemen were in attendance, it would seem, as late as
June 14th ; for (See, however, note 30, chapter VIII) then the
Assembly paid them, as well as the other Delegates, for their
attendance (upon Congress). When they left Congress, however,
we do not know.

Of Allen, we have akeady seen (See p. 91) what John Adams
says.

In Proceedings on Unveiling the Monument to Casar Rodney
and the Oration Delivered on the Occasion by Thomas F. Bayard^ at
Dover ^ Dela%vare^ October JOth^ 188 p^ appears the following —
stated to be taken from an original manuscript of Thomas
Rodney, younger brother of Caesar Rodney : ** In the year
1776, when independence began to be agitated in Congress,
General Rodney . . . came home to consult his friends and
constituents on that important question. He communicated
the matter to his brother. Colonel Rodney, and observed that
he had a great deal at stake, and that almost all of his old
friends in Congress were against it, particularly Andrew Allen,
John Dick[in]son, Robert Morris and his colleague, George
Read . . ."

Rush writes, from Philadelphia to R. H. Lee, December 20,
1776: **[A] M' Galloway — & three of the Allen family have
received Absolution at Trenton."

The Virginia Gazette (C) of January 10, 1 777, is even more
specific : " Amongst the worthies who have joined, or put them-
selves under the protection of, Howe and company, at Trenton,
we find the names of the following noted personages, viz : Joseph
Galloway, Esq ; late a member of the Congress . . . Andrew
Allen, Esq ; late a member of Congress."

Indeed, in the Diary of Thomas Rodney, for December 22,
1776, we read: "About 2 o'clock to-day we reached Bristol
. . . Col. Morris the quartermaster immediately sent us out to

527

NOTES TO TEXT

■

" on paper ". He does not state whether Thornton signed both
or only the one on parchment,

^ For this reason, see p. 210.

^^ ^Jefferson be correct in his statement that the Declaration
was signed first — on July 4th — on paper (and if he means that
the same gentlemen signed that Declaration who signed the
Declaration on parchment and that there were no other post-
signers to that — the paper — Declaration), this statement is
incorrect.

Chase and Charles Carroll of Carrollton, who left Philadelphia
soon after the postponement, cannot have signed any Declaration
— on paper — on July 4th; for we find them recorded as voting
in the Convention at Annapolis on the first six days of July.

Indeed, the election of Delegates in Maryland did not take
place until July 4th, nor was Carroll (He signed the Declaration
on parchment now in the Department of State) a Delegate up
to that time (Also, see note 15, chapter XHI) ; while Chase
writes to John Adams from Annapolis on the 8th : " [Qy] M'
Paca can show You the Declaration of our Convention, different
from the one in December ... I hope the Congress will not
be offended with our advancing before we received their Orders
• . . I have some Hopes of seeing You in about ten Days —
M' Carroll leaves his Home next Sunday"; and, on the 12th,
Stone writes from Philadelphia to the Council of Safety: "Our
Province is now unrepresented ... I pray one of the Delegates
may be desired to attend. Mr. Paca is out, which occasions
me alone to address you."

It was the 1 7th before they arrived, as shown by a letter from
Chase to Gates, dated Philadelphia, July 18th: "[NY] I was
obliged to return to Maryland on Account of M? Chase's Ill-
ness, — every Moment of my Stay there was engrossed by my
Attendance on my Lady and our Convention. On yesterday
34 529

NOTES TO TEXT

« The letters "N P" (as well as the two marks " + " «+")
are in darker ink (even than the rest of the page) and were, with-
out doubt, added, seemingly by some other hand than Thom-
son's, long after the Declaration on parchment was signed.
Indeed, the "NP" and the " + " before "©grossed" arc
evidently in a different hand than the " + '* below " Resolved
and would seem to have been added even later than this " +

^ See facing p. 204. See also Appendix,^ pp. 296 and 297.

^ See, however, note 1 2, chapter IV.

^ It seems certain that the word " present " (after the word
" member ") was not in the notes as written out in form ; and
we believe that — doubtless suggested by the facts (disclosed by
M-.Kean's letter to Messrs. Wm. M'Corklc & Son) that the new
Delegates from Pennsylvania and Thornton were not present on
July 4th — it was inserted at the time of writing (May 12, 18 19)
his first letter to Wells : see Appendix^ note 20.

^ See Appendix^ note 19.

^ See Appendix^ p. 297.

^ For another portion of this letter, see p. 242.

^ Chase's letter — dated "[Qy] Annapolis. July. 5*? 1776.
Fryday Afternoon." — says: "Your Letter of the I? [See p.
160] conveys both pleasure and Grief. I hope ere this Time
the decisive blow is struck. Oppression, Inhumanity and Per-
fidy have compelled Us to it. blessed be Men who effect the
Work, I envy You ! how shall I transmit to posterity that I
gave my assent ? cursed be the Man that ever endeavors to unite
Us ... I have sent You our Paper and some Resolves of our
Convention — do they not do Us Honor ... I cannot con-
clude without requesting my most respectful Compliments to
M^ [Samuel] Adams Col! Hancock e! e! and all independent
Americans."

^ Also, sec p. 119.

%
S33

NOTES TO TEXT

lost or destroyed at this time, after the comparison. If lost or
destroyed at the time of printing the first broadside (See note
38, chapter VII), however, the comparison (on August 2d) must,
it would seem, have been made with one of these broadsides
(unless the ^^ Rough draught " — See between pp. 144 and 145 —
was used) ; but, of course, if the draft ^ on paper " was signed
on July 4th as Jefferson claims, this " paper " draft would, no
doubt, have been cared for properly.

^ See The Life of Benjamin Franklin.

® If, however, Gwinnett left before the id (Sec p. 215), he
doubtless signed first. Also, see note 107, post.

^ Bancroft says that Samuel Adams signed next; M. M.
Baldwin, in "The Declaration of Independence" (See the Maga^
xine of American History^ N, for December, 1888), and Lora S.
La Mance, in " The Men who signed *' (See Lippincotfs^ C, for
July, 1901), say that Bartlett signed next. Bancroft gives no
ground for his statement and the others evidently reason from a
false premise.

^ See p. 135.

^ Sanderson seems to be substantiated by the facts. Hopkins'
signature to a draf^ dated East Greenwich, September 15, 1770,
in the possession of John D. Crimmins of New York City and
his signature to z letter dated Philadelphia, August 17, 1776, in
the collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet now in the New
York Public Library (Lenox) are of similar character. Indeed,
a letter from Hopkins himself and Ellery (written probably by
Ellery), to Governor Cooke, dated June 8, 1776, says: "[G]
The correspondence between the Colony and its delegates, which
by the death of Mr. Ward, and the great inconvenience which
attends Mr. Hopkins in writing, hath for some time past been
interrupted, we wish might be resumed."

87 See The Life of Charles Carroll of Carrollton^ etc.

* A letter so signed dated August 11, 1772, to Walter Du-

535

NOTES TO TEXT

This story, however, can be true only if we admit that, as
Jefferson asserts, the Declaration was signed first — on paper
— on July 4th and then only as to that signing ; for, as shown
in the text, Gerry was absent on August 2d, and Harrison had
returned to Virginia (See note 20, chapter VI) — not having been
reelected — before Gerry came back.

^ Also, see his letter of June 12th, note 46, chapter IV.

^ Charles J. Hoadly writes (See Proceedings of the Massachusetts
Historical Society^ ser. 2, vol. 3, p. 374): "Each colony paid
its own delegation. Oliver Wolcott in his account charges for
attending Congress from Jan. 4 to July 4, 1776, inclusive, 182
days; and from Sept. 24, 1776,10 May 12, 1777, inclusive, 231
days. These dates are, respectively, those on which he set out
from and returned home."

^ Taken from Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society^
ser. 2, vol. 3, p. 374.

^ He writes from Philadelphia, November 29th, to Timothy
Edwards : " [N] I should probably have attended with you at
the Indian Conference in July had my health permitted — "
Also, see note 99, post.

On March 22d, he writes from Philadelphia to Andrew
Adams: "[Tr] I hope We may in Time be able with Toler-
able Success to Combat G Britain upon that Eliment which she
boasts herself the Mistress of — but still We shall be oblidged to
remember that Rome was not built in a day, tho she finally be-
came Mistress of the World — the World We shall not Covet
but so much of America as may be needfull for us, I hope
We shall injoy without any earthly controul — you mention the
efficacy of common sense, the leading Sentiment which it dic-
tates I am sensible Very greatly prevails — some People will still
please themselves with the delusive Phanntom of Commissioners
coming over, with the Proffers of Peace — but I believe it is

537

NOTES TO TEXT

should attend, &c. ; this Board, having at turns discoursed on the
subject, at several days and times, do conclude, that William
Williams, Esq., do, as soon as may be, repair to and attend said
Congress, as one of the Delegates appointed by the General
Assembly — Mr. Hosmer and he having discoursed, and partly
agreed, on which should attend, &c."

Williams was still in attendance upon the Council on the 19th.
On the 26th, however, Trumbull writes to him, from Lebanon :
**This letter may be communicated, as you see fit, with my
compliments, to the other Delegates, &c." Also, see p. 216.

^^ Bancroft is mistaken : he says he had returned from Rich-
mond by August 2d.

101 See Lewis Morris^ note 39, supra.

'^ See note 52, chapter IV.

R. H. Lee, the grandson, in Memoir^ etc., however, says :
*'On the evening of the tenth, Mr. Lee received, by express
from Virginia, the distressing intelligence that his lady was
dangerously ill. This circumstance compelled him to ask leave
of absence for a short time. He left Philadelphia on the eleventh

instant . . ."

108 y/Q haye already seen (See p. 72) a letter of April 5th
from General Charles Lee and one of April 12th from Page to
R. H. Lee.

On April 13th, Thomas Ludwell Lee wrote to R. H. Lee:
'^ [M^] General Lee thinks, as I do, that the American cause
would be greatly served by your attendance in Convention,
which meets on the 2d May. You will find there a noble spirit,
worthy to be cherished, and which if not regulated and directed
by a skilful hand, may dissipate in idle fume, or be blasted by
the arts of sly timidity.'*

Again, on May i8th, he wrote: ** [M'] Col. Mason came to
town [Williamsburg] yesterday after the arrival of the Post 5

539

NOTES TO TEXT

seated were I to go, before the 1 1*^. I hope to sec Col. Lee
and Mr. Wythe here, tho' the stay of the ktter will I hope be
short, as he must not be spared from the important department
of the law." (Taken from The New England Historical ^
Genealogical Register^ XX, 69. It is there published as a com-
munication from James Parker of Springfield, Mass.)
^^ See note 12, chapter IV.

109 See note 3, chapter VII.

110 See Biographical Sketches of the Delegates from Georgia to the
Continental Congress,

^^ Walton took his seat on December 12th; and, on the
same day, as shown by the Journal, it was ^^ Resolved That this
congress be for the present adjourned to the town of Baltimore
in the state of Maryland to meet on the 20? instant unless a
sufficient number to make a Congress shall be there sooner
assembled[.] *' The entry (in the Journal) for the 20th shows
only that ^^ The delegates from Georgia produced the credentials
of their appointment which were read as follows . • **

^^ See p. 211 (and note 95, supra) and p. 257.

^^ See Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society^ scr. 2,
vol. 3, p. 374.

The receipt spoken of in the text (according to a certified
copy) uses the words " for defraying my Expense now going to
& Attending the Continental Congress ".

"* See, however, Jefferson's notes^ p. 218. (John Adams
writes to his wife, August 25th : " [Ad] Mr. Paine is recovered
of his illness . . . ")

^^ Bartlett writes to Langdon, August nth: "Colonel Whip-
ple sets off to-morrow morning for Portsmouth . . . Aug. 13.
Colonel Whipple left us for New Hampshire yesterday at two
o'clock." John Adams writes to his wife, August 12th: "Mr.
[Samuel] A[dams]. sets off to-day, if the rain should not prevent

S4I

NOTES TO TEXT

edging the receipt of a printed Declaration sent on the 8th, and
that he doubtless knew from R. H. Lee (See p. 212) that Jeffer-
son had been chosen chairman of the committee to draft the
Declaration and from Fleming {See note 3, chapter VII), if from
no other source, that Jefferson drew the Declaration.

Moreover, Page makes no comment on the changes made by
Congress, which would have been, Jt would seem, only natural,
if he had before him a copy of the Declaration as submitted to
Congress as well as a printed copy. At least, R. H. Lee and
Pendleton, to each of whom, we know, Jefferson sent a manu-
script copy, so commented: sec Appendix, pp. 344 and 350,
respectively.

It may very well be, therefore, that "^aar Declaration " refers
simply to the Declaration, a printed copy of which he had just
received from Hancock.

On the other hand, the copy of the Declaration as submitted to
Congress which Jefferson sent to R. H. Lee was sent on July 8th
(See Appendix, p. 344) — the same day that Hancock's letter to
P^e was sent. If, therefore, Jefferson sent to Page a similar
copy on the same day on which he sent the one to R. H. Lee, it
would have been received, in all probability, with Hancock's let-
ter i and the 20th — the date of this letter to Jefferson — would
have been the natural date for an acknowledgment,

* Sec p. 72.

^ He writes from " Elizabeth Town ", July 14th : " [N] soon
after my going [Sec note 1 3, chapter V] to Congress at Phil' we
had news [See note 3, chapter VII] of Gen'. Howes Arrival at
Sandy-hook, and a few days after of his Landing on Staten Island
... I continued at Phil* till Thursday last [the i ith] when I
returned homeward . . . Our Declaration of Independance I
dare say you have seen — "

The letter of August 6th given in the text would seem to indi-
cate, however, that he had returned by August idj and, indeed^
" S4S

NOTES TO TEXT

^ Thi Virginia Gaxette (C) of February 28, 1777, publishes,
as a communication from London, dated November 23, 1776,
the following : ^' Sunday morning last the wife of a journeyman
bricklayer, it [in] Petticoat lane was delivered of three children
who were baptised by the names of HANCOCK, ADAMS,
and WASHINGTON. Hancock died the day of his birth,
but Adams and Washington are in perfect health."

® Silas Deane writes from Paris, August i8th : "The dec-
laration ... is announced in the English papers [See p. 232],
but I have received no despatches on the event, though I am in
daily expectation of them."

Not until November 20th does he write, to the Count de
Vergennes, as follows : " [NE] In pursuance of the Orders of
the honorable Congress, to me expressed by Letters, bearing
date, the 8*** of July last and of the 7^ of August following, I
have the honor to deliver your Excellency, the enclosed Declara-
tion of independence of the United States of North America,
and to inform you that by the first of said Letters, the Congress
appears to have been unanimous in this important resolution
. . . They also say *. . . The Declaration of Independence
meets with universal Approbation, and the people seem every-
where animated still more by it in defence of their Country.*
I will not detain your Excellency longer, than just to observe,
that by the first Letter, dated July 8*** which must have been
intercepted, it appears that the Congress took measures, imme-
diately after declaring their independancy, to have the same an-
nounced in Europe, and first of all to the Court of France . . ."

Eight days later, he writes to the Secret Committee (?) :
** Your favor of the 7 of August last covering Copy of yours
of ye 8 July I rec'd tho the Original never came to hand —
This Letter also enclosed the Declaration of Independency with
Instructions to make it known to this, & the other powers of
Europe, and I received it the 17. Instant, tho the Vessel

547

NOTES TO TEXT

become an old story in every part of Europe ; it was well r^
celved . . ."

*• See note 23, supra.

* Franklin writes to Philip Mazzei : " [X] I am myself much
pleased that you have sent a translation of our Declaration of
Independence to the Grand Duke . . ." This translation may
have been made from the copy sent to Mazzei by JefFenon
(Sec Jppendixy p. 345).

CHAPTER XI

* See notes 38 and 39, chapter VII.

' A number also of printed copies, as shown by letters quoted,
were sent by individual Delegates to their friends. Moreover,
on August 22d, the Marine Committee write to Commodore
Hopkins : " We deliver you herewith . . . several of the printed
Declarations of Independence. They may do well to notify the
inhabitants of the French Islands of St. Pierre and Miquclon of
this Declaration, and sound how the inhabitants stand affected
towards us . . ."

■ A copy of the order given in the text, in the handwriting </"
Hancati, is in the collection of Dr. Thomas Addts Emmet now
in the New York Public Library (Lenox). A facssmilt is to
be found in The Story of the Revilution by Henry Cabot Lodge,
vol. I, p. 171. It is evidently the copy sent to New Jersey
with this copy of the Declaration ; for the page upon which it is
written is headed: " [N] In Congress July 5?" 1776 — " and
it is preceded on the p<^e by a copy of a resolution directing that
the British prisoners in New Jersey be sent to York, Pa., and
that the Convention or Committee of Safety of New Jersey
cariy the resolution into effect.

* Sec note 21, chapter VIII.

549

NOTES TO TEXT

Dr. L Minis Hays thinks (See Proaedings of the American
Philosophical Society^ vol. 39) that thby were copies printed by
Dunlap especially for the purpose under an order of the Committee
of Safety. He bases his belief mainly upon the facts that
there is in the Society a broadside of the Declaration (For fac'-
similcy see ibid.) on vellum which, though printed by Dunlap,
differs from — in that it is larger than, etc. — the one printed by
him under the order of Congress and that this was found among
the papers of a member (David Rittenhouse) of that Committee.
(It was presented to the Society, September 19, 1828, by
Mease.) (It is headed: ''In CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.
I A DECLARATION | By the REPRESENTATIVES of
the I UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, | In GENERAL
CONGRESS assembled." and has at the bottom, after the
printed attestations of Hancock and Thomson : '' Printed by
JOHN DUNLAP.")

We, however, have failed to find any record of such an order
by the Committee of Safety, and question, therefore, whether the
Declaration was not printed by Dunlap for the second time (tvhen^
we do not know, though doubtless soon after the printing under
the order of Congress) simply to meet the public demand — probably
for the 8th ; though we admit that the copies of the Declaration
sent by the Committee of Safety to the various Counties may have
been of that issue and though very likely the imprint on vellum
now in the Society was made especially for the members^ or some
of them, of that Committee.

It may very well be, however, that Hancock in fact sent more
than one copy (See note 43, post^znA p. 271); or that the copies
sent to the various Counties were some of those printed by Dunlap
under the order of Congress and secured from Dunlap or, by
personal application, from the Secretary of Congress; or that
Miller printed a broadside and that they were some of these (See
note 41, chapter VII). It even is perhaps possible^ though not

55'

NOTES TO TEXT

land ChronicU (C, MsS and PH) of the i8th; Tbi Virginia
Gazette (C) of the 19th ; and The American Gazette^ etc.,
(Ex) of the 23d.

^* The following members met at the Committee Chamber on
this morning : Clymcr (chairman), Parker, Nixon, Owen and
James Biddle, Michael Hillegas, Gray, David Rittenhouse,
Wharton, Cadwalader, Samuel Morris, James Mease and
Howell.

^ This was probably one of the prints made by Dunlap under
the order of Congress; and it is possible that it is now in the
possession of Mrs. Ellen W. (Charles C.) Harrison of Philadel-
phia, for she has (evidently) such a print in her possession and
writes us (in 1900) (See, however, note 39, chapter VH) : " My
Broadside was in a trunk with other valuable papers of my
Grandfather, John Nixon, & it has never been out of the pos-
session of the family. At present, it is being photographed • • •
to hang in the Museum of Independence Hall." (The photo-
graphic copy here suggested is now in " Independence Hall ".)
(It is true that the name of Dunlap does not appear upon the
photographic copy ; but this does not prove that the original from
which this photographic copy was taken has not his imprint, for
C. C. Harrison writes us, under date of November i, 1900, that
the broadside is framed, so that no one can tell, ^^ without break-
ing the frame ", whether or not there is any printing below the
printed signatures, etc.)

A fragment of another broadside, having the heading of this
Dunlap print but torn after the words '^to encourage" (and the
balance of it missing), is in The Historical Society of Pennsyl-
vania. On it, in pencil, is endorsed : '^ [PH] Found among the
papers of John Nixon of Phila. & supposed to be the original
from which he read the Declaration in public." Of it, however,
Charles Henry Hart of Philadelphia writes us, under date of

SS3

NOTES TO TEXT

welche vorn in dieser Zeitung stehet, in dem hiesigen Scaat-
haus Hofc, auf einem erhabcncn gerfiste in Englischcr sprache
ofFentlich vericundigt und dadurch die Vereinigten Colonien von
Nord-Americavonaller dem Kdnige von Grossbrittannien hiebevor
geleisteten pflicht und treuergebenheit von nun an und icunftig
ganzlich frey, ledig und losgesprochen. Die Vericundigung
geschahe durch den Herrn Obersten Nixon, mit dem Herrn
ScherifF William Dewees zu seiner seitc; in beyseyn vieler
Glieder des Congresses, der Assembly, der Generals und anderer
hohen Kriegsbeamten ; unten im hofe waren vielleicht einige
tausend menschen, die dieser feyerlichen begebenheit beywoh-
neten. Nach verlesung der Erklirung, wurde ein dreymal-
iges freudengeschrey gemacht, mit den worten : GOtt segne
die Freyen Staaten von Nord-America ! Hiezu kan und wird
wol ein jeder echter freund dieser Colonien Ja und Amen
sagen."

^^ [Sh] Mrs. Deborah Logan, who lived in the Norris mansion
[on the ^^ east side of Fifth Street "] at the time, says she dis-
tinctly heard the reading from the garden of that house." Also,
see note 20, post.

It may very well be, however, that Hopkins read the Declara-
tion to some one^ or perhaps to all^ " of the five Battalions " of
which Marshall speaks.

^7 " [Sh] In the ' Autobiography of Charles Biddle ' he says,
*On the memorable Fourth of July, 1776, I was in the old
State- House yard when the Declaration of Independence was
read. There were very few respectable people present. General
* * * spoke against it, and many of the citizens who were good
Whigs were much opposed to it; however, they were soon
reconciled to it.' Mr. Biddle confounds July 4th, the day of the
Declaration, with July 8th, the actual day of the reading. His

555

NOTES TO TEXT

best authorities state it was read from the balcony or platform of
the observatory, the popular rostrum of the day, by John Nixon,
and in a loud clear voice, heard on the other side of Fifth street.
The observatory stood about forty feet due west from the rear
door of the present Philosophical Hall, and about the same dis-
tance south from the present eastern wing. It was of circular
shape, as appears from the foundations recently discovered when
perfecting the sewerage of the Square."

" See note 16, supra.

^ Evidently of Christ Church, which was considered luke-
warm. Sec note 58, chapter V,

^ For part of this portion of the letter, see p. 205.

« Taken from The Pennsylvania Journal., etc., (C) of July lOth.

^ Abo, see note 16, supra.

*• Ellcty writes to his brother, July 10th (See The Pennsyl-
vania Magazine of History and Biography^ X, 320, which says
that the original letter is in the possession of Miss Ellery of
Newport) : *' We have lived to see a Period which a few years
ago no human forecast could have imagined. We have lived
to see these Colonies shake of[f], or rather declare themselves
independent of a State which they once gloried to call their
Parent ... I send you inclosed the News-Paper of this Day,
in which you will take notice that the Declaration of Independency
was proclaimed at the State-House ; but it is not published that
the late King's Arms were taken from thence and the Court
House that Morning and were burned that evening near the
CofFee House." (He evidently "inclosed" The Pennsylvania
Gazette; certainly The Pennsylvania Jaurnal, etc., of the lOth
contained the news in question — see note 24, supra.')

*^ Lossing says : " [H] The second stoiy of the State House
was occupied by the courts; and while the Continental Congresi
wag in session below, the Provincial Assemblies met above."
Also, see p. 112.

SS7

NOTES TO TEXT

the toast. Colonel Dayton himself writes, from Fort Stanwix
{as shown by what is endorsed " [N] Coppy Sent Ab? Clark July
zo"" ") : " Friday 13"* Instant I marched from the German Flats
for this place where I arived safe the 16'* ... I left at the
Flats . , . your good frind the Parson & Cap! Bloomfield with
his company . . . Major Barber is worth his weight in gold to
this Continent — Officers & men here seem pleased with the
declaration of Independency for my part I must confess I should
have rejoiced at a reconsilation with our old friends & brothers
upon honourable terms for many reasons — "

" Sec p. 193.

" The editions of Biography ofihe Signers to the Deelarattan af
Independence which we have examined do not contain all of the
extract here given. It Is taken from The Delaware Register
(PH) for February, 1838.

* We have been unable to find anyother mention of sucha letter.

We know, however, that Hancod, on the 5th, enclosed to
Haslet a copy of the Declaration, which, he said, "you will
please to have read at the head of your battalion."

*" There is among the Washington papers (formerly in the
Department of State) now in the Library of Congress a broad-
side printed by Dunlap under the order of Congress.

" See note 12, lupra.

^ For what took place in the Convention — at White Plains —
on this day, see p. 185.

^ Hancock, as the text shows (Also, see note 40, tfpra),
sent to Washington '* the enclosed Declaration ". Where these
"several of the Declarations" came from, therefore and in view
of (See note 50, pott) the dates of the printing of the Declaration
by The Ntiu-Tork "Journal^ etc., and by The Ntvj-Yerh Gaxttte^
etc., we do not know. (Indeed, Washington, on the 9th, sent
a copy to the General Court of Massachusetts and another to
General Ward.) Of course, however, Waihingtoa \
559

NOTES TO TEXT

rest of the paper and fix it up^ in open view, in their Houses^ as a
mark of their approbation of the INDEPENDENT SPIRIT of
their Representatives ^

(The " July 9*** " endorsed on the copy, printed by Holt, in
the New York State Library does not prove, we think, that it
was printed by July gth or that it is not one of these — especially
in view of the " N° 29 ". See note 24, chapter VIII.)

The Declaration appears also in The New^Tork Gazette^ etc.,
(NY and Rid) of July isth.

(Also, see note 68, post.^

*^ General Howe heard on the 8th of the action of Congress,
and that by a newspaper — doubtless The Pennsylvania Evening
Post (C and N) — of the 6th.

^ Taken from The Virginia Gazette (C) of July 26th. See
also The Pennsylvania Evening Post (A and N) of July 13th ; Dun-
lap's^ etc., (N) and The New-Tor k Gazette^ etc., (NY and
Rid) of the iSth; The Pennsylvania Gazette (N) of the 17th;
The New-England Chronicle (C and MsS) of the l8th; The
Essex Journal^ etc., (C) of the 19th ; The Boston-Gazette^ etc.,
(C) of the 2 2d ; The American Gazette^ etc., (Ex) of the 23d ;
and The Maryland Gazette (Ann) of the 25th.

^ An " Extract of a Letter from a Gentleman in New York,
to his Friend in this Town, dated July 10, 1776", as given in
The Maryland Journal^ etc., (Ba) of July 17th, says: "Last
Evening it [the Declaration] was read to the Army here, and
three Cheers proclaimed the Joy of every Heart in the Camp,
and this Morning the IMAGE of the BEAST was thrown down,
and his HEAD severed from his Body . . ."

** John Adams, in his Diary., says : ** [J] Between the fort
and the city is a beautiful ellipsis of land railed in with solid
iron, in the centre of which is a statue of his majesty on horse-
back, very large, of solid lead gilded with gold, standing on a
pedestal of marble, very high."
36 561

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Lossing writes : " [H] It was the workman-ship of Wilton,
then a celebrated statuaiy of London, and was the first equestrian
statue of his majesty yet erected. It was placed upon its pedestal,
in the center of the Bowling Green, on the twenty-first of August,
1770." " [H] Mr. Greene described the statue to me as of llie
natural size, both horse and man. The horse was poised upon
his hinder legs. The king had a crown upon his head; his right
band held the bridle-reins, the left rested upon the handle of a
I iword. The artist omitted stirrups."

W Washington, as shown by his ordtri, ordered on the lOth:
"[S] 'Tho the General doubts not the persons, who pulled
down and mutilated the Statue, in the Broadway, last night, were
actuated by Zeal in the public cause ; yet it has so much the
appearance of riot and want of order, in the Army, that he dis-
approves (he manner and directs that in future these things shall
be avoided by the Soidiery, and left to be executed by proper
authority."

** Ebenezer Hazard also, writing from New York to Gates
on the 1 2th, says: "|NY] Enclosed is the Congress's Declara-
tion of Independence [See notes 43 and 50, supra] . . . The
King of England's . . . Statue here has been pulled down to
make Musket Ball of, so that his troops will probably have
melted Majesty fired at thetn." In the same vein writes
Whipple, from Philadelphia, on the 16th : ". . . the leaden
King in the Bowling-Green was dismounted, and is by this time
cast into bullets for the destruction of his tools of tyranny. May
every one of them be properly commissioned . . ."

Wolcott (See p. 211) writes: «[MsS] ... the Statue was
broken in pieces and the metal transported to Litchfield as a
place of safely. The Ladies of this Village converted the lead
into Cartridgts for the Army, of which the preceding is an
Account." The " preceding " is as follows ;
S6a

NOTES TO TEXT

Mrs. Marvin,

[MsS] Cartridges.
6.058

Ruth Marvin,

11.592

Laura,
Mary Ann,
Frederic,
Mrs. Beach,

8.378
10.790

936
1.802

Made by sundry Persons,
Gave Litchfield Militia on

Alarm,

2.182

Let the Regiment of Col.

Wigglesworth

have

300

Cartridges, No.

42.088

Not all, however, of the statue was *' converted . . . into
Cartridges " ; for the following (copied especially for the author,
by courtesy, from the files in their office in New York City)
appears in the Telegram of June 16, 1883: "Mr. Jacob B.
Moore, the well known historical writer and librarian of the
New York Historical Society, said to-day to a TELEGRAM
reporter / . . ^. . . The stone slab upon which the statue
rested was taken to Powles Hook in 1783. It subsequently
served as a memorial stone for the grave of Major John Smith,
of the Forty-second Highlanders, and later as a doorstep for the
residence of Mr. Cornelius Van Vorst, in Jersey City. It is
now in possession of the New York Historical Society. Several
large fragments of the statue — comprising the tail of the horse,
part of the saddle, &c., which were recovered at Wilton, Conn.,
in 187 1 — are also in the society's possession. The white
marble pedestal (fifteen feet in height) was removed from the
Green in Mav, 1818.'"

A similar statement was made to us by Robert H. Kelby, the
present Librarian of the Society ; and we ourselves have seen in
the Society what is thus stated to be the ^^ stone slab upon which
the statue rested ".

Indeed, the " Journals of Col. James Montresor " (See Collec-

563

NOTES TO TEXT

longer sufFerable, and being without the most distant prospect
of relief, they have asserted the claims of the colonies to the
rights of humanity, absolved them from all allegiance to the
British crown, and declared them Free and Independent States.
In obedience to their order, the same must be proclaimed through-
out the northern Army." Schuyler, then at " German-Flatts ",
transmitted it to Gates.

^ Taken from The Pennsylvania Evening Post (C) of August
15th. See also The New-Tork Journal^ etc., (C) and The
New York Packet and the American Advertiser (C) of the same
date ; and Dunlafs^ etc., (N) of the 20th.

® See p. 187.

^ This resolution, as seen (See p. 186), was passed on Tues-
day, the 9th. The New York City Committee took its action
one week later. It resolved " That at twelve o'clock, on Thurs-
day, at the City-Hall, in this city, the aforesaid Declaration he
published ; when and where it is hoped every true friend to the
rights and liberties of this country will not fail to attend."

•* Taken from The New-Tork Journal^ etc., (C) of July 15th.
See also The Pennsylvania Evening Post (A and C) of July 23d 5
The Pennsylvania Gazette (C and N) and The Pennsylvania
Journal^ etc., (C) of the 24th; The Virginia Gazette (C) of
the 26th ; Dunlafs^ etc., (C and N) of the 29th ; and The
Maryland Gazette (Ann) of August ist.

* Lossing says that this was at the head of Broad Street.

^ The Diary of the Moravian Congregation (Sec The Penn^
syhania Magazine of History and Biography^ 1, 139) says : ** Thurs-
day 1 8th, was the day appointed when Independence was to be
declared in the City Hall here ; which was done about noon ;
and the Coat of Arms of the King was burnt. An unpleasant
and heavy feeling prevailed."

^ Rev. Charles Inglis writes to Rev. Dr. Hind, October 31SC
(Sec The Documintary History of the State of New^Tork by

NOTES TO TEXT

assembled . . . New York: Printed by Hugh Gaine in Han-
over Square. The name Elias Darling is endorsed in a con-
temporary hand. The dimensions of the broadside are 19^
inches X 11, but the left side has been slightly cut down for
binding."

» Taken from The New^rork Journal^ etc., (C) of August 8th.

^® Also, see note 56, supra,

7^ This and the following quotation are taken from The Penn^
sylvania Gazette (C) of July 24th. See also The Connecticut
Courant^ etc., (C) of the iSth; The Boston^Gazettey etc., (C)
of the 2 2d ; The Pennsylvania Evening Post (C) of the 23d ;
The NeW'England Chronicle (MsS) of the 25th; The Connecticut
Gazette^ etc., (N) and The Essex Journal^ etc., (C) of the 26th ;
The Pennsylvania Ledger^ etc., (C) of the 27th ; The Maryland
Gazette (Ann) of August ist; and The Freeman* s Journal^ etc.,
(Con) of August 3d.

'^ Joseph Trumbull.

78 Williams.

7* The Declaration appears in The Connecticut Gazette^ etc.,
(Ha, N and NY) — published at New London — of this date
and in The Connecticut Courant^ etc., (C and Ha) — published at
Hartford — of the isth.

76 Whether the Governor personally^ after discussion, was of
this mind is not known ; but, certainly at first, he thought other-
wise, for, in his reply (dated the 13th) to the letter of Hancock
of the 6th, he says : " I shall have . . . [the Declaration] pro-
claimed in the Colony in such a manner that the people may be
universally informed of it."

7^ Taken from The Connecticut Courant^ etc., (C) of July
29th. See also The New-England Chronicle (MsS) of August 2d.

77 Taken from The Pennsylvania Evening Post (C) of August
1st. See also The Boston-Gazette^ etc., (C) of July 29th and
The New-Tork Journal^ etc., (C and Rid) of August 8th.

567

NOTES TO TEXT

read in Massachusetts was in this town. The express, on his
way to Boston, furnished Isaiah Thomas, esq. with a copy for
publication in this paper, of which he was at that time the
publisher. The news of its receipt soon spread throughout the
town, and a large concourse of people collected, all anxious to
see or hear so extraordinary a document. To gratify their
curiosity, Mr. Thomas ascended the portico of the south meet-
ing house, (then the only one in town), and read it to those who
were assembled. Half a century has since passed away . . •
Mr. Thomas still lives . . . and yesterday joined in the celebra-
tion of independence in the same house from which he read the
declaration fifty years ago. [fVorcester (Mass.) Spy J*

See note 8i, supra.

®* A star now marks the spot. See The Bulletin (See note 83, supra).

®* The Declaration appears in The American Gazette^ etc. ^ (Ex)
of this date ; in The Massachusetts Spy^ etc., (Bos) of the 17th; in
The New^England Chronicle (Bos, C, MsS and PH) — headed:
"Grand Council of America" — of the i8th; in The Essex Jour^
naly etc., (C) of the 19th; and in The Boston^Gazette^ etc.,
(C and Ms) of the 2 2d.

^ Taken from a copy of the Declaration printed (by E.
Russell) in accordance therewith. See note 87, post,

^ There is a copy of this broadside in the collection of Dr.
Thomas Addis Emmet now in the New York Public Library
(Lenox), a second in the Massachusetts Historical Society, in
Boston, and a third in The Essex Institute, in Salem.

The Lenox-copy begins as follows: " • ' =

569

NOTES TO TEXT

table, and they expect that you will take proper care that they
be distributed through this State as soon as may be, that every
tovirn may have them publickly read in each religious assembly."

It seems probable^ therefore, that there were at least four
broadsides printed in Massachusetts before this official copy was
distributed; for there is a broadside in the American Antiqua-
rian Society at Worcester (See note 99, post\ without a printer's
imprint, two copies of another in The Essex Institute, also with-
out a printer's imprint, another in the Massachusetts Historical
Society (and in The Essex Institute), also without a print-
er's imprint, and yet another in the Massachusetts Historical
Society (and in the Boston ian Society in the Old State House
in Boston), which bears the following: "AMERICA: Boston,
Printed by JOHN GILL, and POWARS and WILLIS, in
Queen-Street."

The third (For facsimile^ see A popular History of the United
States^ etc., by William Cullen Bryant and Sydney Howard Gay,
vol. 3, facing p. 482) begins: " In CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.
I A DECLARATION | By the REPRESENTATIVES of the
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,] In GENERAL CON-
GRESS assembled." The body of the instrument is in two
columns, with the usual printed signatures, etc., of Hancock and
Thomson (except that the latter's name is spelled with a "^")
at the bottom of the second column. (The copy in The Essex
Institute is endorsed, in the handwriting of Timothy Pickering :

S7X

NOTES TO TEXT

Journal^ etc., (Con) of the 27th ; The Conmcticut Gazitte^ etc.,
(N) of August 2d ; The Pennsylvania Evening Pbst (A and C)
of August 3d; The New-York Journal^ etc., (C and Rid) of
August 8tb; and The Maryland Gazette (Ann) of August isth.

« -* 93 In the copy of The New-England Chronicle (that of
July 25th) in the State Library in Boston which contains this
account, this word is erased and ^^ State " substituted ; and, from
the ink, this would appear to have been done by someone at the
time.

•* Taken from The Memorial History of Boston^ etc., edited
by Justin Winsor (1881).

* Taken from The New-Tor k 'Journal^ etc., (C and Rid)
of August 8th. See also The Boston-Gazette^ etc., (C) of
July 22d ; and The New-England Chronicle (MsS) of the 2Sth.

^ Taken from The New-England Chronicle (Bos and MsS)
of August 2d. See also The Massachusetts Spy, etc., (T) of
July 24th.

^ Dalton was doubtless present : see p. 224.

^ Taken from The Essex ^ournal^ etc., (C) of August 9th,

* In the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester is a
broadside of the Declaration (the printer of which is unknown)
which, according to an accompanying letter from Simon Green-
leaf, dated Portland, December 28, 1822, it "[TJone of the
original hand-bills ... It was posted up in Newburyport — and
afterwards preserved by my grandfather the late Hon. Jonathan
Greenleaf, who gave it to me — The error in the spelling of
Mr -Hancock's name [Hacock] shews the great haste to an-
nounce that great event — " It is headed: " ■ -■-■•

July 4 i776|DE==TION,|By the REPRESENTA-
TIVES of the I UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, | in GEN-
ERAL CONGRESS AJfembledr The body of the instrument
is in two columns, with the printed signatures, etc., at the end
of the second column. These are at follows: ^Signed by

573

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

Order and in Behalf of tbt &«^r«/, | JOHN HACOCK
President." and «./»«/ 1 CHARLES THOMPSON Secretary."

'"» See note 115, chapter IX.

^"^ Taken from Dunlap's, etc., (N) of Aogust Jth. Sec zlso
Thi freeman's Journal, etc., (Con) of July 20th.

"« See p. 221.

"« The Declaration appears in Thi Fretman't Journal^ etc.,
(Con) published in Portsmouth of the 20th.

^^ Taken from The Bomn-Gazetu, etc., (C) of August I2th.

'<* The Declaration had already appeared in ihe newspapers of
Baltimore — in Dunlap's Maryland GazelU, etc., (Ba) of the 9th
and in Thr Maryland Journal^ cic, (Ba) of the lOth. The latter
paper — which,as we have seen (See p. 69) (See also note 108,
;«i/), evidently favored independence — headed the Declaration
follows; "The Thincen UNITED STATES Of America,
Have declared Intlependency[.] " It would seem that it bad
appeared also in Tht Maryland Gaxette, published in Annapoli^'
of the iilhi for Scharf so states and this number is missing from'l
the liles in the State Library in that city.

Jw See p. 240.

This letter (or the one of similar date to Vitginia) is now
the possession of George C. Thomas of Philadelphia.

"^ At a meeting of the Committee of Baltimore, July 30tb,
"The Chairman [William Lux] being informed by Mr. Robert
Christie, Sheriff of this County, that he had reason to be appre-
hensive of violence being offered to him, the said Sheriff, on
account of his not attending to read the Declaration of Independ-
ence on Monday last, agreeable to the desire of the Committee;
and that from these apprehensions, he would be under the dis-
agreeable necessity of retiring to the country, and withdrawing
himself from the puhlick service; whereupon, Resolved, That
the Committee do declare their utter disapprobation of all threats
and violence . . ."

574

18,
lailH

NOTES TO TEXT

The Mtnyland Jaumal, etc., (Ba) of July 3ISC displays thi*
extract from the minutes of the Committee directly above itt
account (See note loS, post) of the proceedings.

^ Dunlap'i^ etc., (NXof August 5th, says that the Declaratioa
was proclaimed ■* at the Court House to a numerous and respect-
able body of Militia and the company of Artillery, and other
principal inhabitants of this town [Baltimore] and county, which
was received with general applause and heart felt satisfaction :
And at night the town was illuminated, and, at the same time,
the Effigy of our late King was carted through the town and
committed to the flames amidst the accbmations of many hun-
dreds.—The just reward of a Tyrant,"

See also Duniafs Maryland Gai-eile, etc., (Ba) of July 30th.

Thi Nnu-Tori ynurnal, etc., (C) of August 8th, copying from
The Maryland 'Journal^ etc., (Ba) of July 31st, says: ". . . at
1 2 o'clock, the Declaration of Independency was proclaimed at
the Court-House in this town [Baltimore], at the head of the
Independent and Artillery Companies, and the several Companies
of Militia, to the great joy and satisfaction of the audience, with
a discharge of cannon, &c. and universal acclamations for the
prosperity of the Free United States — In the evening the effigy,
representing the ICing of Great Britain, was carried through the
town, to the no small mirth of the numerous spectators, after-
wards thrown into the fire made for that purpose. Thus may it
fare with all Tyrants." See note 107, supra,

"* This body had adjourned, July 6th.

"" Speaking of the elections for this Convention, the Council
of Safety — in a letter to the Delegates, dated Annapolis,
August 9th — say: "[Md] We shall say nothing particular
about the elections more than what relates to yourselves, S. Chase
is in for Ann', Wm. P[aca]. & Carrollton Carroll for Annapolis,
T. j[ohnson]. & T. Stone are left out, and there is a very great
change in the members in all Counties, according to the inteU
575

o the inteU -^^H

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

ligence wc have." In a. similar vein, though mistaken as to the
Icaving-out of Guldsborough and Tilghman, writes R. H. Lee
(then at Belle View, on his way to Philadelphia), in a letter to
Henry, dated August 20th-. " [Q] I learn from Maryland that
the counties have excluded from their new Convention, all those
that have been famuus for Moderation, as it is strangely called,
and under this idea, that Johnson, Gouldsborough, Scone, and
Tilghman are left out, with the new delegates to Congress,
Alexander and Rodgers." (We think the omission of Alexander
must have been on other grounds: see note 51, chapter IX. As
to Stone, see p. 69.)

'" Pendleton writes to Jefferson from " Caroline ", July 29th:
" [S] The Gov* [Henry] has been III ever since his appointment,
is on the recovery, & was I hear on Saturday last to go to
Hanover to perfect his health."

•^'^ For Page's letter of the same date to JeiFerson, see p. 224.

"3 Taken from The yirginla Gazetu (C) of July z6tli. (Sec
note 1 14, post.)

^^* An abstract of the Declaration appears in The Firginia
Ga-iHU (C) of July 19th. It appears in full — headed by the
above order — in the same paper (C) of the 26th.

"^ This and the following quotation arc taken from Tht
Virginia Ga-z.ettt (C) of July 26th. See also The Pinnsylvanta
Evening Post (C) of August 6th; The Pennsylvania Ga'zttte
(N) of August 7th J and The New-Tori Jeurna/, etc., (C) of
August 15th.

^1^ This and the following quotatfon are taken from The
Virginia Gazette (C) of August loth.

"^ See note 51, chapter IX.

"» Sherill (See note 9, chapter II) writes us, under date of
January 10, 1902, that there are no broadsides of the Declaration
to be found in North Carolina.

"' Taken from J Defence., etc., by Jones. He says : " I rc-
576

I^OTES TO TEXT

ceived the account of this ceremony from a pious and elderly
lady, who was present on the occasion, and whose friendship
and acquaintance I esteem the more, because it descended to
me as an inheritance."

Sherill says (also) thai there seem to be no newspapers on file in
the Library Department containing any copy of the Declaration
or any accounts of proceedings in celebration of it.

'*> This quotation is taken from Traditioniy etc., by Johnson,
See, however, note 122, past.

1^ Nela M. Davis of Charleston writes us, under date
of January tz, 1902: **. . . there are no broadsides of the
Declaration in the Charleston Library. I looked carefully &
was also informed by the Librarian that there were none. I also
enquired of the Sec. of the * South Carolina Historical Society *
if anything, pertaining to the subject matter of your inquiry,
could be found in his Library, or among his papers, but he
had nothing."

"* The following : " We have just received Accounts, That
the General Congress on July 4th. declared these United Colo-
nies to be FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES — "
appears in Thr South Carolina and American General Gazette
(Ch), published in Charleston, of August 2d. As the next pre-
vious issue seems to have been May 31st, however, this statement
may not be in conflict with Johnson's. Moreover, the state-
ment as found in Drayton (See note 127, post) would seem
merely to have been drawn from this newspaper. Both Johnson
and Drayton may, however, be correct, if an express separate
from the one sent by the Delegates was sent by Congress.

^^ As if almost fearful of making the announcement and cer-
tainly, we think, doubtful of its reception, the Delegates preceded
this paragraph by a long paragraph treating of certain resolutions
of Congress respecting the forces of the Colony,
37 577

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE '

'^ Curiously enough, this was the very day the Declaration
was submitted to Congress by the committee.

'^ Henry Laurens (See note 94., chapter III), when in prison
in the Tower in London, described (See ColUctiartt if the Seuth-
Caralina Historical Society) his feelings on the occasion thus :
"When inicliigcncc of that event reached Charles Town, where
I was, and that I was called upon 10 join in a procession for
promulgating the declaration. I happened to be in mourning,
and in that garb * I attended the solemn, and as I felt it, awful
renunciation of an union, which I had at the hazard of my life
and reputation most ardently strove to conserve and support.
In truth, I wept that day as I had done for the melancholy
catastrophe, which caused me to put on blaclc clothes — the
death of a son, and felt much more pain. I thought, and openly
declared, that in my private opinion Congress bad been too hasty
in shutting the door against reconciliation, but 1 did not know
at chat moment that Great Britain had first drawn the line of
separation by the act of parliament, which threw the resisting
colonies out of her protection, and forced them into a state of
independence f ■ ■ ■ I wept and felt deeply for the calamities,
which in a moment, I foresaw and predicted would befall both
countries, and which have since come to pass; these arc not
pretences of the present date made in the Tower. All my letters
to Mr. Oswald, to Mr. Manning, to my brother, to my sons,
and to my eldest daughter, in 1775 and 1776 will corroborate
my present assertions. When I was informed of the line of
separation above alluded to, I perceived the ground on which
Congress had founded their declaration, and submitted to the
unavoidable act ... J must nevertheless confess, if I had been
president or member [of Congress], and had known of the above
mentioned act of parliament, I should have given my vote for
the declaration of independency, for independent the colonics
were, to all intents and purposes, the moment Great Briuin
578

NOTES TO TEXT

declared them to be out of her protection • . . But understand
me. I say, I should have given my vote for the declaration of
independence from the necessity of the case, not from an opin-
ion, that the people of America would be happier than they had
been under the ancient connexion with Great Britain ; a con-
tinuance of that connexion [was] the wish of my heirt, as it
would have been a continuance of the glory and happiness of
both countries."

^ * My attendance upon that occasion in deep mourning, was
much remarked, and gave great offence to some of the people/*
^ f I have been assured there was great resistance in Congress
against independence, and that the declaration would not have
found a sufficient number of advocates, if that act of Parliament
had not given a turn to the mind of every man in opposition/'

t
A letter from him dated Charleston, March 24, 1776, to
Lachlan Mcintosh, says : ^^ [Cs] the Intelligence we received
yesterday from Philadelphia added to the late Act of Parliament
which came through your Town, puts all possibility of reconcili-
ation with Great Britain upon terms formerly proposed, aside —
yet I feel myself lighter I think better terms are not far distant

— but I feel nevertheless & I grieve for England her glory and
her honour are eclipsed her power will sink — I grieve for her as
for the loss of an old & much loved friend — in a word I see
the time advancing very fast when the declaration which I have
oft made to Men of consequence in that Island & perhaps oft in
your hearing, will be accomplished — her Conquest be her defeat

— possibly worse if her ancient Rival should interpose in earnest,
she may suffer nothing but defeat — " (For another portion of
this letter, see note 96, chapter III.)

A letter from the same place to John Laurens dated March
28th (1776) says: ^^[Hs] The Constitution [See p. 88J was

579

NOTES TO TEXT

based upon the independence of South Carolina, ttadng that be
deemed reconciliation with Great Britain just at diiirabU m in
1776.

^ Considerable light is thrown upon the situation in South
Carolina by Thi Hlttorj of South Carelitta in tht Rtvolutien \>y
Edward Mc Crady.

W> Taken from Tht Peniuyhama Gazetlt (N) of October
9th. See also Tht Eiiex Jcumal, etc., {C) of November 8th.

«> Taken from Tht History of Gtorgia by Charlei C. Jonet,
J'.

CHAPTER XII
* Taken from Tht Ptnnsylvania Gaitttt (N) of July 9, 1777.

CHAPTER XIII

' Tlic Declaration (Sec facing p. 284) thus printed bears the
same beading (though the lining is different^ as the Declara-
tion on parchment: "In CONGRESS, July 4, 1776. | THE
UNANIMOUS I DECLARATION | of the | Thirteen United
States of AMERICA." The body of it is in two broad
columns, beneath which, in the center of the page, is : " John
Hancock." Then come, in four columns, the names of the
other signers (except MiKean) — grouped by brackets and
headed respectively by the name of the Colony which they
represented. Georgia, North and South Carolina and Maryland
are tn the first ; Vir^nia and Pennsylvania in the second ;
Delaware, New York, New Jersey and New Hampshire in the
third ; and Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut in the
last. These are followed by the order given in the text,
headed: >* In CONGRESS, January iS, 177;." and ending:
581

NOTES TO TEXT

' Of course, the Declaration on parchment may have been
left in Philadelphia ; though this, or that an ^^ authenticated "
copy would have been ordered by Congress under such circum-
stances, seems hardly possible.

• In 1 79 1, this was at No. 307 High Street.
^ See p. 194.

• See note i, chapter IX.

• See note 2, chapter IX.

7 It is said that a small ^^ packet sloop " brought all of the
possessions of the infant Republic.

8 See The Pictorial Field Book of the War of 1S12.

Also, see " When Dolly Madison saved the Declaration of
Independence " by Clifford Howard in the Ladies^ Home Journal
for July, 1897.

Paul Jennings, the colored body-servant of Madison at the time,
in A Colored Man's Reminiscences of James Madison (1865), says :
^^ It has often been stated in print, that when Mrs. Madison es-
caped from the White House, she cut out from the frame the
large portrait of Washington (now in one of the parlors there), and
carried it off. This is totally false. She had no time for doing
it. It would have required a ladder to get it down. All she car-
ried off was the silver in her reticule, as the British were thought
to be but a few squares off, and were expected every moment."

• Taken from A Sketch of The Events which preceded the
Capture of Washington by the British by Edward D. Ingraham,
published at Philadelphia in 1849.

^^ Whether or not this note is in existence, we do not know ;
but see note 11, post,

" In a report, dated October 17, 18 14, he says: "[D] In the
afternoon of the 23d [of August] I returned to Washington, and
during the night of that day the President transmitted to me the
letter, of which that which follows is a copy : * . • . [Signed]
James Monroe. Tuesday [the 23d], 9 o'clock. You had

583

NOTES TO TEXT

The letter of transmittal to JefFerson — headed : ** [S] Depart-
ment of State Washington 24 June 1824/' and signed by John
Quincy Adams — reads as follows: ^^In pursuance of a joint
Resolution, of the two Houses of Congress, a copy of which is
hereto annexed, and by direction of the President of the United
States, I have the honour of transmitting to you two fac simile
copies of the Declaration of Independence, engrossed on parch-
ment . . . Of this Document, unparalleled in the annals of Man-
kind, the original deposited in this Department exhibits your
name as one of the Subscribers — The rolls herewith transmitted
are copies as exact as the art of engraving can present of the In-
strument itself, as well as of the signatures to it. While per-
forming the duty thus assigned to me, permit me to felicitate you
and the Country which is reaping the reward of your labours, as
well that your hand was affixed to this record of glory, as that
after the lapse of near half a century, you survive to receive this
tribute of reverence and gratitude from your children, the present
Others of the Land/'

Jefferson (as shown by what is evidently the original draft
formerly in the Department of State and now in the Library of
Congress) answers him from Monticello, July i8th: ^^I have
received the two copies of the fac simile of the Declii of Indepdce
which you have been so kind as to send me under a resolii of
Congress, with due sense of respect for this mark of attention to
myself I contemplate with pleasure the evidence afforded of rev-
erence for that instrument, and view in it a pledge of adhesion
to it's principles, and of a sacred determination to maintain and
perpetuate them."

JefFerson and Adams both died on July 4, 1826.

JefFerson wrote (See The Writings of Thomas Jefferson by H.
A. Washington) on June 24th to Mayor Roger C. Weightman :
^The kind invitation I receive from you, on the part of the

585

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

citizens of the city of Washington, to be present with them at
their celebration on the fiftieth anniversary of American inde-
pendence, as one of the surviving signers of an instrument preg-
nant with our own, and the fate of the world, is most Hattenng
to myself, and heightened by the honorable accompaniment pro-
posed for the comfort of such a journey. It adds sensibly to the
sufferings of sicicness, to be deprived by it of a personal participa-
tion in the rejoicings of that day. But acquiescence is a duty,
under circumstances not placed among those we are permitted
to control. I should, indeed, with peculiar delight, have met
and exchanged there congratulations personally with the small
band, the remnant of that host of worthies who joined with us
on that day, in the bold and doubtful election we were to make
for our country, between submission or the sword ) and to have
enjoyed with them the consolatory fact, that our fellow citizens,
after half a century of experience and prosperity, continue to
approve the choice we made. May it be to the world, what I
believe it will be, (to some parts sooner, to others later, but
finally to all) the signal of arousing men to burst the chains
under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded
ihem to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security
of self-government. That form which we have substituted, re-
stores the free right to the unbounded exercise of reason and
freedom of opinion. All eyes are open, or opening, to the rights
of man. The general spread of the light of science has already
laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of man-
kind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored
few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the
grace of God, These are grounds of hope for others. For our-
selves, let the annual return of this day forever refresh our recol-
lections of these rights, and an undiminished devotion to them."
Adams replied to a similar invitation from New York City:
" [J] No' these United States alone, but a mighty continent, the
586

NOTES TO TEXT

last discovered, but the largest quarter of the globe, is destined
to date the period of its birth and emancipation from the 4th
of July, 1776."

Following their deaths, Charles Carroll of Carrollton writes
(July 19, 1826) from Doughoregan, to Charles H. Wharton:
^^ Though I disapproved of Mr Jefferson's administration, & was
dissatisfied with a part of M! Adam's both unquestionably greatly
contributed to the Independence of this country : their services
should be remembered, and their errors forgotten and forgiven.
This evening, I am going to Baltimore to attend tomorrow the
procession & ceremonies to be paid to the memories of those
praised & dispraised Presidents ... I was not in Congress when
the vote of Indepence was taken as soon as I took my seat
I signed that important declaration which has thus far procfuced,
& I hope will perpetuate the happiness of these States — "
(Taken from the facsimile in the collection of Theodore Bailey
Myers now in the New York Public Library, Lenox, which
states that the original is in the possession of R. C. Davis of
Philadelphia.)

(Nilis* ff^eekly Register^ C and N, of August 5, 1826, contains
the oration of General Samuel Smith in the Park at Baltimore on
July 20th, and states that he said : ^^ It [the Declaration] passed
congress on the 4th July, 1776, and was signed immediately by
all present, and being spread upon the table was signed by such
as had been absent, as they took their seats in the house • • •
And on the 4th of July, 1776, he [Carroll] was elected to con-
gress. He took his seat on the 18th — and immediately signed
the Declaration of Independence.")

Carroll lived until 1832. On May 23, 1828, Congress
granted to him — " [D^] the only surviving signer of the Declara-
tion of Independence" — the privilege of the frank. A like
privilege had been given to Adams, February 25, 1801, and to
Jefferson, June 28, 1809.

587

Notes to Appendix

^ See note 12, chapter IV $ note 5, chapter VII j and p. 197.

* See note 15, post,

* This erasure was made evidently at the time of writing. The copy of
the notes sent to Madison in 1783 saysi "... the proposition . . .**

^ These corrections were made evidently at the time of writing. The
copy of the notis sent to Madison in 1783 reads as follows 1 "they proceeded
to take it into . . . which they immediately . . .**

* The line (in the original MS., three lines) through the "&'% the "^"
and «& South Carolina *\ as well as the line (in the original MS., four lines)
through "off", are, we think, in different ink than the body of the »«/// —
the ink of the line through «off** looking darker but not (and, strangely
enough, also that of the line through «&*\ we think) quite as black, we
think, as that of ««& South Carolina" and of the "/*. The copy of the
notes sent to Madison in 1 783 reads as follows :<*... Delaware ic Maryland
were not yet matured for billing from the parent stem . . .** Jefferson*!
letter of August 29, 1787, to the editor of the Journal of Paris says : ** [P]
it appeared in the course of the debates that 7. [This is written over what
seems to be an 8 but which is perhaps a 6] states, viz N. Hampshire, Massa-
chusets, Rhodeisland, Connecticut, Virginia, North Carolina & Georgia were
decided for a separation, but that 6. others still hesitated, to wit. New York,
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland & South Carolina. Con-
gress, desirous of unanimity, & seeing that the public mind was advancing
rapidly to it, referred the further discussion to the i^ oi July . . .** This
portion of the copy of the notes za embodied in his letter of May 12, 18 19, to
Wells may be found at p. 197. The words «had not yet advanced to**
were erased evidently at the time of writing.

* These corrections were made evidently at the time of writing. The
copy of the notes sent to Madison in 1783 says i <<. . . to do it. it . . .**

^ This and all the following marginal notes (except those in the Declan-
tion proper) are in black ink, the same, we think, as the ink of **Sc Sooth
Carolina** (See note 5, supra) ; and there are no tuch marginal notes in the
copy of the notes sent to Madison in 1783.

S9»

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE <

• This erasure was mule evidently at the time of writing. The copy of
ihe ttolit sent to Madison in 17E3 says 1 '■. . . which wu . . ,"

• The "^"' anJ "Edward" are, we think, in different (yel brown) ink
than the body of the aelii, seeming to be of the tame color ai (though per-
haps slightly darker than) ihai of the copy of the notti sent to Madison in
178J. This copy reads as follows; " lii't Ruilcge . . ," AUo.seep. 198,

'*> This correction was made evidently al tlie time of writing. The copy
of the WHS sent to Madison in 178] reads as follows 1 ■'. . . then requeued
the . . .■•

" This erasure was made evidently at the time of writing- The word)
do not appear in the copy of the ntUi sent to Madison in 1783.

" This interlineation was made evidently at the lime of writing. Thi
copy of the nolti sent to Madison in 178} reads as follows: ". . . when
it was again moved & S. Carolina . . ."

" This """ is in black ink, and is not in the copy of the nam sent
to Madison in 17S3. Indeed, see p. 19S.

'* The copy of the hoUi sent to Madison in 17S} reads as follows 1
". . . h, 4 thus supplied . . ." The corrections in the netei look, how-
ever, darker than the body of the nota and even than this copy. The lint
(in the original MS., a scroll) through '• by their vote to" ii quite black,
and so are also the last three letters (which are written over a ^) of ■■ supplied" j
" and thus " and the "/' do not seem so black.

^* Thrnugh thi tvord " la " (which is near the middle of the sixth line on
page 7), the nolit (except where we have othcrwii.e indicated by noiej)
are in a reddish-brown ink. 'thtnct through tht Dtdaration (except where
we will similarly indicate), the ink looks darker — darker than the ink uf the
copy of the *«'» sent to Madison in 17S] (but not black like that of "&
South Carolina", see note s, supra). Part way through the Declaration,
as we have seen (See note 47, chapter VJI), however, the ink seems again lo
change (but only slightly) \ while the portion of the natts faUfimng the Dec-
laration ate of almost the same color (See note J5, fasi) as the portion
preceding this word " to ". We are not prepared to say what this indicates.
It may be simply that the natii were vrritteo at four (or perhaps three)
sittings, bicaust af tht length, and that no great space of time intervened.
On the other hand, in a letter of June j, 17S3, to Madison, enclosing the
copy of the natri made for him, Jefferson, as we shall see (See p. 351),
says : "as you were desirous of having a copy of the original of the dec-
laration of Independance I have inserted it at full length distinguishing
the alterations it underwent", which might be understood to mean that the
Dedarauon was •' initritd" at that lime. This, however, stems scarcely
possible when we consider the continuity of the nalti and the paging. Abo,
■ee notes ji, 3a and 33, past.

S9»

NOTES TO APPENDIX

^* This interlineation was made evidently at the time of writing. The
eop7 of the nous sent to Madbon in 1783 reads as follows: **, . . pre-
ceding, and on Monday referred to a cominee of the whole, the . • .**

^f The copy of the notes sent to Madison in 1783 reads as follows:
««. . . compkisance to S. Carolina . . ." The **^\ ««with" and the
line crossing out ** with** and the line (in the original MS., two lines) cross-
ing out <<to** are in blacker ink (seemingly of the same color as that of
**ic South Carolina**, see note 5, supra) tlian that of the surrounding
portion of the noUs, Jefferson evidently changed his mind about the advisa*
bility of the correction after making it.

^ This erasure was made probably at the time of writing. The copy
of the noUs sent to Madison in 1783 says t «. . . tender under . . •**

>* We think that here Jefferson intended to have a period, a colon, a
semicolon or at least a comma.

Indeed, this portion of the noUs in the copy sent to Madison in 1783
reads as follows t '< the debates having taken up the greater parts of the
a^ 3^ ic 4?^ days of July, were, in the evening of the last, closed j the
declaration was reported by the commee, agreed to by the house, ic signed
by every member except ^ Dickinson, as the sentiments of men are known
not only by what they receive, but what they reject also, I will state the
form of the declaration as originally reported, the parts struck out by
Congress shall be distinguished by a black line drawn under them \ & those
inserted by them shall be placed in the margin or in a concurrent column.**

This portion of Jefferson* s letter of 1787 to the editor of the Journal of
Paris is given in note ao, posL

We have already seen (See p. 199) that there is a colon here in the notes
as copied in the letter of 1819 to Wells.

* This is in slightly darker ink (but, we think, not quite so dark as that
of <<& South Carolina**, see note 5, supra) than that of the surrounding
portion of the notiSy the word itself is perceptibly larger and the pen used
was evidently considerably sharper. It does not appear in the copy of the
uoUs sent to Madison in 1783 (See note 19, supra) \ and the letter written
by Jefferson to the editor of the Journal of Paris in 1787 reads as follows i
** [P] in the evening of the 4^ they [the debates] were finally closed, and the
instrument approved by an unanimous vote, and signed by every member,
excipt Mr. Dickenson, look into the journals of Congress of that day. Sir,
amd you will see the instrument, and the names of the signers, and that mk
Dickinson's name is not among them.** We believe that it was added by
JeflTerson in iSig^ at the time when he first wrote to Wells ; for this word is
interlined in the no^es as quoted (See p. 199) in that letter, and the pen and
ink used in writing it (<< present** in the notes) are, we think, the same as
those used in writing that letter.

^ S93

NOTES TO APPENDIX

line (in the original MS., several lines) through <'this and** appean to be
in slightly darker (brown) ink than the body of the slip ; the <<^** seems to
be and ** from i. to 7. of** evidently is in the same ink as the body of the
slip. See notes 15 and 31, supra, and 35, post. This would indicate that
** from I. to 7. of** was inserted at the time of writing and that « this and**
was erased subsequently. It is not at all unlike! y, therefore, that Jefferson
inserted **from i. to 7. of** because (and when) he remembered that he
was here speaking of the moUs as taken ** in my place ** and afterwards
written ''out in form ** and that the Declaration as here embodied was not
a part of the noUs as taken ** in my place** and that he erased <<this and**
simply because it occurred to him that it would be improper to say * * from 1 .
to 7. of this and the two preceding sheets**, for the reason that pages ''1.
to 7.** are not ** of this ** sheet at all but are wholly of << the two preceding
sheets**.

** It seems to us evident that each of the sheets spoken of by Jefferson
comprises (front and revene) four paggs. The notes are bound (See note ii,
chapter IV) so tightly, however, that we cannot be certain.

** The notes end on the twentieth page — all following the Declaration
seeming, from the ink, to have been written at one sitting.

** The ink from here on (See note 34, supra) is very slightly lighter
(reddish-brown) in color than the body of the notes preceding the word ** to **
(See note 1 5, supra) ; and a sharper pen, it would seem, was used.

** Taken (except what is between brackets) from what is endorsed s
** [N] Rough draft of a L? respecting the Declaration of Independence.
August 4V* 1796.— ••

What is between brackets (except << taught me to think less unfavorably
of skepticism than formerly** ) is taken from Lanvs of the Commonnvialtk of
Pemuyl*uania, etc., republished by A. J. Dallas, vol. i, wherein the extracts
quoted in the letter to Messrs. Wm. MXorkle & Son, post, are given,
headed as follows: <'On comparing the names above subscribed to the
Declaration of Independence, with the names subscribed to the same instru-
ment, as printed in the Journals of Congress (id vol. page 241) the editor
discovered a variance, which it was his duty to investigate, and ascertain the
cause. Having, therefore, procured a certificate from the Secretary of State,
that the name of Thomas McKean, the Chief-Justice of Pennsylvania, was
aflfixed in his own hand-wridng to the original Declaration of Independence,
though it b omitted in the Journals of Congress, that gentleman was requested
to furnish an explanation \ and from his obliging answer the following extracts
are taken:**.

■^ This is written over an M.

" He b mistaken t see note 18, chapter IX.

S9S

NOTES TO APPENDIX

die << Rough draught^* of JeflTerson as originallj drawm) found in the three
drafts just above it (which represent the << Rough draught** of Jefferson as
€9rrectid before the Declaration was suhmitted to Congnss : see note 48,
chapter VI) were made after it was made. Where these changes were made
ly amf om otkir tkam Jeffgrsom (assuming, of course, that all changes in his
handwriting were his, as they probably were, though, of course, we cannot
know with certainty whether such changes suggested themselves to him or
were suggested to him by others), we have indicated by notes. Thisi notes
are appended to the draft here found next above the draft in the handwriting
of Adams, that is, to draft /I (These notes show also, in some instances,
the fngrist of changes made hy Jtffirsom himsilf,)

^ This was first written "sacred & undeniable** in Jefferson's « Rough
draught**.

^ Jefferson, in making his corrections, in his ** Rough draught **, wrote
and then erased << equal \f\ rights, some of which are**.

» This is << inalienable** m Jefferson*s << Rough draught**.

•■ This is "&** in Jefferson's " Rough draught**.

** Franklin substituted this word.

** This was first written '< subject them to arbitrary ** in Jefferson*s
•< Rough draught**.

** These changes were made by John Adams, and, as readily seen, after
he made the copy (^) of Jefferson* s ** Rough draught**, which may indicate
(but which, we think, does not necessarily prove) that it was submitted more
than once to Adams (or, at least, that he saw it more than once) before a
"fair copy** was submitted to the committee — that is, if a '<fiur copy**
(and not Che "Rough draught** itself) was submitted to the committee and
if no corrections were made in the committee, as Jefferson states.

■• There is no **as** in Jefferson* s " Rough draught**.

^ There is no "an** in Jefferson's " Rough draught **.

^ These last three words are found iuttrlimd in Jeffer8on*s "Rough
draught**.

^ In JeflrerK>n*s " Rough draught**, this b written over something which
cannot be deciphered.

^ This sentence was written (by Jefferson) upon a slip ff paper and ii#-
Uuhed to his "Rough draught** (See between pp. 144 and 145). Part oi
the slip has been torn away. It reads at present as follows t " he has called
together legislative bodies at places unusual, unco =• | the de-

pository of their public records for the sole purpose of fatijju= | with

his measures j**.

^ This is evidently in Jefferson's handwriting. See note So, post,

** We are not sure that this conforms to the " Rough draught ** as origi-
nally drawn by Jefferson (though it seems likely) \ for the slip (See note 6o»
iupra) leaves visible only <<ally for opposing** and ** eoplet**.

597

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

** Jefferson first nrote in hts "Rough draught": "he hat dI»iol*ed".
He crossed it out and started wiew with "he tias refuied . . ."

** Theie three words were added by John Adams, and, of coune, i)
readily seen, before he made the copy (dr»ft g) of Jelferson'i " Rough
draught". The word "time" a> first written appears lo have betn entcd
(as well as " space of ") in that draft by accident ; and Jefferson acconlioglj
rewrote it before "after".

** These word; were added by Franklin.

** For the progress of the addition of these words, see between pp.
144. and 145-

*' This sentence is very closely written, at the bottom of a page, in }t(ftt-
»on's " Rough draught ", He himself, it would icem,/r/( wrote" colonies",
U Congress amended it.

« These words were added by Franklin. He fir*t wrote "important"
for " valuable".

" Tlie rest of the third page (that below the first fold) ii miising — tltc
sheet having been torn at this fold.

'" Here in Jefferson's " Rough draught" now appear a "^." and, abore
the line, the words " Scotch and other", seemingly in the same ink as the
Bmendmcnls by CongreM which Jefferson indicated thereon, evidently on
July 2d, }d and 4th during the debates. We do not know what this indi-
cates, unless it be some amendment proposed or intended to be proposed but
either not proposed or not adopted. In this connection, see note 87, put.

" The portions between the vertical lines actually occur nearer the be^n-
ning, viz., at the""". They are placed here, in onlcr that the amendment)
by Congress, other than the change of order, may be more readily noted.

" This sentence b interlined in Jcfrtr<on's " Rough draught'". For the
progress of its addition, see between pp. 144 and 14;.

'* In Jefferson's " Rough draught *', this is written over lomething which
cannot be deciphered.

'* This is " allurements " in Jefferson's " Rough draught ".
« This is " rights'' in Jefferson's " Rough draught".

" This clause occurs here in Jefferson's "Rough draught" also; but,
afterward, he placed brackets around It and interlined it — changing "de-
termined" to "determining" — where Adams gives it (and that is evi-
dently why Adams did not copy it, but, after starting, erased " determined
to"). The brackets, evidently after the Adams copy was made, were
erased and the clause was erased where interlined.
** See note 76, lupra.

" The " an " is " this" in Jefferson's " Rough drau^t ".
» See note 76, lupra.

•» This would seem to be the only word in the Declaration on parchment in
598

NOTES TO APPENDIX

the handwriting of Jefferson, and must have occurred to him as necessary after
the engrossing. The syllable <'en** and the **^'* (See note 61, supra),
however, also seem to be in hb handwriting.

We do not know in whose handwriting is the rest of the Declaration on
parchment.

n This was added by Franklin.

** Thb was first so written in Jefferson* s ** Rough draught ** ; but, after-
ward, he erased the «y** and made it « injuries**. He does not, however,
seem to have followed his own correction.

** In making his corrections, in his << Rough draught **, Jefferson first wrote
«*lay*\

•* There b no "the" in Jefferson's «* Rough draught ".

^ The rest, of course, of thb page is missing : see note 69, supra.

•• Of course, the «« t" b in Jefferson's «« Rough draught".

^ We cannot understand why these brackets were placed here unless to
indicate that the words enclosed were stricken out by Congress ; but why
even then, when the whole sentence was stricken out ? Can it be that these
words were stricken omX first and that the remainder of the sentence was
stricken out later? (There are no brackets in Jefferson's << Rough
Draught".) See note 70, supra,

** These words were substituted by Franklin.

"• This was first written "glory 8c happinefs" in Jefferson's "Rough
draught".

** In Jefferson's " Rough draught", " climb " b erased and " must tread "
interlined and " must " also erased. It samj as if, after making a correction,
Jefferson failed to follow it.

•^ This was first written " in a separate^==" in Jefferson's "Rough
draught".

•* This was first written "pro" in Jefferson's "Rough draught".

•• Thb was first written "everlasting Adieus" in Jefferson's "Rough
draught".

•* There b no **the" in Jefferson's "Rough draught'*.

•• This is written over things.

*^ This is written over something which cannot be deciphered.

•^ Lee wrote to Landon Carter at "[N] Sabine Hall in Richmond" 011
the vity day hi anstuend Jefferson's letter : " I congratulate my Friend on
the Declaration he will find in this paper now sent[.] "

No copy of the Declaration other than the one above referred to in Jeffer-
son's handwriting has been found in The American Philosophical Society $
and F. W. Page, Librarian of the University of Virginia, writes us, under

S99

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

date of December 9, ttgg : " Upon eiamination of the Lee Papers ic this
Library, I do not tiiid my draft of the Declamion of Independence, nor any
letter in reference ihereio. Shortly before our great fire of Oct. 1S9S, one
of our students made a. Calendar of these Papers, by direction of our Profcuor
of English Literature, with a view to having it primed. But the fire scattered
the papers & perhaps destroyed some, and part of the Calendar was destroyed.
This student is now in Japan, a Missionary. I think if there had been t
draft of the D. of I. amongst the papers I would have heard of it. There
ia certainly noiu now, nor are any facts in regard to it ditdosed in the
papers."

(Pickering — See note ;o, chapter IV — evidently did not mean that the
printed Declaration was with the original tetler of Lr and the draft " u
originally framed " luAm cofitd.)

*' Sec, however, p. 144.

*• A facrimitt may be fonnd in PretrtJingi of 'tie Ameritan PhiUuph't-
cat Socirt^f, vol. jy. It is aecompaiued by an article by Dr. L MiiM
Hays.

'" He died in 1794.

"' See, however, note 50, chapter VII, and p. jjt,

'"* No attention, of course, has been paid to these in lb* draft as found
in the preceding pages ; and even (be few lines (underscoring words) which
TTc think are Jelfermn's (Sec note loj, foil) have beeo omitted.

"** This word would naturally perhapi include the lines underscoring the
words { and John Vaughan, Librarian of the Society, evidently so undtralood
it, for, in 1841 (at the ^e of !;)» he writes (as shown by a copy preserved in
the Society) to the Prince de Joinville : " on the suggestion of M' Jefferson,
the Comparison was made by Richard Henry Lee & his Brother Arthur Lee,
who drew a bbck line, upon the original draught proposed by the Committee,
under every part rejected by Congress ; & in the margin opposite, placed
(he Word Oul."

We, however, believe that the line under " Chiistian", the line under
"he" in "which he has deprived ", the line under "he" in "whom he
also obtrtided", the line under "liberties" in "the liberties of one people"
and the line under "lives " in" against the lives of" are Jefferson's; for they
not only look like his lines but these words (and these only) are underscored
in the Pickering copy (See note 50, chapter VU) of this draft nude
(originally) in 1805.

>" It is not quite clear from this language whether he means that fair
copies were made repeatedly during the composition of the instrument itself
(that is, previous to its submission to Franklin and Adams) or during the
amendments by Congress. The latter, however, seems improbable (and, in
&ct,fee note 1*4, pail} ; and, indeed, the former would Mem to be hit mean*
600

NOTES TO J PP END IX

ing. If so and the statement is trae, other drafts preceded what is now known
(See between pp. 144 and 145) as Jefferson*s rough draft $ but we know thai
no hit copy was made between the time when John Adams made his copy
(See note 48, supra) and when the copy was made which was submitted to
Congress. No such drafts have been preserved, however, nor is there any
other mention of them $ and it will be remembered that Jefferson himself
endorsed what is now known as the rough draft as follows : '^Independance
Declaration of | original Rough draught *\ Indeed, the fact shown in note
60, supra, would seem to pnwi that he did not al*wa^s make a <* fair copy**
<< whenever ... a copy became overcharged **) and we know that» in
1776, paper was quite expensive.

^^ See note 104, supra.

See note 14, chapter VI.

See pp. 347, 348, 349, 350 and 351.

^®* This letter was evidently the result of a letter from Wallace, to Mn.
Randolph, dated Fauquier, Va., October 14th, which says t ** [S] ... it
would appear that the patriotism of Richard Henry Lee was spurious, in-
voluntary and freckled, being the fruit of sour disappointments from unsuc-
cessful attempts to procure offices under the Crown, hence his sudden change
from the King to the people, however popular, was nevertheless from want
of political principle and not from pure countries good and love of political
principle and liberty . . . Being at the Lafayette dinner at Leesburg a toast
was given which introduced a conversation anticipating the Biography of
Richard Henry Lee, by his grandson : tis expected that nothing will be
regarded if the fame of Lee can be raised 1 the old tale of his writing the
declaration of Independence will be renewed ... I beg, if consistent, af^er
the view I have taken, that a full and general statement may reach me in
your fathers hand writing, that I may Keep it in readiness to defeat the ex-
pected denunciations and pervertions of truth . . .**

^^ On the contrary, they are to be found in the Appendix to the firrt
volume.

^' These corrections were made very likely afler a fair copy to send was
made.

*•• See Jefferson* s letter to John Mams, note 4, chapter IV.

II* Another portion of this letter may be found in note 50, chapter VII.

^11 Jefferson says (See pp. 144 and 345) that no change was made in
committee, but that a fair copy was reported to them and (unchanged) by
them to Congress. See also pp. 141 and 143. Of course, however, as we
have seen, slight amendments were suggested by John Adams and FrankUn \
and, indeed, see note 55, supra,

^^* It will be noted that this language is not the same as that found in
his letter of February 15, 1840. Indeed, he makes still different sUtemenU

601

'^ Pendleton's letter
formerlj' in the Dcp3rtm<
was daled August jd, which
reccivEd the CDp^i of the Declaration afti

JeiTerson lastbefoTe the loth (so Isr u hUletlen —

( of Slate — non in the Library of Congress »how)

to prove at least that Pcndletun

Iht ji. It was received evidently

in Jefferson's letter of July 19th ornhich Pendleton speaks ; and it was»/ic/(/J,
we think, by Pendleton's next previous letter, one of July iid (See p. 14S).

i» Wyihe does not mention any such diaft, however, in hii letter of July
»7i '776. to Jeffenon, the only one (so far as his letters — formerly in the
Department of Stale — now in the Library of Congress show) which Wythe
wrote to Jefferson previous to Wythe"* return (Seep. 1115) to Philadelphia,
nor in hi> letter to Jrfferson of November 1 1, 1776, from Philadelphia, (ht
firtt after Wythe's return (aa similarly shown). ^1

1" See note 7, chapter IV. ^H

'B We have been unable to locate this. ^^

'" This (See p. 351) was not what is commonly so called.

Indeed, it ii quite evident tiiat the RkkmimJ Enjairer h ipeaking of oite
draft f the Philadtlpkia Unitn of another ; and the Ftdtral Rtfublicam of 1
third.

"* This refers evidently to what is commonly so called ; and the «ditoc
of the Pbiladelpbia Union doubtless saw it at Jefferson' s home, for Dclaplainc,
as we have seen, was shown it there in iSiG and JcRerron, as late as 1315, as
also we have seen, speaks of it as being "now in my hands".

In considering this criticism, it should be borne in mind that Jefferson
indicated (See between pp. 144 and 145) on this *' Rough draught" the
amendments by Congress.

'« If this is an accurate statement, we do not know how or when it came

into the hands of the editor (See, however, note jo, chapter VII) or how or

when it was returned to the Lees. It will be remembered that R. H. Lee,

in Memoir, etc., (iSaj) writes that it " hai been . . . carefully preserved

601

NOTES TO APPENDIX

by his fiunily ** and that, on August 9th of the same year, it was deponted
in The American Philosophical Society.

1** Perhaps this will account for the fact that the original letter (See note
509 chapter VII) can no longer be found.

^^ Thisy of course, was not what is usually so termed.

"• We have compared accurate copies of the drafts respectively in The
American Philosophical Society, the New York Public Library (Lenox)
and the Massachusetts Historical Society with this copy, in the hope of lo-
cating the draft << found among the literary reliques of the late venerable
Gtvrge Wythe"" \ but this was without avail, because of the failure of ^Thi
Weekly Register to conform at all to Jefferson* s peculiar spelling, capitaliza-
tion, etc.

^ See note S, chapter X.

MO See p. 345.

M* See p. 17a.

M* The Madison papers were purchased of Dorothy (Dolly) P. Madison,
the widow of the President, for ^25,000 : see Act of Congress of May 31,
1848.

M* See, however, various notes to the notes, p. 195.

M* Taken from The Freeman* s Journal: or^ the North' American Intelli"
gencer (N) of January i, 1783.

It is published as a letter from John Dickinson and headed : ^* To my
Opponents in the late Elections of Councillor for the County of Philadelphia,
and of President of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania.*'

See notes 5 and 6, chapter VII.

The speech of Dickinson (See p. 159), a/ gi*uen by Bancroft, consists of
parts of this << Vindication** changed into the present tense and linked to-
gether as he saw fit.

M« See note 7, chapter Vj note ao and Schuyler and Lewis Morris^
note 39, chapter IX j and pp. 11 a and 170.

603

Key

A = Taken from the original manuscript in The American Philosophic

cal Society, in Philadelphia

[or, when referring to a newspaper]

a copy of which may be found in The American
Philosophical Society, in Philadelphia

Ad =s " " Familiar Letters of John Adams and bis Wif$

Abigail Adams, during the Revolution by Charles
Francis Adams

Al = " '< the original manuscript in the New York State

library, in Albany

Ann = a copy of which may be found in the State Library

in Annapolis

B = " *• Biography of the Signers to the Declaration of

Independence

Ba = a copy of which may be found in the Maryland

Historical Society, in Baltimore

Bos = a copy of which may be found in the Boston

Public Library

BT = *• " the transcript in the Bancroft papers in the New

York Public Library (Lenox)

C = a copy of which may be found in the Library of

Congress

Ch = a copy of which may be found in the Charlestown

Library Society, in Charleston

(The extracts pven were copied by Nela M.
Davis)

607

KET

M* = «

M« = "

M« =

Ms =

MtJ =

€€

Md = «<

Mn = •«

€€

MiCs "

«<

MsS s «'

M^ = Tiken from the S^ntbim Ltterary Messenger (C) for July,

1858

[Hiis mf% :«'••• the copies having been faith-
folly compared with the originals in my posscs-
rion. C."]

the SoMtbern IJterary Messenger (C) for October,
1858

the Sentbem Literary Messenger (C) for November,
1858

the Sentbem Literary Messenger (C) for December,
1858

Arcbives ef Maryland^ edited by William Hand
Browne

the original manuscript in the possession of J. Pier-
pont Morgan of New York City

the original manuscript in the Massachusetts His-
torical Society, in Boston

[or, when referring to a newspaper]

a copy of which may be found in the Massachusetts
Historical Society, in Boston

«' the copy, in the handwriting of Pickering, in the
Pickering papers in the Massachusetts Historical
Society, in Boston

[These copies preserved by Pickering, in many
instances, are original drafts]

«« Jefierson*s ** Account Book** in the Massachusetts
Historical Society, in Boston
[See note 24, chapter VI]

'* Memorial of Henry Wolcott, etc., by Samuel
Wolcott (1 881), a copy of which may be found
in the State Library in Boston

[or, when referring to a newspaper]

a copy of which may be found in the State Library
in Boston

609

KEr

alwi3rs, merhminl diq^ctte-origjiiils. The one
hwnnrr b endentljr t rough draft^

Pa = Taken from Mimmtes 9ftbe C^mmiMe §f Srfiij ffthe Frmntut

rf' PemmsyhMMU

PD s '' *' the ori^nal manoacnpc in die collection of Ferdi-
nand J. Dicer now in The Historical Society of
Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia

PB s <' << the original manuscript in the collection of Fnnik

M. Ecting now in The Historical Society of Penn-
sylyania, in Philadelphia

PH s «« '< the ori^nal mannscript in The Historical Society

of Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia

[or, when referring to a newspaper, etc. j

a copy of which may be foond in The Kstorical
Society of Pennsylvania, in Philaddphia

PHM = *« '< the Didry of Christopher Marshall (original MS.)

and famished to the author by John W. Jordan,
Librarian of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
in Philadelphia

PM =: ** ** the original manuscript in the M:Kean papers in

The Hbtorical Society of Pennsylvania, in Phil-
adelphia

PS = " ''the original manuscript in the collecdon of Rev.

William B. Sprague now in The Historical Sodety
of Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia

Q = «« «• Patrick Henry Life, Corresfndimee and Speechis

by William Wirt Henry

Qj s •* ** the original manuscript (formerly at Quincy)

now at the Massachusetts Historical Society, in
Boston

QyC = •' ** the copy preserved by John Adams, (formerly at

Quincy) now at the Massachusetts Historicil
Society, in Boston

R = «• •' Memoir •/ the Life ef Richard Henry Lee, etc.,

by Richard Henry Lee, his grandson
6iz

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

M = Taken from the originsl manuscript in The Librarj- Company t£
Philadelphia (Ridgeway Branch)
[or, when refciring to a newspaper]
a copy of which may be round in The Ubmy
Company of Philadelphia (Ridgeway Branch)
= " ** the original manuicript (formerly in the D^MUt*'
mcnt of Sute) now in the Ubrary of Congrcst
A = [If a letter « Samuel Adams,]

■■ " the original manuscript in the Samuel Adami papen
in the New York Public Ubrary (Lenox)
[If a \taa from Samuel Adams.j
" " the copy, in the handwriting of Samuel Adams, in
the Samuel Adams papers in the New York Public
Library (Lenox)

[These copies preserved by Samuel Adams are
usually, and perhaps always, original drafcij
h = " " Hillary of PhiUdtlfhU by J. Thomas Scharf and

Thompson Wcstcott
" = " " the original manuscript in ihe American Antiqui
Society at Worcester
[or, when referring to a newspaper]
a copy of which may be found in the American'
Antiquarian Society a: Worcester
" the original manuscript in the posaession of John

Boyd Thacher of Albany
" the original manuscript tn the possession of George

C. Thomas of Philadelphia
" Uft and CarrtsfBiidenee af Jotepb Reid, etc., by

William B. Reed, his grandson
" Annals of Philadelpbia an J Pennsylvania in the

Olden Time
" The Life and Puilie Services af Samuel Adams by

William V. Wells
" The Csmpleie ffaris tf Benjamin Franklin by John
Bigelow

KEr

Y - Taken from The fFritings •/ George JFasbingfn by Worthing-

ton Chauncey Ford

Z = " •• The Comsp9ndence and Pmblic Papers •/ Jtbn Jay,

edited by Henry P. Johnston

— » s Words in italics are interlined in the original

= = What occupies this space cannot be deciphered

^= = The manuscript here is torn, worn, missing or repaired

All quotations not marked (except : see **] *\ supra) are taken from
American Archives by Peter Force.

Paragraphs in the original have (almost) always been omitted, except
where the extract is given in different type.

The /in the orig^al has usually been replaced by /•

No attempt has been made, in giving headings and imprints, to follow
the character of type found in the various broadsides. The design has
been merely to give the relative size of letters in the individual words,
bearing in mind, however, in genera], the relative size of the individual
words but limited always by the character of type used in the present
volume.

Most of the letters of John Adams of later years are not in his hand-
writing.

613

Index

"A. B.*', letters o£, 8, 73.

Act declaring Colonists oat of King's
protection, 93.

Acton, 390.

Adams, Abigail (Mrs. John), letters
of, 266, 349, 572 ; letters to, 38, 50,
62, 105, 106, 166, 167, 191, 211, 223,
368, 384, 388, 405, 406, 429. 434. 473»
512, 526, 541, 550.

Adams, Andrew, letters to, 537, 538.

Adams, Elizabeth (Mrs. Samuel), let-
ter of, 45.

Adams, John, 4, 5, 6, 42, 61, 103, 105,
106, 109, no, 113, 120, 122, 155, 157,
161, 162, 164, 218, 290. 345, 363, 381,
402, 423, 425, 432, 449, 451, 468, 482,

485* 492. 495. 584. 585. 587. 597. 598 ;
copy of Declaration in handwriting

of, 348 ; extracts from Autobiography

of, 34. 42. 43. 90, 99. 100. >o6, 1 10.
120, 136, 141, 157, 363, 365, 384, 388,
40^ 433, 510; extract from debates
of, 412; extracts from Diary of, 4,
5. 6, 364, 365, 366, 383, 384, 494. 542.
561 ; letters of, 9, 2a, 23, 26, 27, 34.
38. SO. 54. 62, 70, 95, 104, 105, 106,
108, 118, 121, 125, 128, 130, 142, 159,
160, 166, 167, 180, 191, 205, 206, 209,
211, 217, 221, 223, 242, 367, 368, 384,
388, 393. 402, 405, 406, 410, 421, 424.

429. 433. 434, 447. 466, 473, 494» 499.
512, 516, 526, 541, 542, 550, 586; let-
ters to. 24, so, 52, 57, 58, 59, 69, 83.
102, 124, 128, 130, 131, 161. 162. 193.
ao6i an, 266, 349, 397, 401, 405, 419

424, 429.466. 508. ^"^^^ S«9, 533. S7«;
message of, 286.
Adams, John Qoincy, letters of, 289^

585-
Adams, Samuel, 4. 5. 6^ 9* >o. 33. 4>»
44, 45, 99, 122, 13s, 136, 143. 164, I95t
217, 219, 269, 407, 430. 43». 447, 45i»

492. 533. 535 ; >«"«» o^» 9, 46, 47»
102, 124, 213, 222, 223 ; letters to,

36, 41. 45. 50. 52. 124. ao6, 2n, 213,

214, 223, 225. 389, sn.
Aisquith, William, 272.
Aitken, Robert, Journal of Congress

printed by, 501 ; extracts from WasU

Book of, 502, 505.
Alexander, Abraham, 21, 377.
Alexander, Adam, 21.
Alexander, John McKnitte, 21, 22, 32,

370. 373. 374, 375. 377.
Alexander, Joseph McKnitte, 22, 24,

26, 372, 373, 374, 375. 376.
Alexander, Robert, 37, 436. 437, 438,

439, 530. 576 ; letters of, 68, 436, 530;

letter to, 439.
Alford, 39a
Alfred^ ship, 26a

Allen, Andrew, 37. 61, 64, 191, 526, 527.
Allen, ordinary of, 74.
AUen, William, 254.
Aliens, the, 91.
Alsop, John, 7, 140, 165, 181, 183, 412,

514, 518, 524; letters o£, 184, 185, 525.
Amherst, 270.
Anderson, Thomas, 18.
Annable, Thomas, 391.
Anne Arundel County, 442, 443.
Archer, 15.

Annllage, B., laveni of, SS+-

Arnold'B Hall, i^g.

Ashley, Sxmuel, 133.

A»hly, 390.

Augusta Cauniy. 395.

Aoatin, benjunin, 169.

Avery, John, 570 ; letter of, 570.

Aylett, William, 76; letter of, 73.

Bailey. Jacob, Rev., 571,

Bilker, Biniu, 391.

Ballimorc. 371.

fiaiber, William, SS9-

Barge. 461.

Barnstable, 39a

Barralct, 445.

Bartlett, Josiab, 37, (64, aai, 389, 412,
53Si lellers of, 63,91. 131, 133, 179,
»1S. "S. 367. 44* 5*6. S36. S4I i !«<•
lera to. r34, 387, 391, 444. 536.

Barton, Joseph, letter of, ai.

BaasetC, Nathan, 391.

Bayaid. John | ? ), 9.

Beach, Mra.. 563.

Bears, Iiaac, uvera of, 4.

Bedford, tzS.

Bed/otd, Mass., 390.

Bell in ' Independence Hall ", iSo.

Bell, Robert. 407.

Benson, Kobert, 490.

Bentley, William, letter* to, 23, 27.

Beiks County, 241.

Bidille, Charles, extract from Aueo-
iiogtafiiy of, SSS-

Biddlc, Edward, 6, 516, 528.

Biddle, Jam«3. 550, 552, 553.

Biddle, Owen. 550, 551, 553,

Bigelow, Daniel, 473.

Binna, John, announcement of, 584.

Blanch ard, Jonathan, 133.

Bland, Richard, 6, 72. 76, 3S4.

BlaomSeld. Jarvis ( 1 ). 359.

Boernm, Simon, 7, 514, 511J.

Boston, 263, 389, 572.

Bowdoin, James, 4, 9, 263, 266, 169,
409; letter of, 36.

Bowie, Allen, 440.

Boyd, John, 171.
BntckctI, Joshua, letter to, 2at.
Bradford & Cut & Co., 501.
Bradford, William and Thomu, Ji

nal of Congress printed by, jo&
Brasher, Abraham, 186.
Biaxtun. Carter, 37, 96, 149, 164. i

118, 219, 426, 456. 464, 4^5. S'S. ;
Brevard, Adam, 3Sa
Btevacd, Ephnam, 30, 371, 381.
BridgelowD (Bridgeton), 24&
Briscoe, Gerard, 440.
Brownion, Nathan, 2i6l
Brunswick, 390.
Buckingham County, 74.
Backs County. 241. $y>.
Bull, Jolm. 190, 192.
Bullock, Archibald, 37, 280, fit, 3S3,

404, 405. 412, Sto; letter* of. 405,

51 1 ; letters to, 160, 405. 51 1 ~
Bunch of G tapes Tavern, 266.
Burgess, Edwaid,440.
liurgoyne, Geneial, letter to, I
Burke, Thomaa, 401.
Byrne, 4J&

Cadwalader, John, SS', S5J>
Caldwell, James, Parson, 226^ 145,
Camden. Lord, 369.
"Camitlus", extracts from, 15, i6.

Campbell, William, 474.

i,Jar

, 191-

Cardiff, Lord, 235.

Carlisle, Earl of. 235.

CarroU, Charles. 271,272; letter to, 60,

Carroll, Charles, of Canolllon, 128.

130, 209, «7S. 290. 43'. 5^9. 535- 575.

5S4, 587 ; extract from JourHol of,

439 ; letters of, 18, 587 ; lellen to,

4' 2, 439-
Carson, Adam. 474.
Carter, London, letter of, 75 : letters

to, 93, 40S, 599.
Carter, Robert. 95; letter to, 540,
Cary, Archibald, 76, 78.
Cattle, 264.

INDEX

Caswell, Richard, 7, 32, 33, 24, 35, 27,

28,384.
Cavendish, John, Lord, 2561
Chadboum, Benjamin, 269^
Chandler, Zachariah, letter o£, 393;

letter to, 290.
Charles County, 443.
Charleston, 376.
Charlotte County, 73.
Chariton, Jasper, letter of, 329.
Chase, Samuel, 6, 44, 97, 103, 104, 128,

129, 201, 218, 2i9b 272, 41a. 43'» 43<>»

437» 439» 5»o* 5". S^\ !«"«« of,

69, 128, 130, 131, 213, 539, 530, 533;

letters to, 125, 128, 130^ 160, 205,

342, 413, 439.
Chauncey, Charles, Rev., 572.
Cheetham, James, letter to, 406.
Chester County, 241, 55a
Chew, William, 32.
Christ Church, 447, 557.
Christie, Robert, Jr., 272, 574.
Church, Benjamin, Dr., 387 ; letters of,

9»34.
Clagett, Wyseman, 133.

Clare, Lord, 253.

Clark. Abraham, 57, 124, 164, 219, 545;

letters of, 169, 226^ 498, 545 ; letter

*o. 559-
Clark, Francis, 474.

Clark, John, 474.

Clark, Thomas, 474.

Clarke, 455.

Clinton, George, 37, 140, 165, 185, 514,

520 ; letters of, 185, 520.
Clitherall, James, Dr., extract from,

492.
Clymer, George, 61, 64, 66, 192, 194,

200, 299, 302, 305, 493, 550, 552, 553.
Cocks, tavern of ( ? ), 4.
Columbus^ ship, 260.
Commissioners, 96.
Common Senses 90, 388, 427, 451.
Connecticut, 14, 56, 256.
Conway, General, 236.
Cooke, Nicholas, 240, 260, 261 ; letters

o^» 5S» 258. 259; letters to, 56, 391,

535-
CooUdge, Joseph, Jr., letter to, 155.

Cooper, John, 57, 123, 124, 392.
Cooper, Samuel, Dr., 349, 409 ; letters

of, 50, 223, 389 ; letters to, ^ 47.
Coor, James, 274.
Corl^, 564.
Costin, Isaac, 443.
Cox, James^ 272.
Cox, tavern of, 564.
Coxe, William, 527.
Crafts, Thomas, 364, 265, 266c
Cramphin, Thomas, Jr., 44a
Crane, Stephen, 6, 383, 392.
Crawford, James, 189.
Crespigny, Claude, letter to, 233.
Crocker, John, Jr., 391.
Crowley, John, 82.
Cumberland County, N. C, 275.
Cumberland County, Pa., 66.
Cushing, Caleb, 269.
Gushing, Joseph, 269.
Gushing, Thomas, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 51, 269^

388, 417.
Cutts, Mrs., 287.
Cutts^ Samuel, 133, 368.

619

Dallas, Alexander J., letter to, 399.
Dalton, Tristram, 573 ; letter of, 324.
Darling, Elias, 567.
Dartmouth, Lord, letter to, 387.
Davidson, William, letter to, 375.
Davis, James, 391.
Day, tavern of ( ? ), 4.
Dayton, Elias, letter of, 559; letters to,

169, 226.
Deane, Silas, 4, 6^ 239 ; letters of, 239,

413* 493» 547. 548.
Declaration of Independence, adop-
tion of, 170 ; as copied by Jefferson
from his notes and sent to Madison
in 1783, 352; authenticated copy of,
284; broadsides of, 476, 477, 490^

55^ 553. 559. 560, 566, 568. 569. 57i.
573 ; draft of, in The American Phil-
osophical Society, 306, 344; draft
of, in the Massachusetts Historical
Society, 306, 348; draft of, in the
New York Public Library (Lenox),

INDEX

S99; betters of, 17, 33, 38, 207, 408,
409» 412. 448, 549.
Franklin, WiUiarn, Gov., 129; letter

Frederic County, Lower District ( ? ),

Frederic County, Middle District, 271.
Frederic County, Upper District, 442.
Fry, Richard, 259.

Gadsden, Christopher, 6, 12, 44, 54, 88,

403, S09» 5io» 580-
Gage, Lady, 564.

Gageborough, 390.

Gaine, Hugh, broadside of Declaration

printed by, 566W
Galbraith, Bartram, letter to, 243.
Galloway, Joseph, 6, 195, 196, 201, 203,

38^ 527 ; extract from, 363.
Gardner, William P., letters to, 162,

445*546.
Gates, Horatio, 261 ; letters to, 95, 98,

104,211,471,499,529.562.

Georgia, 90, 279, 363, 382.

Germaine, George, Lord, letter to, 255.

Gerry, Elbrldge, 42,48, 164, 207, 211,
388, 389, 492 ; letters of, 44, 63, 75,
107, 123, 138, 205, 211, 220, ^ 470;
letters to, 49, 50, 53, 224.

Gettys, Mrs., 494.

Giles, Benjamin, 133.

Gill, John, broadside (broadsides ?) of
Declaration printed by, 571.

Gill, Moses, 269^

Gilmer, George, Dr., 456, 457, 465.

Goddard, Mary Katharine, 395; au-
thenticated copy of Declaration
printed by, 581.

Goldsborough, Robert, 6, 128, 129, 272,
385, 412. 438, 439, 576.

Gordon, William, letter o( 14.

Graff, Jacob, Jr., 149^ 454, 455, 46a

Graff, Mrs., 455, 456.

Grafton, Duke of, 235.

Granby, Marquis of, 236.

Grant, U. S., letter of, 291.

Grati, Hyman, 151, 152, 458, 459.

Gratz, Simon, 151, 15a, 458, 459, 461. ;

Gray, George, 550, 553.

Gray, Isaac, 63.

Graydon, Alexander, 254.

Greene, Nathanael, letters of, 35, 53.

Greene, Zachariah, 252, 562.

Greenleaf, Jonathan, 573.

Greenleaf, Joseph, letter to^ 57a

Greenleaf, Simon, letter of, 573.

Greentree, 455.

Greenwich, 390.

Griffith, Charles G., 44a

Griswold, Matthew, letter to, 21 !•

Gumey, F. ( ? ), 426.

Gumey, Mrs., 426.

Gwinnett, Button, 164, 215, 219, a8l,

404, 405, 4", 5"» 535-

Habersham ( ? ), Messrs., 511.

Hacker's Hall, 26a

Halifax, N. C, 274.

Halifax, N. S., 232.

Hall, John, 36, 385.

Hall, Lyman, 36, 164, 216, 218, a8i,

383. 404. 405. 412, 5"» lctt« o^>
216.

Hamilton, Alexander, 474.

Hamilton, William, 65.

Hancock, Dorothy (Mrs. John), letter

to, 49.
Hancock, John, 9, 36, 37, 42, 99, no,

122, 135, 164, 192, 208. 209, 230, 238,

261, 280, 292, 386, 445. 447, 463, 476^
494, 495» 533» 547 J letters of, 137,
240, 420, 559; letters to, 211, 216^

262, 270, 273, 491, 498, 567.
Hands, Thomas B., letter ojf, 127.
Hanover, 390.

Hanover County, 18.

Hanson, John, Jr., 271.

Harnett, Cornelius, 274, 275, 402.

Harrison, Benjamin, 5, 6, 36^ 39, 99,
104, no, n7, 121, 123, 136, 149, 156,
164, 165, 169, 170, 213, 218, 219, 229,
384, 417, 452, 464, 465, 476, 536^ 537 J
letter of, 453.

Hart, John, 57, 124, 164, 226i

621

Harvie, R., 45S-

Haslcl, John, 350; letter to, 559.

Hawley, Joseph, 230 ; letters of, 49, jO,

51, S3, 2 J* ; letter to, 46.

Hsyward. Wiltiam, 393; letter of, 117.

Mazud, Ebenoier, letters of, 471, 561.

Henderson. Samuel, certificate of, 373.

Henry, Patrick, 3, 6, 11, 18, 35, ;6, 77,

'8*. 383. 384. 397. 399. 419. 4*0,5761

letten of, 397, 401 ; letters to, io3,

ii4.396. 418. 576.

Herring, John, 7.

Hewes, Joseph, 7, it, 13. 24, «5, ij. 84,

118. 139, 164,403,498; letters of, 31,

81, 85. 1311, J17, 403, 4!8. 510, 513,

S3'. 55»-

Heyward, Tbomasi, Jr., 164, 117, J18,

403, 510: letters of, 276, 543.
Hichbom, Benjamin, letter of, 52 ; let-
ter to, 3^3.
Hill, WMimill, 274.
Uillegas, Michael, 553.
Hiltiheinier, Jacob, 456 (.'). 4<j9, 460;
eiiractifroniihepmatediary(m<uia-
■cKpt) of, 462.
Hind, Rsv. Dr.. letter to, 565.
H inkle, Jacob, 473.
Hire, taycm of. 5.
Hobart, John Sloaa, 186.
Holslen, river, 395.
Holt, John, broadside of Declarallon

printed by, 491, 560.
KoUen, Samuel, 269.
Hooper, William, 7, it, 33. 24, 15, 27,
28, 81, 83, 84. 219, 402. 403- 4"*. 5'3i
531 ; letters of, 8, 80, 83, 217, 524.
Hope Furnace, 260.
Hopkins, Esek, lot, 16S.
Hopkins, Daniel, 269.
Hopkins, John, 554, 555.
Hopkins, Stephen, 6, 54, 164, 209, 218,
219, 389, 410, 431, 535 ; letters of, 56,
391,53s; letter to, 55.
Hopkinson, Francis, 124, 125, 158, 164,

219,434; letter of, 543-
Horn, Samuel, 475.
Hosraer, Titus, 257, 385, 539.
House where Declaration was written.

'*9-

633

Houston, John. 37, 383. 404. 40& 4".

510, 512; letter to, 511.
Howe, 93.
Howe, General, <
Howe, Lord, letter t(
Mowetl, Samuel, 61, 550, 551, 553,
Howl and. Job, 391.
HowUnd, Nath., 391.
Howland, Zaccheus. 391.
Hull, tavern o£, 4.
Humphreys, Charles, 6. l&t, 194, 9

300, 302, 303.
Hungary, 139.
Hunter, Humphrey, Rev., txtract tm

374-
Huntington, 235.
Huntington, Samuel, 37. I
Hurd, John, 133.
Huiton, 236.

Inglis, Charles, Rev,, 566 : letter a

365.
Ingrain, Job, 443.
Iredell, James, letters to. 8, 80. 84. i;

2 1 5, 239, 403 ; exinci irom, 85.
Ireland, 139.
Italy, 239.
Uart^ Ralph, letter of. (33.

Jack, James, 22, *S, 31.

Jackson, John, 474.

James City, 73.

Jay, John, 6, 104, 159, t8i, iSi, 1S3.
184, 186,226,412,488, 514.518,522;
letters of, 367, 513, 514, 515, 519,520,
532, 523; lettera to, i[6, 139, 181,
411,413,514. SSI. S^J. 523, 548.

Jefferson, Thomas, 11, 37, 120, tji.
122. 141, 142. 146. 151, 155, 164, 178.
tor, ^'3- ^'8. "9. 3&S, 290, 344, 3i6,
347. 348. 349. 350. 35T, 352. 384, 3S9.
414. 420, 429, 430, 447. 448, 449, 450,
458. 475. 476. 482, 45*5, 584. 585. 5S7.
Coo; desk of. 154; extracts fiom" Ac-
Book" of.ii^i 165,169,454;

INDEX

extracts from AutoNograpky cH^ltHe
Pag^t 38, 422 ; letters from, 18, 19,
24, 33, 143, 149, 150. 155, 162, 163,
166, 178, 196, 214, 344, 345, 346, 352,
363, 412, 419, 424, 431, 445, 449, 451,
452,456, 464, 466. 508. 515, 531, 540,
546, 59'» 593» 596; letters to, 22, 26,
72, 147, 148, 149. 150, 195, 200, 214.
215, 224, 344, 350, 386, 424, 449, 452,
464, 466, 494, 509, 516, 576. 585, 59(5;
notes of, 204, 295, 422; note of, to
letter to Mease, 151 ; note of, to let-
ter to Wells, 203; reported state-
ments of, no, 162.

Jenifer, Daniel, of St. Thomas, 271,
395; letters of, 60, 127 ; letter to, 69.

Jenkins, Joseph, 391.

Johnson, Thomas, Jr., 6^ 44, 69, 104,
128, 129, 412, 436, 437» 438. 439» 5»S»
S'6, 530, 575, 576; letter of, 438.

Johnston, Samuel, 84, 403; letter of,
84; letters to, 31, 81, 83, 85, 139, 428,

510. 5'3. S3I-
Johnstone, George, Gov., 237.

Joinville, de. Prince, letter to, 60a

Jones, Allen, 402.

Jones, Noble Wimberley, 383, 404.

Jones, Thomas, 274, 403 ; letter of, 215.

Jones, Willie, 274.

yimmal of Paris^ editor of, letter to,

«63, 59'» 593-
Journal, roughs extracts from, 109, no,

117, 120, 155, 156, 165, 169, 170. 208;

broadside of Declaration wafered

into, 170.
Journal, corrected, extracts from, 414,

534 ; Declaration in, 306.
Journal, secret domestic^ extract from,

204.

Kenedy, Joseph, Dr., 3a
Kennon, William, 28.
Kent, Benjamin, letter of, 225.
Kinchin, John, 402.
Kingsbridge, 254.
Kinsey, James, 6y 392.
Kahl, Mark, 61.
Kohn, Michael, 55a

La Fayette, de. Marquis, 239, 269, 345.

Lancaster County, 241, 243, 550.

Langdon, John, 36, 210, 270, 412 ; le^
ters of, 387, 444 ; letters to, 63, 91,
133, 221, 225, 367, 444, 526, 536, 541.

Laurens, Henry, 88, 403, 404 ; extract
from, 578 ; letters df, 404, 579.

Laurens, John, letter to, 579.

Lebanon, 258.

Lee, Arthur, 344, 347, 600 ; letters to»

8,9.
Lee, Charles, 429, 482 ; letter of, 484.

Lee, Charles, Gen., 95, 261,406, 465;

letters of, 19, 20, 70, 71, 72, 396^ 418 ;

letters to, 225, 408, 443.
Lee, Francis Lightfoot, 37, 164, 178^

346, 384; letters of, 93, 213, 408.
Lee, Henry, letters of, 483, 484; le^

ter to, 483.
Lee, John, letter of, 72.
Lee, Ludwell, 346.
Lee, Richard, 76, 402, 54a
Lee, Richard Bland, letter to, 384.
Lee, Richard Henry, 5, 6, 11, 44,^

104, 105, 106, 109, no, 113, 116, 121,

122, 136, 212, 344, 345, 346. 347, 350^

35'» 365* 366, 384, 389, 4i4» 4'6, 421,
423. 425, 429, 430, 431, 447, 600, 601 ;
draft of Declaration sent to, 306, 344,
463; letters of, 213, 214, 344, 417,
418, 43J» 576, 599; betters to, 71, 7a,
73» 77» 84, 124, 178, 213, 282, 397,
401, 402, 418. 527, 539, 540.

Lee, Richard Henry, grandson, letters
of, 346, 480, 481 ; letters to, 346, 421 ;
statement of, 346.

Lee, Thomas Ludwell, 76; letters tlt^

84, 401, 539-
Lee, William, letter of, 234.
Leverett, 390.
Levy, Benjamin, 272.
Le\Hs, Andrew, 80; letter of, 54a
Lewis, Francis, 37, 140, 165, 181, 183,

207, 412, 514, Si8» 5*9» 5*^ 524; tot.

ters of, 183, 184, 185, 519.
Lewistown, 443.
Lincoln, Benjamin, 269i

623

lindiey, tiTem of, 36i.
Lippilt. ChrialophcT, 358.
Lilchfield, 561.
Littlejohn, Rev. Dr., »88.
Livingston, Philip, 6, 165. 183, 184, 107,

S07, 514. 5'^: lelter o£, PS-
Livingslon, Robert R„ 37, iii, 117,

IK). IM, 144, t8i, MO, 411. 417. 416,

4J9. ^6l, 514 : letters of, 183, 184, 411.

S14. S»* i letters to, 97. 514, S^o- S'^.

5^J. S24-
Uvingston, William, 6, S7, 58, t02, 159,

ije, 391, 43J, 433, 434, 447.
Logan, Deborah, Mn., 555, 556,
London. 546.
Long, Pierce, 368.
Lothrop. Ebcn.. 391.
Love. Robert, 474.
Lovemore, Mrs.. 456.
Low, liBsc, 6,
Lowell, John, letter to, 419.
Lowndes, Rawlins, 178.
Luitrell, Temple, The Honorable, 137.
Lui. William, 574.
Lyman, Samuel, leilers to, 40S. 411.
Lynch, Thomaa, Jr., 164. 319 (!), 403,

404. S'l. SSo (f) i letter of, 376.
Lynch.Thomas.Sr..s.6,36, i64,2i9(f).

4a3.404,49». 509.51*, 5'S. S^oC);

letter of, 376.

Madcende. Captain, letter to, 8.
Madison, Dorothy P. {Dolly) (Mr9,

James), 286.
Madison, James, 76, »8gi copyof Jeffer-

420. 4M, letters to, 143.3S*> 53'. 583-

Magaw, Robert, 254.

MagnjdEt, Samuel W., 440.

Magruder, Zadock. 440.

Maiden, 390.

Manning, 578.

Marshall. Chrislnpher, extracts from
£>iaty of, 6r, 61, 64, 156. t65. 168.
169, *4l, 393, 394, 471, 49r, 493, 507,
509.534-

Mailln, Joslah, Got., 377 ; proclama-
tion of, 378.

Marvin, Mrs., 563.

Marvin, Ruth, 563.

Maryland, 17.67, 115,140. 971, 4t I :CUk- _

venlion of. letter to, 530 ; Council of

Safety of, letters of , 68, 126, 1^,439.

575, letters to, 1*5, 1:6.436,433,529.
Mason, George, 76, 147. 4>9. 4S»-
Massachusetts, 8. 14, 41, 134, 140, 26t.
Mather. Samuel, Rev., 570.
Matlack, Timothy, 1S9. I9C^ 49a.
Maziei, Philip, draft of Deciaiatii

sent to, 351 ; letter to, 549.
MeClurg. Dr.. 465.
M'Corkle, WUliim. 4 Son, letter t^l

303-
McCracken, Henry, 474.
McElhattan, 473.
McHugh, Mathew, 158.
Melntoah. Lachlan, aSo ; letter to, 57^
M'Kay. Captain, 23J.
M:Kcan, Thomas, 5, 6. 61, 63. 66. 135,

119, 164, 188, 190, 210, 250. 3St.4>o.

415- 440, 49*. 49'5. 5^ 507. SS» ; lei-

lers of, 193, 199, 301, 303, 425. S<*i

letten to. 424, 416, 466, 49^^ 497.
McKesson, John, letter to, 517.
Meaae. James, 553.
Mease. James, Dr., 551 ; lelMl* ot, li

150; letters ta. 149. t;a
Mechanics In Union, i8z.
Mecom, Jane. Mm., letter to, aof.
" Mecklenburg Declaration ", ao.
Merumsco Dams. 443.
Michmac Indians. 36l,
Middleton, Arthur, 164, 319. 403, ^93.

509 ; letter of. 276.
Middleton. Henry, 6,366. 386,403,509,

510.
Mifflin. Thomas. 5. 6, 9, jSj ; letter of.

Miles, Samnel, 550.

Miquelon, 549.

Monroe. James, letter of. 583; report

of, 584-
Montresor. James, extract from, 563.
Moore. James, tSg.
Moore, tavern of, 564.
Moravian Congregation, extract &db

jDiary of, 56J.

06;

INDEX

Morgan, John, Dr^ letter to, 542.

Morris, Colonel, 527.

Morris, Lewis, 37, 207, ai2, 514, 520;

letter of, 521.
Morris, Robert, 66, 164, 166, 191, 192,

193, 194, 200, 394, 395, 426. 493, 527 ;

letters of, 98, 227, 499; letters to,

226,4S3-
Morris, Samuel, Jr., 55a

Morris, Samuel, Sr., 553.

Morton, John, 6, 164, 189, 192, 219, 300,

303. 493. 526.
Motte, Isaac, 278.
Murphy, Archibald Debow, letter to,

375-
Murray, 445.

Murrayfield, 39a

Nantasket, 264.

Nash, Abner, 402.

Natick, 390.

Neilson, John, 245.

Nelson, Thomas, Jr., 37, 76, 80, 146,

164, 182, 384, 386, 399, 401, 511, 540;

letters of, 386, 401, 509; letter to,

456.
Neufville, John, 278.
Neville, Richard Aldworth Griffin-, 236.
New Brunswick, 244.
Ncwburyport, 269.

New Hampshire, 13, 41, 132, 240, 270.
New Jersey. 8, 57, 123, 240, 244, 436.
Newport, 258.
New Salem, 390.
New York, 14, 163, 181, 240, 251, 427 ;

Convention of, letter of, 491, letter

to, 525.
New York City, 252, 255.
Nicholas, Robert Carter, 72, 76, 395,

400.
Nichols, Hugh, 474.
Nicholson, John, letter to, 499.
" Nine- Partners ", 256.
Nixon, John, 550, 552, 553, 554, 557.
Nonis, Isaac, 487.
Norris mansion, 555.
North Carolina, 20, 80, 96, 274, 400;

Committee of Safety of, letter to,

217.
North Church, 572.
North, Lord, 234.
Northampton County, 241.
Northbridge, 39a
Norwich, 390.
Noi£s of Jefferson, 295.

Orme, Archibald, 44a

Ome, Joshua ( ? ), 107.

Osborne, Lord, 235.

Oswald, 578.

Otis, James, 143, 144, 447.

Otis, George Alexander, letters to,

3^»424.
Otis, Joseph, 391.

Owen, Robert, 44a

Paca, William, 6, 127, 128, 130, 161,
164, 272, 412, 436, 437, 438, 439, 529,

530» 575-

Pagc» John, 76, 215; draft of Declara-
tion sent to ( ? ), 347, 348, 351 ; letters
of, 72, 224, 273, 443; letters to, 214,
401, 412, 540.

Paine, Robert Treat, 4, 5, 6. 9, 10, 42,
164, 196, 201, 207, 217, 218, 494.

Paine, Thomas, 23, 90, 406, 408, 450.

Palfray, William, letter of, 41.

Palmer, 390.

Palmer, John, 507.

Palmer, Joseph, letter to, 107.

Palmer, Polly, letter to, 221.

Pardie, Alexander, letters to, 8, 73.

Parker, Freeman, 391.

Parker, Joseph, 550, 552, 553.

Patterson, Edgar, 2S7.

Peale, Charles Willson, 434.

Pearson, Isaac, 64, 66.

Pelletreau, Elias, 263.

Pemberton, 434.

Pendleton, Edmund, 3, 6, 72, 76, 99,

"3. 383* 384. 399» 402; draft of
Declaration sent to, 347, 348, 349;

625

INDEX

Ross, Geoise, 7, 64, 192, 194, 200, 299,
302, 305, 385, 493-

Rush, Benjamin, 9, 72, 91, 190, 192,
194, 200, 218, 219, 299, 302, 305,
447, 494 ; extracts from, 365, 369, 386,
46S; extracts from Diary of, 406,
434; letters of, 225, 231, 406, 527;
letters to, 20, 71, 89; statement of,
381 ; statement to, 33.

Rash, Richard, letter to, 447.

Russell, Ezekiel, broadside of Dec-
laration printed by, 569.

Rutledge, Edward, 6^ 103, 106, 11 1, 123,
158, 164, 198, 219, 403, 404, 488, 493,
50i> 509; letters of, 116, 139, 276;
letter to, 515.

Rutledge, John, 6, 278, 279, 365, 403,
404, 412, 423, 447, 509.

Sandwich, Earl of, 235.

Savannah, 279.

Schuyler, PhUip, 37, 412, 514, 518;

letter to, 564.
Scituate, 390.
Scollay, John, letter of, 8.
Scott, Morin, 366, 517.
Sergeant, Jonathan D., 5, 57, 104, 123,

124, 392 ; letters of, 57, 58, 59, 124;

letter to, 433.
Sewell, David, 269.
Seymour, Thomas, letter of, 253.
Shee, John, 254.
Sherman, Roger, 4f 6^ 44* 103, 120, 123,

143, 144, 164, ai8, 219; letter to, 519.
Sherburne, Samuel, 270, 368.
Simpson, John, 274.
Small, William, Dr., letter to, 33.
Smith, Benjamin, 391.
Smith, David, 275.
Smith, David, 391.
Smith, Elizabeth, Mrs., letter to, 14.
Smith, James, 190, 192, 194, 200, 299,

302. 305. 494 ; letter of, 494.
Smith, John, 272.
Smith, John, 563.
Smith, Joseph, 391.

Smith, Meriwether, 76, 398, 399, 402.

Smith, Nathaniel, 272.

Smith, Phillip, 278.

Smith, Richard, 6, 57, 58, 432 ; extracts

from Diary of, 54, loi, 102, 104, 383,

392,402, 501,511.
Smith, Roger, 278.
Smith, tavern of, 5, 455, 456^
Smith, Thomas, 66, 192.
Smith, William, 186.
Smith, William, 272.
Smith, William, Rev., 102.
Somerset County, 443.
Southampton, 263, 390.
South Carolina, 87, 163, 166, 276^ 428.
Southwick, Solomon, broadsides of

Declaration printed by, 568.
Spain, 239.
Sparhawk, 455, 456.
Spooner, Walter, 269.
St. Christophers, 232.
St. Clair, Arthur, 254.
St. John's Indians, 262.
St. John's Parish, 281.
St Pierre, 549.
Steams, William, 473.
Stephen, Adam, letter of, 71.
Sterrett, John, 272.
Stockbridge, 390.
Stockton, Richard, 124, 158, 159, 161,

164, 215; letter of, 215.
Stockton, Richard, son, letter of, 161.
Stone, Eliab, Rev., 570.
Stone, Thomas, 36. 130, 164, 219, 436.

437» 439» Sy>* 57 S» 57^; letters of,

69, 125, 126, 438, 529-
Stone, W. J., facsimile of Declaration

by. 289, 584.
Stoutenberg, Tobias, 4.
Sullivan, John, 5, 6, 384.
Sussex County, 435.
Swindt, Dr., 404.

Talbot County, 442.

Taunton, 39a

Taylor, Colonel, 94.

Taylor, George, 192, 194, 200, 299, 302,

305» 494-
627

INDEX

Weightman, Roger C, Mayor, letter
to. 585.

Wells, Edward, 462.

Wells, George, 272.

Wells, Samuel A., letters of, 195, 200;
letters to, 196, 202.

Wentworth, John, 133.

West River, 442.

Weymouth, Lord Viscount, 235.

Wharton, 526.

Wharton, Carpenter, letter of, 498.

Wharton, Charles C, letter to, 587.

Wharton, Thomas, Jr., 550, 552, 553.

Whetcomb, John, 269.

Whipple, William, 164, 536, 541 ; let-
ters of, 132, 138, 221, 391, 393, 444,
536,562; letter to, 215.

White, Benjamin, 269.

White, Bishop, 447.

White Hall Tavern, 244.

White Plains, 54.

Wigglesworth, Colonel, 563.

Wilcocks, Alexander, 61, 64, 66.

Wilkes, John, 236.

Williams, Joseph John, 274.

Williams, William, 37, 56, 216, 257,
539» 567 ; letters to, 21 1, 539.

Williamsburg, 273.

Williamstown, 39a

Willing, Thomas, 36, 61, 103, 164, 194,
200, 300, 302, 303, 516.

Willis, Nathaniel, broadside (broad-
sides?) of Declaration printed by,

571.
Willson, Jonathan, 44a

Wilson, Ensign, 251.

WUson, James, 37, loi, 102, 103, 104,

III, 117, 162, 164, 192, 218, 219, 300,

303, 407. 493. 526.
Wilton, 563.
Wilton, Joseph, 562.

Winchendon, 390.

Winder, WUliam H., letter to, 287.

Winthrop, John, 269, 409; letters o^

5o»S2.
Wisner, Henry, 7, 140, 165, 194, 300,

302, 305, 5»4, S'7; letters of, 183,
184, 185, 186, 517; letter to, 221.

Witherspoon, John, Dr., 5, 124, 158,
159, 162, 164, 218, 219, 226, 392, 466,
467,486; letter of, 518; sermon of,
60.

Wolcott, Oliver, 37, 103, 211; extract
from, 562; letters of, 211, 212, 408,

4", 537, 538-
Wombwell, 236.

Woodhull, Nathaniel, 183, 489 ; letter
to, 183.

Woodward, Augustus B., letter to, 451.

Wooster, David, loi, 495.

Wootton, Thomas S., 440.

Worcester, 267, 39a

Wrenham, 39a

Wrixon, £., loi.

Wycombe, Lord, 235.

Wytho, George. 37, 70, 99, ^<^» »<>4t
113, 147, 148, 178, 212, 214, 350, 384,
541 ; draft of Declaration sent to,
347, 348. 350; letters of, 148, 215,
540.

Yard, Mrs., Preface, 492.
Yates, Abraham, 186.
Yates, Robert, letter of, 515.
Young, Dr., letter of, 391.

Zubly, J. J., Rev., 37, 383. 404» S^o;
letter of, 511.

639

S2 43 >}

.: ^iF ;

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