^^"
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below
■-^L
3b3C
DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE.
SECOND VOLUME.
•.c
Democracy in Europe:
A HISTORY.
BY
SIR THOMAS ERSKINE MAY, K.C.B., D.C.L.
AcTHOB OP " TuE Constitutional History of England sincb
THE Accession op George III., 1760-1871."
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. IL
NEW YORK :
A. C. ARMSTRONG & SON,
51 Kast lOtb Street, Near Broadwat,
1891.
New York : J. J. Little & Co., Printors,
10 to 20 Astor Place.
M4-5
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
CHAPTEE X.
THE NETHERLANDS.
PAGE
Character of tlie country 1
Dutch sailors 3
Early races of the Netherlands 3
Feudalism and the Church 4
Growth of cities 6
The burgomaster and the baron 9
Influence of trade guilds 13
The nobles as citizens 14
Military prowess of the towns 15
Confederation of towns, 1323 IG
James Van Artevelde 16
Philip Van Artevelde 17
Guilds of the Flemish cities 18
Improved culture in the Netherlands 19
Guilds of rhetoric 20
Dutch and Flemish painters 20
The cities represented in the estates 21
Increasing power of the sovereigns 22
House of Burgundy 23
The great privilege 23
The archduke Maximilian 25
Philip the Fair 20
The Emperor Charles V 20
Former liberties in Spain 27
Decay of Spanish liberties 28
VI CONTENTS OF
PAGE
The Netherlands under Charles V 29
Rebellion of Ghent 30
Its punishment 30
The liberties of the Netherlands in abeyance 31
Fortunes of Italy and the Netherlands compared 31
Impending strug£^le for religious liberty 32
CHAPTEE XL
THE NETHERLANDS — COntinV£d.
Cliarles V, and the Reformation 33
Persecution of Protestants in the Netherlands 34
Religious persecution a political crime 34
Philip II. of Spain 36
Regency of the Duchess Margaret 37
William Prince of Orange 37
Spread of the Ref onnation 39
Severities of Philip 39
Efforts of nobles and people 40
Les Gueux 40
The Iconoclasts 41
The Duke of Alva 41
Outlawry of the Prince of Orange 44
Revolt of the Netherlands 46
Prince of Orange retires to Holland 47
Don Luis de Requesens 48
The siege of Leyden 48
Allegiance to Philip renounced 49
The ' Spanish fury ' 51
Pacification of Ghent 51
New union of Brussels 53
The Prince of Parma 54
The union of Utrecht 55
Attempts to seduce the Prince of Orange 55
His excommunication by the king 55
The prince's ' apology ' 56
He declines the government. 56
Independence of the Provinces proclaimed 57
Attempted assassination of the prince , 58
THE SECOND VOLUME. Til
PAGB
He becomes count of Holland 58
The ' French fury ' 58
The prince again refuses the government 59
His assassination 59
The prince the apostle of civil and religious liberty 60
Events succeeding his death 61
Negotiations with France 63
And with England 63
Aid given by Queen Elizabeth 63
The Spanish Armada 64
Prince Maurice 64
Decline of the Spanish power 65
Death of Philip of Spain 66
Prosperity of the republic 66
State of the Spanish provinces 67
The twelve years' truce 70
Religious toleration prayed for Catholics 71
Recognition of the republic 71
Union of freedom and commerce 73
Domestic history of the Dutch republic 74
The Stadtholder and Barneveldt 74
Wars of the republic 75
The house of Orange 75
England and Holland 76
The Perpetual edict, 1667 78
William HI. ascends the English throne 79
Declining fortunes of Holland 80
Revolution proclaimed by the French in Holland 83
Constitutional monarchy, 1813 83
Separation of Belgium from Holland 84
Ultramontanisra in Belgium 85
Continued freedom of the Netherlands 86
CHAPTER Xn.
FEANCE.
The country and the people of France 88
The Franks and feudalism 89
Growth of the monarchy 90
VUl CONTENTS OF
PAGE
Misery and discontent of the people 91
The Jacquerie 91
Stephen Marcel 93
Municipal liberties 93
States-general 95
Provincial assemblies 97
The parliaments 97
The monarchy absolute under Louis XIV 99
Centralisation in France 99
The courts of justice 100
The court of Louis XIV 103
High otEces monopolised by nobles 104
Sale of offices 104
Exemptions of nobles 105
Burthens upon the peasantry 106
Effects of non-residence of nobles 106
Peasant proprietors 108
The game laws 110
Burthensome taxes 110
The militia Ill
Famine and bread riots 113
The provincial towns 113
Impoverishment of the nobles 113
Rise of vother classes ; official nobles 114
Capitalists 115
Men of letters 116
The bourgeoisie 116
Civic notables 117
The clergy 117
The lawyers * 118
The new philosophy 119
Voltaire 121
Rousseau 123
Diderot and the ' Encyclopedic ' 123
The Church and public opinion 125
The Huguenots 125
Absence of healthy public opinion 128
Political failures of Louis XIV 128
Reign of Louis XV 139
THE SECOND VOLUME. ix
CHAPTER Xin.
FRANCE — continued.
PAGE
Accession of Loxiis XVI 131
The reforms of Turgot 133
Opposition of tlie privileged classes 133
The war of American independence 134
Necker's compte rendu 135
An assembly of notables, 1787 136
The states-general convoked 137
Hazard of the experiment 138
Meeting of the states- general 141
Rights of the three orders 142
The national assembly 143
Union of the orders 144
Dismissal of Necker 144
Taking of the Bastile 145
Renunciation of privileges, August 4 148
Condition of Paris 150
The clubs 153
The invasion of Versailles by the mob 154
The king at Paris 154
New constitution proclaimed, July 13, 1790 156
Foreign aid invoked by the court 156
The king's flight to Varennes 159
Relations of the king to the revolution 159
National legislative assembly , 1G3
Position of the king 163
War with Austria 164
Riotous mob of petitioners, June 30, 1793 165
Duke of Brimswick's manifesto 166
Insurrection in Paris, August 10, 1793 167
The commune of Paris 168
The September massacres . 169
Abolition of the monarchy 171
The Girondists 173
The Mountain 173
Revolutionary propaganda 174
Trial of the king 17.T
His dignified conduct 1"6
His execution ; and character 179
A3
X CONTENTS OF
CHAPTER XIV.
FEANCE — continued.
PAGE
Triumph of the Mountain 180
The coalition against France 180
Measures of defence 181
The committee of public safety 183
Arrest of the Girondists 183
The convention and the people 184
The invasion ; France in arms 186
Men of the revolution 188
Triumph of French arms 190
Cruelties of the Mountain ; Lyons, &c 191
Execution of Marie Antoinette 193
And of the Girondists 194
Heroism of the revolution 194
The worship of reason 195
Ascendency of Robespierre 196
The Revolutionary tribunal 197
Decline and fall of Robespierre 199
Reaction 201
Proceedings against the terrorists 203
Insurrections 204
Royalist reaction 205
New constitution 206
Defence of the convention by Napoleon Bonaparte 207
France under the Directory 208
The republican army 211
Return of Bonaparte from Egypt 214
Coup-d'ctat, 18Brumaire, 1799 215
Disregard of liberty throughout the revolution 218
Bonaparte First Consul 218
Constitution of Sieyes 218 f
The rule of Bonaparte 220
Peace of Amiens 220
Bonaparte at Notre Dame 221
First Consul for life 222
Napoleon emperor 222
Napoleon and the revolution 224
THE SECOND VOLUME. XI
FACE
His military domination 226
His divorce and marriage 237
Decline of his fortunes 228
His abdication at Fontainebleau 229
Eesults of the revolution 230
Effects of the revolution upon Europe 330
CHAPTER XV.
FRANCE — continued.
Conditions of the restoration 234
Charter of Louis XVIH 235
Return of Napoleon from Elba 235
Second restoration 236
Weakness of the monarchy 236
Political parties 238
Violence of the royalists 239
Coup-d'etat, September 5, 1816 240
The king opposed to the royalists 242
Royalist reaction 243
Accession and character of Charles X 245
Unpopular measures 246
Dissolution, June, 1827 247
The Polignac ministry 249
Dissolution and coupd'etat, May, 1830 250
Insurrection in Paris, July, 1830 253
Abdication of Charles X 254
Louis Philippe, king of the French 255
Influence of the revolution of July, 1830, upon foreign States. . 355
CHAPTER XVL
FRANCE — continued.
Difficulties of Louis Philippe's position 257
State of parties 258
Contrast between 1789 and 1830 2(10
Aljolition of hereditary peerage 2fil
Insurrections 20^
ill CONTENTS or
PAGE
Marshal Soult's ministry 204
Corruption 266
Attempts to assassinate the Mng 266
Ministry of Thiers, 1836 267
Louis Napoleon at Strasburg 267
Marshal Soult's second ministry 268
Insurrection of Barbes, 1839 268
Agitation for reform 269
Thiers restored to power 270
Louis Napoleon at Boulogne 271
Marshal Soult's third ministry 273
Discontents of the working classes 273
Reform agitation, 1840-1843 274
The Spanish marriages, 1846 277
Reform banquets, 1847-1848 279
Tumults, February 22, 1848 280
Ministry of Thiers and Odillou Barrot 281
Abdication of the king 283
Failures of Louis Philippe's reign 283
State of Europe from 1830 to 1848 284
Social changes 285
Intellectual progress 280
Effects of the revolution of 1848 upon Europe 287
CHAPTER XYII
FEANCE — continued. ■
The republic of 1848 293
National workshops 294
Red republicans, socialists, and communists 295
Firmness of Lamartine 298
Invasion of the Hotel de Ville 300
Storming of the assembly 301
Cavaignac dictator 304
Louis Napoleon elected president 304
The president and the assembly 309
The coup-d'etat, December 2, 1851 314
The massacre on the boulevards 317
Measures of coercion 319
THE SECOND VOLUME. Xlll
PAGE
Louis Napoleon after the coup-d'etat 321
The second empire 323
The imperial court 324
Principles of government 325
AVars of the empire 325
Domestic policy 327
The war with Prussia 330
Its fatal issue ; the emperor deposed 331
Fate of the first and second empires compared 333
The government of National Defence 333
National assembly at Bordeaux 334
The Commune 337
Progress of socialism 338
Communist outrages 341
Paris in flames 343
The Commune suppressed 343
The republic under Thiers 344
The royalists and the Comte de Chambord 344
Marshal Mac Mahon p resident 346
The 16th May, 1877 347
The future of France 348
CHAPTER XVni.
ENGLAND.
History of England, that of liberty, not of democracy 349
Character of the country 350
The Celts 353
The Romans 353
The Anglo-Saxons 355
The Danes 358
The Norman conque&t 8G0
The Crown, the barons, and the people o61
Representation of the commons, 1265 363
Political and social progress in the fourteenth century 365
Decay of feudalism 366
Wat Tyler's insurrection 367
Reaction against tlic commons 368
Wars of the Roses 360
XIV CONTENTS OF
PAOE
Absolutism of Henry VIII 370
The Ref ormatioQ 371
The reign of Elizabeth 373
Social changes ; nobles and country gentlemen 374
The Puritans 378
CHAPTEE XIX.
ENGLAm) — continued.
Accession of James 1 383
His treatment of the commons 384
And of the Puritans 385
The king and the Church 386
His contests with parliament 389
Close of his reign 391
Charles I. and his parliaments 392
Resolves to govern without a parliament 396
Taxes by prerogative. 397
Ship-money 397
The star chamber and high commission courts 398
Laud and Strafford • 398
Rebellion in Scotland, 1639 400
Short parliament of 1640 400
The long parliament, 1640 402
Remedial measures 403
Impeachments 404
Attainder of Strafford 405
Parliamentary excesses 406
The king and the long parliament 408
Arrest of the five members 414
The Militia bill 415
CHAPTEE XX.
ENGLAND — coniinued.
The civil war 416
The solemn league and covenant 418
THE SECOND VOLUME. XV
rAoE
The Independents 419
Oliver Cromwell 420
Self-denying ordinance 431
The king given up by the Scots 423
Fall of the Church of England 433
Presbyterians and Independents 425
The king, the army, and the parliament 430
Growth of republican opinions 433
Trial and execution of the king 435
Contemporary opinion, and judgment of posterity 435
CHAPTER XXL
ENGLAND — continued.
Provisional government 438
Republican theories 439
Cromwell's supremacy 441
Cromwell protector 444
Vigour of his rule 446
Aspires to a crown 447 •
His death 449
His character 449
Richard Cromwell protector 451
General Monk, and the Restoration 453
Effects of the civil war upon the monarchy 455
Reaction under Charles II 456
James II 457
Revolution of 1688 458
Securities for public liberty 459
Characteristics of the Revolution 460
William III 460
The representation 463
Power of the aristocracy 463
From the revolution to the accession of George III 464
Ascendency of the Crown, the Church, and the land 465
xvi CONTENTS OP THE SECOND VOLUME.
CHAPTEE XXII.
ENGLAND — Continued.
PAOS
First years of George III 4G8
The war of American Independence 469
Effects of the French revolution 470
Social changes 471
Growth of towns, commerce, and manufactures 473
The Church and dissent , . . 474
Political education 475
Political associations 478
The Catholic Association 480
Agitation for Parliamentary reform, 1830-1832 483
Repeal agitation 483
The Chartists 484
The 10th April, 1848 485
Anti-corn law league 486
Meetings in Hyde Park 487
Moral of political agitation 489
Trades unions 490
Changes in the representation 493
Increase of popular influence and remedial legislation 493
Democratic opinions 495
Loyalty 497
Reign of Queen Victoria 499
Illness and recovery of the Prince of Wales 500
Conservative elements of society 501
Index 503
Democracy in Europe.
CHAPTER X.
THE NETHEELiVNDS.
CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY, AND OF THE PEOPLE — EARLY HISTORY
— GROWTH OF TOWNS — THEIR CONTESTS WITH FEUDALISM — CHA-
RACTERISTICS OF THE BXniGHERS — RIVALRY OP TOWNS — THEIR
MILITARY PROWESS — JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTE\'ELDE — CUL-
TURE AND ART — THE HOUSE OP BURGUNDY — THE EMPEROR
CHARLES V. — ITALY AND THE NETHERLANDS COMPARED.
The history of the Netherlands presents illustrations
of democracy under two distinct aspects. T^^.^foj^^
The first exhibits the growth and political ^["dl^J^l™^
power of municipal institutions ; the second, "^'^y-
the assertion of civil and religious liberty. Of these,
the former was common to the Netherlands and
other European States. The latter affords the first
and most memorable example, in the history of the
world, of the struggles of a nation for the rights of
conscience.
No country could form a greater contrast to Switz- ^
erland than the Netherlands. Instead of be- ciiaractcrot
ing a land of mountains and valleys, Holland the country,
and the greater part of Belgium are an alluvial plain,
below the level of the sea. Formed by deposits from
the Ehine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt, it is a dead fiat,
VUL. II. — 1
Z THE NETHERLANDS.
as far as tlie eye can reacli. The landscape is broken
by no hill or rising ground. But in this far-stretching
plain, man has carried on a more difficult struggle
with nature, than the Swiss mountaineer. He found
it a morass, over which the waters of great rivers, and
of the ocean, ilov/ed. By patient toil, by hardihood,
and by skill, he reclaimed this watery wilderness fi'om
nature, and converted it to his own enjoyment. He
embanked the rivers : he raised huge barriers against
the ocean : he drained the swampy soil which he had
resciied from the floods ; and, by his skilful industry,
he made it as fertile as the most favoured lands of
Euj'ope. So little had nature helped him, that he
might almost have claimed the toil-won earth as his
own creation. The races by whom this stupendous
work was done, wrestled with dangers, hardships and
discouragements, without a parallel in the records of
human enterprise. Nor could they rest from their
labours, when the work was done. They had still to
maintain an incessant battle v/ith the elements, to save
their fields from being again engulfed ; and too often
were they overcome in the unequal strife.^ They could
find no foundations for their dwellings, but sand and
bog, and piles. They had neither stone nor wood for
building. Their quays and warehouses, inviting the
commerce of the world, were raised above the waters,
by forests of timber from distant lands. In all their
undertakings nature continued adverse. Such men
were brave, hardy, and resolute. Their lives were
one sustained struggle for existence.
Having thus divided the land on which they dwelt
' Sir W. Temple said : — ' They employ more men to repair the
dykes than all the corn in the province would maintain.' — Observa-
tions on the Uhitcd Provinces, ch. iii. p. 15 (Worksj.
THE PEOPLE. 6
from tlie waters, tliese stalwart settlers, already sur-
rounded by the sea, and by estuaries and Dutch
navigable rivers, constructed a network of ''*^^^°'''-
canals as the common highways of their country.
They were natural-born sailors. They had thrust back
the sea fi'om their homesteads : but they were ever
ready to brave its dangers. Water was their element :
they crossed the ocean, to foreign ports : they coasted
along their own sinuous shores : they navigated the
rivers and canals. Such a people were naturally des-
tined to advance in commerce, in wealth, in industrial
association, and in freedom.
The races by which the Netherlands were peopled
had sprung from Teutonic and Celtic tribes. ^^^^^ ^^^^^
The Frisian, Batavian, and Saxon Teutons Nethlr-
generally migrated to the North : the Belgic '''"'^''•
and Gallic Celts settled in the South. Holland be-
came the home of the Teuk)ns : the greater part of
Belgium of the Celts.^ Both had to contend with the
natural difficulties of their country : but the hardest
struggle, and the worst climate, were the lot of the
northern settlers. The inhabitants of the North and
of the South had many interests in common. The
Frisians and the Flemings especially were united in
the toilsome work of reclaiming their lands from the
hungry waters, and they were engaged in the same
maritime and industrial pursuits. But differences of
' Learued studies concerning the origin and settlements of tliese
various tribes will be found in Desroches, Hist. Ancienne dcs Pays.
BciH, liv. i. ; Scliayes, Lcs Pmjs-Ban avant et durant la domination
Romaine; Renard, Hist. Poliiique ct Militnire de la Bclgiquc;
Petigny, Etudes sur I'histoire do Vepoquc Merovingienne ; Juste, Ilist.
de Bdfjique, cli. i.-iv. ; and Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, In-
troduction.
4 THE NETHEELi^3IDS.
race, of language, of social habits, and of religion,
withheld them from so complete a fusion, as would
probably have followed the settlement of kindred
tribes. The one spoke a language of German root :
the other generally shared the speech of the kindred
Gauls. And their history discloses a continued diver-
gence of character and of destiny, in these two an-
cient families of man.
All these tribes were naturally brave and warlike.
Their early ^^^ Nervii, the Batavi,^ and the Belgse, are
history. reuowued in history, as worthy foes of Csesar,
and the Roman legions.^ All the races united, under
the Batavian chief Civilis, and fought bravely, but in
vain, to resist the dominion of the Roman Empire.
The dwellers in the high grounds of the frontier, near
the Meus6, — now the Walloon provinces, — took ser-
vice in the Roman armies : but the inhabitants of the
plains of Holland and Flanders steadily pursued their
battles with nature, cultivated their lands, and en-
gaged in new maritime adventures. After the fall of
Imperial Rome, the Franks took possession of the
Belgic Netherlands : but the Frisians of the north
held out, until at length they were reduced by Charle-
924 A D magne, and became subjects of his vast em-
pire. The Netherlands were afterwards lost
to the Franks, and were united to Germany.
Meanwhile feudalism and the Church of Rome were
taking a firm hold upon these provinces. In
and the the uortli the Count of Holland and the
Bishop of Utrecht, — a Prince of the Church,
— were the great feudal sovereigns. In the south, the
' Tlie Batavi are called by Tacitus ' ferox gens,' Hist. i. 59.
* Ciesar, Be Bella Oallico, books i.-iv.
EAELY HISTORY. 5
Dukes of Lorraine and Brabant, tlie Earls of Flan-
ders, tlie Bishops of Liege and Tournay, and a host
of counts and barons, divided the sovereignty of the
country,^ Fortified castles ^vere as threatening, in
the Flemish plains, as in the mountains of Switzer-
land, and on the rivers of Germany. Friesland alone
extorted concessions from Charlemagne, -which re-
strained feudal rights ; and successfully resisted the
claims of feudalism. The people maintained their
ancient liberties, and acquired the name of the Free
Frisians. For centuries the iron rule of feudalism
held the Netherlands, like other parts of Europe, in
its chains. Whatever may have been the traditions
of freedom among the German races, they were lost *
under the empire of force. But the causes which
overcame feudalism elsewhere,^ were gradually un-
dermining its power in the Netherlands. Eival counts
were at war with one another, and with their sove-
reign : feudal lords and bishops were meeting sword
in hand, in the field of battle : nobles were impove-
rished by costly state, and extravagance ; and the
Crusades thinned their ranks, and ruined their for-
tunes. Above all, the steadfast character of the peo-
ple, and the peculiarities of their country, favoured
an early development of maritime enterj^rise, com-
merce, and manufactures. These were followed by
the rapid growth of towns, and the formation of ur-
ban communities of enterprising and wealthy burgli-
' A detailed account of the several provinces and their sovereigns,
and their relations with France, the Empire, and Spain, is given ia
Juste, nist. de Belgiqne, i. 150 ; ii. 261. See also Orimeston, Oene-
red nut. of the Netherlands ; Wicqucfort, Uist. dcs Provinces Unia;
Lr)tliian, Hint, of the Netherlands.
* See supra, chap. vi.
b THE NETHERLiVNDS.
ers, — of mercliants, traders, and artificers. While
feudalism was declining, the towns were ever increas-
ing in power.
The commerce and industrial arts of Italy had
Growth of favoured the growth of its memorable repub-
lics ; and the same causes developed the lib-
erties of the great cities of the Netherlands. The po-
sition of this country was no less favourable to com-
merce, in the north of Europe, than that of Italy in the
south. Bordering on France and Germany, and within
a day's sail of England, its merchants were in the very
centre of northern commerce. By the Rhine and the
Elbe, they conveyed their merchandise into the very
' heart of Germany ; and the Scheldt and the Thames in-
vited, from opposite shores, the interchange of Flemish
and English products. Flanders also became an en-
trepot for the commerce between the north of Europe
and the Mediterranean. Bruges was the great central
mart of the cities of the Hanseatic League, and was
the rival of Venice in the Eastern trade. Italian mer-
chants brought there the spices of the East, the silks
and jewelry of Italy, and the rich productions of the
Mediterranean : the English displayed their wools and
famous woollen fabrics : the Flemings sold their cloths,
lace, and linens ; and traders fi'om the Baltic and North
Seas bartered their salt-fish, hides and tallow, for the
tempting luxuries of Southern climes.^ Antwerp and
Bruges have been aptly described as the Liverpool
and Manchester of the fifteenth century. In course of
time, new fields of commercial enter23rise were opened
to Dutch and Flemish merchants. The discovery of
America offered a new world to their commerce ; and
> Robertson, Charles V. sect, i . ; Juste, Sist. de Belgique, i. 152, &c.
GROWTH OF TOWNS. 7
the sea passage to the Indies, round the Cape of
Good Hope, diverted the Eastern trade from the Ita-
lian cities, and the Mediterranean, to the adventurous
mariners of the Netherlands.
In manufactures, and the industrial arts, the excel-
lence of the Netherlands v/as no less marked. Their
fabrics in silk, tapestry and linen, and their artistic
works in brass and iron, were sought for in every mar-
ket of Europe. In shipbuilding, their artificQrs were
the most active and ingenious of their times. In navi-
gation, their seamen were skilful and adventurous.
Fleets of merchant ships traded with the coasts of
England, France, Spain r.nd Portugal. Their fisheries
were pursued, with extraordinary daring, as far as the
coasts of Scotland. So far were they advanced in the
arts of commerce, that in 1310, there was an insurance
chamber at Bruges. Thousands of skilled artificers
were busy in the factories and workshops of Bruges,
Ghent, Antwerp, and other prosperous cities. In the
fourteenth century many of these cities had risen to
extraordinary greatness. Ghent is said to have num-
bered 250,000 inhabitants:* Bruges 100,000: Ypres
200,000: Antwerp nearly 200,000: Brussels about
50,000, — at a time when the population of London was
less than 50,000, and that of Paris not more than
120,000. Noble cathedrals, churches, and town-halls
still attest their splendour. Bruges was adorned with
fifty churches; Tliiel with fifty-five. The domestic
architecture of the chief cities bears witness to the
magnificence and cultivated taste of their citizens.
Their wealth and luxuries excited the envy of crowned
' At the siego of Ghent, in 1381. tliere were said to bo 80,000 men,
bearing arms : Froissart, Chron. ii. ch. 91 (Collection do 13uchon).
8 THE NETHERLANDS.
heads. In the seventeen provinces of tlie Netherlands
there were 208 walled cities and 150 chartered towns.
So vigorous a growth of town societies was necessa-
rily accompanied by municipal organisation, and cor-
porate privileges.
Charlemagne had instituted municipal officers called
Early con- scaUni ov sheriffs, to assist the counts in the
the'town °* government of the cities. They were chosen
803 A.D. ^y ^jjQ count from patrician families, which,
with some of the higher bourgecdsie, ruled these cities.
From an early period the inhabitants secured exemp-
tion from feudal servitude. But it was not until the
twelfth century that they obtained the privileges of
municipal self-government. Trade guUds were then
organised, which laid the foundation of municipal liber-
ties. The guilds chose wardens ; and they again elected
two or more of their own body as burgomasters. And
to these cities, charters were freely given by the counts,
which encouraged self-government. Among their
privileges was that of erecting a belfry, to the sound
of whose bells the inhabitants assembled, to delibe-
rate upon the affairs of the city, or flew to arms to
repel their enemies.^
The chartered towns now governed themselves, hav-
ing their own laws, their own courts of justice, their
own system of finance, their police and burgher
guards. Their constitutions were generally alike.
Each town had its senate composed of burgomasters^
' Oudegherst, Ghroniques et Annales de Flandre ; Van Praet,
Origine des Communes de Flandre ; De Bast, Institution des Com-
munes en Belgique ; Grimeston, Oeneral History of the Netherlands ;
Juste, Hist, de Belgique, i. 178, 3rd Edition.
' Most of the towns had three or four burgomasters, but some had
one only.
CONTEST WITH FEUDALISM. 9
and slieriffs ; and a council of citizens, by wliom tlie
senate was elected. The trade guilds were trained to
arms, and assembled under tlieir distinctive banners,
at tlie sound of the great bell, or by order of the
magistrates. This municipal organisation favoured a
spirit of liberty and independence, and placed con-
siderable power in- the hands of an armed people.
Flanders, being more favoured by its position, was in
advance of Holland, in the number and prosperity of
its towns; many of which obtained charters, a hun-
dred years before their Dutch neighbours.
A new political power was thus arising, which
threatened the supremacy of the nobles.
The burgomaster was becoming a more for- mas'eraiid
midable power than the baron. The trained
bands of the city guilds soon outnumbered the vassals
ser\dng under the standards of their feudal chiefs. If
less accomplished in the arts of war, they were brave,
impetuous, and stubborn. If their onslaughts were
not made according to the received tactics of their
age, they were too vigorous and determined, to be
easily repelled by the most experienced soldiers.
These sturdy burghers, convinced of the justice of
tlieir cause, and animated by a strong esprit de corps,
were slow to admit defeat. If worsted in the strife,
they returned to the battle-field, with redoubled force ;
and rarely laid down their arms, until their cause was
won.^ Their collisions with the counts were inces-
' You know, my Lord, the humour we of Ghent
Have still indulged — we never cry for peace.
But when we're out of breath : give breathing time.
And ere the echo of our cry for peace
Have died away, we drown it with ' War I war 1 '
rhilip Van Artcvdde, act i. so. 4.
1*
10
THE NETHEELAiroS.
sant ; and wliile tlioir enemies werG continiially -weak-
ened by divisions among themselves, tliey were ever
increasing in numbers, in wealtli, in organisation, and
in confidence.
Tlie contest was otherwise unequal, on the side of
Local dis- ^^^ barous. The confined area of the coun-
of ^he'*^^^^ try at once restricted their numbers, and the
barons. extent of their territories. It afforded no
such field for feudal dominion as the wide plains of
Germany and France. The towns were constantly
encroaching upon these narrow domains : while their
prosperity and freedom attracted multitudes of coun-
try people, who gladly fled from feudal servitude,
and agricultural labour, in the dullest of all habit-
able lands, to the lucrative employments, the com-
forts, and the free and active social life of the busy
town.
The peculiar character of the country itself also
^^g placed the barons at a certain disadvantage,
suited for' ^^ preseuce of their powerful and combative
defence. neighbours. In Italy and Sr^ritzerland, in
Germany and France, we see the ruined castles of the
feudal lords, frowning from rocky heights, and com-
manding the rivers and valleys beneath them. The
Alps, the Apennines, the Riviera, the Pyrenees, the
Rhine, the Moselle, the Danube, and the Loire bristle
with these grim monuments of mediaeval life. Nature
had there provided fortresses for the warlike barons :
but in the low plains of the Netherlands, they sought
in vain for height, or crag, or other defensive vantage-
ground. Nature had been niggardly in her gifts to
this sorry land. The peasant could find no safe foun-
dations for his humble cot : the lord could find no
defence for his castle, save in the moat, the raised
CHAEACTER OF THE BUEGHERS. 11
drawbridge, the looplioles and the battlements of
his own construction. His stronghokl could be sur-
rounded by his enemies : it was open to sudden as-
saults and surprises, to the onslaught of armed men,
or to the insidious torch. The hosts of burghers, who
swarmed from the city walls, often found the castles
of their baronial foes an easy j)rey to their impetuous
raids.
Such being the inequalities of the strife, it was
natural that the towns should gradually
have prevailed. Their quarrels with the no- of the
bles were incessant. Sometimes new claims ""^^ ^^^'
were repelled : sometimes the payment ' of accus-
tomed dues was resisted : sometimes a casual provo-
cation, on either side, was resented. In these rude
times it were vain to inquire, to which side justice
more often inclined. The barons were haughty, and
exacting; and ever ready to draw the sword. The
burghers, proud of their civic franchises, bearing their
own municipal burthens, and inflated with local patri-
otism, showed scant respect for feudal rights. Feu-
dalism, with all its incidents, had been established by
the power of the strongest ; and by a still stronger
force, it might now be overthrown. The like conflicts
had arisen everywhere : they were the natural results
of feudalism, enduring in the midst of a changing and
growing society. But nowhere had the burghers been
so headstrong and aggressive, so resolute in the asser-
tion of their rights, so prompt to assail others, as
well as to defend themselves, as in the Netherlands.
In Holland, they were stubborn and determined : in
Flanders, Brabant, and other provinces, where the
Celtic temperament prevailed, they were violent and
impulsive. But all pursued the same ends, in their
12 THE NETHERLANDS.
own fashion. In tlieir dealings witli local barons, oi*
provincial sovereigns, they were ever determined to
have their own way. Parley and compromise were
not to their taste : their rude and hardy fibre prompted
instant action. They were as ready to begin the fray,
as to maintain it. They fought with nobles, as they
had wrestled with the sea, and with adverse nature.
They would not allow any power to withstand them.
Such a temper advanced their liberties, while it dis-
turbed the peace of the country, and checked their
social prosperity. In admiring their courageous love
of freedom, we cannot be blind to the rough and un-
mannerly fashion in which it was, too often, asserted.^
They lived in a rude age, when men were more ready
with blows than words: when force was still the
first law of society: when every man's hand was
raised against his neighbour: when the baron was
at war with baron and burgher : when the lord of the
' Hallam says : — ' Liberty never wore a more unamiable counte-
nance than among tliese burghers, who abused the strength she gave
them by cruelty and insolence.' — Middle Ages, ii. 86.
Mr, Motley says : — ' Doubtless the history of human liberty in Hol-
land and Flanders, as everywhere else upon earth where there has
been such a history, enrols many scenes of turbulence and blood-
shed, although these features have been exaggerated by prejudiced
historians. Still, if there were luxury and insolence, sedition and
uproar, at any rate there was life. Those violent little common-
wealths had blood in their veins : they were compact of proud, self-
helping, muscular vigour.' — Rise of the Dutch BepubUc, Intr. p. 35.
According to Juste : — ' Cette vieille terre de liberte ne sut jamais
supporter le despotisme, quel qu'il f iit, religieux, ou philosophique,
espagnol, autrichien ou hollandais. De la, le reproche de turbulence
adresse mechamment a un peuple qui se bornait a defendre les droits
les plus sacres, les libertes confirmees par le serment du prince, des
traditions conservatrices de la nationalite.' — Hist, de Belgique, Intr.
p. 10.
OPLUENCE OF TRADE GUILDS. 13
strong castle was, at once, warrior and brigand. In
such a condition of society, liard-workiug burghers
are not to be judged by the standards of our settled
times. They had sprung from robust northern races,
more given to deeds of hardihood than to gentle man-
ners : their lot had been cast in an unpromising land,
and an ungenial climate: they could gaze upon no
scenes of natural beauty : there was little of warmth
or colouring in the atmosphere : there was nothing
around them to inspire their imagination, to raise
their thoughts above their daily toil, or to in\dte re-
pose and tranquil enjoyments. They were traders,
weavers, shipwrights, mariners, striving lustily in the
battle of life : they worked under leaden skies, and
looked out upon a landscape like the Isle of Dogs.
Such men were naturally rough, earnest, and obsti-
nate. They were brave, as the bravest knights : but
they knew not chivalry, or courtesy.
In following the rude struggles of the burghers for
freedom, we must not overlook the influence
P , ^ .11 ,1 • 1 J 1 Influence of
oi trade guilds upon their character, and trade
... . fuiklgi
political life. These associations, — useful,
and even necessary, in the infancy of industrial
trades, — contributed to the early civilisation of the
inhabitants of towns, and forwarded their civil liber-
ties. They were a great source of strength to the
people : but tlie gathering together of a great number
of men, engaged in the same employments, having
common interests and sympathies, and separated from
other members of the community, tended to narrow
their political aims, and to encourage a dangerous
esp'it dc corps. Like trades-unions of modern times,
they could only see their own side, in any disj^utc :
they were possessed by a single idea ; and they ad-
14 THE NETHEELAI^DS.
vanced it witli passionate resolution. At home tliey
were led into turbulence, factions and tumults : abroad,
they were hurried into impulsive wars with nobles and
rival cities. Such were the burghers of the Nether-
lands ; and, whatever their faults, they won for them-
selves an extraordinary measure of fi'eedom, at a time
when freedom was little known in Europe.
Unhappily, the rude struggles of these city com-
jjj^,j^j monwealths were not confined to contests for
cities. freedom. The eternal jealousies of rival cities
had been fatal to the peace of Greece, of Italy, and of
Switzerland; and they were no less disastrous in the
Netherlands. Ghent and Bruges, and other cities,^
fought against each other with as much fury as any
rival cities, in other lands. Chronic warfare was the
lot of these unsettled times; and was common to
burghers as well as barons. Had they lived in peace,
and united their forces, no sovereign could have with-
stood them, as was proved in many memorable suc-
cesses, in later times.
The country beyond the limits of the town-lands
The nobles ^o^med the domains of the noblesse and of
as citizens, 'bighops and abbeys. The nobles exercised an
extensive jurisdiction; and were exempt from taxes,
in consideration of their feudal obligations. Many of
the nobles, however, attracted by the increasing luxu-
ries of the towns, which offered a more agreeable
residence than their own swampy plains, came to live
among the citizens, and to share their security and
' ' Toutes ces guerres et liaines murent par orgueil et par envie que
les bonnes \nlles tie Flandre avoient I'une sur I'autre, ceus de Gand
sur ]a ville de Bruges, et ceux de Bruges sur la ville de Gand, et
ainsi les autres villes, les unes sur les autres.' — Froissart, Chronique»,
ii. cb. lii. (Collection de Buchon).
MILITAEY PEOWESS OF TOWNS. 15
ease. Between tlie two classes there was as little fel-
lowship as between the earl and the alderman, of
modern times. But, for the sake of pov/er, several
nobles obtained admission to the trade-guilds, and
concerned themselves in the municipal government.
Some thus became leaders of the people : while others,
by their haughty bearing, their violence, and attempts
at usurpation, made themselves obnoxious to their
fellow-citizens. In 1257, Utrecht thrust forth its
bishop, and nobles, and began a lengthened struggle
with feudalism. In 1303, Mechlin and Louvain, the
two principal cities of Brabant, — like many of the
Italian republics, — expelled the patrician families
from their walls.
As the military strength of the cities increased,
their pretensions were no longer confined to local
struggles with the nobles or rival cities. They re-
sisted the decrees of the great sovereign
dukes and counts of their provinces, and prowess of
took up arms to maintain their rights. They
were even able to contend against foreign kings. The
Flemings, to overcome the Count of Flanders, had ac-
cepted the sovereignty of Philip the Fair, King of
France : but, discontented with the rule of their new
master, they were not afraid to revolt against him.
In 1301, the burghers of Bruges, led by Peter de Ko-
ning, a draper, and John Breydel, a butcher, drove
out the French garrison : and, in the following year,
won a signal victory over the army of tlie King of
France, at the battle of Courtrai. Other towns sent
forth their militia ; and after two more years of
stubborn warfare, the Flemings overcame their royal
foe.
This remarkable triumph of civic arms revealed the
16 THE NETHEELANDS.
uses of union among the towns, in defence of their
confodera- coDimon liberties; and a confederation was
tl)wns^ formed between the towns of Flanders and
1333. Brabant. In 1323, the warlike Bruges was
again in arms. With the aid of other Flemish cities,
the stubborn burghers made war upon Count Louis of
Flanders, and the nobles. They stormed, and dis-
mantled the feudal castles, throughout the province,
and they took prisoners, the Count himself, and the
greater part of the nobles, who had fled, for safety, to
Courtrai. But their triumph was short-lived. Ghent,
the jealous rival of Bruges, had taken no part in the
movement ; and the King of France, coming to the
rescue of the Count, in a new disj^ute, routed and
destroyed the gallant Flemings, at the battle of CasseL
Ghent was the next city to take the lead in Flemish
James Van poli^ics ; and, by the union of the burgher
Arteveide. forces of Confederate cities, it was able to
play a consj)icuous part in the history of the Nether-
lands and of EurojDe. James Van Arteveide, a patri-
cian, who, — in order to direct the councils of the citj,
— had joined the guild of brewers, became the leader
of the Flemish people. He soon swayed a greater
power than the Count of Flanders himself. Having
overcome the Count, and driven him into France, he
assumed the popular sovereignty of the province.
He negotiated a treaty of commerce with Edward III.
of England ; and, having persuaded the Flemings to
transfer their allegiance to that monarch, as King of
France, he joined, like an independent power, in the
war between the rival kings. He brought 60,000 men
to the English army at Antwerp : and sent a Flemish
squadron to Sluys to aid the English fleet. These
timely reinforcements largely contributed to the sue-
PHILIP ViVN AKTEVELDE. 17
cess of the Englisli arms. A truco was agreed to, be-
tween tlie combatants ; and Van Artevelde ruled over
Flanders, under the name of Euward, as a sovereign
prince. According to Froissart, * there never was in
Flanders, nor in any other country, prince, duke or
other, that ruled a country so peacefully, for so long a
time.' The power of the burghers, over feudalism,
was illustrated by the wondi'ous career of the brewer
of Ghent. But the popular sovereign, having risen to
power by their favour, fell a victim to their wrath.
Outraged by his attempts to transfer the sovereignty
of Flanders, to the descendants of Edward III. of Eng-
land ; and suspecting him of having sent the Flemish
revenues out of the country, the citizens, especially
the members of the lesser guilds, rose and slew him
in his own house,^
The military power of the burghers of Ghent
showed itself again, under the guidance of phiiipvan
his no less distinguished son Philip. He
overthrew Louis de Male, Count of Flanders, b}'^ a
bold coup de main upon Bruges : ^ was proclaimed
regent of the provinces ; and like his father, ruled
with all the state of a sovereign prince. His burgher
forces proved themselves not unworthy foes of the
chivalry of France, commanded by their young king
Charles "ST. in person ; but, weakened by ^.^^ ^ ^
the defection of many cities, and overcome
' Froissart, Chrmiiques, i. cli. 248 (Collection de Buclion). Few
itliapters in Froissart are more interesting than tliis.
lie was the noblest and the wisest man
That ever ruled in Ghent ; yet, Sirs, ye slew him ;
By his own door, here, where I stand, ye slew him.
PMlip Van Artevelde, act ii. sc. 2.
"■ Froissart, Chroniques. ii. rp. 101, 102. 121, 153-lGO (Collectiou
do Bu'-'hou).
18 THE NETHEELANDS.
by superior forces, the gallant Philip fell, upon the
field of battle, in the midst of his routed host.^
While the burghers were thus contending with the
nobles, and maintaining their rights against their
feudal superiors, they were not without grave divi-
sions amonsr themselves. The guilds were
Guilds of _ _ _ . ° '^ ,
the Flemish divided luto greater or lesser trades, the
former being composed of burghers, — gen-
erally employers of labour, — and the latter of arti-
ficers. The members of the greater guilds were
wealthy, powerful and ambitious. They enjoyed the
dignities of burgomasters and councillors : they were
clothed in the municipal purple ; and they ruled with
the power of an aristocracy, over the civic state.
The working classes could gain admittance to the
greater trades, by giving up manual labour for a year
and a day : but the great mass of artificers, bound
to the lesser trades, were continually striving against
the power and privileges of their more exalted bre-
thren. In every town, the old war was waged be-
tween a commercial aristocracy and a democracy. At
Brussels, Louvain and Antwerp, the people rose in
arms against the privileged citizens. In many of
the cities, the municipal constitutions having become
close, and in a great measure self-elective, it was only
by such demonstrations, that the lesser guilds were
able to assert their influence. Such constitutions
were not fi-amed upon a democratic basis : no provi-
sion was made for tlie legitimate exjjression of popu-
lar oj)inion, in the municipal councils, by the direct
' Froisaart, Chroniquea, ii. cli. 176-108 (Collection de Bnchon).
The history of this time is delightfully told by Froissart, and may
now be read, with redoubled interest, in Sir Henry Taylor's dra-
matic romance of Philip Van Arlcoclde.
CULTUEE AND ART. 19
election of representatives ; and the elements of de-
mocracy, which abounded in these populous cities,
instead of being duly associated with authority, were
left to maintain irregular and impulsive struggles
against it. The local government was often an oli-
garchy, while the spirit of the burghers was pecu-
liarly democratic.
Violent factions were also formed, like the "White
Hoods of Ghent, who, banded together, in p^j^^^^jg
arms, took the direction of affairs out of the
hands of the magistrates, and hurried the people into
wars and tumults.^ It was by such bands as these,
that the industrious burghers were often enticed from
the factory and the workshop, to disturb the peace of
the city, to slight and provoke their counts, or to en-
gage in quarrels with their neighbours.
In the midst of all these wars and tumults, society
was advancing rapidly in culture. The re- improved
vival of literature and the arts in Italy was ti'iVNcthcr-
associated with the rise of its republics ; and
the like result is to be observed in the free cities of
the Netherlands. The culture of the wealthier citi-
zens was higher than that of their own class, in any
other part of Europe except Italy. Their sons were
educated at their own renowned university of Lou-
vain, at Paris, and at Padua. "Without neglecting
the classics, they were proficient in modern lan-
guages, so peculiarly necessary for a commercial peo-
' Froissart, Chroniques, ii. ch. 53, 60.
For truly here there are a sort of crafts,
So factious still for war, and obstinate.
That we shall he endatif^er'tl. Suing for peace
Is ever treason to tlu^ Whit(; Hoods.
riulij^i Vait Arkvchle, act i. ac. 1.
20 THE NETHERLANDS.
pie. Their artisans also were not only skilled in
liandicrafts, but were remarkable for ilieir intelli-
gence and mental activity : they associated in clubs
and other societies for recreation and instruction,
of which the most important were called guilds, or
Guild, of chambers, of rhetoric. Here poetry, satires
(ftfSh and lampoons were recited, plays, masques
ceuiury). ^^^ pagcauts acted, and music performed.
Among a free, robust and turbulent people, politics
naturally intruded into such performances,— just as
the Greek drama became political ; and these socie-
ties exercised much influence upon the political sen-
timents of the people. Great license was enjoyed
by them ; and in anticipation of the printing press,
which was about to revolutionise the mind of Eu-
rope, they were powerful instruments for the associa-
tion and political instruction of the people. While
courted by princes and nobles, they boldly assailed
the abuses of the government, and the vices of the
clergy ; and they prepared the way for the Reforma-
tion.
In the arts, the free cities of the Netherlands were
, not unworthy rivals of their more gifted
Dutch and '' -, no t
Flemish brethren of Italy. In the fifteenth century,
the brothers Yan Eyck, Hans Hemlmg, and
other masters were already founding a national school
of painting, whose works became the admiration of
Europe. In stately and picturesque architecture, the
cities of Flanders and Brabant will bear comparison
with the best examples of Italy. Their carvings in
wood attained such perfection as to entitle them to
rank with sculpture, as a fine art. Such are the evi-
dences of a cultivated society, and of advanced civil-
isation.
CHANGES OF DYNASTY. 21
"Wliile tlie cities of the Netherlands were thus
advancing in wealth, culture, and military The cities
power, tiiey were acquiring more extended hi'the^"^'^''
political privileges in the government of the ^"''''°^-
State. They sent delegates to the provincial assem-
bly of the Estates,^ where they sat with the nobles,
whom they generally outnumbered.^ In the thir-
teenth and fourteenth centuries the principal cities
of Holland, Flanders and Brabant, sent their dejiu-
ties to the Estates ; and, while supreme in their own
municipal affairs, they voted all the provincial taxes,
and exercised a commanding influence in the general
administration of the province.^
Here were all the characteristics and traditions of
a free people, — the manly northern race that
Character-
had battled bravely with Koman conquerors, i^i'c^ "f
— the long training of free institutions, the
spirit of commercial enterprise, the culture which, in
all ages, has been the handmaid of fi-eedom, and the
association of citizens in business, in instruction and
amusement.
In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the lib-
erties of the Netherlands had attained their t,,,.,„^,,^ „f
greatest development, when they were check- f") '""^"^y-
ed by changes of dynasty, which were destined to
provoke disastrous conflicts between the people and
their rulers.
The burghers had been no unequal match against
their own counts and bishops, even when assisted
' In Holland tlic flcputies wero electnd l)y tlie senates, each city-
Laving one only, whatever the number of deputies.
* In BraV)ant there were fourteen deputies, of whom four were
nobles, and ten were chosen by the burghers.
''' Davics, Hint, of Holland, i. 70 ct scq.
22 THE NETHERLANDS.
by foreign alliances : but wlien tlie Netlierlauds fell
increasino- ^^^^ ^^i® liancls of poweiful sovereigns, with
FheTove- Standing armies, and foreign resources, they
reigns. were at a serious disadvantage. They had
been able to resist feudalism : it was now to be seen
how far they could withstand the encroachments of
monarchs upon their civil rights, and the assaults
of tyrants upon their religious liberty.
Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, first acquired
the sovereignty of Flanders and Brabant ; and
iJursundy, his accessiou promised well for the liberties
of his subjects. So long as the dominion of
the House of Burgundy was confined to these pro-
vinces, the towns continued to display their accus-
tomed independence.
But at length Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy,
secured the sovereignty of nearly all the re-
1437 A.D. , . . o J J
mainmg provinces of the Netherlands.^ And
this new sovereign was also ruler over his own domains
of Burgundy, and considerable territories in France.
He found the burghers of Bruges and Ghent as intrac-
table as ever : but he subdued them. Ghent resisted
him, in open war, for two years : but, at length, he
conquered the rebellious city, and punished it by the
forfeiture of its most important privileges. He visited
with greater severity the refractory burghers of Liege,
and Dinant. The municipal councils had begun to
exercise great influence, even beyond the boundaries
of their own cities, and were able to control the sove-
reign and the nobles. Philip confined them to their
municipal aff'airs, and permitted no interference with
' His territories did not include Friesland, the bishopric of Utreclit,
Guelders, or Li»'ge, Guelders was afterwards conquered by his son
Charles the Bold.
THE HOUSE OF EUKGTMDY. 23
Lis sovereignty. Ghent recovered its privileges from
Charles the Bold ; ^ but Liege, again rebellious, was
given up to pillage.^ This haughty and impetuous
prince was too much engrossed with foreign wars, to
concern himself much about the welfare of the Nether-
lands : but he drained them by excessive taxes, and
often provoked revolts by his exactions. He raised a
standing army ; and he gave arbitrary powers to the
supreme court, to deal with the charters of the pro-
vinces. His power was weakened by the victories of
the free and gallant Swiss ; and his early death de-
ferred, for some years, the impending struggle between
liberty and despotism.^
But while, during the rule of the first princes of the
House of Burgundy, the political power of the people
was subdued, their wealth and prosperity were rapidly
on the increase, and were laying the foundation of
their future freedom. At the death of Charles tho
Bold, the provinces and towns assembled a conven-
tion at Ghent, and extorted from the young Duchess
Mary,* the 'Great Privilege,' or charter, by which
the free constitution of Holland was restored. Tho oieat
The right of the provinces and towns to hold ^'"^■''''*''*^-
diets, for the consideration of public affairs, ^*" ^'°'
was admitted. The sovereign was not to impose taxes,
to declare war, or to coin money, without the consent
of the Estates. The sovereign undertook to meet tho
' For a graphic account of the bold and unmannerly fashion in
vhlch this was effected, Bee Philippe de Comniines, M('m. ii. ch. 4.
He says : ' A la vorite dire, aprt^s le pcujile do liii'go, il n'en est nul
plus inconstant que ceux de Qand.' Sec also Baranto, Jlitit. dcs
Uucs dc B<yu,r(jO(jne ; Juste, Ilint. de Bclfjique, i. 348.
" I'hilippe de Coinmines, Mem. il. ch. 13, 14 ; Juste, Hid. i. 348.
* P. de Comniines, Mim. v. ch. 1, 8.
*P. dc Comniines, Mem. v. ch. IG, 17.
24 THE NETHEELANDS.
Estates in person, and demand tlie necessary supplies.
Ail tlie privileges of the cities were confirmed: they
appointed tlieir own magistrates, had their own muni-
cipal courts, and were not to contribute to taxes which
they had not voted. Similar privileges were granted
to Flanders and other provinces ; and thus a consti-
tution was obtained for the Netherlands, which recog-
nised, to an unexampled extent, all the rights of a free
people under a constitutional monarchy.
By the union of so many provinces under the House
The NoUier- ^^ Burguudy, the Netherlands had now be-
Ikiei^bie""' come a considerable State. Each province
state. jjj^j i^g Q^j^ constitution, and its assembly of
Estates, and voted its own subsidies, while it sent
delegates to a general assembly of the Estates of all
the provinces, for the discussion of national affairs.
Each province was as independent as a Swiss canton ;
and the general assembly of the Estates was not un-
like the Swiss Federal Diet. The constitution was
municipal rather than political, each province and city
holding fast to its own privileges and separate inter-
ests, and reducing the power of the states-general, just
as the jealousies of the Swiss cantons enfeebled the
action of the confederation. The delegates were en-
voys from the different provinces, with limited powers,
and precise instructions — not representatives entitled
to deliberate and vote, according to their own discre-
tion. The passion for municipal freedom, diversities
of interests, and the recent union of the provinces, nat-
urally caused this decentralisation of j^olitical power.
The national forces were divided and weakened : while
the legislative and administrative powers of the sove-
reign were enlarged. It was not until the provinces
should be united by a community of sentiments, in-
DEATH OP PEINCESS ILIKY. 25
terests and wrongs, that a complete federal union
could be accomplished ; and this result was hereafter
to be brought about bj the oppressive policy of their
rulers. While Switzerland was a republic, the Nether-
lands enjoyed the widest freedom, under a constitu-
tional sovereign, and had generally been strong enough
to maintain it.
Had this liberal constitution been maintained, the
Netherlands would, next to Switzerland, have
been the fi-eest State in Europe. But the duUeMaxi-
young duchess married the Archduke Maxi-
milian, son of the Emperor, and the Netherlands be-
came an inheritance of the House of Hapsburg. The
Great Privilege and other charters were annulled, and
the Netherlands were ruled as a province of the Ger-
man empire.
On the death of the Princess Mary, the rebellious
spirit of the Flemings was aroused. They
resisted the authority of the archduke : they Princess
refused to recognise liim as guardian ol his
own children ; and they encountered him in open war.
The people of Bruges even seized upon his person,
and detained him in prison. Nor would they release
him, at the urgent solicitation of the Pope, until they
Lad extorted from him a treaty granting them pardon
for their treason, and security for the free enjoyment
of their franchises. The duke, thus defied by his own
subjects, appealed to his father, the Emperor, who
came to his aid with 40,000 men. But the Flemings
were not overawed by this invading force. Under
the command of Philip of Cleves, they ofierod so
stout a resistance, tliat, on payment of a subsidy,
they were able to obtain a confirmation of their liber-
ties.
VOL. IT.— 3
26 " THE NETHEFvLAKDS.
The constant struggle of Maximilian witli his turbu-
rhiiipthe ^^^^ ^^^ rebellious subjects was, at length,
Fair, 1493. brought to a close by his accession to the
Imperial throne of Germany. He was succeeded in
the sovereignty of the Netherlands by his youthful
son, Philip the Fair, who, as the heir of a native prin-
cess, was greeted with loyal demonstrations, by his
people. He restored peace and tranquillity to his
distracted provinces ; and won their willing confi-
dence. Having jDrojected a double alliance for him-
self and his sister, with the royal family of Spain, he
sought the consent of the States-General. Flattered
by his deference, they cheerfully consented to a union
which was fraught with the gravest dangers to the
future liberties of their country. The marriage of
Philip the Fair with Johanna of Spain was to bring
the Netherlands under the inauspicious dominion of
his son, the Emperor Charles V.
The liberties of the Netherlands, notwithstanding
the stubborn resolution of the people, had
The . 7
Emporor already been seriously compromised by the
growing power of the House of Burgundy,
supported by its close connection with the German
empire. They were now to be exposed to a far more
formidable danger. The new sovereign Charles V.,
uniting under his rule the kingdom of Spain
and the Indies, Milan, Naples, Sicily, and
the German empire, was the most powerful monarch
in Europe.'' How could these narrow provinces hope
to contend against the successor of Cliarlemagne ?
His power was great ; and his imperial will was abso-
' He had previously become sovereign of tlie Netherlands in 1515,
at the age of fifteen.
FOBMER LIBERTIES OF SPAIN. 27
Into. There had been times, when to become sub-
jects of the constitutional monarchy of Spain would
have promised the recognition of ancient franchises :
but changes had lately come over the ancient polity
of that State.
No monarchy in Europe had once been more free
than that of Spain. In Castile and Aragon,
and other Sj)anish kingdoms, the preroga- lihurties in
tives of the CroT\Ti had been unusually lim-
ited ; and the Cortes were bold and independent par-
liaments. In Catalonia, the people had de-
posed their sovereign John II., and his pos-
terity, as unworthy of the throne, and endeavoured
to establish a republic. In Castile, the nobles had
deposed their king Henry IV., with the gene-
ral assent of the people. In Aragon, the
kings were originally elective ; and it was an article
of the constitution, that if a king should violate the
rights of the people, it was lawful to dethrone him
and elect another in his place. The representatives
of the cities held ah important place in the Cortes,
without whose consent no tax could be imposed : no
war declared, nor peace concluded. The institutions
of Castile were no less popular ; and in the Castilian
Cortes, as in the English Parliament, it was an an-
cient custom to postpone tlio granting of supplies to
the Crown, until grievances had been redressed, and
other business affecting the public welfare concluded.
Tliroughout Spain, the cities had attained extraor-
dinary social influence, and political power. They
wore wealthy and prosperous : they were peo2)led
by nobles and landowners, by churchmen, la-sry'ors,
scholars, merchants, traders, and artificers; and to
defend themselves against tlio Moors, they maintained
28 THE NETHERLANDS.
armed forces. The nobles being exempt from taxa-
tion, it was to tlie cities that the kings were forced to
apply for pecuniary aid ; while they were ready to
grant privileges and immunities in return.
But Spanish freedom was now a thing of the past.
Decay of Ferdinand and Isabella had increased the
fibeltTes. royal prerogative in Castile and Aragon ; and
1476-1493 Charles V. had still further enlarged the
'*-°- powers of the Spanish Crown.^ But he had
found a spirit of freedom and independence in his
subjects, which was not suddenly to be repressed.
The Cortes having voted a free gift to the Emperor,
without a previous redress of grievances, a formidable
insurrection was provoked. Toledo, Segovia, and
most of the principal cities of Castile formed an armed
confederacv, or holy Junta, for the redress of
1520 A.D. ii • • " -r . ■•
tlieir grievances, in a remonstrance to the
Emperor, they stated the wrongs of the Castilian peo-
ple in language which, a century later, the sturdy
commons of England repeated, with more effect, to
the arbitrary Stuarts. Their remonstrance not being
received, they flew to arms ; and under the popular
Don Juan de Padilla, and other leaders, they boldly
fought against the royal troops. They were routed
and destroyed : their leaders were put to death : but
Padilla's heroic widow long defended Toledo, by
arousing the enthusiasm of the people. Insurrections
also broke out in Valentia, and Aragon : but they
were readily repressed ; and, in subduing these popu-
lar movements, Charles overthrew the ancient liberties
of Spain.^ By dividing the nobles and the commons,
he weakened the power of both ; and contrived to
'Robertson, Charles V., sect. iii.
2 Ibid. b. iii.
THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. 29
reduce tlie Cortes to a powerless and obsequious as-
sembly.
Such was the monarch who now ruled over the
Netherlands. Absolute king and emperor, ^j^^
in other realms, his relations with his Dutch i^;^;rt8*^u,j(^e,.
and Flemish subjects differed widely from chariesv.
those of former sovereigns, — counts of Holland and
Flanders, and dukes of Burgundy. Provinces which
had fought successfully against feudal superiors, were
now the dependencies of a vast empire. Charles, who
had overcome the liberties of his own land, v/as little
inclined to respect provincial franchises ; and his
power was too great to be trifled with by turbulent
and rebellious burghers.
But he was welcomed by his new subjects as a
native prince, who had been brought up ^ewtaxa-
amongst them ; and, at first, he seemed dis- *^""-
posed to respect their liberties. These provinces
were the richest part of his dominions, and the most
fruitful source of his revenues. Being at war with
France, he urgently needed their subsidies, which
they granted freely in reply to his demands. They
had no interest in the cost of an empire, and a Sj^a-
nish war ; and the new taxes fell heavily upon them :
but they bore their burthens cheerfully. They ven-
tured, however, to assert the freedom of their gifts,
and their right to refuse payment of any tax levied
without their consent. The Emperor somewhat con-
temptuously acknowledged their privileges : but gave
them to understand that he would allow no i:)arloy as
to his claims. He was not to be * haggled with like a
huckster.' The people were slow to realise the change
which had come over their destinies. They had been
accustomed to resist any invasion of their privil'''
30 THE NETHERLANDS.
and they had not yet measured the power of their
new sovereign. But they were soon to learn that
they held their liberties at the mercy of a ruler, whom
they could not venture to defy.
The great city of Ghent, — ever foremost in resisting
Eebciiion proviucial sovereigns, — was the first to pro-
voke the wrath of the Emperor. A heavy
subsidy had been granted to him, by the Netherlands :
but the sturdy citizens of Ghent refused to pay their
share, upon the plea that their consent had not been
sought, according to their charters. Nor
1539 A. D. T 1 ii • TT
did their rebellion rest here. They even
offered to surrender their city to the king of France.
But, finding themselves without help, they sued, in
vain, for mercy. Again and again, had they braved
their rulers with impunity : but they were now under
the iron hand of a new master : they had rebelled
against him ; and punishment awaited them.
The great potentate who dominated over Europe,
Its punish- ^^^^^ ^^^ brook the independent spirit of
1540A.D. Flemish citizens. He humbled the proud
city for its rebellion, by making its sena-
tors and other burghers pray for pardon at his feet
with halters round their necks : he put several of the
principal citizens to death, and banished many others :
he abrogated its municipal privileges, and mulcted it
with heavy fines.^ Henceforth, the municipal officers
were to be appointed by the Emperor himself ; and
the guilds, reduced in numbers, were deprived of all
their rights of self-government.
After such an example of imperial power, further
' Robertson, G7iarles V., book vi.; Motley, Else of the Dutch Repub-
lic, i. 57.
ITALY AND THE NETHERIxVNDS COMP.VEED. 31
resistance was cliecked, throughout the Netherlands.
The empire was so strouf', and these little
^ Tin-, The libiT-
provinces were so overshadowed by its power, "it^' of iho
that thej seemed to have no higher destiny Ja'id^ in
than the Spanish provinces of Aragon, or
Catalonia. They were the domains of Spain, and
must be governed by the will of its autocratic king.
They retained, indeed, their municipal and provincial
institutions : but these were bereft of substantial force.
All their charters were held at the j)leasure of the
supreme court of Mechlin ; and if they served to
maintain the traditions of former fi'eedom, they offered
no present security for the franchises of the people.
The fate of this once free country, after centuries of
persistent struggles, now resembled that of
X.I -r. i 1 1 1 1 -, • • Fortnnes of
Italy, lioth had advanced m commerce, in ija'y and
•^ ' the Nother-
culture and m freedom. In both, municipal '""^s com-
. pared.
institutions had overcome feudalism, and se-
cured fi'eedom and self-government for the people.
And now both alike were under the arbitrary rule of
kings and emperors. The Netherlands, indeed, had
escaped the intermediate scourge of usurpers and
tp-ants, under which Italy had suffered. They had
enjoyed their libei'ties to the last : they had asserted
them roughly, and turbulently, after their own rude
fashion : they had defied feudal lords and sovereigns,
rival cities, and civic factions; but their indejien-
dence was suddenly overthrown. Their victories over
feudalism were, at once, wrested from them ; and with-
out any decay of their political spirit, without any
decline of their virtues, without any social clianges,
at the height of their prosperity and jiower, they
were reduced to the same political subj(H'iion as
Tuscany and Lomburdy. With marked diversities in
32 THE NETHERLANDS.
tlie history of Italy and the Netlierlancls, no less tlian
in tlie genius and character of their inhabitants, their
protracted struggles for liberty had been equally in
vain. In the sixteenth century, it seemed as if no-
thing were left to the patriots of both these historic
lands, than sadly to cherish the memories of the j^ast,
without a hope of the future. Absolute "monarchies
were in the ascendant ; and the race of freedom had
been run. And such, indeed, was the lot of Italy, for
the next three centuries : but a more hopeful destiny
awaited the Netherlands.
Following in the footsteps of Italy, the Netherlands
Impending had illustrated the political power of muni-
forn-iigious cipal commuuities. They had shown how
liberty. ^-^^ wealth, population and enlightenment of
towns could dominate over the mediteval forces of
feudalism. They now displayed the feebleness of
municipal franchises, in presence of an overmastering
monarchy. So far the like examples are to be found
in the history of Italy, of Spain, of France, and of
Germany. But, for the first time in the annals of
Europe, the Netherlands, as a nation, were about to
enter upon a new struggle, in defence of the rights of
conscience, and the free exercise of their religion. It
was an heroic struggle which was to change their own
political destinies, and to promote the future liberties
of Europe.
CHAPTER XI.
THE NETHERLANDS {continued).
CHAELES V. AND THE EEFORMATION — TETE CRIME OF PERSECUTION
— PHILIP II. OP SPAIN— WILLIAM, PRINCE OP ORANGE — SEVERI-
TIES OF PHILIP — CRUELTIES OP ALVA — REVOLT OP THE NETH-
ERLANDS — THEIR HEROIC STRUGGLES — ASSASSINATION OF THE
PRINCE OF ORANGE — DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE — THE
DUTCH REPUBLIC — THE HOUSE OF ORANGE — THE FRENCH REVO-
LUTION—THE MONARCHY OF 1813— REVOLUTION OP 1813— HOL-
LAND AND BELGIUM.
The Eeformation, — tlie most signal event in tlie reigu
of Charles Y., — was gravely affecting the re- chariesv
lations of subjects to their rulers. This re- k"'?,,'!,',^.
ligious movement spread rapidly over the ^'""•
north of Europe. It extended over Germany, Eng-
land, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Switzerland.
It found many adherents in France, and in the
Netherlands. The Emperor was prepared to crush
this movement, throughout his dominions : but in
Germany the new faith was accepted by so large a
number of his subjects, and by so many princes and
fi'ee cities, that it was beyond his control : while his
attention was diverted by troubles in other parts of
his wide-spread empire. In Spain, the Eeformation
gave him no concern. Heretics were promptly pun-
ished by the Inquisition ; and the Sjoanish mind was
2*
34 THE NETnEELANDS.
closed against tlie doctrines of the reformers. But in
the Netherlands, where these obnoxious doctrines
were beginning to be rife, he was resolved to lose no
time in repressing them, with all the powers of an
autocrat.
In order to arrest the spread of the new opinions,
rcrsecution Charles resorted to the severest measures,
antsf" '^^ He decreed that all converts should be pun-
1521-1523. ished with death and forfeiture of their goods.
He forbade, under like penalties, the reading of the
Scriptures, private meetings for worship, and even re-
ligious discussions at the family fireside. For the
detection of offenders he rewarded informers with
one-half the property of convicted heretics. And for
carrjdng out these decrees, he introduced the terri-
ble Inquisition. Hence sprang the foulest religious
persecution that had disgraced the world since the suf-
ferings of the early Christians under the Eoman Em-
pire. The number of its victims, during this reign,
have been estimated at from 50,000 to 100,000. When
constantly increasing numbers adopted the new faith,
and were pursued with cruel rigour, the breach be-
tween the government and the people became irrecon-
cilable. Already there was repugnance to the alien
Spaniards, resentment at their haughty rule, regret
for liberties overthrown, and suffering under heavy
taxation. These sentiments were now inflamed by
religious zeal and hatreds, and by a stubborn spirit
of resistance to persecution.
No greater crime had ever been committed by a
ruler, than this merciless persecution of his
apolitical Protostaut subjects by Charles V. These pro-
vinces had been brought under his dominion,
by the accident of a marriage, in his royal house:
TEESECUTION A NEY/ FORM OF TYK.YNNY. 35
their destinies were in liis liands, for good or for
evil: tliey had, for centuries, been prosperous, and
contented: they had enriched all Europe with their
commerce and industry : they had advanced the civ-
ilisation of the North with their enlightened inter-
course : but all their claims to favour and indulgence
were ignored. They had received new religious in-
spirations, not recognised at Madrid; and they were
to be proscribed with the malignity of a Marius or a
Sulla.
A new form of tyranny had grown out of the Refor-
mation. There had been earlier examples
of religious persecution: but now it had be- anewionn
come the policy of rulers to treat obnoxious
creeds with greater severity than rebellion against the
State. It was not enough that their people were good
and loyal subjects, obedient to the civil laws, and
zealous in the service of their country. If they dared
to worship God in any other form than that pre-
scribed by the State,^ they were punished as the worst
of criminals. Despotism over the souls of Christians
was the great aim of statescraft, in the sixteenth
century; and it was pursued with a cold-blooded
cmelty and ferocity rarely displayed by the most im-
placable tyrants. If it was ever just and lawful for
subjects to maintain their civil liberties with the
sword, it was now a solemn duty to defend the riglits
of conscience, and the sacred offices of religion. To
take up arms for religious liberty, was a holier patri-
' At the Diet of Ausburg in ISo.j, it was declared tliat the rulers
cf every Oerman State, or city, might tolerate or prohibit the Catho-
lic or Protestant faith, at their pleasure. This Diet secured the
toleration of Protestants, but it admitted the right of rulers to de-
termine the faith of their subjects.
36 THE NETHERLANDS.
otism than to draw tlie sword for civil freedom. The
worst oppression was tliat wliich coerced tlie soul;
and to resist it was the natural right of freemen. The
relations of subjects to their rulers were now at once
civil and religious.
In the midst of his persecutions, Charles V. abdi-
Phiiipii cated, with great pomp and ceremony, at
ocf'ss"' Brussels; and the Netherlands became the
1555. ' inheritance of the cruel and malignant bigot
Philip n. of Spain.^ Altogether a Spaniard, and
speaking no other language but his own,— haughty,
sullen, taciturn, treacherous and dissembling, — this
alien ruler was, in himself, repugnant to all the sym-
pathies of his Dutch and Flemish subjects ; and his
arbitrary and opj)ressive policy was soon to become
intolerable. To allay the apprehensions of the people
he swore to observe all their charters, privileges and
constitutions, which he had resolved to violate. But
ab the same time he renewed all the edicts of the Em-
peror against heretics, and ordered them to be carried
vigorously into execution. He was met by startling
proofs of the independence of his subjects : his de-
mand for supplies was refused by the Estates of the
provinces : but a considerable grant was offered, which
he was constrained to accept. They also demanded,
as a condition of their subsidies, the withdrawal of
the Spanish troops, to which he was forced, reluc-
tantly and with an ill grace, to consent. Indignant
remonstrances were also made to him by the States-
' For the following narrative of events during the protracted
struggles of the Netherlands with Spain, I have mainly relied
upon Mr. Motley's admirable and exhaustive histories of the Rise
of the Dutch Eepublic (1555-1584), and of the United Netherlands
(1584-1609).
WILLIAM PRINCE OF ORANGE. 37
General, against tlie pillage and disorders of these
foreign troops.
With these words of complaint and remonstrance
ringing in his ears, and full of wrath, Philip j^^^^.^py of
left this uncongenial realm under the regency j^[",';,l'.f*?,
of the Duchess Margaret of Parma, a natural iss'-'-^so''.
daughter of Charles V. The real ruler, however, was
the Bishop of Arras, afterwards Archbishop of Mech-
lin, and Cardinal Granvelle, — an artful, ambitious and
accompKshed priest, after Philip's own heart. A des-
pot and bigot upon principle, slavish towards his
master, arbitrary towards the people, by profession a
scourger of heretics, adroit, plausible, and deceitful,
he was the very man to carry out Philip's policy, in
Philip's owTi way. It was the aim of both to subdue
the proud spirit of the Netherlands, and to extirpate
heresy from the land : and they were prepared to
reach it by force, cruelty, treachery and dissimulation.
But monarch and priest were to be confronted by
the greatest man of that age, — William of
o I'll ^ iHiftm
Nassau, Prince of Orange, — who is ever to be Prh.co of
' " Orange.
remembered as the first statesman, whose
guiding principle was civil and religious liberty. A
descendant and representative of the former sove-
reigns of the Netherlands, he had been trained in the
service of the Emperor Charles V., in war, diplomacy
and statecraft. Trusted and honoured by Philip, no
less than by his father, and already the first prince in
his own land, he could have enjoyed all the dignities
and distinctions which royal favours could bostov/ :
but love of his country, a noble ardour for political
freedom and religious toleration, and an heroic spirit,
combined to make him a patriot, and tlie liberator of
bis countrymen. The high purposes of his life re-
38 THE NETHEKIANDS.
ceived their first impulse, in liis early youtli. Wliile on
a mission to France, in 1559, lie learned from the lips
of the king himself,^ that he had entered into a secret
agreement with Philip, to extirpate heresy from their
respective dominions, by the massacre of all Protes-
tants, high and low ; and he was told that in the Neth-
erlands the Spanish troops would be the chief instru-
ments of this massacre. William listened in silence,
and apparently unmoved, to this shocking revelation :
but, though himself a Catholic, and high in the con-
fidence of his sovereign, he at once resolved to coun-
teract this iniquitous plot.^ He wished well to his
OAvu faith: but the persecution of innocent men, on
account of their religion, was repugnant to his just
and noble na|ure ; and he recoiled, with horror, from_
the sufferings to which his own beloved countrymen
were doomed.
He hastened home, and knowing the secret ser-
His toiera- vices to which the Spanish troops were des-
tined, he prompted the Estates to insist
upon their withdrawal As Stadtholder of Holland,
Friesland and Utrecht, he received the king's com-
mands to execute his bloody edicts against heretics :
but his tenderness and mercy made them harmless.
He had already incurred Philip's displeasure, before
that tyrant left the Netherlands ; and as the scheme
of the Spanish government was more fully disclosed,
he braved every danger to resist it.
The Netherlands were peculiarly open to the in-
' Henry II.
* For his demeanour on this occasion, the finest orator and writer of
his age, — the man whose eloquence swayed councils, senates and
multitudes, whose state-papers were models of noble simplicity and
force, — was foolishly nicknamed ' the Silent.*
POPULAB PvESISTANCE. 39
fluGiics of tlie Eeformation. Tliey had never been
devoted to Rome : they liad been disturbed
by earlier reformers, — Waldenses, Lollards, tho^ii^for-
Hussites, — and now, witli the Lutherans of
Germany on one side, and the Huguenots of France
on the other, the new faith made rapid progress
amongst them. Its advance was quickened by the
wide intercourse of the people with foreigners and
their commercial activity. Their lives and their
steadfast character prepared them to maintain inde-
pendence of thought in religion, as well as in politi-
cal and municipal affairs.
Such were the people whom Philij) had resolved to
coerce. Tlie edicts of Charles were severe scveritic?
enough : their severity could hardly be in- ^'''^'^'''P-
creased ; so he renewed them, without alteration :
while he took credit for making no innovations in re-
ligion. But, by increasing the number of bishops
and prebendaries, he added to the active staff of the
Inquisition ; and persecution was renewed with more
severity than ever. Not satisfied with the vigilance
of local informers and inquisitors, Philip continually
directed, from Spain, the torture of his Flemish sub-
jects. Notwithstanding his promises, he had resolved
to make his Spanish troops assist in his cruelties :
but he was forced to yield to the firm resistance of
the people ; and, after a delay of some months, he
sent tliem out of the country. The new bishops and
inquisitors also excited popular resentment : the mon-
strous persecutions of wliich they were the agents,
were condemned by all but tlie merciless bigots, who
were zealous in the bloody work.
The Prince of Orange, and Counts Egmont and
Horn, resented the power and the insolence of Gran-
40 THE NETHERLANDS.
velle. Nobles and people alike were opposed to tlie
Spanish government : they were unable to resist tlie
cruelties of the Inquisition : but they drove Granvelle
out of the Netherlands. The king's policy, however,
underwent no change. No man was safe from the cu-
pidity of informers, and from the rack, the stake, or the
gibbet of the inquisitors. If those who witnessed the
martyi'dom of their friends and fellow-citizens were
outraged, the royal bigot still deemed the penalties of
heresy too lenient. He now insisted that the
canons of the council of Trent should be pro-
claimed, which excommunicated heretics, and placed
them beyond the pale of the law, and of society.
The nobles and people stood aghast at these in-
creased severities. The Prince of Orange
nobles and had vaiuly opposed them : even the council
had desired their mitigation : but the King
was inflexible ; and the Prince foresaw that there was
no longer any hope for the outraged people, but in
rebellion. The first active measures were taken by
the nobles. They signed a protest known as 'the
compromise : ' they presented a ' request ' to the Re-
gent, for redress of grievances ; and formed themselves
into a riotous confederacy, called Les Gueux, or ' the
Beggars.' The Prince and Counts Egmont
and Horn, held aloof from these movements,
which they vainly sought to moderate. While the
Prince was striving, with earnest statesmanship, to
obtain concessions fi'om the government, the young
nobles were bringing discredit upon the national cause,
by their levity and convivial frolics.
The council was persuaded to recommend some
Mission to trifling mitigation of the cruel edicts, and to
Philip. send the Marquis Berghen and Baron Mon-
THE ICONOCLVSTS. 41
tigni on a mission to Madrid. But the mission was
fruitless, and tlie ill-fated envoys fell victims to the
wrath of the cruel and perfidious Philip.^
Meanwhile the executions of sectaries were con-
tinued with sickening barbarity : but severity contj^nga
seemed to multiply their numbers, and to in- i>arbarities.
crease their zeal. At length, maddened by their hatred
of a persecuting Church, the people rose in the prin-
cipal cities throughout the Netherlands, and destroyed
the sacred emblems of Catholic worship. The ^j^^ j^^^,,
noble churches were desecrated, their pic- *^'"^'''- ^'-^■
tures and statues defaced, their costly monuments of
marble and precious stones demolished. The inquisi-
tors were exterminating thousands of men and wo-
men : the furious multitude were destroying the proud
works of human genius- Religious hatreds, thus ex-
acerbated, threatened civil war. Armed bodies of
Catholics, Lutherans and Calvinists, thirsted for each
others' blood. At Antwerp they were only restrained
from deadly conflict, by the influence and judgment of
the Prince of Orange.
The people were now threatened with a darker
doom. Philip had resolved to rule his re- ^,,p p,„^g
bellious subjects wdth a stronger hand; and of^iva.
Alva was coming to the Netherlands, with a Spanish
army. It was his mission to trample out rebellion
and heresy with his soldieiy ; and how was he to be
resisted ? The Prince of Orange knew but too well
the fate which was impending over his country : but
he stood alone. He had not one foreign ally : tlie
confederation of frivolous nobles who had made merry
' Bcrghen died of grief in loG7, not without suspicion of poison ;
and Montigni was privately executed in prisoii in 1570.
42 THE NETHEELANDS.
as ' beggars ' was dissolved : Counts Egmont and Horn,
— ^tlie foremost men of the Netherlands, next to the
Prince himself, — still put their trust in Philip, and
would not raise the standard of revolt against him :
the provinces were without concert or preparation ;
and the people without arms or discipline. If nobles
and people had cordially united under the Prince, Alva
might possibly have been held at bay : but resistance
was now hopeless. The Prince retired into exile, in
time to escape the death to which Philip had already
sentenced him.^ In vain he warned Counts Egmont
and Horn of their danger. They relied ujDon their
own loyalty, and public services, and the good faith of
their king ; and their confidence was repaid by the
forfeiture of their lives, upon the scaffold.
Alva at once established a revolting tyranny, — to
UN cmci- ^^ execrated in all ages. His devilish ' coun-
ties. i5Gr. jjji Qf blood ' struck terror into the hearts of
the people. Its mission was to punish all persons
concerned in the late troubles : it was supreme over
all other courts : it was restrained by no laws but its
own will : it took cognisance of all offences committed,
or even not j)revented ; and every act of opposition to
the government, — even the signing of petitions for re-
dress, — was condemned as high treason, and punished
with death. It may be briefly described, indeed, as a
State Inquisition. Its commissioners were despatched
all over the country to discover delinquents; and
upon their reports the council promptly decided. In
three months this dread tribunal had doomed to death
no less than 1,800 victims. Men of high rank and
character, and acknowledged loyalty, suffered death
' Motley, Dutch Republic, ii. 92.
ALVA AS GOVEENOE-GENERAL. 43
for tlieir i^atiiotism or humanity. Not to have ap-
proved of every measure of Philip's tyranny was high
treason. To be rich was a dangerous crime, for con-
fiscations formed the greater part of Alva's financial
resources. Crowds would have fled from the accursed
land of their birth : but the 'butcher' Alva had closed
every outlet, and held his victims firmly in his toils.
There was terror and mourning throughout the land :
every household was stricken and sorrowful: the
whole nation was in tears. No crime so great had yet
disgraced the history of Christendom. Many had
been the crimes of tyranny and bigotry : but none, —
not even those of the Inquisition itself, — could equal,
in calculating malignity, this concerted crime of Philip
and Alva.
The heart of Philip was gladdened by the wretched-
ness of his people ; and Alva was rewarded
for the innocent blood he had shed. The Governor-
Duchess of Parma retired from the sickening
scene ; and Alva ruled supreme as governor-general
of the provinces. The council had been indefatiga-
ble : but blood enough had not yet been shed ; and
the Spanish Inquisition came to Alva's aid. By a sen-
tence of that holy court,' — which reads like a solemn
pleasantry, — all the inhabitants of the Netherlands
were condemned to death, as heretics. It was fol-
lowed by a royal proclamation, directing the sentence
to be immediately executed, without respect for ago
or station.^ This monstrous sentence did not aim at
extermination : but it conferred absolute power over
the lives of every man, woman and child in the
■February IG, 1508.
"^ Mf)tley, Dutch Jtcpublir, ii. 158.
4A THE NETHERLAKDS.
Netherlands, without proof of heresy, without trial,
without a hearing. Why should any be heard? Were
they not already condemned? They who escaped
their doom, were to be accounted fortunate. And
, thus blood flowed out ; and Alva's exchequer flou-
rished. It was the work of demons, profaning the
name of religion.
The Prince of Orange, though out of the realm, was
outiawi- cited before the blood council, condemned
PrinM of ^^^ outlawed. His property was confiscated,
onnge. g^^^ j^jg eldest son seized at the college of
Louvain and sent captive into Spain. He published
a noble 'justification' of himself; and proclaimed to
the world the wrongs of his suifering country. Mean-
while he had resolved to do battle with the
tyrant : he was appealing to the sympathies
of the Protestant provinces of Germany : he was in
correspondence with England, and with the Huguenots
of France : he was raising money and enlisting troops.
He sold his own plate, jewels and furniture ; and he
gathered subscriptions from princes, nobles, cities
and private individuals. He was absolutely without
personal ambition : he was no revolutionary leader :
but he was striving to restore the liberties of his
country, and to resist tyranny and persecution.
Alva was now threatened with an invasion to rescue
the Netherlands from his grasp. Never were troops
led to fight in a nobler, or a holier cause, — the rescue
of a whole people from oppression. But the incidents
of the long struggle between the patriot Prince and
the Spaniards cannot be related here. The first cam-
paign, with the exception of a single victory by Prince
Louis of Nassau, was disastrous : the invading forces
were routed and destroyed ; and Alva was stronger and •
EFFORTS OF THE PEINCE OF OEANGE. 45
fiercer than ever. The Prince's friends were discour-
aged, and advised him to desist fi-om further eflforts :
the Emperor Maximilian commanded him to lay down
his arms : but the heroic William was not to be turned
aside from his great mission, by defeat and dangers.
The cause he had esj)oused was now doubly sacred
in his eyes. Hitherto he had striven as a
patriot to save his country from persecu- Prince's
tion : but he had now renounced the Catholic
Church; and the martyred Protestants were of his
own brotherhood. His faith was grave and earnest,
as became his great soul : but he was superior to the
fanaticism of his age. While yet a Catholic, he had
protected Protestants; and now his toleration em-
braced Catholics, and every sect of reformers. In an
age of narrow bigotry, he stood alone as the chamj^ion
of religious liberty. Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists
and Anabaptists were ready to burn one another : but
he was resolute to protect them all alike.
The council and the Inquisition still thirsted for
more blood : but executions had ceased to be
productive to the revenue. The richest men oppression.
had already perished : commerce and indus-
try had been stricken by the reign of terror. Alva
was, therefore, driven to financial expedients less sim-
ple than confiscation. He assembled the Estates, and
demanded taxes which would have utterly ruined their
trade.^ Overawed by Alva, they were, at first, disposed
to assent to this ruinous taxation : but ultimately tliey
obtained a commutation. Utrecht, more resolute in
its resistance, was cnicUy punished for its contumacy.
' Among tlicm was a tax of ten per cent, on every salo of met*
cliandise.
46 THE NETHEELANDS.
Pliilip and Alva were, at length, sliamed into an
^,^ jjjj^ amnesty. Not that they were weary of shed-
nesty. 1570. (Jjng blood : but the country was desolated ;
and its sufferings had become a scandal throughout
Europe. To save appearances, therefore, an act of
grace was proclaimed, by which none were pardoned.
In the words of Mr. Motley, * the innocent were alone
forgiven.' It was a cruel mockery of the wretched
people ; and no one was deceived by its merciful pre-
tences.
Alva now revived his ruinous scheme of taxation,
which was everywhere resisted. The crushed
the Nether- people Were almost goaded to revolt, when a
lands. 1571. f. i t . j • - 1 • p i
timely diversion was made m their favour, by
a descent of privateers, in the service of the Prince of
Orange, upon the coast of Holland, and the occupa-
tion of Walcheren. At length there was hope for the
people : city after city rose up against its magistrates
and raised the Prince's banner: Holland, Zealand,
Friesland and Utrecht were soon entirely his own.
He was proclaimed stadtholder: but allegiance was
sworn to the king of Spain.
At a congress of the northern provinces at Dort,
Congress of *^® Priuce obtained liberal supplies, and
^"'■^- raised an army. He marched boldly on-
wards: many cities, — Mechlin among the number, —
declared in his favour: he was supported by auxiliary
forces from France, whence he was promised other re-
inforcements. Mons had been seized by a successful
raid of Count Louis of Nassau; and he seemed on
the point of reconquering the Netherlands from its
oppressors, when his prospects were sudden-
St. Baitho- ly darkened by the astounding intellicrence
lomew on
of the massacre of St. Bartholomew. It was
MASSACEE or ST. B.VETnOLOMEW. 47
a heavy blow to the Protestant cause, and destroyed
all hope of further assistance fi'om France.
Again was the Prince obliged to disband his army,
and retire into Holland, leaving Mons and
Mechlin to the savage vengeance of Alva, tirestoHoi-
while other cities again bowed their necks
before the conqueror. Flanders and Brabant were
soon subdued: but the contest continued to rage in
Holland. The sieges of Harlem and Alk-
maar are memorable in histor}', for the heroic '""' *
courage and endurance of their citizens, — ^worthy of
the great cause for which they fought.
With some brilliant successes, but many grievous
losses, the Prince still maintained his ground, jjj^
in the northern provinces, with straitened re- »cti%ity.
sources : seeking everywhere for help, and as yet find-
ing none. Without advisers or agents, he performed
all the labours of the State ; and he was in correspon-
dence with most of the courts of Europe. He was
often grieved by the excesses of his owti followers,
who had caught the contagion of Spanish ferocity:
but he was ever constant and hopeful. The two great
purposes of his life were freedom of conscience, and the
recovery of the ancient liberties of the commonwealth.
His hopes were soon to be raised, once more, by
the retirement of the tyrant Alva from the
scene of his cruelties. He had been faith- or Aiva.
ful to his master: he had not spared the
rod, but his victims were not reduced to slavery by
his chastisements: he had slain multitudes, in bat-
tles and sieges : his rule had been signalised by more
than eighteen thousand executions : he had scourged
the land with confiscation, pillage, and the outrages
of a brutal soldiery: but the Prince of Orange still
4S THE NETHEBLAIJDS.
defied tis power, and Protestants had muUij)lied.
He tad wrung ruinous taxes from the people : but his
treasury was empty, and his troops were without pay.
His name had become a reproach throughout Europe :
yet his cruel mission had j)roved a failure.
With a new governor, some change in the fortunes
Don Lnis de ^^ ^^® country might be hoped for ; and Don
i^'^i'ie^eus. L^^ig de Requesens, grand commander of
Castile, was believed to be coming to rule by con-
ciliation and clemency. To gain time and to deceive
and divide his enemies, he favoured the illu-
sion, and talked of an amnesty : but no such
purpose was in the gloomy mind of Philip, who would
grant no pardon to heretics. After many months, a
mock amnesty was issued, granting pardon to all who
should become reconciled to the Church of Rome. It
was received with scorn by the stout Calvinists of
Holland.
Meanwhile, the war was continued with varying
The siesje fortuues. At sea the patriot fleets were vic-
of Leydeu. ^qj-jq^q . \y^^ qjj land au army under Count
Louis was cut to pieces ; and that gallant com-
mander, the very right hand of Orange, and his
brother Count Henry, lost their lives. But the great
event of this period was the remarkable siege of
Leyden — unique in history. The courage and con-
stancy of its citizens : the marvellous strategy of the
Prince of Orange, who called in the ocean waves to
circumvent the besieging Spaniards : the devotion of
the husbandmen, wlio cheerfully gave up their lands
and houses to the devouring flood : the advance of
Admiral Boissot's fleet, over fields, through dykes,
and under fortresses bristling with cannon, to the re-
lief of the beleaguered city ; and the solemn thanks-
THE CONGrvESS OF DELFT. 49
giving of the survivors of the siege, arc incidents
which have consecrated, for all time, this heroic
struggle, and its holy cause.
At the instance of the Emperor Maximilian negotia-
tions for peace were now commenced ; and Negotia- -
conferences were held at Breda to arrange prace!^*"^
its terms. But the obstinate bigotry of the ^^~^-
king rendered them hopeless. The people of Hol-
land and Zealand had now become Protestants : few
Catholics were to be found amongst them : yet Philip
insisted that the Catholic faith should be restored
throughout the Netherlands. One concession, in-
deed, he made to Protestants. They were permitted
to sell their goods, and leave the country. In other
words, the inhabitants of the entire provinces were to
submit to confiscation and banishment ! The con-
ferences were broken off, and the civil war continued.
To strem^then the national cause, the union .„ .
"^ AlIorjiaTlCC
of Holland and Zealand was agreed upon, to i-iuiip
and the Prince of Orange became the ruler
of the United Provinces. This was followed by the
unanimous resolution of the nobles and cities, assem-
bled in a Diet at Delft, to renounce their allegiance
to the king, and to seek foreign assistance. They
had no thought of founding a republic : but were
ready to submit themselves to some other monarch,
less bigoted and cruel than Philip.
The sud.len death of De Eequesens placed tho
government, for a time, under the State ^,,^.p^jj. ,
council of Brussels, and aflbrded a brief in- p^^^t
terval of repose to the distracted provinces.
The Prince redoubled his efforts to strengthen the
national party. At the congress of Delft, he ^^^^.,^ j.^^^
reconstituted tho union of Holland and Zea-
VOI-. ir.— 3
50 THE NETHEELANDS.
land, upon a representative basis : the reformed faith
was established, but no man was to be troubled on
account of his belief or conscience ; and supreme,
if not dictatorial, authority was conferred upon the
Prince himself. Here was laid the foundation of the
future republic.
Help was urgently needed from abroad. The
Foreiffiiaid couutry had been laid waste by war, and
witiiheid. ^j^g truculent severities of the Spaniards : its
resources in men and money were unequal to the con-
flict with its oppressors. But help there was none.
The Queen of Protestant England was profuse in ex-
pressions of good-will, but held her purse-strings
tight : in France, attempts to conciliate the Hugue-
nots had raised the hopes of the Prince, without pre-
sent result : in Germany there was coldness towards
the Protestant cause, and bitterness between rival
sects ; and the Prince's unceasing diplomacy was un-
fruitful.
And now there came a new and unexpected scourge
upon the people. The Spanish troops, which
Spanish liad been so long the bloody agents of op-
pression, had grievances of their own. They
had done their hateful work, but were denied their
pay. There had already been mutinies for the same
cause : and, at length, the whole army was in revolt,
and preparing to pay itself by general pillage. That
such savages should be let loose upon a defenceless
people was a fearful evil : but it held out hopes for
the popular cause.
With a mutinous army, the government was re-
conereps duced to impoteuce ; and the universal hatred
of Ghent. ^^ ^i^g Spanish soldiery, might prove the
ground of union among all the provinces. The Prince,
THE 'SPANISH FUEY.' 61
with his usual sagacity, seized the occasion, and as-
sembled a congress of all the provincial Estates at
Ghent ; the State council at Brussels was arrested ;
and, for a time, the Spanish rule seemed at an end.
But the terrible soldiery were, in the midst The Spanish
of the people, like unchained devils, — plun- ■''^'■^- ^^'^''*
dering, murdering, ravishing. Maestricht was sacked,
and its people butchered. The oj^ulent city of Ant-
werp, however, suffered most from their brutality :
it was wantonly set on fii'e, and its finest buildings
burned to ashes ; its citizens were murdered by thou-
sands, their women outraged, and their property
stolen, wasted and destroyed. This devils' work was
execrated as the 'Spanish Fury,' — a wrong never to be
forgotten or forgiven.
This awful tragedy quickened the deliberations of
the congress ; and on November 8, a treaty
- - , . , Pncification
between the several provinces was agreed to, of ohent.^
known as the pacification of Ghent. The
provinces bound themselves to unite in expelling the
foreign soldiery ; the Protestant faith was established
in Holland and Zealand, and entitled to toleration in
the other provinces; and the Inquisition was con-
demned. This treaty, confirmed by popular acclama-
tion, seemed the commencement of a new era in the
sad history of the Netherlands.
On the arrival of the new governor, Don John of
Austria, the Estates were able to dictate con-
cations to his assumption oi the government. ofDoiuioim
mi o -IT- inn j of Austria.
ihey forced him to agree to the departure
of the foreign troops ; and the Spanish forces were
actually sent away. They extorted from him a colour-
able adherence to the pacification of Ghent, and pro-
mises to maintain the charters and constitutions of
52 THE NETHERLANDS.
the Netherlands. But, on their side, they bound
themselves to maintain the Catholic faith, and to
disband their trooi^s.^ The Prince of Orange was
ill pleased with these conditions. He distrusted the
governor : he saw deceit and artifice in his conces-
sions ; and was indignant that securities were wanting
for the Protestant faith. In vain Don John attempted
to gain over the Prince, by fair promises. The leader
of the patriot party was not to be moved from his
watchful and vigorous resistance to Philip, either by
offers of personal rewards, or by hollow professions
of lenity to his people.
Don John, however, by his concessions, secured his
acknowledgment as governor, and endeav-
eiffiorts of oured to win popularity by mixing freely with
the people. The Prince, meanwhile, was striv-
ing to strengthen his party in the States. He gained
little support from the nobles, who, however much
opposed to the Spaniards, were fearful of taking an ac-
tive part against the government, and were generally
Catholics. But he found the heartiest sympathy, and
most courageous self-sacrifice, from the middle classes.
It was among them that the Reformation had taken
root : they suffered most in their trade and industry,
from the oppression of the Spaniards ; and they were
animated by the same love of freedom as their burgher
ancestors. There lay the Prince's strength ; and there
has been found the spring and source of liberty, in all
ages and in all countries.
As the governor's power was weakened, the Prince
His a?cen- of Orange recovered his ascendency through-
' '^"^^ ■ out the provinces. He was invited to Brus-
' The Perpetual Edict, signed February 17, 1577.
ASCENDENCY OF ORANGE. 53
sels by tlie Estates : lie was received everywhere in
triumpli; and was elected to the ancient office of
Euward of Brabant, and Stadtholder of Flanders.
The Netherlands were again under his rule. Even in
the more Catholic provinces, the people were on his
side : but the nobles were plotting against him. They
endeavoured to supplant him, by inviting the Arch-
duke Matthias to assume the government : but their
intrigues were counteracted by the prudence and self-
denial of the Prince, who was willing to take for him-
seK a second place. Again and again was he obliged
to deplore the inconstancy and treachery of the no-
bles. Even when they offered resistance to the gov-
ernment, they were rash, precipitate and violent, and
did little to sustain his general policy. His sole reli-
ance was upon the people.
The Estates were persuaded by the Prince of Orange
to adopt a remarkable act of toleration. The -.t tt •
■•- New Union
Pacification of Ghent had recognised the tol- °^ Brussels,
'eration of reformers : the New Union of ^^''^■
Brussels bound all communions to protect each other
from persecution. The Estates also agreed to a free
representative constitution of the Netherlands. It
was a great triumph of the Prince's policy : "but it was
short-lived. In presence of the Spanish power, the
State was not to be governed by the resolutions of a
congress, but by the sword. The Prince's di2")lomacy
and recent successes had, at length, secured promises
of aid fi'om Elizabeth of England. It was the begin-
ning of that course of meanness, irresolution, deceit
and treachery, by which the Queen brought discredit
upon herself, and embarrassment to the Netherlands.
As yet, however, the Prince had nothing but native
levies and mercenaries, commanded by nobles, unskil-
54 THE NETHERLANDS.
ful in war, and of doubtful loj^alty to himself and to
liis cause. A few weeks after the Union of Brussels,
these forces were utterly destroyed in the disastrous
battle of Gemblours ; and the Netherlands seemed
again at the mercy of the Spanish governor.
The Prince was expecting help from England and
The Prince ^^^^ Frauce, wheu one other hope was found,
ofParma. fQj. ^}jq national cause, in the illness and
death of Don John of Austria. This hope, however,
was doomed to speedy disappointment. Don John
was succeeded by the Prince of Parma, the ablest
and most politic of all the governors by whom the
Netherlands had yet been ruled. The English contin-
gent, — unpaid and demoralized, — was soon broken up ;
and the Duke d'Alen§on disbanded his French troops,
and retired into France. Meanwhile, the new gov-
ernor, with Italian subtlety, was undermining the con-
federacy by corruption. The Catholic nobles of the
South were jealous of the Prince of Orange : they had
no sympathy for the people : they were estranged, by
their religion, from the national cause ; and they fore-
saw more profit from the king of Spain, than from a
popular stadtholder. Tempted by high rewards, they
were able -to detach the five Walloon provinces^ from
the union. The inhabitants were chiefly Catholics, of
Celtic blood, and alien tongue ; and they were an agri-
cultural people, with little of the intelligence of the
commercial provinces of the North. They readily fol-
lowed their faithless leaders, and withdrew
1579
from the national union, which they had so
recently joined. This schism was a greater triumpli to
absolutism, and the Catholic Church, than any which
the arms of Alva had effected.
' Viz. Ilainault, Artois, Lille, Douay, and Orcliies.
THE UNION OP UTEECHT. 55
This perilous defoction was immediately met by the
Union of Utrecht, by which the Prince of The union
Orange brought together the seven provinces °^ Utrecht.
of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gelderland, Zutphen,
and the two Frisian provinces, into a league which was
eventually to grow into the republic of the United ^
Netherlands. In this, as in every other act of the
Prince, the principle of civil and religious liberty was
maintained ; all local constitutions being upheld, and
freedom of conscience respected.
The diplomacy of Parma was seconded by equal
vigour in arms. Maestricht fell, after a de- ^tt^^ptg ^^
fence as heroic as that of Harlem or Leyden, omn-l.
and was punished with a truculent severity, ^^'^•
worthy of Alva himself. Encouraged by his success
with the nobles, Parma next approached the Prince
of Orange with offers of high reward : but that noble
soul put them aside as treason to his country. His
trusted friends, men whose wrongs might have secured
their constancy, were seduced from his side by bribes
and high commands: he was surrounded by treach-
ery: but — ruined and afflicted as he was — he was
proof against every interest but that of his noble
cause.
Finding Orange superior to the subtle arts of Parma,
the king now tried intimidation. He had long jj,^ excom-
since favoured the secret assassination of his """lie-in-
foe ; and now he fulminated against him a ban ^^•
of civil excommunication.^ Ho denounced him as an
enemy to the human race: gave his property' to any-
one who should seize it; and offered 25,000 crowns,
and a title of nobility, as reward for his assassination.
' Dated March 15, 1580 : but not publislictl until Juno.
66 THE NETHEELANDS.
This infamous edict, — infamous even in a king already
stained by every crime, — was nobly answered
Prince's ^ "by ^lie Priuce, in an 'apology,' in which he
proudly vindicated himself and his cause;
and hurled defiance and rebuke at his oppressor.
Hitherto the national party had continued to profess
allegiance to the Spanish crown: but when
allegiance all liope of coucessions had passed away,
northern they began to discuss, with freedom, the
provinces. , i-i, ijx- £ ' j
recijDrocal rights and duties oi princes and
their subjects. Forfeiture of hereditary right, by
crimes against the people, was boldly maintained
by the Prince in his apology ; and it was plain that
the northern provinces would soon declare their inde-
pendence.
"Whatever the form of their government, — whether
The Prince Constitutional monarchy, or republic, — there
govcnt*"^" was but one man fit to rule them: the pa-
ment. 5 0. ^^.^qj. Pj-jj^ce who had achieved their freedom.
With a magnanimity peculiar to himself, the Prince
renounced his proper place in the commonwealth.
He had sacrificed everything for his country; and
now that the highest reward of a patriot states-
man, — the power by which he could best serve his
countrymen, — was pressed upon him, he waved it
aside as a bauble, and ofiered humble service to the
State.
This self-sacrifice was due, however, not to any
His want of confidence in himself, — not to any
motives. shrinking from peril or responsibility, — not
even to fear of misconstruction by his enemies, — ^but
to a desire to strengthen his alliance with foreign
States. With this view he promoted an arrangement
for securing the sovereignty of D'Alengon, now Duke
DECLAKATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 57
d'Anjoii. He lioj)ed tlius to obtain the support of
France and England against Spain : for Elizabeth was
now coquetting with the Duke, and their union was
believed to be assured.
Holland and Zealand would submit to no ruler
but their own beloved Prince : but the other ind^,pen.
provinces accepted the sovereignty of Anjou ; prov^,ces"^^
and on July 26, 1581, the provinces at length P'ociaimed.
solemnly declared their independence, by an act of
abjuration, proclaiming the king lawfully deposed, for
his tyranny, and the violation of the laws and fran-
chises of the people. There was no pompous asser-
tion of the abstract rights of the people : but a simple
deposition of a sovereign who had broken his con-
tract with them, and had forfeited his power by mis-
rule. Its example was to be followed, in England,
upon the same principles, a century later. But the
provinces were divided. The Prince, who might have
united them under his own rule, was with difficulty
induced to accept the temporary government of Hol-
land and Zealand, while the other provinces were left
to the French prince. A republic was not yet estab-
lished in name : but it was, at least, a State, or Com-
monwealth, without a king.
It was not intended that the Duke d' Anjou should
be invested with more than a high dignity, and nomi-
nal power : but it was a disastrous choice. The alli-
ance proved worthless : his match with Eliza- ^j^^. ^^^^^^^
both was ridiculously broken off; and his d'Anjou.
own conduct was to prove inconceivably base aiid
treacherous. He was, however, received with groat
rejoicings, and he swore to observe the ancient char-
ters and constitutions of the provinces. How ho kept
his oath will V)o seen presently.
3*
58 THE NETHERLANDS.
Tlie Prince of Orange, meanwhile, was beset witli
Attem tod dangers. Tlie ban was beginning to bear its
assasi^ina- fruits. Ou March 18, 1582, be- was wound-
tion of ' j" _
Orange. q^^ almost to cleatli, by a hired assassin. A
bankrupt merchant Anastro had bargained with Phibp
to get the murder done for 80,000 ducats, and the
cross of Santiago. The wretch himself escaped : his
instrument was cut to pieces for his crime ; and other
agents in the plot were executed.
The Prince survived; and his countrymen loved
and trusted him more than ever. They now
couift^of"*'^ insisted upon his acceptance of the office of
Holland. QqijjjI; Qf Holland, which constituted him he-
reditary ruler of Holland and Zealand. His powers,
however, were limited by a singularly free constitu-
His liberal ^^°^* "^^ derived his authority from the
policy. people ; and all his powers were to be exer-
cised subject to their representative Estates. This
constitution was the work of his own hands : he sought
no dominion for himself : but political liberty, justice,
and freedom of conscience for his countrymen. The
great aims of his policy were so far fulfilled, in his
own little commonwealth.
How different the lot of the provinces which had
done homage to Anjou ! They were soon
the Duke overruu again with Spanish troops ; and the
Duke, their sworn protector, was plotting to
seize the chief cities, and to hold them for the French
January crowu. His treasou was at first successful :
1583. i^Q took possession of Dunkirk, Ostend, and
some other towns : but was foiled in an attempt upon
Bruges ; and routed in a shameful raid on
' French Antwerp. This ignoble enterprise was called
^^^'' the ' French Fury,' and revealed to the world
ASSASSHUTION OF ORANGE. 59
tlie falseliood, treaclieiy, and cowardice of Anjon.
The Netherlands had sought a powerful friend ; and
had found a scourge as fierce as the Sj^aniards. This
base prince, discovered and thwarted in his treason,
denied his guilt, while he was bargaining with Spain
for the sale of the towns he had surprised. Covered
with infamy, if not with shame, he quitted the country,
and died, not long afterwards, in France.
The provinces, which had been thus betrayed, again
besought the Prince of Orange, their natural
and trusted chief, to assume the government ; aKaiiTre-
and again his modesty, self-denial and free- Rovern-
dom from ambition, held him back from a
great mission. It is the duty of the foremost man in
a State, to assume its highest responsibilities ; and the
Prince's shrinking from that duty was his only short-
coming, in a noble life of public service. Foreign
alliances had hitherto brought nothing but disap-
pointment and disaster. The union of the State,
under such a ruler as Orange, would have served his
country better than the intrigues of France, and the
broken promises of Elizabeth.
But the career of this great man was now drawing
to a close. His unscrupulous enemies had jn, (i«s,ai?si.
doomed him to death. : they could not con- "^^i""-
quer him in war, or diplomacy, "but they could bribe
assassins to take his life. He had escaped assassina-
tion by poison, at Bruges, in July 1582 ; when the as-
sassins confessed that they had been hired by the
Duke of Parma.^ Three other attempts were made
upon his life, in little more than twelve months ; and
many bravos had received blood -money from the
' Tbo Duke d'Anjou was to have been poisoned at the same time.
'60 THE NETHERLANDS.
Spanish government, without giving work for their
wages. At length the right man was found, in one
Gerard. While coveting the rewards promised for
his crime, he was a fanatic who believed that he was
doing service unto God. Too well did the wretch
carry out his plot ; and on July 10, 1584, the noble
patriot was slain, in his own house at Delft, and in
the midst of his family. The assassin suffered death :
but his parents received the rewards of his crime,
being ennobled by Philip, and endowed out of the
estates of the murdered Prince. It was reserved for
a king, so stained with crimes, to attain this crowning
infamy !
Thus died the patriot, the soldier, the statesman,
the orator and diplomatist, who had dedi-
apolt^e of cated his life to his country, and to the sacred
?/gioii«"i'ib-^ cause of civil and religious liberty. He was
''' ^" the first statesman in Europe who had pro-
claimed the doctrines of freedom of conscience: he
was the first to teach the great political lesson that
the rights of kings are forfeited by tyranny, and that
subjects may lawfully take up arms to resist oppres-
sion. Such doctrines practically maintained, in the
sixteenth century, laid the foundation of European
liberties. The man himself was worthy to be the
apostle of such a cause. Pious, earnest, simple, con-
stant, self-denying, generous, and brave, he stands
forth as a central figure in history, a noble represen-
tative of liberty. In his age, absolutism also had its
representatives, in the Emperor Charles V., Philip
of Spain, and Charles IX. of France. If a cause may
be Judged by the character of the men who espouse it,
the cause of William of Orange will not suffer by the
contrast.
HOLLAND AFTEH THE DEATH OF ORANGE. 61
The Netlierlancls mourned the loss of tlieir great
leader witli iudiguant sorrow : but they had
been trained to freedom : their couraG:e was ceeding his
dcuth.
high : their hatred of the Spaniards was
sublimed by this crowning wrong ; and they resolved
to wage war against their tyrant unto death. The ^
states-general of the provinces not yet recovered by
Sj)ain/ appointed an executive state council, under
the presidency of Prince Maurice, the second son and
representative of William of Orange, — a noble youth
of seventeen, who afterwards succeeded his father as
stadtholder. It was a small State to resist ,,„,
, . T . 1585.
the richest and most powerful kingdom in
Europe ; and was soon reduced by the defection or
conquest of the parts of Flanders and Brabant which
had hitherto held out against Parma. Ghent, Brus-
sels and Mechlin capitulated ; and Antwerp sur-
rendered, after one of the most eventful sieges in
histoiy. The sad northern provinces of Holland,
Zealand, Friesland and Utrecht alone remained to
constitute the new republic.
It was natural that so small a State, wasted by
its protracted struggles, should desire, more g^^^., .
earnestly than ever, an alliance with some f"i>ij,'n
•^ . alliances.
stronger power ; and it was among States
supposed to have sympathies with Protestants, that
such an alliance was sought. From the Protestant
countries of Germany there was no promise of help ;
and the eyes of the Dutch diplomatists were there-
fore turned towards France and England.
In France, the Huguenots, having recovered from
' Holland, Zealand, Friesland, Utrecht, and parts of Flanders and
Brabant.
62 THE NETHERL.yn)S.
St. Bartholomew, now enjoyed toleration ; and were
Ne'Totia- ^ rising and hopeful party, under the pa-
France^'^ tronage of Henry of Navarre. If the king of
France would protect Holland from Philip,
and extend to its people the same toleration which he
allowed his own subjects, Holland offered him the
Bi'-oted sovereignty of the united provinces. This
ivauce?^ tempting offer was declined : for a new
1585. policy was now to be declared, which united
France and Spain in a bigoted crusade against the
Protestant faith. The League, under the Duke de
Guise, gained a fatal ascendency over the weak and
frivolous king, Henry III., and held dominion in
France. Henceforth the Catholic worship alone was
to be allowed ; and heretics were to be punished
with death and forfeiture. After six months, all who
had not conformed to the Church were doomed to
League banishment for life.^ Nor was the baneful
Prote^uut^ influence of the League confined to France :
fauh. ^^ formed a close alliance with Philip and
the Pope, with whom it was plotting the overthrow of
Protestant England, the subjection of the revolted
provinces of Spain, and the general extirpation of
heresy throughout Europe. War was declared, by
absolutism and the Church of Home, against civil and
religious liberty.
The only hope of the Netherlands was now in
England, which was threatened by a com-
Nogotia- ° "^
tions with mon danger ; and envoys were sent to Eliza-
beth with offers of the sovereignty, which
had been declined by France. So little did the
Dutch statesmen as yet contemplate a republic, that
J Edict of Nantes, July 18, 1585.
AID FROM ENGLAND. 63
tliey offered their country to any sovereign, in return
for protection.
Had bolder counsels prevailed, Elizabeth might,
at once, have saved the Netherlands, and views of
placed herself at the head of the Protestants
of Europe. She saw her own danger, if Philip should
recover the provinces : but she held her purse-strings
with the grasp of a miser : she dreaded an open rup-
ture with Spain ; and she was unwilling to provoke her
own Catholic subjects. Sympathy with the Protestant
cause, she had none. She discountenanced Catho-
lics, because they denied her supremacy, and plotted
against her life and throne : but she was indifferent
to the Church of England, and hated the Calvinists.
Her royal instincts were also naturally opposed to a
rebellious people. Accordingly, in negotiating with
Holland, she desired to afford as much assistance as
would protect her own realm against Philip, at the
least possible cost, without precipitating a war with
Spain. She agreed to send men and money : but re-
quired Flushing, Brill, and Eammekens to be held
as a security for her loans. She refused the sove-
reignty of the States : but she despatched troops to
the Netherlands, and sent her favourite, the Earl of
Leicester, to command them. As she had taken the
rebellious subjects of Spain under her protection,
Philip retaliated by the seizure of Bribish ships.
* Spanish vengeance was not averted, while the Neth-
erlands profited little by her aid. The English ex-
pedition failed : the Netherlands were disheartened
and suspicious : Elizabeth's scheming missed its
mark ; and Philip was planning the invasion of Eng-
land.^
' fcico Froude, ' llist. oi' Eugland,' xii. I:j7, ^08, U78, 413.
64 THE NETHEELANDS.
'I
The fortunes of Holland were at their lowest point,
^^^ when a momentous event suddenly opened
^anish a prospect of deliverance. The Spanish Ar-
mada, which PhilijJ had prepared to ruin
England and the Netherlands, with one blow, had
been routed and dispersed into the North Seas, by
the British fleet. Spain was humbled ; and the cause
of absolutism and bigotry was cast down.
Other critical events were also promising well for
The the liberties of Holland. France was torn
mFrliUce. by auarchy and civil wars. The king had
1589. destroyed or imprisoned the leaders of the
League, and had been himself assassinated : Catha-
rine de Medicis was dead : Henry of Navarre — the
idol of the Huguenots — was in arms, claiming the
crown, by hereditary right : Philij) of Sj^ain was fight-
ing to gain it for hirhself or his daughter the Infanta.
It was now Philip's dream to conquer France ; and
thence to take vengeance upon England, and to re-
cover the united provinces. All his eflbrts were to
be first concentrated upon France ; and the Duke of
Parma was withdrawn from his charge in
Absence of ii>)ii
Parmii Flauders, to fi^ht the kiuf? s battles upon
from the ' ^. ® ■•■
Nether- Freuch soil. His absence offered the Neth-
erlands an unexpected opportunity of deal-
ing heavy blows against the Spaniards. With their
accustomed gallantry, and signal military skill, they
soon profited by the occasion.
The young stadtholder, Prince Maurice, rising from
Prince his boyish studies, proved himself at once a
Maurice. consummate general. He reorganised the
army, with the ripe judgment of a veteran, far in ad-
vance of the military system of his own age. In cool-
ness, courage, and scientific strategy, he had no equal
DECLINB OP THE SPANISH POWER. 65
save his experienced enemy, tlie Dnke of Parma. Ably-
supported by Olden-Barneveld, and other shrewd and
vigorous councillors of the Republic, he resolved to
recover all the fortified towns still held by the Spa-
niards, in and near the united provinces. He ,^o„ ,.„„
surprised Breda : he took Zutphen, Deven-
ter, Nymegen, and many other towns ; and the death
of Parma opened fresh prospects of \dctory.
Meanwhile, Philip's French enterprise had failed.
The dashing and unscrupulous Henry of Na- jj^^^j.^ ^j
varre had won his crown, by conforming to i^pcomc's
the Catholic faith. Already the most popu- frafce!
lar and powerful of the rival candidates,
he thus removed the only bar to his claims : while he
assured his Huguenot friends of protection, and free-
dom in their worship. Great was the shock, given by
his politic apostacy, to the religious sentiments of
Europe : but it was fatal to the ambition of Philip ;
and again the Netherlands could count upon the
fi'iendship of a king of France. Their own needs
were great : but the gallant little republic still found
means to assist the Protestant champion against their
common enemy, the king of Spain.
In the Netherlands the Spanish power was declin-
ing. The feeble successors of Parma were Decline of
no match for Maurice of Nassau and the re- powen ^"'* *
publican leaders: the Spanish troops were
starving and mutinous : the provinces under Spa-
nish rule were reduced to wretchedness and beggary.
Cities and fortresses fell, one after another, into the
hands of the stadtholder. The Dutch fleet
. , . . . 1595-1597.
joined that of England in a raid upon Spain
itself, captured and sacked Cadi/, raised the flag
of the republic on the battlements of that famous
66" THE NETHEHLANDS.
city ; and left tlie Spanish fleet burning in the har-
bour.
Other events follov\^ed, deeply affecting the fortunes
of the republic. Philip at length made peace
Philip of with Henry of Navarre, and was again free
Spam, -^ ^ .
to coerce his revolted provinces. But his
accursed rule was drawing to a close. In 1598 he
made over the sovereignty of the Nether-
lands to the Infanta Isabella and her affi-
anced husband, the Archduke Albert, who had cast
aside his cardinal's hat, his archbishopric, and his
priestly vows of celibacy, for a consort so endowed.
Philip had ceased to reign in the Netherlands ; and a
few months afterwards he closed his evil life, in the
odour of sanctity, — assured that he had done no man
wrong, and needed no repentance.
The tyrant was dead : tha little republic, which he
had scourged so cruelly, was living and pros-
ofthe^"^ j)6ro^"is. Throughout its trials, the sturdy
citizens, masters of the sea, and trained to
commerce and maritime enterprise, had extended their
ventures far and wide, and had grown in wealth, and
lucrative industry. The population was recruited by
immigi'ants from the less favoured provinces. They
had no democratic theories or sentiments ; but in re-
sisting tyranny they had become, by force of circum-
stances, a republic ; and their robust spirit of freedom
displayed itself in all the acts of the commonwealth.
While the despotic Philip, with all his vast posses-
sions, was starving his soldiers, and repudiating his
debts, this brave little citizen-state was bringing model
armies into the field, was sending forth its fleets to
victory, and its merchant-ships to discover new realms,
and to trade with the whole world. It was helping
THE SPANISH PROVINCES. G7
the Protestant cause in France with men and money ;
and was speeding its blunt, outspoken envoys to the
French king and English queen, to combat, with truth
and earnestness, the artful diplomacy of crowned
heads. While in the other States of Europe religious
persecution raged, or toleration was only fitful and in-
secure, freedom of conscience had been founded for
ever, in this land of civil and religious liberty. Nor
were its rulers less careful of the intellectual cul-
ture of the people, than of their material welfare.
The reno-^-ned University of Leyden was founded for
the learned education of the rich, and free schools
were established for the general instruction of all
classes.
Far different was the lot of the ill-fated provinces
still in the grasp of the tyrant. The land
lay waste and desolate : its inhabitants had tiie Spanish
fled to England or Holland, or were reduced
to want and beggary. Antwerp was ruined, and its
commerce transferred to Amsterdam : weeds grew in
the streets of Ghent and Bruges, which had once been
thronged with crowds of thriving citizens. Merchants
and artificers had been driven forth from a land, where
their lives and property were held at the will of their
oppressors, and where industry was blighted by war
and rapine. England, France, and Holland were al-
ready profiting by their skill and enterprise : while
Spain had lost the best of her own subjects, and the
most fruitful sources of her wealth.
As the government of the republic was founded on
the ancient constitutions of the provinces, it ^
. , ■■■ Coiitititu-
was municipal rather than popular. The tionofthe
*■ ^ _■'■•'■ roj)ublic.
states-general, which exercised supreme au-
thority, even over the state-council itself, consisted of
68 THE NETHERLANDS.
delegates from tlie provincial assemblies. These as-
semblies again were chosen by the municipal magis-
trates of the different cities, who were themselves
self-elected. Nowhere was there po]3ular election:
the representation was municipal throughout. The
few nobles in the republic had a voice in the provin-
cial assemblies and in the states-general, as supposed
representatives of the rural districts and smaller
towns : but the greater number had left their northern
home, and were in the councils, or armies of the king.
Thus the entire power of the State was in the hands
of the middle classes. From among themselves they
elected magistrates and delegates, and so ruled their
citizen-state. In theory it was far from being a model
republic: but as yet, the interests of the community
were bound up in a common cause ; and the staid
burghers governed with honesty and patriotism.
That the republic should have outlived its chief
Further oppressor, was an event of happy augury :
events. j^^^ years of trial and danger were still to
be passed through. The victory of Meuport raised
Prince Maurice's fame, as a soldier, to its
1 COO
highest point ; and the gallant defence of
Ostend, for upwards of three years, against the Spa-
niards, j)roved that the courage and endurance of his
soldiers, had not declined durino; the pro-
1601-1604 or
tracted war. At sea the Dutch fleets won
new victories over the Spaniards and Portuguese ;
and privateers made constant ravages upon the ene-
my's commerce. But there were also fail-
1604-1600. ■" ^ .7 .-I p .r
ures and reverses, on the side of the re-
public, dissensions among its leaders, and anxieties
concerning the attitude of foreign States.
And thus, with varied fortunes, this momentous
NEGOTLVTIONS FOR PEACE. 69
•war had now continued for upwards of forty years.
On both sides, the foremost men of two gen-
erations had passed away : tens of thousands of'peace.
had lost their lives in battles and sieges :
all had undergone privations and suffering. The
republic could only maintain the struggle by great
sacrifices : the Spaniards obtained little succour fi'om
Madrid, or revenue from the wasted provinces. Their
neglected troops were in constant mutiny. On land,
the prospects of tlie two parties were fairly balanced,
and promised interminable war. At sea the Dutch had
a decided and increasing superiority. On both sides
there was a desire for peace. The Dutch would ac-
cept nothing short of unconditional independence:
the Spaniards almost despaired of reducing them to
subjection, while they dreaded more republican vic-
tories at sea, and the extension of Dutch maritime
enterprise in the East.
Overtures for peace were first made cautiously and
secretly by the archdukes/ and received by
the States with grave distrust. Jealous and "o"'* 1'"^
. T • peace.
haughty was the bearing of the republic, in
the negotiations which ensued. The states-general, in
full session, represented Holland, and received the
Si^anish envoys. The independence of the States was
accepted, on both sides, as the basis of any treaty :
but, as a preliminary to the negotiations, the republic
insisted upon its formal recognition, as a free and
equal State, in words dictated by itself ; and upon the
consent of the king of Spain. Full of diplomatic wiles
and subterfuges, the Spaniards in vain attempted to
evade these conditions. They were foiled by the firm-
' This was the title of the archduke and arcliduchess.
70 THE NETIIEELANDS.
ness, and straiglitforward purposes of the states-gen-
eral. The proud little republic dictated its own con-
ditions to the archdukes ; and at length an armistice
was signed, in order to arrange the terms of
a treaty of peace. It was a welcome breath-
ing time : but peace was still beset with difficulties
and obstacles. The Spaniards were insincere: they
could not bring themselves to treat seriously, and in
good faith, with heretics and rebels : they desired the
re-establishment of the Church of Eome ; and they
claimed the exclusive right of trading with the East
and West Indies. The councils of the republic were
also divided. Barneveldt, the civilian, was bent upon
peace : Prince Maurice, the soldier, was burning for
the renewal of the war. But Barneveldt and the
peace party prevailed, and negotiations were conti-
nued. Again and again, the armistice was renewed :
but a treaty of peace seemed as remote as ever.
At length, after infinite disputes, a truce for twelve
years was agreed upon. In form it was a
The twelve o j.
years' truce, trucc, and uot a treaty of peace : but other-
1609. .
wise the republic gained every point upon
which it had insisted. Its freedom and independence
were unconditionally recognised : it accej)ted no con-
ditions concerning religion : it made no concessions in «
regard to its trade with the Indies. The great bat-
tle for freedom was won : the republic was free : its
troubles and perils were at an end. Its oppressors
had been the first to sue for peace : their commis-
sioners had treated with the states -general at the
Hague ; and they had yielded every point, for which
they had been waging war for nearly half a cen-
tury.
Nor were these the only triumphs of the republic.
EECOG^rmON OF THE REPUBLIC. 71
Philip had burned Protestants by thousands : but his
son, in ratifying the truce, besought indul- ReiiL'ions
gence for the Catholics. President Jeannin, pTaKd'for
the French ambassador, made an eloquent ^'*"^''''^-
appeal to them in the same cause, asserting that no
slavery was so intolerable as restraints upon the free
exercise of religion. The tables were turned ; and the
republic had made illustrious converts to religious
toleration.
The recognition of the Dutch republic, by Spain
and other States, was an important epocli
in the history of European liberties. Ab- of the
-111 en • -I republic.
solute power had been successfully resisted :
the right of a people to revolt against oppression had
been recognised by crowned heads ; and freedom of
conscience had been maintained against the Church
of Rome, and the Inquisition.
Such principles as these could not be confined
within the narrow limits of the United Neth- itst^igni-
erlands : but were spreading and bearing *^*=''"'^''-
fruit throughout Europe. In France the Huguenots
had recovered freedom of- worship, under Henry IV.
In England there were already signs of the coming
conflict between the Stuarts and the Parliament, in
which the principles of the divine right of kings, and
ecclesiastical dominion, on one side, and civil and
religious liberty on the other, were to be fought out
In Bohemia, the disciples of John Huss had long
since obtained toleration for the reformed religion ;
and at this very time,^ the Emperor granted freedom
of worship to Protestants, in Hungary and Austria.
In resisting the tyranny of Philip of Spain, the Neth-
' In Hungary, Oct. 19, 1G08 : in Austria, March 13, 1609.
72 THE NETHEKLANDS.
eiiauds had been fighting the battle of Protestantism,
and of European Kberties.
The Spaniards and Portuguese had hitherto taken
Union of the lead in geographical discoveries, and re-
andcom- mote Commercial adventures : the Pope had
^^^^^- assumed to give them a monopoly in trade
with the Indies : but now the fi-ee State of the
Netherlands, whose commercial resources had ena-
bled it to resist the overwhelming povv'er of Spain,^
wrested from the hands of despotism the primacy of
the seas, and the commerce of all nations. Hence-
forth England, — also advancing in freedom, — was to
be its only rival in maritime enterprise, in distant
conquests, and wide - spreading empire. Despotic
Spain was declining in power, in wealth and intel-
lectual activity ; and the two freest States in Europe
were sharing the commerce, the riches, and the do-
minion of the world.
The intellectual development of Holland was also
^ „ , associated with its freedom. The whole
Intellectual
P'«£:'ess of population was educated ; and the higher
classes Avere singularly accomplished, espe-
cially in modern languages, in which they have re-
tained their proficiency, in modern times.
Among the liberties enjoyed, in the early days of
Freedom of the republic, was a remarkable freedom of
opinion. speech and of the press, upon all affairs of
State, far exceeding that permitted in any other
country, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Painfully instructive was the contrast between the
other Netherland provinces, and the more fortunate
' Philip I. having conquered and annexed Portugal, enjoyed the
dominion and commercial rights of both countries.
THE SPAOTSn PEOVEnTES. - 73
republic, Tliey had cast in tlieir lot -witli despotism ;
and had lost their very life-blood. Far sii-
perior, m natural advantacres, to the north- spanfeh
•■• . Ill Ti piovinces
ern provinces, they had once engrossed the after t'le
commerce and manufactures of the ISeth-
erlands. But ships were now rotting in the port
of Antwerp : the looms and workshops of Ghent
and Bruges were silent as the grave. Eealms, once
happy and prosperous, were blighted by tyranny ;
and for more than two centuries, continued an ex-
ample and a warning to Europe. On one side were
freedom and prosperity : on the other, oppression
and ruin.
These provinces continued to observe their old con-
stitutional forms. Their provincial assem- ^,^^5^. ^^^^_
blies, composed of the clergy, the nobility, t^'i'ution.
and the third estate, or commons, were accustomed to
meet: but their power was monopolised by a few
churchmen and nobles. Deputies from the larger
towTis were chosen by the privileged and self-elected
magistrates; and all the smaller towns, and the
country, were without even the form of representa-
tion. After 1634, the summoning of the states-gene-
ral was discontinued ; and the Netherlands, as a na-
tion, were governed by the viceroy, without popular
control or responsibility. But, apart from political
administration, the people continued to enjoy many
> privileges conceded to them in former times. The
administration of justice was independent; and the
liberty of the subject assured by law. Some of the
provinces claimed peculiar franchises under charters,
the most remarkable of wliich was the joyense entree of
Brabant; and the old municipal constitutions of the
cities were generally maintained: but with tlieiv life
vol,. 11—4
74 THE NETHERLANDS.
and spirit subdued by local oligarchies, and foreign
rule.
The Dutch republic was confirmed as an indepen-
Doraestic dent State : its embassies were received with
thf Dutdf consideration and respect, by crowned heads :
Eepubhc. g^ great future of commercial prosperity, of
colonial conquest, and European wars, by sea and
land, was before it : but its domestic history cannot
be followed without disappointment and sadness. A
people who had won their freedom, by such heroic
sacrifices, should have made its worthy enjoyment an
example to the whole world : but they were distracted
by religious discords and civil strife. A municipal
constitution, and a federation of provinces, provoked
disunion : while the jealousies and ambition of rulers,
and tlie factious violence of the populace, brought re-
proach uj)on a free country.
The stadtholder, now become Prince of Orange, by
Thestadt- ^^^ death of his ill-fated brother, was the
Baraeveidt. ^^'^^ ^^ ^° wroug to the Republic, which he
^*'''^- had so nobly defended. His hatred of Bar-
neveldt had increased since the truce, until he was
bent upon his ruin, even at the cost of freedom and
justice. To subvert his influence in the states-general,
he arbitrarily changed the senates of many of the
towns, and filled them with creatures of his own, — an
act more worthy of the tyrants with whom he had
done battle, than of the chief of a free commonwealth.
This breach of the constitution was followed by the
illegal arrest, and judicial murder, of the aged Barne-
veldt, by which the freedom of the republic was pro-
faned. Grotius, and other friends of this eminent
statesman, were cast into prison ; and ministers of re-
ligion of the 'remonstrant' party were banished and
THE HOUSE OF ORiVNGE. 75
imprisoned. Such were the fruits of civil and reli-
gious liberty, under Maurice of Nassau.^
And now the republic was to be drawn into the
great whirlpool of European wars, which ^ar^ofthe
desolated many lands for upwards of a cen- republic.
tury. It fought for the Protestant cause, against the
Catholic League, in the thirty years' war,^
which shook the foundations of absolutism
and the Church of Eome. The twelve years' truce
expired, and hostilities were resumed be-
tween Spain and the Netherlands. The arms
of the republic were again victorious : but it was
nearly thirty years before an honourable peace was,
at length, concluded. The gallant little State had won
a considerable place among the powers of
Europe ; and this period was the culminating
point in the glories of the republic. Its maritime
genius was not yet overshadowed by that of England :
its struggles with foreign enemies had united domestic
factions in a common cause ; and its extended com-
merce and foreign possessions had poured prodigious
riches into the land. Cultivation and the arts flou-
rished with its wealth and liberty. It was the age of
Grotius, Heinsius, and Meteren : of Rembrandt, Wou-
vermans, Cuyp, and Paul Potter.
A less propitious period was approaching. The
office of stadtholder had become virtually ,p,,^ jj^^j^^
hereditary in the House of Orange, and "''^''■'"'se-
those princes were assuming, more and more, the pre-
' See Mr. Motley's Life and Death of John of Barneveldt, ch. 18-22.
"^ On one side were the Elector Palatine, Henry IV. of France, the
kings of England, Denmark, and Sweden, and the United Provinces :
on the other, the Pope, the Emperor of Germany, the king of Spain,
and the archdukes of the Netherlands.
76 THE NETHERLANDS.
tensions of royalty. William II. of Orange had mar-
ried the princess - royal of England, daughter of
Charles I. This alliance naturally assured his sym-
pathies with that unfortunate monarch, and embroiled
the republic with the English Parliament. In imita-
tion of the errors of Charles, which had precij^itated
his doom, he arrested six of the most emi-
1650
nent deputies of the states-general, and sur-
rounded that assembly with troops. He attempted to
seize Amsterdam, by an armed force, in the dead of
night, and to wreak his vengeance upon that wealthy
city, which had ventured to oppose his royal will.
This hopeful prince would either have trampled un-
der foot all the liberties of the republic, or, like his
English model, would have provoked rebellion : but
his career was suddenly cut short by death, at the
early age of twenty-four.
A week later, his princess gave birth to a son, —
destined hereafter, as the renowned William
William III., to rule over Enfi;land as well as Holland.
Ill . ,
Meanwhile, the office of stadtholder was in
abeyance ; and the states-general, relieved from the
yoke of a master who had treated them so roughly,
assumed to themselves the sovereignty of the republic.
The English and the Dutch were bound together
by so many ties, — by ancient friendships,
andiioi- by religion, liberty and commerce, — that an
alliance between the commonwealth and the
republic would have seemed most natural ; and such
was the wish of the English Parliament, and of many
of the statesmen of Holland. But the sympathies of
the Orange party, and of the people, were with the
royal family of England. The Prince of
Wales, afterwards Charles II., had taken
FURTHER DISORDERS. 77
refuge at the Hague ; and wlien Oliver St. Jolm and
Walter Stricldand came as ambassadors from tlie Par-
liament, tliey were hooted at, in the streets, by repub-
lican mobs, as regicides. They sought the friendship
of Holland : but, as they insisted upon the immediate
exj)ulsion of the English fugitives, their mission would
necessarily have failed, even if the temper of the peo-
ple had been more friendly. They returned in anger ;
and hostile measures were immediately commenced.
The navigation act was passed, for the express pur-
pose of ruining Dutch commerce:^ letters of reprisal
were issued; and very soon the republics were at
war. The two great naval powers were not unfairly
matched : but the English proved themselves the
stronger. Peace was soon restored : but
• . 1653-54
Cromwell insisted that the States should ex-
clude the infant Prince of Orange, and his descen-
dants, fi'om the stadtholderate ; and to this unjust and
ignoble condition, the pensionary De Witt persuaded
them to submit.
The republic was doomed to further wars, ruinous
alike to its commerce, its finances and its constant
industry. Its sympathies with the royal
cause of the Stuarts, and its hospitality to Charles II.,
were forgotten ; and it was soon at war again with
the English monarchy. It even measured jggg,^^
its strength with Enfrland and France com-
bined. For years it battled bravely against
Louis XIV. ; when, by a strange shifting of parts, its
' This memorable act prohibited the importation of the productions
of Asia, Africa, and America, except in English ships, and the pro-
ductions of Europe, except in the ships of the country whence tlioy
wore imported. Nothing could have been more injurious to tho
carrying trade of Holland.
78 THE NETHEELANDS. I
only ally, in all Europe, was Spain, its traditional
enemy. Its achievements during these wars, by sea '
and land, are memorable in history. All eyes were
turned to the little State which was able to contend
against the navies of England, and the armies of ' Le
Grand Monarque.'
But such contests were a severe trial to its re-
ThePcr- sources, and aggravated the weight of its
Edict. taxation. At the same time, internal dissen-
1G67. sions were introducing weakness and dis-
orders into the administration of public affairs ; and
serious changes in the constitution of the republic.
In 16G7, the provincial Estates of Holland, led by the
pensionary De Witt, fearful of renewed usurpations
upon their freedom, and jealous of the Orange family,
abolished, by what was termed the ' Perpetual Edict,'
the office of stadtholder in that province. This edict
was violently resented by the party of the young
Prince of Orange, and was repugnant to the wishes
of other provinces. But, on the breaking out of hos-
tilities, the young Prince, scarcely of age,^ was ap-
pointed captain-general, on condition that he should |
refuse the stadtholderate, if offered to him. Instead j
of preparing themselves, with one accord, to resist i
their enemies, the parties of De Witt and of the
Prince of Orange were almost plunged into civil war.
In the midst of tumults and anarchy, the Perpetual
Edict was revoked, and the Prince was proclaimed
Death of stadtholder. De Witt and his brother Cor-
nelius fell victims to the vengeance of the
Orange party and the fury of a mob. Since the death
' His majority had been fixed at twenty-two, and lie still wanted
a few months of that age.
w n.TTA Ar ASCENDS THE ENGLISH THRONE. 79
of Barneveldt, tliere liad been no such statesman as
John de Witt. The first had been sacrificed to the
jealousy of a ruler : the second to party feuds, and
popular violence. The fate of both these eminent
men was a disgrace to the republic, and a rejDroach
to its free institutions.
The Prince of Orange (William HI.) T7as now mas-
ter of the State, and immediately invaded ,p,,g p,.jjj,.g
the liberties of the towns, by changing the ^yj^l-^^se.
municipal governments, and filling them "i-
with his own devoted followers. Repub-
lican liberty had already been sacrificed, again and
again, to each succeeding exigency ; and its ultimate
destiny was now foreshadowed. Another important
step, in the historj' of the republic, was soon to follow.
The stadtholderate of the provinces was de-
clared hereditary m the Prince of Orange, holder
■^ . , hereditary.
and his descendants. He was now virtual-
ly sovereign of the United Provinces ; and higher
honours were awaiting him. In 1677, he mar- Ascends
ried Princess Mary, daughter of the Duke of Ihro^e.^'^
York (afterwards James II.) ; and, in 1688, 1688-89.
won for himself and his consort the throne of Eng-
land. English liberties owed much to William III. :
but Holland found herself a weak State under an
hereditaiy prince, and allied to a stronger power, in
whose wars she was entangled, and to whose interests
her own were sacrificed.
At his death, in 1702, without issue, Holland was
released from this iniurious connection : but
did not escape from the unceasing wars in after his
which she had been involved. For several
years, the government of the republic was resumed
by the states-general : but in 1747, William Prince of
80 THE NETHERLANDS.
Orange (William IV.) recovered the united offices of
stadtliolder, captain and admiral - general,
which, mainly through the influence of the
nobles, were now declared hereditary in his family.
He soon assumed most of the attributes of royalty.
He was king, in all but the name ; and having the
personal command of the army and navj, he was, in
truth, far more powerful than a constitutional sove-
reign. Meanwhile other changes were pass-
ing over the government of the republic.
Loud complaints were made of corruption in the
states-general : offices of trust were said to be bought
and sold : even the administration of justice was
tainted with suspicions of bribery; and the muni-
cipal councils had been so often arbitrarily changed,
that they had lost their independence. The people,
themselves, weighed down by heavy taxes, — the fruit
of constant warfare, — and suffering from the gradual
decay of Dutch commerce, appeared to be losing their
old spirit of fi'eedom and patriotism. There had
always been disunion among the provinces :
cHning the feuds of rival parties had caused weak-
ness to the State : but now the administra-
tion seemed stricken with infirmity, and the people
with political languor. The noble little State was
rapidly declining : its navy was rotting : its harbours
were being choked with sand : its colonies falling
into decay : its trade and manufactures perishing
under the rivalry of England.
These various causes had long been undermining
War with ^^® power of Holland, when her ruin was
Engiaud. nearly completed by a war with England.
1780. jjej. commerce was swept from the high
seas : her colonies fell, one after another, before the
WAE WITH ENGLAND. 81
arms of her victorious rival ; and she was j^gg
humbled by an ignominious peace.
The failures of the government favoured the growth
of a 'patriot' party, ofjposed to the stadt- Thcpauiot
holder, and clamorous for the recovery of Ponlew*^"^"
popular liberties. By the stru^crles of this ^^^'^i''^-
party with the fiiends of the Prince of '
Orange, the country was plunged into civil war ; when
the king of Prussia invaded the provinces and re-
stored the ascendency of the Orange family.
The patriots being now trampled upon, without
mercy, by the dominant party, fled in great
numbers to France, which was already throb- reiugJesiu
bing with the first throes of its impending
revolution. Hitherto there had been little
of democracy either in the constitution of the repub-
lic, or in the sentiments of the Dutch people. The
populace had often been turbulent and riotous : but
their sympathies were all on the side of the princes
of the House of Orange. The patriot party had
striven to diminish the excessive power of the stadt-
holder, and to restore municipal liberties : but they
professed none of the doctrines of theoretic demo-
cracy. The recent foundation of a democratic repub-
lic in America . had, indeed, awakened in Holland, as
elsewhere, a bolder spirit of political discussion : but
little had yet been heard of social equality and the
rights of man. But now the banished patriots natu-
rally caught the spirit of French democracy. They «
allied themselves with the revolutionary party : and
hoped to obtain their recall from exile, and the tri-
umph of their cause, by the aid of the soldiers of the
revolution.
These exiles were in close communication with theii!
4*
82 THE NETHERLANDS.
friends at home ; and when, in 1793, the National
Convention declared war against the stadt-
War with . "
France. holder, a considerable party were in secret
correspondence with the enemy, and hailing
the invaders as champions of the liberties of Holland.
Overpowered by the French, for whom a severe frost
had bridged over the waters, — hitherto the natural
bulwarks of Holland, — and weakened by domestic
treason, the stadtholder and his family iled :
1794-1795. ' . I'll 1
Revolution and the revolution was proclaimed through-
procaiiin, . ^^^^ ^-^^ provinces. Dutch citizens decked
themselves with tricoloured emblems : fraternised with
the French soldiery : planted the tree of liberty in
every town, and celebrated the triumph of liberty,
equality, and fraternity with feasts and dancing.
A revolutionary committee was formed upon the
The new I'rench model. The sovereignty of the peo-
tkm '^^'^'^ pie and the rights of man were proclaimed :
the ancient municipal constitution of the
provinces was overthrown ; and a representative as-
sembly summoned, to be chosen by universal suffrage.
The hereditary titles of the nobility were abolished ;
and their domains appropriated for the use of the
State : feudal customs were abrogated : the use of
heraldic devices and liveries was prohibited : even
the gallows and the whipping-posts were pulled down
as emblems of slavery. Revolutionary clubs were
founded on the model of those of France : but they
were less violent than their prototypes : they were
not supported by ferocious mobs ; and they were held
in restraint by a constitutional government.^
' Juste, Hist, de Belgique, livre ix. cb. 1. Mrs. Davies, Mem. of
Ondaatje (Utrecht, 1870), 172, 173. Many dutuils of the revolu-
HOLLiVND A FEENCH PRO\TNCE. 83
The reYolution was accomplisiied : all Dutch citizens
were free and equal : but their country was
treated like a province of France. French a Fitmh
troops were quartered upon them, and main-
tained at their expense : French assignats were passed
off upon them for good money; and the quarrels of
France had become their otvti. For a few years the re-
public was allowed a nominal independence, under the
domination of France : but in 1806, Napoleon sent
his brother Louis to rule as his vassal king ; and in
1810, he absorbed its territory into the French empire.
For three years Holland suffered under the op-
pressive rule of the emperor : she was ex- conj,,itu.
hausted by taxes and exactions : the blood nio^arcby.
of her sons was shed under the eagles of ^^^^•
Napoleon, on the battle-fields of Europe ; and her
commerce was utterly destroyed. But in 1813, she
was able once more to cast off the yoke of the for-
eigner, and to recover her independence. It was not
a time for republican experiments ; and a constitu-
tional monarchy was established in the House of
Orange. The Netherlands were now included with
Holland in the new kingdom of the Netherlands, un-
der "William V., Prince of Orange.^ The same con-
stitutional privileges were assured to them, as were
enjoyed by the Dutch provinces, including complete
religious freedom. The Belgians now enjoyed more
constitutional freedom than had been their lot for
three centuries ; and they were again united with the
tionary movement in the Netherlands, not given in general histories,
will be found in this work.
' At this time he was called 'sovereign prince' of the Nether-
hinds. In March 1815 he proclaimed himself King of the Nether-
lauds.
84 THE NETHERLANDS.
nortliern provinces, under a descendant of tlie great
William of Orange, who liad struggled, with their
common ancestors, for civil and religious liberty.
Brussels, a Belgian city, was the capital of the new
kingdom ; and the commercial and agricultural pros-
perity of Belgium received an impulse from restored
freedom, which had been unknown to many genera-
tions.
This union, however, was not destined to be of long
Holland and ^uratiou : it was the work of the allied sove-
Bui-ium. reigns — not the spontaneous fusion of the two
nations ; and the religious differences of the northern
and southern provinces gravely aifected the stability
of the new State. The Calvinists of the North and
the Boman Catholics of the South had no common
sympathies : while for upwards of two centuries they
had been governed upon opposite principles, — the
former being under the rule of a republic, — the lat-
ter under foreign governors. Commercial rivalries,
no less than political jealousies, contributed to the
estrangement of the two peoples. Both in commerce
and in political influence, Holland was the dominant
power, and she regarded Belgium merely as an exten-
sion of her territory : while Belgium, on her side, con-
sidered herself annexed to a rival State, rather than
united with a friendly people.^ Moreover, the king
was a Dutchman : he carried a new constitution with
a high hand against a majority of Belgian notables ;
and otherwise favoured the interests and nationality
of Holland. The highest offices in the State and in
diplomacy were bestowed upon Dutchmen. By inter-
' Nothomb, Essai sur la revolution Beige, 44 ; Juste, Hist, de Bel-
giquc, livr. ix. ch. 2.
HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. 85
ferences v/itli freedom of education, by restraints upon
the press, and by discouragement of the language
and peculiar laws of the Belgians, the government
united against itself the Roman Catholics and the
Liberal party, — otherwise opposed. Pretensions to
prerogatives, scarcely compatible with so new a mon-
archy, increased the alienation of the Belgians. At
length, in 1830, the Revolution in France precipitated
an insurrection in Belgium, which resulted in the
separation of that country from Holland, and the
establishment of a free and prosperous kingdom, un-
der the enlightened rule of Leopold L, king of the
Belgians.^
The two kindred countries, whose fortunes had some-
times been united, and sometimes dissevered,
now became distinct constitutional monar- tuiismin
chies. In both, the principles and traditions
of freedom were maintained; and the rights of the
peoj^le were guaranteed by liberal institutions, and by
the good faith and moderation of their sovereigns.
But in Holland the Protestant religion, for v/hich so
noble a strucccrle had been made, in former times, has
saved that State from the dangers of ecclesiastical
domination. In Belgium, the ancient ascendency of
the Church of Rome was upheld; and a grave con-
flict has, for several years, been waged between the
Ultramontane Catholics and the Liberal party, which
threatens the civil liberties of the country. In no
other European State have the pretensions of the
Church, in recent times, been pressed so far, or with
so much success. The issue of this conflict is yet to
be determined. The majority of the people are Catlio-
' Juste, IJist. dc Bclgiquc, livr. ix. cli. 3.
86 THE NETHERLANDS.
lies : the priestliood know how to wield popular forces
in furtherance of their cause; and the Church of
Rome, discomfited in other States, has exerted all
her influence, to recover dominion in Belgium, which
she has lost elsewhere. Bat the times are unpropi-
tious to Ultramontane schemes : the Church of Home
has lost her hold upon the leaders of thought, through-
out Europe ; and the Belgians, however faithful to her
creed, are not likely to suffer her pretensions to im-
pair their cherished liberties. In a free State, such
pretensions have become an anachronism ; and their
ultimate failure is assured.^
The eventful history of the Netherlands : their an-
continned cieut fi'eedom : their painful struggles against
th? Nether- clespotism I their critical contest for the rights
lauds. q£ conscience ; and their good and evil for-
tunes, naturally command our sympathy. The two in-
dependent States, into which the seventeen historic
provinces are now divided, are both enjoying ample
political freedom, and revived prosperity. In contend-
ing for their traditional franchises, the people had
never been moved by the principles and aims of demo-
cracy. Holland had become a republic by the force
of circumstances : it was not founded upon a demo-
cratic basis ; and it soon submitted, once more, to the
rule of an hereditary prince. The Batavian republic
was but an offshoot of the French Eevolution. For
' ' Si dans les longs siecles du raoyen-Sge, la papaute a ete toute-
puissante, n'est-ce point parce qu'elle dominait sur les esprits ? et si
aujoard'hui elle perd sa puissance, n'est-ce pas parce que rempire
des ames lui echappe? ' — ' Nous ne croyons pas a un veritable danger,
car il est impossible que I'liumanite retourne dix siocles en arrierc.'
— L'Eglise et VEtat depuis la Revolution. Preface. The third book
of this very thoughtful work treats fully of Ultramontanism in Bel-
gium ; and the whole volume deserves an attentive perusal.
HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. 87
centuries the Netherlands desired nothing more than
the enjoyment of municipal privileges, under their
native sovereigns ; and Holland and Belgium are still
free, prosj)erous, and contented under the mle of their
constitutional kings. Their liberties are now far
greater than any to which they aspired in former
times. They have retained their municipal fran-
chises : while the people have acquired the ]3olitical
rights of citizens, and a share in the sovereignty of
a free State. Their past struggles have fitted them
for the temperate exercise of popular privileges ; and
their institutions are in harmony with their traditional
sentiments and predilections.
CHAPTER Xn.
FEANCE.
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE — GROWTH OP THE MONARCHY —
GRADUAL OVERTHROW OF POPULAR LIBERTIES — CENTRALISATION
—COURTIERS AND FEUDALISM — PRIVILEGES AND ABUSES — BUR-
THENS UPON THE PEASANTRY — IMPOVERISHMENT OF THE NOBLES,
AND ADVANCE OP OTHER CLASSES, IN SOCIETY— THE NEW PHI-
LOSOPHY — THE CHURCH AND OPINION— LOUIS XIV. AND LOUIS XV.
We now approach tlie history of a great European
, , State, which illustrates, above all other ex-
Late ' T • 1 B
growth Of amples, the social and political causes o±
in Fiance, clemocracj, its forces, and its dangers, in
France, democracy was of a much later growth than
in Italy, Switzerland, or the Netherlands. The revival
of society, after the dark ages, had, indeed, secured
some popular franchises, from the Crown and the
nobles. But these were lost as the monarchy ad-
vanced in power; and, until late in the eighteenth
century, no government in Europe appeared more
firmly established. Democracy then revealed itself,
in new forms : professing new principles : seeking new .
aims ; and causing unexampled revolutions.
Of all the countries of Europe, France is the most
favoured in situation, in climate, and in the
The conn- ' '
^lo'leoi" fertility of her soil. On the north, her coasts
France. ^re opcu to the Commerce of England, and
THE FRANKS AND FEUDALISM. 89
tlie States of nortliern Europe : on tlie west, to Spain
and t]ie Atlantic ; and on the south to the Mediter-
ranean. On the east, her frontiers extend to Germany
and Switzerland. Her climate, adapted by the natural
variations of so extended a realm to a great diversity
of products, is everywhere temperate. Her soil yields
corn, wine, and oil in generous abundance. Her peo-
ple are endowed with rare intelligence, ingenuity,
and taste. Gay, sociable, and fond of pleasure, they
are yet industrious, temperate, and thrifty. An ad-
vanced civilisation was the result of these fortunate
conditions ; and France became distinguished, among
the nations of Europe, in arms, in wealth, in culture,
and in all the arts and accomplishments of social life.
Yet, with all these natural advantages, the prosperity
and happiness of the people were blighted by politi-
cal and social ills. Misgovernment and unequal laws
thwarted the beneficence of nature.
Late in the fifth century, the Gauls had been con-
quered by the Teutonic Franks, under Clo-
vis. This small band of conquerors — not ex- ami foudui-
cceding ten thousand — having overcome the
Goths and the Burgundians, who had already settled
in the country, laid the foundations of the French
monarchy. Dividing amongst them the fairest do-
mains of the conquered country, they established the
rule of feudalism. The Franks were to the Gauls
what, at a later period, the Normans were to tlie Anglo-
Saxons. The landowners were of a different race from
that of the tillers of the soil : they spoke another lan-
guage, and had their own distinct laws, traditions and
customs. The dominant race guarded their rule, and
provided for their interests as landowners, by exact-
ing all the rights and dues of feudal superiors. Large
90 PRANCE.
grants of land were also made to tlie Churcli, to -wliicli
all the feudal rights of that period were attached. In
no other country was feudalism more firmly estab-
lished. It lay heavily upon the people : but it was a
cause of weakness to the monarchy.
The enlargement and consolidation of the French
Growth kingdom was the work of many centuries,
of the J3y wars, intrigues and alliances, province
monarchy. J ' o ^ j ±
was added to province, until the magnificent
realm of France was, at length, completed. Mean-
awhile the monarchy was feudal, and in the earlier
times, elective. Its wars were sustained by the mili-
tary services of the vassals of the Grown. But their
allegiance sat lightly upon them : at one time they
disobeyed the summons of their chief, at another
they encountered him in open war. The country was
desolated by foreign wars, invasions, and internal
strife : but, throughout all its troubles and vicissi-
overthrow tudes, the powcr of the Crown was steadily
daichie'fs! advancing. Princes and barons were suc-
cessively brought under subjection : their
dangerous power was broken by the civil wars of the
1644-1642 Fronde ; and finally overthrown by the vig-
orous administration of Richelieu.
The Church was long another source of weakness
The to the Crown. With vast possessions and
privileges, and supported by the alien power
of Rome, she was nearly independent of the State,
jgjg But, after protracted contests, Francis I.
obtained from the Pope the nomination to
ecclesiastical dignities ; and the clergy became amen-
able to the direct influence of the Crown, and were
liberal in their subsidies.
By these continued conquests over feudalism and
THE JACQUERIE. 91
the Cliurcli, the supremacy of the monarchy was
established. The kinor, no longer relyiucr on „
. ^ , " J n Supreme
the military services of his vassals, raised I'owe'of
•^ ^ ^ ' tlio Crown.
standing armies ; and assumed independent
prerogatives of legislation, of judicature, and of taxa-
tion.
While France was thus advancing in greatness, and
her kings in power, the people were suffer- Misery ana
ing from the distracted state of the coun- onu"'^"'^
try, and the oj)pressive weight of feudalism, p'^"^^''^-
They suffered from invasions and civil wars, from the
rigour of feudal service, and from vexatious restraints
upon their industry. They were serfs of nobles and
of the Church ; and were bound to slavery in body
and soul. The Albigenses and other heretics were
hunted down like wolves, and learned some of that
ferocity which disi3layed itself in later times. From
the time of Charlemagne, we read of the wretched-
ness of the peasantry ; and in the fourteenth century
the country was desolated by famine and
pestilence. This- period is also memorable
for a formidable insurrection of the peasantry after
the battle of -Poitiers, when King John had been taken
prisoner to England, and the country was almost in a
state of anarchy. The peasants suffering from ^,^^, j^^^
want, and resenting the oppression of the 'i"'^;"^'-
feudal lords, rose in great numbers, in differ-
ent parts of France : they burned many castles, mur-
dered the owners, and committed the most frightful
outrages upon women and children.^ Their fierce
hatred of tlie nobles and gentry proved the severity
of the feudal yoke : ^ but it also showed the savaj,'cry
' Froissfirt, CltJ'on. (Ccjllcction do Bucliun), ch. 385.
"^ ' lis crurcat qu'il leur t-toit pormia de so soulevcr contre los
92 FKANCE.
to wliicli a Froncli populace could bo roused. At this
period, struggles with feudalism were rife in other
parts of Europe. In England, they exploded in the
rebellion of Wat Tyler : ^ in the Netherlands in the
rising of the towns against the barons and the counts
of Elanders.^ But nowhere did insurgents commit
atrocities so barbarous as those of the French Jacque-
rie,^ and in later times, the Kke passions were to be
revealed, in excesses no less monstrous, and unna-
tural.
The Jacquerie was repressed with merciless se-
verity:* but the spirit of vengeance long rankled in
the minds of the peasantry ; and several years later a
fresh outbreak was threatened. According
1382 • . .
to Eroissart, if the king had been defeated
in Elanders by Philip Van Artevelde, there would
have been a general massacre of the nobles and gen-
try of France.^
Nor was the democratic spirit confined to the pea-
santry. Before the outrages of the Jacquerie, Stephen
nobles da royaume, et de prendre leur revanclie des mauvais traite-
ments qu'ils en avaient reQus.' — Cont. de Nangis, i\\. 119.
' Et cliacun d'eux dit, " II dit voir (vrai), il dit voir : honni soit
celui par qui il demeurera que tous les gentils hommes ne soit
detruits." ' — Froissart, Ghron. (Collection de Buchon), cli, 385,
xii. 293.
1 In 1381.
^ See siqira, 15-17 ; Perrens, Democratic en France, ii. 31-37.
2 ' Certes oncques n'avint entre Chri'tiens et Sarrassins telle for-
cenerio que ces gens fasoient, ni qui plus fissent de maus et de
plus vilains faits, et tels que creature ne devroit oser penser, aviser,
ni regarder.' — Froissart, Chron. livr. i. cli. 385.
* ' Si commencerent aussi a tuer et a decouper ces mccbants gens,
sans pitit', et sans raerci ; etles pendoieut par fois aux arbres, ou ils
les trouvoient.' — Ibid. cli. 386.
' Ibid. livr. ii. ch. 186 (Collection de Buchon).
REBELLION IN PARIS. 93
Marcel, Provost of Paris/ was master of the capital,
and nearly of the kingdom. By him and his
civic force, Paris was placed in a state of de- warcei"
fence, against invaders. He dominated over
the Estates, assembled at this crisis : he put the king's
ministers to flight; and, by means of a committee of
the Estates, he assumed the practical sovereignty of
the State. He even joined his own name with that
of the regent in summoning a meeting of the Estates.
But his rule was short. The popular leader was slain
by his fellow-citizens,'^ and the democracy
was overthrown. The brief career of this "^ ' •
remarkable provost naturally recalls the memory of
Rienzi in Ital}'-, and the Van Ai'teveldes in Flanders.^
Each of these conspicuous men represented, for a
time, the democracy of the fourteenth century : each lost
his life in the cause he had espoused : not one of them
permanently advanced the liberties of his country.
But the mutinous spirit of Paris was not subdued ;
and in 1382 the people, resenting some new Rebellion in
taxes, rebelled against the king, broke open ^'"''*- ^■■^^^•
the prisons, and armed themselves from the public ar-
mouries. Eouen also joined in this rebellion.'* Ele-
ments of disorder were widespread throughout France :
but the Crown was steadily consolidating its power,
and reducing nobles and people alike to subjection.
The kings had at first favoured municipal liberties
as a counterjooise to the power of the barons ; n,„„ici[,ai
and as the towns increased in wealth and pros- ^'I^^^'ch.
' Prevost des marchands.
' Froissart, C'hro7i. livr. i. ch. 393 ; Perrens, La Dcmocratie en
France, ch. i.-xii.
^ Perreus, La Democratia en France, i. 333.
* Froib.sart, Chron. livr. ii. cL. 127, 128, 151.
94 FRANCE.
perity, they sliowed much of that spirit of freedom and
independence which had distinguished the free cities
of other lands.^ In the south, traditions of the an-
cient Roman municipalities may have served to keep
alive this spirit ; ^ and everywhere resistance to feudal-
ism, and the common interests of their trades, united
the burghers into powerful municipal communities.
They elected their own magistrates, and shared in the
active public life of a fi'ee society. But at an early pe-
riod, the government of most of the French towns had
become the heritage of a small body of the richer
burghers,^ who were more earnest in securing privi-
leges for themselves than in advancing the political in-
fluence of their municipalities. And, considering their
importance, the towns played an inconsiderable part in
the politics of France. In political power, they never
approached the renowned cities of Italy, of the Neth-
erlands, of Germany, or even of Spain. If any town
displayed too much independence, it was promptly
deprived of its municipal franchises ; * and Louis XI.
subjected the jurisdiction of the towns to his own
lieutenants.^ In 1692, Louis XIV. abolished all muni-
cipal elections ; and sold the right of governing the
' De Tocqueville, L'anden Regime, 63 ; Freeman, Hist. Essays, 2nd
ser. 12.
^ EolDertson, History of Charles V., sect, i, n. [Q] ; Lecky, Hist, of
Rationalism, ii. 270.
^ ' Au onzieme ou douzi^me siecle les communes se montrent. Au
treizi^me siecle la decadence etait deja, complete. II est certain que
ces revolutions communales avaient ete I'ceuvre de la partie riche
des habitants des villes. Les proletaires suivaieut : mais, lielas ! h
aucun moment ils ne creent rien qui ait eu vie, meme d'lin jour.' —
Edgar Quinet, La Revolution, i. 43.
" e.g. Bordeaux, by Charles VII.
^ De Tocqueville, iy'ffl?iCi6ft Regime, 64; Cvoyre, Hist, of France,
ii. 255.
THE STATES-GENEExVL. 95
towns to the rich citizens, who wero ready to pur-
chase it.^ The monarchy was now far too strong to
siiifer from municipal independence ; and this traffic
in offices was simply a financial expedient. So little
did the king concern himself about popular privileges,
. that no sooner had he sold the municipal offices, than
he treated with the burghers for the repurchase of
their rights. So great a mockery had municipal fi'an-
chises become, that, in some towns, these rights were
thus sold no less than seven times.^ But, whether
sold to individuals or to the burghers at large, the
result was practically the same : the towns being
governed by a small oligarchy, uncontrolled by the
"people, and completely under the direction of the
officers of the Crown.^ They were effaced fi'om the
political constitution of France.
Another institution of the middle ages shared the
same fate. The Estates of the realm were gt^tc^-
assembled, in early times, to advise the king. Kenurai.
These, indeed, were originally councils of barons
and prelates.'* But, in 1302, Philip the Fair sum-
moned the tiers etat, being delegates from the towns,
to meet the nobles and prelates in Notre-Dame ; and
this was the first convention of the states-general.
They were afterwards assembled irregularly, in times
of national difficulty and danger, or when the necessi-
ties of kings drove them to demand extraordinary
subsidies ; ^ and, in 1355, it appears that the three
> De Tocqueville, 63. ^ Ibid. 64.
' ' Au dix-lmitlcme siocle le gouvemement municipal des villcs
avait done drgt'm'rr partout en une petite oligarcliie.' — De Tocque-
ville, L'ancicn Rrr/ime, 68.
* e.g. The Parliament assembled in Paris in 1284, by Louis the
Hardy.
'' Louis 131auc, Hid. do la IlCo. Fr. i. 157 it scj.
Do FRANCE.
Estates deliberated together.^ Again, in 1484, tlie
states-general were convoked, so as to ensure a nation-
al representation, and embraced delegates from the
country, as well as from tlie towns. Tliese delibera-
tions were conducted not by orders, but in six bureaux,
which comprised the representatives of all the orders,
according to their territorial divisions.^ In England,
assemblies such as these grew into a free and pow-
erful Parliament, controlling the prerogatives of the
Crown, and protecting the rights of the commons.
But in France, they had no settled place in the consti-
tution : they were clothed with no defined authority :
they laid their complaints (cahiers) at the foot of the
throne, without any assurance that they would be-
listened to : they were called and dismissed, at the
pleasure of the Crown; and were, at length, wholly
discontinued.*
With the states - general of 1614, these national
assemblies were brought to a close; and,
continu- heuceforth, the king levied his subsidies by
prerogative. These assemblies had, indeed,
imposed little restraint upon the increasing power of
the Crown : but they had maintained the jDrincijile of
representation, in the constitution of France. The
nobles, the clergy, and the commons, had been brought
into the presence of the king ; and the commons had
been recognised as a political order. Two of these
' Perrens, La Democratie en France au moyen-age, i. 125. Tliis
author says : ' Quel qu'ait ete le but poursuivi et le but atteint, il
est impossible de ne pas remarquer qu'a leur insu nobles et prelats
faisaient un premier pas dans la voie de I'egalite entre les trois
ordres.'
2 Aug. Thierry, Essai sur I'histoire de la formation du Tiers-etat, i.
87 ; Louis Blanc, Hist, de la Revolution Fr. 1. 153.
3 Louis Blanc, Hist. i. 160-169.
THE PAELIAMENTS. 97
orders, closely associated with the Crown, and profit-
ing by its prerogatives, continued to enjoy great power
and privileges ; but the third, or commonalty, now
wholly lost their recognition as an Estate of the realm.
Several of the provinces, which had been, from time
to time, acquired by France, still retained provincial
their ancient constitutions ; and their Estates assembues.
imposed a certain check upon the prerogatives of the
Crown, in the levying of taxes. In Languedoc, Bur-
gundy, Provence, and Brittany, and other provinces,
or pays d'itats, the Estates, consisting of bishops, no-
bles, and city magistrates, met annually to grant sub-
sidies to the king, and to assent to new taxes. Some-
times they opposed his demands : but they were
generally coerced by his overruling power. They
were, however, mainly assemblies of nobles and
churchmen, the last strongholds of feudalism; and
Richelieu, in his contest with the survivors of feudal
power, endeavoured to abolish them. Most of the
provinces proved too powerful to be yet overcome, by
the strong hand of prerogative. But Louis XIV. was
afterwards able to deprive Normandy, Anjou, Tou-
raine, and other provinces, of their provincial assem-
blies. Languedoc, Burgundy, Provence, Brittany, and
other provinces, were permitted to continue as 7?a?/s
cTetats : but their assemblies were completely governed
by the commissaries of the king. And thus another
institution, endowed with some measure of constitu-
tional independence, was overthrown.
A further check upon prerogative was found in the
Parliaments. These bodies, however, were T,,yp^riia.
in no sense representative. They were nomi- '"'■""^•
nees of the Crown ; and, as high courts of justice,
they proved firm friends to prerogative, and enemies to
VOL. n. — 5
98 FKANCE.
feudalism.^ But courts are ever ready to enlarge tlieir
own jurisdiction; and as the king promulgated 'liis
decrees, or ordinances, by requiring them to be regis-
tered by the Parliaments, they assumed the right of
delaying or refusing this registration: or, in other
words, of putting a veto upon the acts of the Crown.
Having no commission from the king, nor from the
people, for the exercise of such a function, tlieir
pretensions were naturally resisted. The king knew
how to maintain his prerogatives. He could over-
come the contumacy of a Parliament, by holding a
Lit de Justice ; and, if it continued refractory, he could
banish its most mutinous members, or order the re-
moval of the Parliament, in a body, until it submitted
to his will.^ But, in the absence of any other con-
trolling power, the opposition of the Parliaments of-
ten expressed public opinion ; and as the only barrier
against the arbitrary power of the king, they formed
a popular element in the constitution.^ Nor did the
Parliaments confine their opposition to the decrees
of the Crown : they often ventured upon the strongest
remonstrances against the policy of the government.
The Parliament of Paris was the first of these dis-
tinguished bodies : but the provincial parliaments, — •
originally eight in number, and afterwards increased
to fourteen, — were also powerful within their own
jurisdictions. They exercised the highest judicature
in their several provinces. They consisted of the
most eminent lawyers and magistrates in France,
mnobled by their offices, distinguished by their
1 Ilallam, Middle Ages, 193-196.
■•^ Henri Marten, Ilist. de France, ix. 109, xv. 142, &c.; Louis Blanc,
Bist. do la Rev. Fr. i. 435 ; Laferriere, Hist, du Droit dc France.
" Do Tocquoville, L'ancien Bcgimc, 244.
CENTRALISATION. 99
learning, eloquence, and cultivation, — tlie ornaments
of Freueli society.^ The Parliaments continued to
display a strong spirit of independence, until they
were abolished by Louis XY., in 1771.^
And thus, in each succeeding age, the prerogatives
of the Crown were enlarged, while every Themon-
other power in the State was subjected to fi^^e nmuT
its dominion. And as the commonalty were ^""''^ ^^^'•
advancing in wealth, in intelligence, and in social in-
fluence, they were excluded from all voice in the gov-
ernment of their country.^ Under Louis XIV. the mon-
archy had become absolute. Whatever constitutional
rights may have been oj^posed to the power of the king,
he exercised prerogatives which overcame all resist-
ance. He could silence a Parliament by a lit de justice:
he could imprison his subjects by Icttres de cachet : he
could banish them by lettres d'exil: he could confiscate
their property : he could tax their revenues. Nor was
he content to rule over the temporal rights of his sub-
jects only : he assumed to govern their souls ; and, by
revoking the Edict of Nantes, he subjected the con-
sciences and worship of his people to his own will.
And while the monarchy was thus acquiring a mono-
poly of power, it was losing much of its feudal character.
Most of the old local authorities had been gradually
superseded by nominees of the Crown. The
Ccntnilis'Ji-
kind's council (le conseil du roi) combined the tion in
highest powers, judicial, administrative, and
' ' France, so fertile of great men in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, might better spare, perhaps, from her annals, any class
or description of them, than her lawyers.' — Hallam, Middle Ages, i.
19G. ' The spirit and learning of the French provincial magistracy,—
the f)ld Parliamentary spirit, — was theverysalt of the nation before
the lie volution of 1789.'— Keeve, Royal and Rev. France, ii. 93.
* See infra, p. 129. ^ Mignet, Uist. de la Rev. Fr. lutr. 8, 9.
100 FBANCE.
even legislative. Tlie comptroller-general was a min-
Thcinten- ^®^^^' "^^° wieldecl nearly all the executive
dants. power of the State. In every province was
an intendant, who administered its affairs as agent of
the government. In the words of Law, the notorious
financier, ' the kingdom was governed by thirty in-
tendants.' These officers levied the taxes, regulated
the militia and police, superintended the roads,
bridges, and other public works, and undertook the
relief of the poor.^ The intendants even ruled over
the towns as well as the country, — administering
their finances, establishing their octrois, and author-
ising the execution of their public works.^ In the
villages the people once had a voice in the manage-
ment of their own affairs : but in the eighteenth cen-
tury, they had all fallen under the tutelage of the in-
tendants. These active and vigilant officers greatly
extended the power of the Crown : but in the same
measure, they increased the burthens of the people.
It was their first duty to enrich the royal treasury ;
and they performed it with little regard to the suffer-
ings and repugnance of the tax-jDayers.
Even the courts found their jurisdiction superseded
The courts ^J *^® administrative activity of the inten-
of justice, dants. They continued to determine private
suits between parties : but were not allowed to inter-
fere in cases in which the government and its officers
were concerned. These courts had done good service
to liberty, under an absolute government. All their
' ' C'est radministration de I'etat qui s'etend, de toutes parts, sur
les debris des pouvoirs locaux : c'est la hierarchie des fonctionnaires
qui remplace, de plus en plus, le gouvemement des nobles.' — De
Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 26.
^ De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 69.
EVILS OF ABSOLUTISM. 101
proceedings were conducted in public : tlieir decisions
were open to appeal : they were independent ; and,
above all, they were not venal : they afforded protec-
tion against public and private wrongs. It was a
grievous blow to liberty, and to public security, when
power prevailed over justice, and the people could
only protect themselves by force.^
All these changes tended to concentrate the entire
power of France in the capital. From early times
Paris had been the seat of the court and of the govern-
ment, the chosen resort of literature and the arts, and
of society. It was also a centre of industry and manu-
factures, to which great numbers of capitalists and
skilled artisans were attracted. And while the capital
was thus advancing in power, riches, and culture, the
gradual absorption of all local authorities, by the cen-
tral government, withdrew from the provinces their
activity and life. The provinces were depleted ftf
their life-blood by the capital. Their weakness and
stagnation were increasing, while Paris was stimu-
lated into excessive vitality. Its commercial industry
attracted multitudes of workmen ; and the working
classes acquired a dangerous preponderance.^
This concentration of all the powers of the State in
the Crown was fatal not only to the liberties, g^,.,^ ^^
but to the material and social well-being, of "''^"'"tism.
the country. No longer controlled in the levying of
taxes, kings were free to riot in every extravagance.
They engaged lightly in serious wars : they built costly
palaces: they maintained extravagant establishments;
they surrounded themselves with a court of extraor-
' De Tocqueville says : ' Quand un poui)le a dttruit dans son sein
I'aristocratie, il court vers la centralisation commc de lui-mCine.' —
L'ancien lii'gime, 89. '' De Tocquevillo, L'ancien Regime, ch. vii.
102 FRMCE.
dinary stateliness and splendour. There were no
bounds to their expenses ; and when more money was
needed for the royal state, fresh taxes were laid upon
the people. They lived for themselves alone, for their
ambition, their pride and their pleasures. They had
no thought of duty to their subjects. Euling by here-
ditary right, they were the representatives of God
upon earth, and were accountable to no man.
The court of Louis XIV., at Versailles, was the most
Court of magnificent and the most costly in Europe.
L.uis XIV. j^o earthly sovereign could be surrounded by
greater state, or approached with deeper reverence.^
So brilliant a society of princes and nobles had never
been collected. Nowhere had graceful manners, well-
bred courtesy, and polished conversation been cul-
tivated to such perfection. This favoured circle
formed the ideal of social elegance and refinement.
lit made France famous as the politest of nations. But
it was idle, fi'ivolous, and corrupt. Pleasure and pre-
ferment were its only aims. It had no sense of public
duty or responsibility. Courtiers enjoyed a gay society,
which scarcely cared to cover its vices with the thin
veil of gallantry. They j)erformed no useful service
to the State : but were. ever seeking new offices and
pensions. With all their pride of birth and station,
they were not ashamed to beg unmerited favours from
their royal master. And their insatiable greed mul-
tiplied the burthens of the people.^
' ' Depuis les Cesars, aucune vie humaine n'a tenu tant de place
au soleil,' — Taine, Les Origines, 114. The second book of this re-
markable work contains a description of this court, at once compre-
hensive and minute.
5 As a single example : ' En 1757 I'impot est de 283,156,000 livres ;
en 1789. de 470,394,000.'— Taine, Les Origines, 455.
EVILS OF THE COURT. 103
The evils of such a court as this were grave enough :
but its indirect consequences were fatal to j.^,,,^ ^^ ^j^^
the interests of society. The attraction of <=°"'"'^-
nobles and high ecclesiastics, from their provincial
strongholds, to the royal court, had commenced in the
reign of Francis L, and increased with the decline of
feudalism, and the aggrandisement of the monarchy.
The warlike chiefs of one age, became the silken
courtiers of another. Before the nobles were attracted
to the court they lived upon their own territories :
they were surrounded by their neighbours and de-
pendents : they v/ere identified with the social life of
the provinces. Their feudal rights were invidious
and oppressive : but in the eyes of their own people,
they were princes, to whom all accustomed services
were rightly due. They kept alive a sentiment of
hereditary loyalty.^ Their bravery and manly virtues,
the splendour of their hospitality, their charities and
fi'iendly offices, endeared them to their countrymen.
And in more tranquil times, they were able to lay
aside the sword, and assume the duties and respon-
sibilities of magistrates, provincial councillors, and
country gentlemen. At this very period, when they
could have done the best service to society, the}^ de-
serted their ancestral halls, and flocked to Paris and
Versailles. Princes in the provinces, they now be-
came the gilded servants of tlie king ; and their reve-
nues, instead of maintaining their old feudal state,
contributed to the splendour of the royal court. But
they profited by the munificence of the king and the
privileges of their order ; and while still enjoying the
' ' La seigneurie, le comtr, lo duclu' deviennent uno patrio quo Ton
aime d'un instinct aveugle, et pour lariuelle on ao dcvoue.'— Taiuo,
Lcs Origines, 13.
104 FEANCE.
rights of feudalism, they escaped from all its duties.
On the ground of their feudal services to the Crown,
they had formerly claimed exemption from other pub-
lic burthens ; and now that these services were no
longer rendered, their exemption was maintained.
All the highest offices in the Church, the State, and
Hi"h offices ^^^^ army, were conferred upon nobles. No
HsedT commoner could aspire to hold them. The
nobles. bishop, the abbot, aigl the prior were of gen-
tle birth : the half-starved cure was a plebeian.^ The
bishop lived like a prince, surrounded by luxuries,
and mixing freely in the gay, and not too moral society
of the court. The cure, ill-housed and ill-fed, laboured
in his humble calling, without encouragement from
above, and without a hope of preferment. To be a
captain in the army, an officer was required to prove
that he had four degrees of nobility ; and throughout
the service, ^Dromotion was to be gained, not by merit,
but by court favour. Sinecures were multiplied for
the nobles, in the public administration, and in the
court. They were of no service to the State : they
contributed little to the dignity of the royal house-
hold : but they weighed heavily upon the national
finances.^ Preposterous pensions were lavished upon
courtiers and favoured ladies, without any pretence of
service to the State.^
Nor were offices multiplied merely for the gratifica-
• Sale of ^^^^ °^ courtiers. Since the fifteenth century,
'offices. ^Ijq gg_]^Q Qf p^ii3ii(} offices had been resorted
to by the Crown as a source of revenue. To enhance
' Les vrais pasteurs des ames, Ics co-opcrateurs dans le saint mi-
nistere, ont a peine une subsistance.' — Le Marquis de Mirabeau, cited
by Taine, Les Origines, 94. See also Laurent, L'Eglise et VEtat, 3-11.
» Taine, 81-89. " Ibid. 90.
SALE OF OFFICES. 105
their saleable value, many of them were made here-
ditary : some even carried with them a patent of no-
bility : all entitled the fortunate holders to exemption
from many taxes. Multitudes of offices were created,
not because they were necessary, but because they
could be sold. Such offices existed in every depart-
ment of the State ; and thus there stood between the
government and the people, an independent official
aristocracy, very burthensome to the country, and lit-
tle under the control of its rulers. To adminis-ter the
affairs of a great State efficiently, with such a staflf,
was out of the question; and Louis XIV., in great
measure, superseded them by the appointment of an
intendant and suhdclegues in every province. Yet more
offices were created and sold ; and their holders being
exempt from taxation, the burthens upon their less
fortunate neighbours were increased; and their own
privileges became the more obnoxious. Even the re-
versions of offices were sold. Monopolies were also
granted, at high prices, which crippled trade, and
brought ruin upon numbers of industrious families.
While the nobles were thus enjoying the lucrative
offices and honours of the court, and distri- Exemptions
buting favours to their friends, their feudal o^noWes.
domains were deserted- The State taxes, fi'om which
their own property and that of the Church were
wholly or partly exempt, were constantly becoming
more burthensome to the poorer proprietors, for whom
there was no exemption. About one-half the soil be-
longed to the favoured rich, and the other half to
the heavily-laden poor.^ But yet more grievous were
' 'Si on dufalquo les terres publiques, les priviKgic's possidont la
moitic du royaume. Et ce gros lot est, en mCiuc temps, le plus
riche.' — Taine, Les Ongincs, 18.
5*
106 FRANCE.
the feudal dues and local burtliens borne by tlie un-
privileged lands. All tlie great nobles and dignitaries
of the Church were now absentees; and the lesser
nobles and proprietors, still resident, were deprived
of their local functions by the officers of the State.
Nothing of feudalism remained but its burthens ; and
these were heavier than ever.
The corvee, or statute-labour, exacted for the repair
of the roads and various local works, tolls on
uponthi the roads, ferries across the rivers, dues at
pca^an ry. ^^.^^^ ^^^ markets, exclusive rights of grinding
corn, of pressing grapes, and of keeping pigeons:
fees on the sale of land, dues and ground-rents to
the feudal lord, in money and in kind: tithes and
seignorial dues to the Church: such were the chief
burthens upon the land.^ As wealth and civilisation
increased, more constant demands were made for pub-
lic roads. They were most needed for the rich : but
they were made at the cost of the poor peasants, to
whom they were of little use.^ Besides these feudal
dues, the public burthens upon the peasantry were
grievous. Among them were the taille, a heavy per-
sonal tax, unequally assessed and arbitrarily levied ; ^
and others no less onerous.^
These demands upon the peasant proprietors and
Effects farmers became more repugnant when the
re4d"Jli"ce ^udal Superiors had lost their power. So
long as the nobles administered justice, exe-
cuted the laws, and took the lead in all local affairs,
these public duties seemed to Justify their rights.
* De Tocqueville, L'ancien Begime, 42.
"^ This peculiar hardship was strikingly condemned by the king
himself in an edict against the cwvee. — Ibid. 2G6.
3 Ibid. 185. " See infra, p. 110.
BUETHENS UPON THE PEASANTEY. 107
They stood in the same relation to the peoj)le as the
State, — rendering services, and receiving taxes ; but
now the services were withdrawn, and the exactions
continued. These dues were constantly becoming
more burthensome. In the absence of proprietors,
agents and stewards were hard task-masters. It was
their business to collect the uttermost farthing from
the peasantry. The unjust steward knew how to pro-
fit by his exactions : the honest servant was bound
to meet the urgent necessities of his employer. Still
worse was the lot of the unhappy peasant when the
dues were leased to a stranger, or mortgaged to a
creditor. Unfeeling and rapacious, such men, who
now stood in the place of the proprietor, became the
terror and scourge of the cultivators, — reducing them
to beggary, and driving them from their homes.^
There were many proprietors, indeed, still resident
upon their estates. Too poor to enjoy the Resident
pleasures of the capital, for which they p™'''^^"^''^-
longed, they lived penuriously in their own chateaux.
They were relieved of all the public duties of a coun-
try gentleman : ^ but they were tenacious of their old
feudal rights, — the dove-cot, the warren, and the game
preserves.^ With more sympathy for the peasantry
than the collectors of absentee proprietors, they were
' ' On comprend que, exercee par leurs mains (les fermiers ou
debiteure), la fOodalite piit ])araitre souvent plus dure qu'au moyen-
Sge.'— De Tocqueville, Ijcmden Regime, 405 (note). 'C'est un
loup ravissant, que Ton lache sur la terre, qui en tire jusqu'auK
derniers sous, accable les sujets, les reduit a, la niendicite, fait de-
serter les cultivateurs, rend odieux le maitre qui se trouve force
de tolerer ses exactions, pour le faire jouir.' — Renauldon, 628, cited
by Taine, Les Orifjines, 67.
' De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 39, 56, &c.
' Taine, Les OrigineK, 50.
108 FEANCE.
too poor to be liberal They lived upon their feudal
rights, and could not afford to forego them.^ Whe-
ther the proprietor was resident or not, there was no
relief for the peasant ; and at length the long-suffer-
ing cultivators of the soil learned to cast sullen and
revengeful looks upon the chateau. There lay the
treasured title-deeds which had doomed them to pen-
uiy. There might be found, at some future time, the
means of rescue and redemption.^
Besides these two classes of feudal lando-^Tiers,
Peasant there was a prodigious number of peasant
proprietors, pi-opj^jg^ors, wlio had gradually acquired
portions of the original feudal grants. Serfdom had
been generally unknown for centuries before the
Revolution.^ In Normandy it had ceased to exist so
far back as the thirteenth century ; * and the pea-
santry, no longer serfs, became, in vast numbers, pro-
prietors of the soil. Long before the Revolution and
the Code Napoleon, the extraordinary subdivision of
the land, among peasant proprietors, had been ob-
served by French statesmen.^ Numbers of nobles
and landowners, impoverished by extravagance and
by the mismanagement of their estates, were induced
to sell portions of their land to the peasantry. To
this class about one-third of the land of France be-
longed. They were generally poor, ignorant, and
struggling for a bare subsistence. Though they had
' ' Le peuple, qui d'un mot va souvent droit a I'idee, avait donne
a ce petit gentilhorame le nom du moins gros des oiseaux de proie :
il I'avait noinme le hobereau.' — De Tocqueville, 181.
* Taine, Les Origines, 52.
" The only exception was in territories in the east of France, ac-
quired from Germany.
* De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, livr. ii. ch. 1.
* Ibid. ; Doniol, La Revolution Frangaise, et la Feodcilite.
PEASANT PROPIIIETOIIS — METAYERS. 109
purchased their little i:>atolies of soil out of their
scanty savings, they had not acquired exemption
from feudal dues ; and as their richer neighbours, to
whom these dues were paid, were exempt fi'om other
taxes, the chief burthens fell upon this single class,
which was least able to bear them. Whatever the
pride of ownership, the peasant proprietor was still
called upon to leave his own farm, and to work for
another, ^^dthout reward. His crops were devoured
by his great neighbour's game : his corn was ground
dearly at the privileged mill ; and he still paid feudal
rents for lands which he called his own. Can we
wonder that the peasant proprietors hated the nobles
and the Church ? ^
Another class of peasants, who shared the suffer-
ings and wrongs of the small proprietors. Theme-
were the peasant tenantry of the nobles and *'*^'^""
the Church, known as metayers, who paid their rent
in kind. Without capital or skill, or interest in the
soil, their farming was wretched. The landlord suf-
fered by the unproductiveness of his land : the tenant
was oppressed by agents, collectors, and money-
lenders. At best, the metayer earned a bare subsist-
' Many interesting illustrations of the condition of the peasantry,
before the Revolution, will be found in Bonnemere, Hifit. dcs Pay-
sans ; in Boulanvilliers, Etat de la France ; and in L'Mstoire d'un
Paysan, 1789, 1793, 1793, 1794-1815, by Erckmann-Chatrian. ' La
noblesse et le clerge, ces deux ordres rapaces, se sont appropries
tous les avantages de la society, ont fait tarir pour nous toutes les
sources de I'aisance et de la prosperite ; on nous a vexes, luacircs,
a peu pres comme des betes de sorame. Ces ennemis du bonheur
des peuples ne paient rien si I'ctat, quoiqu'ils possedent les plus
grands biens, des biens immenses : tout est il eux, rien a nous, et
avec ce rien nous somnies obliges de fairo face a, tous les besoins de
la chose publique.' — Ilcjlcxiom d'un PMosojihe Breton, Intr. au
Moniteur, p. 509.
110 FEANCE.
ence, — living a hard life, ill-fed, ill-clotlied, ill-
lioiised, and ignorant; and upon liim fell the taxes
fi-om which his privileged landlord was exempt.
Both these classes of peasants were poor
Poverty i i , , • -i- -i
of the enough : but, to escape impositions, they pre-
tended even greater poverty. Their wretch-
ed houses were out of repair, and nearly stripped of
furniture : their clothing was beggarly, and their food
coarse and scanty.^
Another grievous wrong was suffered by the pea-
Thegame- sautry, from the feudal game-laws. Game
^''"'®' was strictly preserved for the use of the
lords of the soil : and for its protection, the peasant
was exposed to the most vexatious injuries. His
crops were destroyed without compensation : he was
forbidden to protect them by the inclosure of his land :
he could keep neither dog nor gun. Woe to him if,
at the hatching season, he disturbed the partridges
by cutting his own grass, or lucerne, or osiers. Any
breach of these laws was punished with rigorous
severity.^
The peasantry were ruined by State taxes, by local
wei^'htof hurthens, and by feudal dues and services.
taxes. iji^Q tax-gatherer was ever at their doors : he
even pursued them as they came from church : their
goods were sold for non-payment of taxes ; and their
ignorance exposed them to extortion and fraud,^ Not
only were these taxes ruinous in amount, but some,
" ' Taine, Les Origines, 445.
^ ' Leurs capitaines de chasse, veneurs, gardes forestiers, gruyers,
protegent les betes comme si elles etaient des hommes, et poursui-
vent les hommes comme s'ils etaient des betes.' — Taine, Les Ori-
gines, 73.
' La plupart . . . ressemblent aux fellahs d'Egypte, aux labou-
reurs de I'lndoustan.' — Ibid. 4G6.
THE lillLITIA- m
like tlie salt-tax and the wine-tax, were levied by
means so oppressive and vexatious, that the loss to
industry and trade was more serious than the tax
itself.^
The last wrong of the peasantry was that of recruit-
ing for the militia. The military forces were
drawn exclusively from the lower classes : all
people in comfortable circumstances, as well as their
servants, enjoyed exemption from service ; and none
but the poor peasants, who had no friends, were
pressed into the ranks.^ Dragged from their homes,
and made soldiers against their will, they were treated
with severity and neglect. While their noble officers
were faring sumptuously every day, the common sol-
diers were coarsely and sparely fed, ill-lodged, and ill-
treated.^ Nowhere was the hard contrast between
the noble and the peasant more striking than in a
French regiment. The soldiers, sullen and discon-
tented, deserted in thousands, and lived upon society
as outlaws, marauders, poachers, and vagrants.
There was no agricultural middle class, like that of
yeomen, or large tenant farmers, as in Eng- Noagricui-
land. The rural society was that of nobles, middle
squires, and peasants. Nor did any of the
middle class, enriched by trade, choose their homes
in the country. Repelled by the haughty bearing of
the proprietors,^ and by the local burthens which fell
' Ibid. 468-473.
* 'Le service lour est si odieux, que souvent lis se sauvent dans
les bois, ou 11 faut les poursuivre a main armco.' — Ibid. 513.
3 ' Six sous par jour, un lit etroit pour deux, du ])ain de cliien, et
dopuis qudques annees, des coups commc u un cliicn.' — Taine, Lea
Orif/inex, 513.
^ ' Le seigneur qui rusidait dans scs terres montrait d'ordinaire
unc certaine bonhomie familicre envers les paysans ; uiais sou in-
112 FBANCE.
heavily -upon tliem, as unprivileged owners, tliey took
refuge in the towns, and swelled the ranks of the
bourgeoisie}
With such discouragements to the industry of the
peasantry, we learn without surprise of the
and bicad miseries by which large parts of France were
often afflicted. Famines were not infrequent,
which carried off multitudes of sufferers ; and reduced
the survivors to the most frightful privations.^ "While
nobles and prelates were feasting, at Yersailles, thou-
sands of their wretched people were dying of hun-
ger. Large tracts of land, deserted by the peasantry,
were thrown out of cultivation. Many fled from their
miseries to the provincial towns, and to Paris : where
a starving populace were often driven to riots and
pillage. They broke down the barriers at the octroi,
they forced open granaries, and provision shops : they
plundered markets, and they hung bakers. Multi-
tudes of beggars infested the country roads, the towns
and the capital. In 1767, no less than 50,000 were
taken up, by order of the government.^ Bands of
armed robbers and poachers cut down woods, swept
away game and poultry, and plundered farm-houses.
These dangerous vagabonds, trained to outrage, were
ready to lead famished mobs in tumults and insurrec-
tions.^
The towns were more prosperous than the country :
science vis-a-vis des bourgeois, ses voisins, etait presque infinie.' —
De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 134.
' ' La presque totalite de la classo moyenne dans Tancien regime
habitait les villes.'— Ibid. 134, 136.
^ Taine, Les Origines, 430 et scq.
2 De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 199.
* Taine, Les Origines, 507, 508.
mrOVEEISHMENT OF NOBLES. 113
but tliej suffered grievous burtliens. Tliey -were sub-
ject to a heavy octroi, and to public and local ,j,,|^ j.^^^^^_
imposts : tlieir trade was injured by monopo- ^^'-^^ towus.
lies, and fiscal vexations : no one was free to follow
Ms calling in liis o^ti way : everywhere privilege
was opposed to freedom. Numbers of tlieir own
workmen were often without employment ; and they
were overrun by paupers and vagrants from the
country.^
While the country was suffering from misrule, in-
justice, and selfishness, important changes
were coming over the society of France. i"iiiiienrof
The old nobles retained their ancient privi-
leges : but their social position was gravely altered.
Such was the respect due to birth, that nobility once
stood alone and unapproachable in society. It was a
distinct caste.^ Nobles rarely married beyond their
own privileged circle, and never without discredit.
They were also the only wealthy class : their great
possessions placing them far above the reach of ri-
valry. And when they resided upon their patrimo-
nial estates, their influence over provincial societ}' was
unbounded. But their ranks had been thinned by
the civil wars ; and court life had impaii'ed their for-
tunes. Their estates were impoverished by neglect
and mismanagement : and not all the lavish bounty
of the king sufficed to maintain their extravagance.
Many sank deeply into debt : some saved themselves
from ruin by unequal marriages.^ Above all, they i
' Ibid. 482, 505.
- ' La noblesse est devenue une caste, c'est-ii-dire que ta marque
distincte est la naissance.' — De Tocqueville, L'anden Regime, 124.
^ ' Depuis plusieurs siecles les nobles fran^ais n'avaient cessc de
B'ai)pauvrir. " Malgre ses privileges, la noblesse bc mine, ot s'aue-
114 FRANCE.
liacl wliolly abdicated tlicir proper duties, as a gov-
erning class. While the country was disturbed by
dangerous disorders, — mainly due to their neglect, — •
they were spending a life of pleasure and frivolity.
They were masters of wit and epigram : but they
were without statesmanship, patriotism, or a sense of
public duty. They had lost their influence over soci-
ety ; and they took no pains to recover it. If they
desired power they sought it through the favour of
the king. They had no ambition apart from the
court. And thus France was deprived of the guid-
ance of its natural leaders.
Meanwhile other classes had been rising in French
societv. While the nobles were becoming
Rise of -^ , n • 1,1
other poorer, mtendants, financiers, merchants and
classes. ^ ' . •itpi
lawyers were growing rich. If they had
formed a powerful middle class, controlling the no-
offlciai bles, and representing the interests of the
nobles. people, they could have done much to repair
the evils of French society. But it was their first
ambition to be ennobled. A part of their wealth
was at once invested in the purchase of an office,
which conferred the rank and privileges of nobility.^
The social position of these ofiicial nobles was equi-
vocal. By the old noUesse, they were still regarded
as rohiriers ; and they added nothing to the politi-
cal power, or social influence, of the nobility. On
the other hand, they were viewed with jealousy, by
their former equals. Their privileges were invidious ;
antit tous les jours, et le tiers-t'tat s'empare des fortunes," ecrit tris-
tement un gentilhomme, en 1755.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Re-
gime, 117.
' In the time of Necker the number of such offices was no less than
4,000. — De Tocqueville, L'ancien liigime, 133.
CAPITALISTS. 115
and tlieir pretensions offensive.^ They were exempt
from burthens, which fell the more heavily upon their
neighbours ; and their pride provoked envy and ridi-
cule. They failed to acquire the respect of the people,
like the ancient nobles : while they aggravated the
sense of inequality, which had long been rankling in
the minds of the unprivileged classes. Unlike the
judicial nobles of the Parliaments, whose learning
and public services ensured respect, they formed no
element of stability in French society.
But the increasing commerce of France had en-
riched great numbers of citizens, beyond this
privileged circle, — capitalists, bankers, con-
tractors, and merchants. Such men became the chief
creditors of the State and of the nobles ; and so great
were the necessities of the court, that they often suf-
fered losses, and ruinous delays, in the recovery of
their debts.^ Many were richer than their debtors,
lived in the same splendour, and vied with them in
social pretensions.^ But there was a broad gulf be-
tween them. The nobles were gradually relaxing
some of their dignity : but they held themselves aloof
from the roturiei's. They borrowed their money, but
avoided their company. The capitalists had become
a power in the State : but they were estranged from
the court and the nobles.*
' ' Dans certaines provinces, les nouveaux anoblis sont repousses
d'un cote parce qu'on ne les juge pas assez nobles, et de I'autre
parce qu'on trouve qu'ils le sont doja trop.' — Ibid. 134.
* Taine, Les Origines, 406.
^ ' lis avaient les m6mes idees, les memes habitudes, suivaient
les meraes gouts, se livraient aux mr-mes plaisirs, lisaient les mcnies
livres, parlaient le mOnie langage. lis ne diffcraient plus entre eux
que par les droits.' — De Tocqucville, L'aiicien Itcgime, 121.
* Ibid. 130.
IIG FRANCE.
The only class with whom the nobles associated,
Men of npon equal terms, were men of letters. These
letters. gave lustre to their salons ; and enlivened
the conversation of the great, with wit and graceful
learning. They v/ere courted and flattered, — often re-
ceiving attentions due to men of the highest rank.^
There was no question of their birth, but only of their
genius and celebrity. As leaders of public opinion,
they might have been powerful auxiliaries of the court
and the nobles : but their literary influence was hos-
tile to the higher classes, and was undermining the
ancient fabric of French society.
If we search for a middle class in French society.
The bour- ^^^ must looli to the bourgeoisie. But who
geoue. were they? There was a time when they
had a recognised place in the State. They exercised
their municipal fi-auchises ; and they were represented
as part of the tiers-ctat, in the Estates. But they had
lost all these privileges : they performed no services
to their country, or their order : but had become a
race of greedy place-hunters. Vast numbers of small
ofiices were created and sold for their gratification.^
Of these, many thousands exempted the holders from
the whole or part of the public burthens, from service
in the militia, from the land tax, or the corvee. Here
^ 'En beaucoup d'occasions, les titres litteraires avaient la pre-
ference sur les titres de noblesse.' ... 'On voyait frequemment,
dans le monde, des hommes de lettres, du deuxieme et du troisieme
rang, accueillis et traitt'S avec des egards que n'obtenaieut pas les
nobles de province.' — De Segur, Mem. cited by Taine, Les Origincs,
390.
^ ' De 1693 Ti 1709, seiilement, on calcule qu'il en fut cree quarante
mille, presque toutes a la portee des moindres bourgeois.' . . .
' Chacun, suivant son etat, dit un contemporain, veut Ctre quelque
chose de par le roi.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 137.
THE BOUKGEOISIE. 117
"were more privileges and inequalities ! Tlie petty
placeman, who served the king, was set above his fel-
lows. He gave himself the airs of a great man : he
contrived to shift the local burthens to the shoulders
of his poorer townsmen ; and was repaid b}^ their
envy and hatred. In every town, the government had
created a privileged aristocracy, alienated from the
people, useless to the State, and a just cause of popu-
lar discontent.
Nor was the civic aristocracy confined to placemen.
The more prosperous burghers were members ^,j^,;^, ^^^^_
of corporate companies, or guilds. The mu- *^'*^*-
nicipal functions of these bodies had long since passed
away : but their members were notables of the toT;\Ti :
■they held themselves above their fellow-citizens ; and
contended for precedence among themselves. The no-
tables claimed to be sprinkled fii'st with holy water :
the barbers would not ^deld the place of honour to
the bakers. Such trifling disputes occupied the atten-
tion of the intendant, the tribunals, the Parliaments,
and even of the king himself.^ Everywhere there was
privilege, inequality, pretension. There was no sound
piiddle class, proud of its position, contented with its
lot, and uniting to maintain the public liberties. But
there was a bourgeoisie, divided against itself, and
wholly separated fi-om the people.
Such being the constitution of French society, to
whom was the oppressed peasant, or humble
. . Tlie clergy.
artificer, to appeal, for the protection of his
interests, and the redress of his wrongs? He could
look for little help from the absentee noble, the im-
poverished squire, the king's host of functionaries, or
> Ibid. 141
118 FKANCE.
the city notable. But lie had friends and advisers of
the middle class, to whom he turned in all his troubles.
The cure was of the same class as himself : his own lot
in life had been hard and unthankful ; and he sympa-
thised with the sufferings and wrongs of his afflicted
flock. He knew too well the selfishness and indiffer-
ence of the higher churchmen, and lords of the soil ;
and he was a daily witness to the painful struggles of
his humble brethren. His sympathies were with the
poor ; and he revolted against the oppression of their
rulers. He was poor and ignorant: he could give
them little help : but he comforted them in their sor-
rows, and hoped for better times, when he might serve
them.
But a more powerful adviser was at hand. In every
rp^g dispute with a landlord, or collector, the
lawyers. lawyer was ready to help his humble cli-
ents. He was clever and dexterous : they could sel-
dom read or write : he knew the subtleties of the
law, and the tricks of agents and collectors ; and he
could plead the cause of the poor with skill and bold-
ness. Lawyers^ swarmed throughout the country ; and
they exercised a prodigious influence over the people.
Like the cures, they were of humble birth ; and were
generally repelled from the society of their privileged
neighbours. But in education they were superior to
all but the highest class, and men of letters. They
knew all the abuses of the law, and of official admin-
istration; and they were familiar with the new phi-
losophy. At the same time, they resented the social
' inequalities, under which they smarted ; and they jier-
ceived, in the wrongs of the people, the means of
' Viz : Avocats, procureurs, notaires.
CONDITION OF FRANCE. 119
reforming the intolerable evils of the State. Active
and ambitious: with large opportunities of associa-
tion, among themselves, and with other classes, — they
prepared the way for a revolution, in which they were
hereafter to play a conspicuous part.^
Such then was the political and social condition
of France, in the eighteenth century. There p„]5ticai
was a monarchy all but absolute : a feudal con{fi?fin
nobility with oppressive powers, and invidi- of France.
ous privileges : a burthensome official aristocracy, with
its own privileges and exemptions : an exacting royal
administration : injurious monopolies ; and an op-
pressed and suffering people, without political rights.
These were evils which threatened the State with
danger. They were \aewed with indifference by the
courtly nobles at Versailles : but they did not escape
the notice of an acute English observer. Lord Ches-
terfield, writing fi-om Paris Dec. 25, 1753, said : ' In
short, all the symptoms I have ever met with in his-
tory, previous to great changes and revolutions in
government, now exist and daily increase in France.' '~
But where was redress to be sought for the griev-
ances of the people? The states -general Thenew
might have represented the national wrongs, p'''io'^ophy.
and withheld subsidies until relief was obtained : but
they had long ceased to have a place among the insti-
tutions of France. A fi'ee press might have awakened
the attention of rulers to the dangerous condition of
the country : but, until late in the eighteenth century,
political discussions were prohibited. Any attack
upon the government or its officers was visited with
■ Taino, Lcs Origincs, 518-531.
^ Lord Chcsterfidd's Letters.
120 FEANCE.
severity : but tlie utmost license Tvas permitted to tlie
discussion of abstract questions of religion, philosophy,
and politics. God might be insulted with impunity :
the foundations of society, the rights of property, and
the sacred duty of insurrection might be discussed :
but let a wi-iter beware how he criticised an inten-
dant.^ The country needed a bold exposure of existing
evils, and a practical discussion of suitable remedies.
But the literature of the eighteenth century took a
direction ill calculated to redress the wrongs of the
people. Instead of pursuing a sober investigation of
practical evils, it revelled in abstract speculations.
Instead of exposing distinct abuses in Church and
State, it assailed religion, and aimed at the recon-
struction of society, upon a theoretic basis. A host
of brilliant writers were discussing the most momen-
tous questions in religion and politics: but not one
contributed to the moral and social improvement of
his countrymen. They wrote without practical know-
ledge, and without serious aims. They knew little of
the peasantry : they possessed little sympathy with
their wrongs : but they were eloquent in their visions
of ideal bliss. For all the ills of an old and complex
society, they could perceive no remedy but in a return
to nature. They wrote for theorists and sentiment-
alists, — not for statesmen or earnest philanthropists.^
' ' Le gouvernement permet de discuter fort librement toutes
sortes de tlieories generales et abstraites, en matiere de religion, de
pliilosophie, de morale, et meme de politique. II souffre assez volon-
tiers qu'on attaqiie les principes fondamentaux sur lesquels repo-
sait alors la societe, et qu'on discute jusqu'il Dieu meme, pourvu
qu'on ne glose point sur ses moindres agents.' — De Tocqueville,
L'anden Begime, 95.
* ' Jamais de faits : rien que des abstractions, des enfilades de sen-
tences sur la nature, la raison, le peuple, les tyrans, la liberte, sorto
THE NEW PHELOSOPHy. 121
The two principal authors of the new philosophy
were Voltaire and Kousseau ; and for many
years the vigorous and versatile intellect "^'"'®-
of the former exercised tlie greatest influence over
French thought. He united more conspicuous talents
than any man of letters, of his ov/n, or perhaps of
other, times. Wit, epigram, raillery, satire, ridicule,
and argument, were equally at his command. He was
at home in every variety of literature, — in history,
poetry, the drama, the essay, or the romance. Bril-
liant in conversation, he was the delight of the most
polished society in Europe. Crowned heads were
among his disciples. He had little faith in religion,
in moral systems, in governments, or in human na-
ture ; and he projected no schemes for the regenera-
tion of society. But throughout his long life, he
laboured to assail the Church, to shake the national
faith, and to overthrow traditions. There was no
reverence in his being : he had no respect for authori-
ties : his philosophy was that of a reckless icono-
clast. It was his single mission to cast down the
cherished idols of his countrymen. His mocking
spirit was congenial to the fashionable society of his
age : the frivolous courtiers made no secret of their
infidelity ; and even the higher ecclesiastics professed
little earnestness in the faith of the Catholic Church.^
de ballons gonflus et entreclioqm's inutilement dans los espaces.' —
Taine, Les Orir/ines, 202. ' Tous pensent qii'il convient do substituer
de.s n-gles sim])]os et ('li'mentaires, puisi'es dans la raison et dans la
loi naturelle, aux coutumes compliquCes et traditionelles, qui n'gis-
sent la societu de leur temps.' — De Tocqucville, L'ancicn Regime,
205.
' ' It was as necessary to the character of an accomplished man that
he should desjiisc the rtjligion of his country, as tliat ho should know
Lis letters.' — Mucaulay's Essays, ill. 114 (Kankc's Ilist. of the Popes).
VOL. II.—
122 FEANCE.
His caustic sarcasms were repeated in every salon, and
inspired the profane wit of minor writers.^
Rousseau formed a singular contrast to his great
contemporary. Gifted with an original ge-
Rousseau. ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ sublime egotist : a visionary,
with a vein of madness : a philosopher whose belief
was in fictions. According to his scheme, property
was a wrongful appropriation of what belonged to
society : government was an usurpation of the com-
mon rights of the people. He was the advocate of
communism, and of the absolute sovereignty of the
people. The existing order of society was the viola-
tion of an imaginary social contract, into which men
in a state of nature and equality had entered ; and all
who opposed a return to this state of nature — kings,
priests, or nobles — were to be overthrown, as enemies
to the human race. The individual rights, interests,
and affections of the citizen were to be renounced in
favour of the general community. Even the educa-
tion of children was to be withdrawn fi-om the pa-
rents, and entrusted to the State. All the natural
instincts, passions and habits of mankind: all the
laws, customs, and traditions of society were ignored ;
and a fanciful contract, opposed to all human expe-
rience, was to be assumed as the supreme rule for
the government of the world. Voltaire had been first
in the work of demolition : Rousseau became the
apostle of social reconstruction ; and during the latter
part of the eighteenth century, his philosophy was in
the ascendant.^ It was attractive even to the polite
' Taine, Les Origines, 375-384.
' 'On pent dire que la seconde moitie du siecle lui appartient.' —
Taine, Les Origines, 354.
' Dans les classes mitoyennes et inf crieures, Eousseau a eu cent
THE NEW PHILOSOPHY. 123
circles, wlio followed Yoltaire, and it was accepted
with entliusiasm by tlie middle classes — the provincial
lawyers and the bourgeoisie. lu a land of privileges
and inequality, it taught that all men were equal : in
the midst of suflering and wrong, it promised the ideal
happiness of a primitive society.
A crowd of able ^\Titers contributed to the spread of
the new philosophy, of whom Diderot was
^ • e -r, > i • i • Diderot and
the chief. Powerful m his own resources, he t''« ^^^y-
associated with his literary labours a body
of learned men, who, in the renowned ' Encyclopedie,'
discussed every question in religion, philosophy, and
politics, with unexampled freedom. The new phi-
losophy was spread throughout Europe ; and it was
made j^opular in tracts, tales, and comedies. It gave
the tone to all the thought and literature of the agc.^
Its doctrines were not original : ^ they were bor-
rowed from English philosophers : ^ but in England
they had never taken root. They had been confined
fois plus de lecteurs que Voltaire.' — Mallet-Dupan, cited by Taine,
ibid. 414.
' Mr. Lecky maintains that ' a revolutionary movement of some
kind was the normal result of the tendencies of the age, and that its
chief causes are to be sought entirely outside the discussions of
political philosophers,' but he allows that ' they undoubtedly modi-
fied, and in a measure directed, the movement that produced them.'
— Rationalism, in Europe, ii. 234.
' Had there been no Voltaire, there would have been no Camille
Desmoulins. Had there been no Diderot, there would have been no
Marat.' — Lord Lytton, The Paridans, ii. 183.
* ' Una pareille pensee n't-tait pas nouvelle : elle passait et re-
passait sans cesse depuis trois mille ans a travers I'imagiiiation dos
liommes, sans pouvoir s'y fixer.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien lli-f/ime,
205.
' Comte gave Ilobbes credit for being the first philosopher of this
schmj] : — ' C'est surtout a Ilobbes, en effet, que reniontent liis-
toriquement les plus iniportantei couccptions critiques, qu'un irra-
124 FRANCE.
to tlie realms of speculation, like perpetual motion
and the philosopher's stone. The practical English
mind addressed itself to the redress of present griev-
ances, and the amendment of existing laws. It ac-
cepted the State and society as it found them, with-
out dreaming of their theoretical reconstruction.
But in France, where practical political discussion
had long been unknown, and men of letters and wits
were the chief disputants, the startling theories of
the new school captivated the imagination, and in-
spired the eloquence, of a host of contemporary
writers. The minds of men were unsettled : their
faith was shaken in every principle which had hither-
to been their guide ; and no practicable aims were set
before them, to direct their future course.
Nor were the doctrines of the new school confined
Opinion in to Frauce. They reached the thrones as
uiTrnkicne well as the salons of Europe. The brilliant
eiL,'iiteentii Writings of Voltaire touched alike the coarse
^^^^ "'^' nature of Frederick the Great of Prussia,
the hard instincts of Catherine of Russia, and the
liberal spirit of Josepli II. of Austria. Even the
Pope, Benedict XIV., was among the number of his
disciples. The spirit of free inquiry took possession
of despotic rulers, whose influence gave a further im-
pulse to the prevailing sentiment of the times.^
To believe in nothing was the new creed ; and how
tionel usage attribiie encore a nos philosophes du xviii" siecle, qui
ii'en furent essentiellement que les indispensables propagateurs. ' —
P/tilos. Pos. V. 713 ; and see Taine, Les Origines, 330.
' See Mill, Bepr. Govt. 15.
' L'irreligion etait repandue parmi les princes et les beaux esprits:
elle ne penctrait guere encore dans le sein des classes moyennes et
du peuple.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien R'gime, 220.
THE CnUnCH AND PUBLIC OriNION. 125
was it to be combated by those who held fast to the
old faith ? The philosophers, men of let- _
, 1 •. -i 1 • • , The Church
ters, and wits, were its champions : society ''^"^^ i'"^'*<^
T • 1 /-^i 1 opinion.
accepted it : the Church stood alone in re-
sisting it. But the Church had lost much of her in-
fluence since the Middle Ages. Her wealth, dignity,
and invidious privileges remained : but her spiritual
authority had been weakened by the Keformatiou
— by religious controversies — by contentions wdth the
Parliaments — and, above all, by the growing spirit of
philosopliical inquiry, which marked the eighteenth
century. The intellect of France had received a great
impulse from the revival of learning in Italy.^ Re-
ligious thought had been awakened by the Eeforma-
tion : but the Church was immutable in her teaching
and her policy : she had rejjressed all freedom of
opinion.
Having failed to exterminate the Huguenots, in one
age, she had driven them out of France, in ^,,p
another. They were the most prosperous, iJ>'K"enot3.
enlightened, and well-ordered of the king's subjects :
thev were the flower of the middle classes. If tole-
ration had been extended to them, they would have
formed a barrier between the Church and infidelity.
Their spirit was earnestly religious ; and if they had
questioned the doctrines of the Church, they would
have discussed them with reverence, while spreading
more widely a knowledge of Christian truth. But,
left to her own unchanging course, the Church con-
tinued to teach the doctrines of the Middle Ages ;
and left the people in the darkest ignorance. She
enjoined obedience, submission, and self-abasement to
' Aug. Thierry, Ensai mr VlILt. da Ticm Flat, i. 107, 108.
126 FRANCE.
a people suffering from intolerable wrongs. And, un-
conscious of danger, she was suddenly confronted by
a new class of thinkers, hostile to the Church and to
religion itself. The intolerance which had repressed
even the modest faith of the Huguenots, naturally
promoted a reaction. The Church now encountered
the most searchiiig criticism of her doctrines and
traditions, a scathing exposure of her abuses, and
ribald sarcasms upon her faith. And to those who
shrank from infidelity, were presented the most at-
tractive pictures of the perfectibility of the human
race, and of a social paradise, from which men had
hitherto been excluded by cruel barriers which the
Church herself had raised. Need it be said that the
Church was unequal to the strife ? She had lost the
great weapon of persecution ; and the intellect and
temper of the age were opposed to her teaching.^
Sometimes attempts were made to restrain the license
of the press : but they were such as to irritate, rather
than to frisrhten the writers into silence.^ Prosecuted
for irreligion, they redoubled their assaults upon the
Church and its doctrines. And authors had now be-
come the most powerful order in the State. They
were courted by kings, princes, and nobles : they
were worshipped in society : they were flattered by
ladies of rank and fashion ; and they directed the
public opinion of their time.^
' 'No Bossuet, no Pascal came forth to encounter Voltaire.' —
Macaulny's Essays, iii. 340 (Ranke's Hist, of the Popes).
^ ' Les auteurs n'etaient persecutes que dans la mesure qui fait
plaindre, et non dans celle qui fait trembler.' — De Tocqueville,
L'ancien Rer/ime, 225.
^ ' Visiblement, dans ce monde, le premier role est aux ecrivains ;
on ne s'entretient que de leurs f aits et gestes : on ne se lasse pas de
leur rendre hommage.' — Taine, Les Origines, 870. ' La vie politique
THE CHUECn AND rUELIC OPINION. 127
But tlie peasantry, and multitudes of tlie French
people, were still ignorant; few of them The lower
could read or write. Philosophical treatises classes.
were above their comprehension : even the popular
literature could scarcely reach them. But the spirit
of the new philosophy had penetrated society. The
leaders of thought and action were everywhere pos-
sessed by it. Even the courtiers of Louis XV. were
apt to mingle with their license and frivolity, a free-
dom of f)hilosophical thought which threatened their
own order. It was natural that they should think
lightly of religion : but their speculations spared
neither the Church, nor any of the traditions upon
which the State and society were founded.^ The same
freedom of discussion was observed in other circles
less exalted; and, as at the Reformation, oj)inion3
spread rapidly from the thinking classes to the lowly
and uneducated ; so the spirit of the new philosophy
gradually reached deep into the strata of French
society. And it was quickened by the growing dis-
contents of the people. If they failed to understand
the principles of a philosophy which was discussed so
freely, they were yet unsettled by the opinions of
others, and prepared to follow those who promised
relief from their sufferings, and a happier future.
They were not unfaithful to their religion, like the
higher classes : but they were moved by visions of
earthly happiness.
flit violeniinent refouk'e dans la littt'rature, et les t'crivainR, prenant
oil main la direction do I'opinion, se troiivcTent un moment tenir
la place que le;? chefs de parti occupent d'ordinaire dans les pays
libres.'— De Tocqueville, 209.
' ' Nous goutions a la fois les avantai^es du patriciat, ct les dou-
ceurs d'unc i)liilo.so])hio i)l('b('iciine,' aaid u young uoblo (Do Segur),
cited by Tuine, Les Orifjincs, o90.
128 FRANCE.
If tlie pooplo had been familiarised, by freedom,
Absence of ""'i^^ ^^^^ practical administration of public
nubHc^ affairs, they would have been less influenced
opiuiou. -^j dangerous sj^eculations. But political
intelligence had been dulled by centralisation : the
nobles had long ceased to exercise independent influ-
ence over public opinion ; and, so far as their influence
extended, it was in favour of those theories v.hich
were destined to overthrow their own order, and sub-
vert the government on which they rested. Kulers
were wholly blind to the dangers by which the State
was threatened. They had no such warnings as those
which are given in a free State, where the grievances
and sentiments of the people are made kuo"ftTi. Theo-
retical writers were confident and powerful : while those
classes, by whom the State should have been governed,
were inert and without foresight or statesmanship.
And while the new philosophy was alienating its
Classical disciplcs from the Church and religion, and
earmiio;. fjui^g them with aspiratious for the political
rights of man, the scholarship of the age dwelt with
admiration upon the examples of antiquity, and the
glories of the Greek and Roman republics. In the
courtly dramas of Corneille, and the grave romances
of Fenelon, republican virtues were gracefully repre-
sented. Ideal characters were easily transformed
into living beings, worthy of present imitation. Such
studies stimulated the prevailing sentiments of so-
ciety ; and classical names and models were hereafter
to assume a conspicuous place in the Eevolution.
Such being the condition of society and of opinion,
in the eighteenth century, the reigns of two
failures of of the kiugs who rulcd over France, during
that period, were adverse to the influence
FAILUKES OF LOUIS XIV. 129
and stability of tlie tliroue. Tlie wars of Louis XIV.,
and bis domestic extravagance, tried seyerely tlie
resources of the State. Taxes were multiplied : but
no exactions could supply the needs of tlie ex-
hausted treasury ; and the sufferings of the people
were aggravated by the final embarrassments of the
government. Nor were the disorders of the internal
administration reduced by the ascendency of France
in Europe. The ambition of Louis XIV. had over-
reached itself; and his latter days were clouded
by failures and reverses. After all the sacrifices of
France, the lustre of her great king was fading. His
taxes and exactions continued : but his glory was de-
parting.
The reign £>i Louis XV. aggravated all the evils
under which France was suffering. The neignof
monarchy was degraded by his vices : the ^^^^ ^^'
nobles and society were debased by his scandalous
court. The feebleness of his rule encouraged feuds
between the Chiirch and the Parliaments, and dis-
cussions were provoked, in which the Crown and all
the privileged orders were, in turn, assailed. By an
unwaiTantable interference with the Parliament of
Paris, to screen a minister charged with corruption,
he stirred the resentment of the Parliaments ; and
was driven at last to suppress them, with the
strong hand of prerogative. These eminent
bodies were supported by public opinion : they were
regarded as the only bulwarks against arbitrary
power ; and their fall left the people wholly at the
mercy of a corrupt court, and an oppressive and in-
caj^able government.^
' De Tocqueville, L'aiicicn Regime, 244.
6*
130 FEANCE.
Tho credit of tlie king was furfclier impaired by
Lis feeble foreign policy and military failures, by tlie
disastrous battle of Kosbacli, and tlie treaty of Paris.
France was at once oppressed and dishonoured. Yio-
lations of public faith to creditors were already fre-
quent : a national bankruptcy was threatening : the
load of taxation was heavier, and more galling than
ever : discontents were rife, and ominous disorders
prevailed throughout the country. The deplorable
policy of the government was assailed with unwonted
freedom. The speculative writings of the last fifty
years were now succeeded by controversies upon
political economy and finance, and other questions
directly affecting the administration of the State.
Still founding their views upon the abstract princi-
ples of the philosophers, they questioned every law
and institution of the State, and condemned the
abuses under which the country was suffering.^ And
never had there been a time when the monarchy
could so ill bear the scrutiny of public opinion. The
ignoble reign of Louis XY., in dishonouring the mon-
archy, had forfeited the loyal veneration of his sub-
jects, and shaken the hereditary throne of the kings
of France.^
' ' Toutes les institutions que la Revolution devait abolir sans
retour, ont ete I'objet particulier de leurs attaques ; aucune n'a
trouve grace a leurs yeux.' — De Tocqueville, L'anden Regime, 234.
' lis ont deja couyu la pensee de toutes les rc'l'ormes sociales et
administratives que la Revolution a faites, avant que I'idee dcs
institutions libres ait commence a se faire jour dans leur esprit.' —
ma, 3;35.
^ Henri Marten, Hist, de France, livre cli. ; Louis Blanc, Hist, de
la Eev. Fr. i. 432 et seq. ; Crowe, Hist, of France, ch. 35, 36.
CHAPTEE XIII.
FiLUS'CE {continued).
LOUIS XVI. — KEFORMS ARKESTED BY PRIVILEGE — ALLIANCE WITU
AMERICAN COLONIES — FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES — THE STATES-
GENERAL — TRIUMPH OP THE COMMONS — PROGRESS OF THE
REVOLUTION — FOREIGN AID INVOKED — EMIGRATION OF NOBLES
— THE KING'S FLIGHT — THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES — ABOLITION
OF THE MONARCHY — THE KING'S TRIAL AND DEATH.
Theeatendtg, indeed, were tlie prospects of France,
when Louis XYL ascended tlie throne : the Accc^s^ion
finances of the State disordered : the people xvi.'"May
discontented and turbulent : factions embit- ' " '
tered : the higher and lower classes hostile : the
Crown weakened : the nobles discredited and un-
pojDular : the Parliaments dissolved, but still intrac-
table : a public opinion aroused and inflammable ; and
a country without a single institution commanding
public confidence.^
Never was there a more amiable or virtuous king
than Louis XVI., nor one more alive to his ms
own duties and responsibilities. rLe was
' Tlio jreneral narrative of evonts during tliis reign, and thronp;!!-
out llie Revolution, is mainly founded upon tlie Histories of Thiers,
Mignet, Louis Blanc, Lamartine {Hist, dcs Girondins), Von Sybel,
Crowe {Hid. of France), De Tocqueville {L'ancicn licffime ct la
llevolutioii). With the widest divergencies of opinion among these
writers, there is a general agrcciueut as to the leading events of
the period.
132 FEANCE.
ready to redress all tlie grievances of his subjects,
with modest beneficence : but lie was himself without
capacity to govern.^ He had succeeded to a perilous
inheritance ; and, innocent himself, was doomed to
suifer for the faults of his ancestors.
His reign was opened with reforms. He at onco
His diffl- reduced the overgro^vn royal establishments,
cuities. jjg recalled the Parliaments, and commenced
the revision of the finances. But the institutions and
society of France were unfitted for the safe execution
of necessary reforms, and the king was at once in the
midst of troubles. For centuries it had been the
policy of the State to multiply privileges ; and now
the time had come when they must be overthrown.
The reforms His able minister Turgot, relying upon the
oiTiirgot. i^garty support of his royal master,^ grap-
pled at once with some of the worst abuses under
which France was suffering. He abolished at once
the obnoxious corvee : ^ he wrested trade from the
grasp of the guilds, and released it from internal cus-
toms dues : he made the system of taxation less bur-
thensome, while he extended it to the nobles and
the clergy. He even held out the hope of enlarged
political rights, by means of provincial assemblies,
and ultimately of the states-generaL
Little had the bold and honest reformer calculated
upon the opposition which his measures would en-
counter. But the privileged classes united against
* ' Prince equitable, modere dans ses gouts, negligemment eleve,
mais porte au bien par un penchant naturel.' — Thiers, Hist, de la
Bev. Fr. i. 7.
^ ' Louis xvi. a repete souvent, " II n'y a que moi et Turgot, qui
soyons les amis du peuple." ' — Thiers, Hist, de la Rev. Fr. i. 7.
^ In the preamble to the edict, the king condemned this impost in
the most forcible language. — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime^ 266.
I
BEFOKMS OF TURGOT. 133
him : and lie was without that popular support upon
which he might have relied in a free coun- opposition
try. The court cried out against his mea- vlieged^"
sures as ruinous to the Crown and the aris- ^'^'*®*^^-
tocracy ; and the Duke of Orleans fomented riots, in
the streets of Paris, against a reforming minister,
who was striving to redress the wrongs of the people.
Turgot had none to support him but the king himself;
and he, at length, gave way to the influence of his
court and the clamours of misguided mobs. A firmer
will than his might possibly have j^i'e vailed : yet how
was such a combination of powerful interests to be
overborne ? The j)eople, for whose benefit these re-
forms were proposed, were ignorant, and without po-
litical rights : there was no party or popular organ-
isation : no representative chamber. The Parliament
of Paris, itself a privileged body, hotly espoused
the cause of the nobles and the guilds. The intelli-
gence, 'as well as the power of the country, was on
the side of privilege. The minister fell : his healing
measures were summarily revoked ; and a policy of
reaction was commenced. Such reforms as those of
Turgot, approved by the people and accepted by the
pri\dleged classes, might have averted the revolution.
They anticipated, by several years, the scheme of the
revolution itself. They were the commencement of a
remedial policy, which would gradually have miti-
gated the sufferings, and appeased the discontents of
the people. Now they proclaimed abuses, without
correcting them, raised hopes and disappointed them,
and revealed the power and selfishness of the privi-
leged classes, already liated by the j)eople.^
' De Tocqueville says : — ' L'expoiience apprond que le moment le
plus diingeroux pour un mauvais gouvernement est d'ordinaire celui
134 FEANCE.
These events were soon followed by the recognition
The war of ^^ ^^^ revolted American colonies, and the
ki'depeu-"^ war with England. Here was another pro-
dence. lude to revolution. Already the minds of
men, — not in France only, but throughout Europe, —
had been disturbed by the discussion of abstract po-
litical rights ; and now the king of France was the
ally of the rebellious subjects of another monarch,
and supporting the foundation of a democratic re-
public.^ It was the realisation of the dreams of
Eousseau : it was the theory of popular philoso-
phers, reduced to practice by American statesmen,
and approved and maintained by the king of France.
And when the great republic was fully established, as
an independent State, it afforded an example of free-
dom and equality, unknown in the previous history of
the world.
Nor was it only by the spread of democratic sen-
Expenscs timcuts, that this war advanced the cause
oitiiewar. ^f revolution. Costly armaments had been
undertaken, with an ill-furnished exchequer : the re-
sources of taxation were almost exhausted : a loose
administration of the finances permitted heavy ar-
rears and deficits ; and a reckless system of loans was
ou il commence A, se reformer.' ' Le mal qu'on soufErait patiemment
comme inevitable, semble insupportable des qu'ou concoit I'idee do
s'y soustraire.' — L'ancien Regime, 259. We must, however, guard
ourselves against the conclusion, that it is safer to maintain abuses
than to correct them.
' ' La France presidait a I'origine d'une nation libre, et elle avait
mis elle-mCme la main dans ce berceau.' — Edgar Quinet, La Rev.
i.48.
' Par quel vertige les amis d'un roi absolu I'avaient-ils pousse a
tendre la main a des insurgents ? ' — Louis Blanc, Hist, dc la Rev.
Fr. ii. 43.
PROVINCLiL ASSEMBLIES. 135
hurrying on the State to bankruptcy. Meanwhile
the inordinate expenses of the court were not re-
duced. Necker, who had succeeded Turgot, fell in
attempting to restrain them : Calonne sought favour
with the courtiers, by giving free scope to their ex-
ti'avagance.
Meanwhile, the king and his ministers were intro-
ducing further reforms into the administration. In
1779, provincial assemblies were revived, in
many parts of France, and somewhat later assemblies
throughout the realm; and they applied
themselves with great zeal to the discussion of the
grievances of the people.^ In 1787, they were en-
trusted with considerable powers, — executive and ad-
ministrative, — and encroached upon the functions of
the intendants. Local self-government, so long un-
known, was suddenly endowed with life and activity.
Useful reforms were made ; and in several of the
provinces the nobles and clergy displayed a praise-
worthy desire to relieve the people, and to contribute
their due share to the public burthens.^ But generally
they exposed abuses, without redressing them, and
inflamed discontents, instead of allajdng them. Mean-
while these elective assemblies became masters of tlie
seigneurs ; and the revolution was half effected by the
State itself.^
Another critical reform, at this period, was the pub-
lication of Necker's memorable 'com2^ie rendu.' Neckcr's
A system of loans was necessarily founded r"','du.
upon public credit; and, to satisfy the capi-
' De Tocquoville, L'aneien Regime, 270.
* Taine, Leu Origines, 393-300 ; De Lavergne, Les AumnhUes Pro-
vinciales.
" De Tocquevillo, cb. vii.
136 FRANCE.
talists, whose money lie was anxious to borrow, Necker,
for the first time, published a full account of the re-
ceipts and expenditure of the State. Whatevear its
effect upon the public creditors, its consequences were
otherwise momentous. It revealed the monstrous ex-
travagance of the court : it enabled the people to con-
trast the excessive emoluments of the nobles, who
engrossed all the higher oiSces of the State, and in
the army, with the niggardly pay of the minor civil
functionaries, and of the neglected soldiers — all men
of the people ; — and it acknowledged the new principle
of public responsibility. Hitherto the government
had been accountable to no one : henceforth it became
accountable to the country and to public opinion.
The discussion of reforms had stimulated public
Piibiic opinion, throughout the country. Already
opinion. awakened by the controversies of previous
reigns,^ it had now acquired an extraordinary influ-
ence. The king was still absolute in theory : but he
was constrained to consult and to flatter it.^ The
press had cast off all restraints, and was freely dis-
cussing the measures of the government. Without
free institutions, the monarchy was surrounded by the
irregular forces of democracy.
At length, in 1787, bankruptcy could no longer be
averted, except by a new financial policy ;
An assem- . .
t'yof, and Calonne revived the remedial schemes
notables.
ire?"^"^^ of Turgot. "Warned by the experience of his
predecessors, he endeavoured to propitiate
the privileged classes, by submitting his plans to an
' See supra, p. 130.
"^ ' D6s 1784, Necker disait dans un document public, comme un fait
inconteste : "La plupart des etrangers ont peine u se faire une idee
de I'autorite qu'exerce en France aujourd'hui I'opinion publique ;
THE STATES-GENEIUL. 137
assembly of notables : ^ but, far fi'om giving liim suj)-
port, they urged liis removal from oflfice. The Parlia-
ment of Paris also condemned his measures. Again
the court, and the privileged classes, were too strong
for a reforming minister, however urgent the public
necessities ; and Calonne, like his far worthier prede-
cessors, was sacrificed to their resentment. But it
was not enough to reject his schemes : the evils he was
attempting to surmount were beyond dispute, and de-
manded instant remedies. His successor, De Brienne,
appealed to the Parliament of Paris for its assent to
new taxes. It refused ; and the king endeavoured to
coerce it, and other Parliaments who made common
caose with it, by an arbitrary use of his prerogatives,
ua;5uited to the times, and resented by public opinion.
Ho even exiled the members of the Parlia-
ment of Paris — 235 in number — to Troyes,
by lettres de cachet And having recalled the Parlia-
ment, he ventured, in ominous imitation of Charles L,
to arrest two of its leading members — D'Espremenil
and Goislart — in the hall of the Parliament itself. It
was now too late to govern by prerogative ; and the
two bodies which had been consulted, on behalf of
the nation, were opposed to the Crown.
Some new course was inevitable ; and the Parlia-
ment of Paris had already demanded that Thostates-
the states-general should be assembled, to s^"^'"'''-
devise measures for the relief of the country.' It was
ils comprennent difficilemeiit ce que c'est cette puissance invisible,
qui commande j usque daus lo palais du roi.' — De Tocquoville,
L'ancien Regime, 25G.
' There had been no assembly of notables since 1G2G, under llicho-
lieu.
« Thiers, Ilist. de la Rev. i. 14.
138 FE-\NCE.
nearly two hundred years since tliis disused and almost
forgotten body had been called into existence.^ The
policy of reviving such an assembly, at this critical
time, was distrusted by the government as uncertain,
if not dangerous. But it was advocated by powerful
classes, who hoped to strengthen their own interests :
it was honestly desired by many, as a national council
suited to the emergency : it was prayed for by the dis-
tressed peasantry, as the only hope of relief ; and it
was demanded by the enemies of the court and the
government, as a means of embarrassment, and possi-
bly of disorder. And, at length, the king, distracted
by divided councils, but leaning to a liberal policy,
Jan 24 resolved uf)on this hazardous venture, and
1789. convoked the states -general.^ Meanwhile
De Brienne retired, and Necker was restored to
power.
The approaching experiment was fraught with dan-
ger. Under an established constitution it is
the experi- difficult to forecast the result of an appeal to
the people : but in France everything was un-
certain — the electors, the members, and the constitu-
tion of the body itself, and the relations of its different
orders. The notables were again assembled to advise
upon these matters : but afforded little aid to the gov-
ernment. The ministry settled that the deputies of the
tiers-etat, elected by nearly universal suffrage, should
be double the number of the other orders. Yet it was "
not determined whether the three orders should sit
apart, as in former times, or sit and vote together, in
a single chamber. The one course assured the ancient
' Its last meeting was in 1614. See supra, pp. 95, 96.
5 For May 5, 1789.
THE STATES-GENEEAL. 139
ascendoncy of tlie nobles and the clergy : the latter
at once transferred their power to the lowest order,
which had hitherto been without political influence.
This critical question was hotly discussed by the two
parties : the nobles denouncing any infraction of their
rights : the popular party insisting upon a scheme
which promised them an easy triumph. And it was
asked why was the number of the commons double
that of each of the other orders, unless with a view
to their powers of voting ? Meanwhile the elections
were held, with this important question still unsettled.
This uncertainty increased the excitement, which
was marked by some threatening riots. The
f)opular cause was signally advanced by an-
other incident of the elections. In each district, the
electors were invited to prepare a statement of their
grievances, for the instruction of the deputies, known
as caMers ; and thus were brought together, and dis-
cussed, the most formidable indictments against the
entire polity of the State.^ They were generally
drawn up by the lawyers, who, having been familiar
with the sufferings of their neighbours, promptly as-
sumed the position of their advisers and leaders at
this crisis. The discontents of the people were uni-
versal ; and they received exf)ression in such a form
as to command attention. Eeforms amounting to
' Cliassin publislied a collection of these caldcrs, wliicli De Tocque-
ville justly calls ' un document unique dans I'bistoire.' Again Lo
says, ' Quand je viens a reunir ensemble tous ces vceux particu-
liers (des trois ordres), je m'aperf;ois avec uno sorte de terreur, quo
ce qu'on reclame est rabolition simultanee et systematique de toutes
les lois, et de tous les usages ayant cours dans le pays : je vois sur-
le-cliamp qu'il va s'agir d'une des plus vastes et des plus dangc-
reuses revolutions qui aient jamais paru dans le vaondQ.' ■— L' ancien
Rrfjime, 211.
140 FRANCE.
revolution were everywhere demanded ; and a new
and untried assembly was about to consider them.
At this time, the king and his ministers were at
state of issue with the nobles, and in conflict with
parties. f^Q Parliaments: the treasury was empty:
the people were famishing : factions were raging furi-
ously; and public opinion was disturbed and threat-
ening. Even the fidelity of the troops was doubtful :
the officers leaning to their noble order ; and the sol-
diers sympathising with the wrongs of the peasant
class, and having discontents of their own.^
The result of the elections marked the dominant
feelings of the country. Many of the nobles,
tioii of the indoctrinated with the new philosophy, were
reformers and philanthropists: but the ma-
jority sternly maintained the rights of their order.
The great body of the delegates from the clergy were
cures,^ having an earnest sympathy with the peojile.
They had boldly demanded the redress of all the pop-
ular grievances, and they asserted the right of the peo-
ple to tax themselves, through their representatives.^
Of the 600 deputies from the iiers-etat,^ there were no
less than 374 lawyers ; ^ — the authors and instigators
of the cahiey^s: there were men of letters, artists, and
citizens ; but few country gentlemen. The noble, Mi-
rabeau, expelled from his own order, and the Abbe
' Four months after the opening of the states-general, there were
16,000 deserters roving about Paris. — Taine, Les Origines, 515.
' Mr. Carlyle says of them, ' who, indeed, are properly little other
than commons disguised in curate-frocks.' — Fr. Rev. b. iv. ch. 4.
" De Tocqueville, L'anden Regime, 168, 169 ; Louis Blanc, Hist.
de la Rev. Fr. ii. 221.
* The total number of deputies to the states-general was 1314,
one half of whom were from the ticrs-etat.
^ Bonill6, Mem. i. 68.
THE STATES-GENERAL. 141
Sieyos, liad cast tlieir lot with the commons. It was
a body intent upon reforms, and a sturdy foe to privi-
leges. Its mission was to satisfy the complaints of
the people ; and it was burning to resist the preten-
sions of the nobles and the Church.^
On May 5, the states-general were opened, by the
king himself, in the Salle des Menus, at Ver-
sailles, according to the stately ceremonial th^gmes-
of 1614 The clergy assembled on his right, ^^^^"^^ '
the nobles on the left, and the modest commons at the
lower end of the chamber.^ The king and his minis-
ters were welcomed with hearty acclamations, and his
majesty's generous and earnest speech was received
with applause. But here ended all that was hopeful,
on this remarkable day. Neither the king nor his
ministers, Barentin and Necker, who afterwards ad-
dressed the states, proposed a certain policy, or spe-
cific measures of relief: but, proclaiming the urgent
necessities of the country, they appealed to the wis-
dom and patriotism of the assembly ; whom they cau-
tioned against extreme measures, and invited to union.
The supreme question of the separate or united
voting of the orders, was left to the deter- ^., .
^ / Sittings
mination of those rival orders themselves : v/ P"'
Estates.
not, however, without intimations that the
' ' Ce ne sont ni les impots, ni les lettres de cachet, ni tous les au-
tres abus de I'autorite, ce ne sont point les vexations des iiitendants,
et les longueurs ruineuses de la justice qui ont le plus irrite la na-
tion : c'est la prejuge de la noblesse par lequel elle a nianifeste plus
de haine.' — Rivarol, Mem. cited by Taine, Le8 Origines, 419.
* The ceremony was marked by a significant incident. When the
king, being seated upon his throne, put on his hat, the clergy and
nobles proceeded to cover themselves, according to ancient custom ;
when, for the first time, the commons asserted the like privilege, in
the presence of royalty.
142 FRANCE.
ancient usage was favoured by the government. This
fatal hesitation was due to the distracted councils
of the king's advisers. The king himself would have
shared his prerogatives with the people, for the com-
mon good : but neither the clergy, the nobles, nor
the court were prepared to sacrifice their own inter-
ests or privileges. They had successfully resisted the
king and his reforming ministers, Turgot, Necker and
Calonne ; and they would not submit to the despised
commons. The position was, indeed, embarrassing.
If the orders voted separately, there was little hope of
satisfaction to the people : if they voted together, there
was immediate hazard of revolution. But to leave the
orders, who hated and distrusted one another, to de-
termine their own rights, was an invitation to anarchy.
The two higher orders now sat apart in their re-
The com- spectivc chambers, leaving the commons, as
sumltT the largest body, in possession of the great
National ^^^^ ' ^ ^^^ proceeded to the separate verifi-
Assembiy. catiou of their powers. The commons, being
resolved that there should be no separation of orders,
insisted that the verification of the powers of the three
Estates should be conducted by the entire body;
and awaited the coming of the two other orders.
Their inaction assured their ultimate triumph. They
were united to a man ; while many of the nobles were
on their side : they commanded the sympathies of the
inferior clergy ; and they were supported by the peo-
ple. After five weeks of fruitless negotiations, the
June 17 commons took a bolder step; and declared
1789. themselves 'the National Assembly.'^ It was
' La Salle des Mats.
^ Edgar Quinet truly says, ' Ce nom, qui evoquait la nation, ctait
dC'ja la victoire.' — La Ecvolution, i. 76.
THE STATES-GENERAL. 143
an act of usurpation whicli marked the commencement
of tlie revolution. Nor was it a mere declaration of
right : it was followed by decrees designed to ensure
their own authority. Taxes imposed by the Crown
were declared illegal : but their collection was pro-
visionally allowed, during the sitting of the National
Assembly. The public debts were consolidated, to
the great satisfaction of the public creditors ; and a
committee of subsistence was appointed to provide
for the wants of the people. As they were thus as-
suming superior legislative power, it was clear that
they must be put down, or that the Crown, and the
tv/o other orders, must associate themselves with their
labours. The court persuaded the king to adopt the
former course : and, on the plea of an approaching
royal seance, the doors of the hall v/ere closed against
the Assembly. The commons at once adjourned to
the racket court, where they swore not to
separate until they had given a constitution
to France. The racket court being soon closed against
them, they adiourned to the Church of St.
. . June 22.
Louis ; and here they were joined by the
majority of the clergy.
On the following day the king came, in state, to the
hall of the states-general, rebuked the As- ^iieking
sembly, and annulled its decrees as illegal, ^{""^^{/"he
He directed that the separate orders should Asseini!iy"
be maintained: announced certain reforms, J""^'^^-
comprised in thirty-five articles, which he invited the
states-general to accept ; and intimated that, unless
they were agreed to, he should himself promote the
welfare of his people.^ At the same time, he threat-
ened them with a dissolution. In conclusion, bo
' ' Bcul je forai Ic bica do mes ijeuples.'
144 FBANCE.
ordered the deputies to separate. The nobles and
the clergy at once left the hall : but the commons
refused to move. Beminded of the king's orders by
his usher, De Breze, they re^Dlied, by the mouth of
Mirabeau, * Go, Monsieur, tell those who sent you that
we are here by the will of the people, and that nothing
but the force of bayonets shall send us hence.' They
resolved to persist in their decrees, which the king
had Just condemned ; and voted the inviolability of
their members. This defiance of the king's authority,
instead of being met by the threatened dissolution,
was submitted to by the court ; and from that day,
power passed into the hands of the Assembly.
Another victory was soon gained by the popular
Union of party. The Assembly, resuming its sittings
the oiiiers. jjj ^jjg church of St. Louis, was at once
joined by the clergy, who had sat there before, and in
a few days by forty-seven nobles, including
the Duke of Orleans, and at last by the en-
tire body of the nobles and clergy. The union of the
orders was now complete, and the ascendency of the
commons was assured.^ The two foremost Estates of
the realm were, in truth, effaced from the constitution
of France; and the Crown itself had lost its sove-
reignty.^
The court had sustained a grave discomfiture : but
Dismissal ^^ ^^^ ^^^ eveu yet too late to initiate re-
of Necivcr. forms and assume the direction of the popu-
lar movement : but, unhappily, the reactionary party
again prevailed in the king's councils. It was deter-
' 'Jusqu'ii ce jour, du moins, la bourgeoisie fut la Revolution:
elle futle peuple.' — Louis Blanc, JTifit. de la Bev. Fr. ii. 315.
"^ ' La royaute n'ttait plus au palais de Louis xvi. : elle etait a la
Sa]]e des Etats.'— Ibid. 813.
ALAEMING DISOEDERS. 145
mined to overawe tlie Assembly : its liall was sur-
rounded by a foreign soldiery ; and large bodies of
troops were concentrated upon Versailles, upon Paris
and its en\-irons. Wlien these military pre-
parations were completed, Necker was dis- '^"'^^^'
missed, and banished from France.
Hitherto the issue had been between the court and
the Assembly : it was now a conflict between ^ , .
•^ TaKinc; of
the government and the people. The Pari- ^''^ is^istue.
sians rushed to arms, and the troops refused to fight
against them : the Bastile was stormed; and j„, ,jj
the caj)ital was in the hands of the populace.^ ^^^^^•
The king now came to the Assembly, assured them of
his confidence, and promised the immediate withdrawal
of the troops from Paris and Versailles. On the fol-
lowing day he visited Paris, without guards,
and was received with loyal demonstrations. " ^ ' '
But he was forced to humble himself before the peo-
ple. Waving his hat, decked with the insurrectionary
cockade, from the windows of the Hotel de Ville, he
aroused transports of enthusiasm from the crowd be-
low. He had made his peace, for a time, with his
capital : but he had worn the badge of the
revolution, nnd played the part of a citizen lociucd.
king.^ The policy of the court had been
foiled ; and Necker was recalled from his exile.
Paris, with its popular magistrates and national
guards, reconciled for a time to the king, was, how-
' On hearing of these events from the Duke de Liancourt, the king
said, ' C'est une revolte I' ' Non, sire,' replied the Duke, ' c'estune
revolution.'
^ ' Le souverain f eodal venait de disparaitre ; il ne restait plus en
France qu'un monarque, chef des bourgeois. ' — Louis Blanc, Uist. ii.
422.
VOL. IT. — 7
146 FILVNCE.
ever, independent. Otlior cities followed its exam-
ple, and electing new magistrates, and enrol-
diso^eW. ling national guards, sided with tlie popular
"^'^'^°' cause. In the provinces there were grave
disorders : castles were burnt down : nobles and coun-
try gentlemen were murdered; and their title-deeds
destroyed by the peasantry: monasteries and farm-
houses v/ere plundered: estates were forcibly occu-
pied by squatters: rents and services were withheld
fi-om the proprietors : tax-gatherers were hunted down
like wild beasts : the peasantry roved over fields and
forests in pursuit of game, which they cooked on the
spot with wood from the plantations of their seigneurs.
Life and property were a prey to agrarian anarchy.^
The three orders being now united, the Assembly, —
henceforward called the Constituent Assem-
tions of the bly, — cousisted of more than twelve hundred
Assembly. , , • <> t ti
members: a number excessive for delibera-
tion, and liable to sudden and uncontrollable im-
pulses. Its members had come recently from their
constituents, who were aroused to a keen sense of
their wrongs, and expected immediate relief from their
representatives : while the prevailing excitement in
Paris, and in the provinces, could not fail to influence
tlieir deliberations. As public life in France had long
been suppressed, by centralised administration, there
Avere no men, in all this vast body, trained to states-
- So early as July 1790, the Constituent Assembly received a re-
port that ' property was everywhere the prey to brigandage : that
on all sides castles were burned, convents wrecked, and farms given
up to pillage : that all seignorial rights were at an end : that the
laws were without force, the magistrates without authority, and
justice but a phantom which was sought in vain in the tribunals.' —
Nettement, Vie de M. la Marquise de la HocJuja'juelein, 71.
DELIBEEATIONS OF THE ASSEMBLY. 147
mansliip, or qualified by experience, or political repu-
tation, to direct its counsels, and guide it througli
the fearful dangers by which it was surrounded. The
nobles were unaccustomed to deliberative bodies : they
had never practised public speaking, or the politic man-
agement of men of different classes.^ No ministers of
the Crown were there to concert a policy, upon which
the executive and legislative authorities might agree :
but jealousy and suspicion were rife between them.
There were parties indeed, — the right, or royalist;
the centre, or constitutional ; and the left, or demo-
cratic: — but there was little party organisation, or
concerted action, which might have given consistency
to the policy of the Assembly. It was without any
rules or traditions of order. A hundred deputies
would rise together, and insist upon being heard.
They even read their speeches.^ Motions were made,
and decrees passed, Avithout notice, and upon the sud-
den impulse of the moment.^ Its galleries were filled
with strangers, Vv'ho cheered and hissed, without a
check, and interrupted the debates with threatening
clamours. Its foremost member was Mirabeau, — a
man distinguished, above all his rivals, by genius,
eloquence, and statesmanship ; and, in the early stages
of the revolution, all his influence was used to forward
the popular cause. The Abbe Sieyes, great in con-
' 'Jamais conducteurs d'hommes n'ont tellement desappris I'art
do conduire les hommes, art qui consiste a inarclier sur la memo
route, mais en tcte, et a guider leur travail en y preuant part.' —
Taine, Lcs Orif/i7ics, 64.
^ Arthur Young's Travels, i. Ill et seq.
' This practice was continued throughout the revolutionary pe-
riod, and has not boon corrected in recent times. Under tlio ])resi-
dency of M. Tliiors, critical votes were taken witliout notice. c.(/. on
the vote of confidence, Nov, 30, 1873.
148 FEANCE.
stitution-inaking, found ample scope for his iuventive
talents, in tliis political chaos; and Talleyrand, the
bishop of Autun, was preparing to sacrifice his Church
to the revolutionary cause, and his own ambition.
General Lafayette, overflowing with vanity, moved by
a restless ambition, and fresh from American politics,
was ready to proclaim the rights of man, while he se-
cured his own ascendency. D'Orleans, a prince of the
blood, sat dark and silent, on the left, as an enemy of
the court. Eobespierre was there, not yet a conspicu-
ous figure, but brooding over the future.
The people were clamouring for reforms, and the
Assembly promptly ministered to their im-
Renuncia- , . rni i • •
tionof patience. There was a general uprising
Aujiust 4,' against feudal ricirhts ; and in a sudden out-
1789. o '
burst of enthusiasm, the orders agreed to
the renunciation of class privileges, and a wholesale
redress of grievances. Feudal rights were redeemed,
and personal servitude abolished : tithes were discon-
tinued : exemptions from taxes renounced : plurality of
oflices surrendered : the exclusive rights in game, and
various other feudal privileges and jurisdictions, con-
demned. In a single night, nearly all the grievances
of the people were redressed.^ The nobles and the
Church renounced the privileges which it had taken
them centuries of struggle and usurpation to acquire.
Just and necessary as were these concessions, they were
made, not with the judgment of lawgivers, but with
the rashness and impulsiveness of revolutionists ; and
so sudden an interference with existing rights, with-
out securities for the maintenance of order, gave a
fresh impulse to anarchy.
' Thiers, Hist. i. 123 dseq.; Mignet, Elst. i. 100; Von Sybel, Hist.
i. 84 ; Louis Blanc, Hist. ii. 484.
PiUlTIES IN THE ASSEIJBLY. 149
The reYolution had now wrested power from the
hands of the king, and privileges fi'om the ^ ^^ ^
Church and the nobles : but it had not yet ""^^'-^e
overthrown the framework of the govern- '^''*°-
ment. The king still reigned, but with a limited
authority : an Assembly representing all classes of the
people, and generally animated with sentiments of
patriotism and moderation, was preparing to secure
the fruits of the great national movement to which it
owed its birth. At this jDeriod, indeed, it seemed
possible that the revolution would assume a constitu-
tional form. But the Assembly was divided
■ • • PirtiGS
into three principal parties, whose principles in the
and aims, and whose relations to the govern- ""'''^ ^'
ment, prevented the solution of constitutional diffi-
culties. The right, consisting chiefly of nobles and
ecclesiastics, clung obstinately to the old regime : the
centre desired moderate reforms, and constitutional
liberty : the left were the revolutionary party, — advo-
cates of the rights of man, — enemies of the Church
and the nobles, — and though not yet republicans,^
hostile to the Crown. The work of reconstruction
was discusssed : but in vain. An idle, vapouring, and
mischievous declaration of the rights of man was, in-
deed, adopted : ^ but a definite constitution could not
be agreed upon. A senate, or second chamber, was
proposed : but the nobles naturally desired to make it
the means of recovering their power ; and who could
' Caraille Desmoulins said, ' Nous n'otions pas alors plus do dix
republicains en France.' — Louis Blanc, Bev. Fr. livr. ii. ch. 4.
'^ ' La France rompant avec lo passe, et voulant rGmonter it I'tlat
de nature, dut aspirer ;I donner une declaration complete de tous les
droits de I'liomme et du citoyon.' — Thiers, Hist. i. 137. See also
Comte, PhU. Pos. vi. 358, SCO, 3'J8.
150 FEANCE.
seriously hope that the commons, who had so lately
triumphed over the two other Estates, would suddenly
agree to restore a separate chamber, of equal authority
with their own ? Again, it was proposed to secure to
the king a veto upon all legislative acts of the Assem-
bly : but this was considered by the popular party too
great a power, and the veto was restricted to the dura-
tion of two assemblies.^
But, in truth, the passions of the different parties
Condition concerned in the revolution, were too heated
of Paris. J.Q allow a peaceful settlement of the mo-
mentous questions now at issue. Paris was excited
and turbulent : the clubs were maintaining a danger-
ous agitation; and multitudes of the people were
starving. At the very time when the central
nient of government had been dangerously weakened,
the power of the municipality of Paris was
no less dangerously increased. Its mayor was a great
political personage : its national guard was an army of
30,000 men, ever on the spot ; while the king's forces
were jealously removed from the capital. Its general,
Lafayette, at once a soldier and politician, was mas-
ter of the city and of the State. Its constitution was
essentially democratic. The municipal administra-
tion was vested in a large body of representatives, —
originally 120, but soon increased to 300 : while every
section had its own noisy assembly to dictate to the
Hotel de Yille.
Every great city has its dangerous classes : they
swarm in the back stTeets, courts and alleys :
Its people. , , . . _ in
they are to be seen amidst the crowds of
the greater thoroughfares. No one can walk among
' Thiers. Ilisf. i. 141-153.
» STATE OF PARIS. 151
tliom, watch tlieir countenances, and overliear tlieir
language, without wondering how the peace and safety
of society can be guarded. But Paris, at this period,
surpassed all other cities, — except perhaj)s ancient
Rome, — in the disproportionate numbers of its poor,
wretched, unemployed, and desperate inhabitants, —
included in the comprehensive term of 'proUtaires.
France had, for generations, been infested with
crowds of vagrants and beggars.^ Of these, multi-
tudes swarmed to the capital : the disorders of the
time increased their number : thousands of workmen
were thrown out of employment by the disorganisa-
tion of society : the smaller employers suifered as
much as the workmen ; and there was a fearful scar-
city of food. A partial and inadequate poor-law was
quite unequal to cope with such prodigious pauper-
ism ; and the police, in Paris, as elsewhere, was scanty
and ill-organised. Such were the elements of disor-
der and violence, at a time of fevered political excite-
ment. The people, suffering and excited, grossly ig-
norant and credulous, were exposed to the wildest
delusions. Democratic newspapers aroused their pas-
sions ; and inflammatory placards appealed to them,
upon all the walls of the capital. Journalism was a
new force in the Revolution.'^ The artful whispers of
revolutionary agents, and the declamations of mob-
orators, goaded them to madness. There were turbu-
lent meetings, in the sections and in the Palais Royal :
there were riots in the streets, — sometimes the natural
fruits of anarchy, — sometimes provoked by the secret
' In 1789 the number was estimated at 2,000,000. — Louis Blanc,
Hint. livr. iv. cli. 2.
"^ A full account of the journali.sin of this period will be found
in Louis Blanc, Uist. tie la llCv. Fr. iii. 121 ct scq.
152 FRANCE.
macliinations and tlie bribes of revolutionary dema-
gogues. Society was seething witli tempestuous pas-
sions ; and the gold of Orleans, and other dark con-
spirators, was not wanting to inflame them.^
Order was partially maintained by the municipal
authorities and the national guard : seditious meet-
ings in the Palais Eoyal were prohibited : restraints
were put upon the press : ^ a police force was organ-
ised by General Lafayette : public workshops were
provided for the unemployed poor : the municipal
funds were exhausted in furnishing cheap bread to
the people ; and at length, the State was obliged to
save the multitude from starving.
Immediate danger was averted by these expe-
dients : but the general condition of Paris was aggra-
vated. Cheap bread, and public wages for nominal
work, attracted crowds to the capital, bringing with
them fresh elements of discontent and turbulence ;
and not long afterwards it was found necessary to
close the public workshops.^ It was soon to be seen
how little these masses could be controlled by au-
thority ; and how easily they could be stirred to in-
surrection.
'For evidence as to these transactions, see Mirabeau, Cott.;
Bailly, Mim. ii. 293 ; Croker, Essays, pp. 50, 70 ; Von Sybel, Hist. i.
76, 114, 119, 124, 133 ; Lord Auckland's Corr. ii. 365 ; Ducoin,
Philippe (V Orleans, 72. Spealting of the alleged bribes of the Duke
of Orleans, M. Thiers says : — ' Du reste, cette influence n'est point
a compter parmi les causes de la revolution, car ce n'est pas avec un
peu d'or, et des manceuvres secretes qu'on ebranle une nation de
vingt-cinq millions d'hommes.' — Hist, de la Rev. Fr.\. 80. This
portion of his history is strongly criticised by Croker.
* No printed matter was to be issued without the name of an
editor.
3 July 1, 1790.
THE CLUBS. 153
But tlio force of tlie revolution was mainly derived
from tlie clubs and political associations. ^,i,Q^.)^^,g
Here men were brought together to discuss
their grievances, and give vent to their fierce pas-
sions. The club orators were the true apostles of
the revolution. Speculation gave way to political
action ; and the ambition of leaders, and the hot
zeal of partisans, lashed an ignorant and famishing
people to fury.^ The most powerful and dangerous
of these clubs was that of the Jacobins, which was to
play a decisive part in the revolution. For Danton
and other revolutionists, however, even this club was
not violent enough ; and they founded the more hot-
headed Cordeliers. Another club, — the Feuillants, —
established by Lafayette and Bailly, was too mod-
erate to excite the passions of the crowd.^ These
clubs were formidable enough in themselves : but
they became more dangerous by the union and corre-
spondence of numbers of affiliated societies.^
While the popular party were busy in the Assem-
bly, in the clubs, and among the populace Reaction
of Paris, the court were smarting under the byThi'*'^'^
indignities to which the king had already """^ '
' ' Jamfiis les livres ne produiront une revolution durable, si Ton
n'y ajoute la parole publique. C'est elle seule qui porte et com-
munique la vie.' 'Si la seizieme siicle n'avait eu que dcs ecri-
vains, jamais il n'aurait enfantu la Refoniie. II fallut que les the-
ologiens devinssent missionnaires. Les livres de Luther, de Cal-
vin, de Zwingle firent des theologiens. Leur parole vivante re-
pot''c, oommentt'e par des orate urs emus, fit Ig revolution religieuse.'
— Edgar Quinet, La R'v. i. 73.
* Thiers, UinL de la Rev. Fr. i. 213, ii. 12 et seq. ; Carlyle, Ili^t. of
tJic Fr. Rev. b. ii. ch. 5.
3 ' The Paris Jacobins became the mother society, Pociote M^to ;
and had as many as three hundred shrill-tongued daughters iu direct
correspondence with her.'— Carlyle, Hid. of the Fr. Rev. b. ii. ch. 5.
7*
154 FEANCE.
been exposed, and the abasement of tlie nobles.
They were powerless in the Assembly ; and despaired
of recovering their position otherwise than by force.
The king still had an army. Why not leave Ver-
sailles, and, surrounded by his faithful soldiers, defy
his enemies, and trample down sedition ? Reaction
was again attempted by a display of military force
at Paris and Versailles ; and sinister rumours were
spread of a sudden dissolution of the Assembly, and
a couv d'etat. They were confirmed by the
The ban- -^ .
quetsof festivities of the kind's bodyguard at the
the kind's .
body" castle, in which the officers, with loud de-
oct. 1 and monstrations of loyalty, trampled upon the
' ' ■ national cockades, and decked themselves
with the white cockade of the Bourbons. These
threats of military reaction, while they irritated and
alarmed the revolutionists, were not sufficient to over-
awe them. They were met by frantic excitement in
^ , , ,, Paris, by the celebrated march of the women
Oct. 5 and 6. ' -^
upon Versailles, by the invasion of the cas-
tle itself by a riotous mob, and by the enforced re-
moval of the king and his family to Paris.
The king was henceforth at the mercy of the mob.
The king Deprived of his guards, and at a distance
at Pans. from his army, he was in the centre of the
revolution ; and surrounded by an excited and hungry
populace. He was followed to Paris by the Assem-
bly ; and, for the present, was protected fi'om further
outrages by Lafayette and the national guards. Mira-
beau, who was now in secret communication with the
court, warned the king of his danger, in the midst of
the revolutionary capital. *The mob of Paris,' he
said, * will scourge the corpses of the king and queen.'
He saw no hope of safety for them, or for the State,
THE KING AT PAEIS. 155
but in their withdrawal from this i3ressing danger, to
Fontainebleau or Eoiien, and in a strong goyernment,
supijorted by the Assembly, pursuing liberal mea-
sures, and quelling anarch}-. His counsels were fr-us-
trated by events ; and the reyolution had advanced
too far to be controlled by this secret and suspected
adviser of the kiug.-^
Meanwhile, the Assembly was busy with further
schemes of revolution and desperate finance, other
France was divided into departments : the "fTh"°^
property of the Church was appropriated to '""^™ ^'
meet the urgent necessities of the State : the disas-
trous assignats were issued : the subjection of the cler-
gy to the civil power was decreed : the Parliaments
were superseded, and the judicature of the country
was reconstituted, upon a popular basis : titles of
honour, orders of knighthood, armorial bear- j^^^^ „q
ings — even liveries — were abolished: the ^™°-
army was reorganised, and the privileges of birth were
made to yield to service and seniority.^ All French-
men were henceforth equal, as 'citoyens:' and their
new privileges were wildly celebrated by the plant-
ing of trees of liberty. The monarchy was still recog-
nised : but it stood alone, in the midst of revolution.
This new constitution was accepted by the king,
' The relations of Mirabeau with the court have since been fully
revealed in the interesting Corrcspondance entrc le Comtc de Mira-
beau et U Comte de la Marck pendant les annees 1789, 1790 et 1791.
Par M. de Bacourt, 1851. Mr. Reeve ' can discover no c\ndcncc of
the common, but conjectural belief, that if the life of Mirabeau had
V)een prolonged, it would have fared otherwise, with the French
revolution.' — Royal and RepvJIdican France, i. 230.
5 Thiers, IHd. i. 22G et Hc.q. It is to be noted that on Feb. 34, 1790,
the Constituent Assembly decreed the equal division of property,
among children, without a single protest on the part of the nobles.
156 FRANCE.
and consecrated by a pompous ceremony in the
Cliamp do Mars : but the revolution, as it
New con-
Btitution advanced, had raised hosts of enemies who
prdclaimcd. i • • • -n
Jaiy i-z, were combining to arrest it. Every power,
interest and privilege had been assailed ; and
the most powerful classes of society were arrayed
against it. The king had sworn to observe the new
constitution : but he found himself stripped of his
kingly attributes, separated from his friends, a pris-
oner in the midst of a jealous and turbulent mob, and
• exposed, at any moment, to insult and outrage. The
nobles had lost their power, their privileges and their
titles : the clergy their property and independence :
the provincial parliaments, judges and other function-
aries, their time-honoured jurisdictions : officers in the
army their birthright of promotion. And large bodies
of moderate and thoughtful men were alarmed by the
rapid movements of the revolution, the collapse of
every recognised authority, and the absorption of
power by popular municipalities, national guards,
revolutionary clubs, restless agitators, and a riotous
populace. The hasty and impulsive legislation of the
Assembly had spread anarchy throughout France.
In vain the nobles and the clergy attempted to stir
Forein-n aid ^P ^^^^ people, in the proviuces, against the
invoked. Assembly. With the country at large the
new laws were popular : they had redressed many
flagrant abuses, and had relieved the peasantry from
oppression and wrong. Nor had absentee nobles
much influence over neighbours and dependents, to
whom they were only known by their exactions.
Failing to arouse a sj)irit of reaction, within the king-
dom, the nobles began to cherish hopes of assistance
from abroad. Twice the display of an armed force
FOREIGN AID INVOKED. 157
had precipitated the king into deeper troubles : but if
his faithful troops could be supported by friendly
powers, and the reactionary party encouraged by for-
eign sympathies, the good cause might yet prevail.
With these hopes great numbers of the nobles began
to emigrate. Many, indeed, had already fled to save
their lives : their homes had been laid waste : their
families outraged.^ Surrounded by dangers, they
were powerless to save the king. If they submitted
without resistance to the revolution, they appeared to
acquiesce in it : if they attemj)ted to resist it, they
were denounced as rebels to the king, in whose name
it was conducted. They were glad to quit a country
in which their lives and property were in danger,
and where they had lost their dignity and influence.
They had bsen trained to arms, and hoped to return
at the head of triumjihant armies. They were invited
to serve the royal cause, by the king's nearest re-
latives, and foremost adherents, and were swayed
by the example of the flower of the French nobil-
ity. And if they were accused of appearing in arms
against their country, they replied that they were
supporting the king against his rebellious subjects.^
Nor were there wanting examples in the history of
France in which foreign aid had been invoked by
' Madame de Sta6l, in her Considerations sur la Rtwlution Fran-
raise, says : — ' jusqu'eii 1791, remigration ne fut provoquce par
aucune sorte de dangers, et qu'elle dut etre considi'rre conime une
ceuvre depart! ; tandisqu'en 1793, 1'emigration futn'ellement forcee.'
But their dangers had commenced in July 1790. See sitpra, p. 145.
" The best defence of the emigrants is to be found in Nettement,
Vie de Madame de la Rochejaquelein, 71 et scq. He says that even
Napoleon acknowledged that the emigrants ' merely obeyed the sum-
mons of their princes, whom they regarded as their captains-general.'
—Ibid. 73.
158 FRANCE.
political parties.^ But, whatever tlieir motives, tliey
left the king surrounded- by his dangerous enemies,
and exposed to the charge of waging war against his
country. The violence of parties threatened civil war
at home, while the emigrants were planning invasion
from abroad.
The political condition of Europe, indeed, favoured
Situation ^^® hopes of the emigrants. Kings had been
of Europe, appalled by the revolutionary movements of
a neighbouring country. Their ambition and rivalries
were for a time forgotten, and the Emperors of Austiia
and Eussia, and the Kings of Prussia and Sweden,
were regarding France as the common enemy of Eu-
rope.^ In England, not only the king, but the great
majority of the governing and educated classes, re-
sponding to the impassioned appeals of Edward
Burke, dreaded the revolution as a pressing danger.
To minds so prepared, the appeals of the emigrants
were not made in vain. A formidable confederacy of
European States^ was concerted against France ; and
crowds of distinguished emigrants assembled under
the banners of the Prince de Conde and the Count
d'Artois.
Meanwhile, the king was ill at ease in Paris. He
was little more than a State prisoner : he was not even
> ' Pendant la Ligue, les catholiques avaient pu s'appuyer sur les
Espagnols ; les Protestants sur les Allemands et les Anglais ; pen-
dant la Fronde, Conde avait donne la main aux Espagnols, et Mazarin
avait pu revenir avec une ai-nice d' Allemands, sans exciter I'indig-
nation que de pare illes alliances exciteraientaujourd'hui.' — Ibid. 74.
^ In May 1791 a convention was secretly signed between the king
and the Geraian emperor, providing for the invasion of France with
100,000 men in the following July.
^ Austria, Russia, Prussia, Spain, Sardinia, and Smtzerland. —
Mignet, Hist. i. 190 ct scq.
FLIGHT OF THE KING. 159
allowed to drive to his palace at St. Cloud : Lis queen
was exposed to insults and obloquy : lie was
111 • 1 1 1 • Kestraints
surrounaed by a riotous populace ; and, since mwu the
the decrees of the Assembly against the ^"^'
Church, he had become entirely estranged from the
revolution. His friends had long urged his flight;
and on one occasion had even attempted to carry him
off fi'om the Tuileries.^ The efforts of his troops, and
of his partisans and allies, could avail him little
while he continued in the hands of his enemies ;
and at length he fled. It was a bold scheme. Had
he eluded the vigilance of his j)ursuers, and placed
himself at the head of the armies of France piirrht of
— supported by his allies — he might yet have froai Paris.
overcome the revolution, and recovered his ^."^'If'
power. But his flight was clumsily carried ^™^-
out. In a light caUche he might perhaps have es-
caped : but he chose a lumbering berlin, drawn by
eight horses, — at once slow and inviting suspicion.
His untoward arrest at Varennes proved fatal to him-
self and to the monarchy. He was suspended from
his functions by the Assembly : a guard was mounted
over him ; and the rei^ublican party now ojDenly
avowed its aims.
The relations of the king to the revolution, and to
his own people, were hopelessly changed. ji,.].jii^„g
He had fled to join the enemies of his coun- [;[ l\]'^_ J.^'^^.
try, to crush the revolution, and to restore ^""'^"•
the old regime. The revolutionary party were no
longer under any restraint, in exasperating popular
prejudices against tlie king. Even calm and mode-
rate citizens, who had not aided the revolution, were
• Miguet, Ilvit. i. 183.
IGO FRANCE.
shocked that the king should seek the aid of foreign-
ers against his own country : they dreaded the re-
newal of feudalism, and the triumph of the haughty
nobles. The revolution was still poj)ular with the
masses of the jDeople ; and all who had profited by it,
viewed with dismay an attempt to wrest from them
their recent gains, by force of arms. Were they to
pay tithes again? Were feudal rents and services
ac^ain to be wrung from them ? Were the Church
lands, which they had bought cheap, to be restored ?
In truth, the king's ill-omened flight united all classes,
except the nobles and the clergy, against himself,
and in support of the revolution.
The king had been thus laid low, and the revolu-
tionists elated, when the Emperor of Austria and the
King of Prussia issued the memorable decla-
tionof'" ration of Pilnitz, in which they demanded
Piliiitz .
July 2?, that the king should be restored to power
and freedom, and the Assembly dissolved,
under pain of an immediate invasion.^ Need it be
said, that so haughty a dictation to a great people
aroused indignation and a determined spirit of re-
sistance, instead of submission? The king's cause
was gravely compromised by the indiscretion of his
friends.
Another step in the progress of the revolution was
about to be made. The Constituent Assem-
forthenew bly, lu a false spirit of self-denial, had de-
creed that no member of the Assembly
should be capable of re-election, or of accepting, for
four years, any office from the king.^ Nothing could
' Mignet, Hist. i. 204.
^ Mirabeau had insisted, in the Assembly, that deputies should be
able to hold offices in the government, in order to bring ministers
ELECTIONS FOE THE NEW ASSEMBLY. 161
have been more fatal to tlie stability of tlie laws and
policy of France. The Assembly had consummated a
great revolution : but it comprised many statesmen
and patriots ; and the majority were disposed to mode-
rate councils. It had represented the sentiments
of the middle classes rather than of the multitude :
it had aimed at the redress of grievances and con-
stitutional reforms, and not at revolution ; and it had
striven to maintain order, and moderate the violence
of extreme parties. But now an assembly of new
men, without experience, or the responsibilities of a
tried public life, was to be summoned, under an ex-
tended franchise. No State can break safely with the
past ; and such was the condition of France in the
very throes of a revolution. Not less injurious was the
exclusion of ministers of the Crown from seats in the
National Assembly. No single measure could have
contributed so much to bring the executive govern-
ment into harmony with the legislature, as the choice
of the foremost men of the majority as ministers, and
the ascendency of their influence and eloquence in
the Assembly.^ At the same time, Lafayette resigned
the command of the National Guard ; and Bailly,
the mayoralty of Paris. Both had lately striven to
maintain order in the capital; and their retirement
increased the perils of the king. The future was
dark : but every circumstance seemed to be conspiring
against him.
into bamiony with the legislature ; but the Assembly, wishing to
weaken the government, and jealous of Mirabeau, Avho was suspected
of aspiring to power, determined otherwise. — Von Sybel, Hist. i.
137, 149.
' See some excellent remarks upon this question in the Quarterly
Uevicii}, July 1872, p. 48.
162 FEANCE.
The new 'National Legislative Assembly' met on
October 1, 1791. Its constitution was natu-
Lcgi^ative rally more democratic than tbat of tlie late
Assembly, ^gggj^l^^jy^ The nobilit}^ and the clergy, rely-
ing upon help from abroad, had not cared to use their
influence in the elections ; and accordingly there was
no party in favour of the old regime. The most con-
servative party was that of the Feuillants, who were
prepared to maintain the constitution lately decreed.
The Girondists, so called from their eminent leaders
Yergniaud, Guadet, and others who represented the
Gironde, were more advanced : but, in the main, were
adverse to extreme measures.^ There was a third
party, far more democratic, sometimes acting with the
Girondists in the Assembly, but closely allied with
Robespierre and the Jacobins, Danton and the Corde-
liers, and the Parisian demagogues. The two latter
parties, both favouring democracy, together formed a
large majority in the Assembly. These parties were
distinguished as the right, the centre, and the left ;
the extreme section of the latter being afterwards
known as the Mountain.^
The early relations of the Assembly with the king
were unfriendly. His Majesty received its
Its relations p ■. • i- i m i i i i.'i
^dth the formal communications coldly and naughtily ;
^'^' and the Assembly retorted by voting that,
on coming to the Chamber, the king should have a
chair, like that of the President, instead of the royal
tlirone, and should not be addressed as ' sire ' or ' his
majesty.' This insulting vote, however — agreed to in
a sudden fit of ill-humour — ^was revoked the next day,
' Von Sybel represents them as far more democratic tlian they
would appear, from other authorities, to have been. — Hist. i. 814
€t seq. "^ Cut of 745 members no less than 400 were lawyers.
POSITION OF THE KING. 163
and the king was received ■vritli the accustomed cere-
monies. He was greeted with cordial acclamations,
and his conciliatory speech was well calculated to
bring the throne and the Assembly into friendly ac-
cord. This result was desired by the ting himself,
by his ministers, and by the Feuillants, or constitu-
tional party in the Assembly, to which they belonged.
But it was rendered hopeless by the court, the emi-
grants, the armed coalition, and the clergy on one
side, and the more advanced parties on the other.
What was the ]position of the king himself? He
had sworn to observe the new constitution, position of
to which he had assented : but his family, and *'"^ '^'"s-
most zealous personal friends had protested against it,
as a surrender of the rights of his crown. His nearest
relatives, and the first nobles of the land, were in arms
against their country, in order to recover his preroga-
tives; and crowds of emigrants were on their way,
to serve under their standards. Upwards of fifteen
thousand had assembled, at Coblentz: officers from
the king's army had joined them : arms were being
forged for them at Liege: horses were bought to
mount their cavalry in the German fairs :• an army of
Frenchmen was threatening the frontiers of France,
and its leaders were loud in their cries for vengeance.
His cause was espoused by an armed coalition of pow-
erful allies, who were preparing to invade his realm.
By his flight, he had shown his repugnance to the
revolution, if not his sympathy with the enemies of
his country.
Such being his relations with the party of reaction,
he was soon brought into conflict with the
Assembly. That body, in preparing for the witii the
defence of the State, could not overlook the
104 FRANCE.
emigrants, or tlie disaffected nonjuring priests, wlio
were fomenting disorders in tlie provinces. Three de-
crees were accordingly passed : the first required the
king's eldest brother, Monsieur, to return to France
on pain of forfeiting the regency : the second was
directed against the emigrants assembled on the fron-
tier ; and the third against the nonjuring priests. To
the first of these decrees the king assented; to the
second and third he signified his veto. But, at the
instance of the Assembly, he called upon the German
princes to repress the hostile assemblage of French
emigrants in their States, or otherwise threatened
them with war. He further gratified the Assembly
by choosing a new ministry from the Girondist party,
which, by the remarkable eloquence of its leaders, and
by its holding more advanced opinions than the con-
stitutionalists, for the time, commanded a majority.^
Upon the advice of his new ministers, he proposed to
War with ^^^^ Assembly to declare war against Austria.
Austria. rj\^Q jj^jjjg .^^s thus drawu into a war against
his own friends : but it availed him nothing with his
people. It was destined to complete the triumph of
the revolution, and to precipitate his fall. "War had
been originally provoked by the king's friends, in
order to repress the revolution : ^ but its mission was
to propagate democracy throughout Europe.
' Tlie court sneered at it as the sans-culotte ministry.
^ Most historians concur in this view : but Von Sybel says, ' The
war was begun by the Gironde to do away with the monarchical
constitution of 1789 ; ' and he treats the combination of the king, the
emigres, and the foreign powers as a mere pretext to secure the
support of the people. — Hist, of Fr. Rev. i. 381. He furthers says,
' the whole future policy of the Gironde was comprehended in this
debate (Dec. 17, 1791). War in all directions, without regard to the
law of nations ; and by means of war, the revolutionary rule over
WAR WITH AUSTFJA. 165
The commencemeut of the war was disastrous to the
French arms ; and the Jacobins saw in sue- Disasters
cessive defeats the treachery of reactionists, ° ^ °^''^'^'
and complicity with the invaders. The Assembly
voted its sittings permanent, disbanded the king's
guard, decreed the formation of an army of 20,000
men in Paris, and armed the people with pikes.
And, to discourage internal troubles, it decreed the
banishment of the nonjuring priests. The king dis-
missed his ministers, and refused his assent to the
decrees relating to the army of Paris, and the priests.
Again he resorted to the constitutional party, which
was weaker than ever. Its restoration to power re-
vived the hopes of the reactionists : while it threw
the Girondists more into the hands of the Jacobins.
Their intentions were not yet hostile to the mon-
archy : but, in order to recover power, they allied
'themselves with the people, and adopted the tactics
of the Mountain.
The population had been incited to petition in
favour of the late decrees ; and on June „.
. . Riotou8
20, a tumultuous assemblage of petitioners mob of
' , . petitioners.
marched to the Hall of the Assembly. A jnneao,
deputation was admitted, and after a violent
speech from its spokesman, the whole mob of peti-
tioners, numbering 30,000, — men, women, and chil-
dren, — some carrying revolutionary flags and em-
blems, others armed with pikes, and shouting popular
watchwords, were allowed to file through tlie hall.
Such a degradation of the Assembly showed, but too
clearly, that legitimate authority was to be over-
borne by the violence of the populace. The mob,
France, and the extension of the revolution throughout tlie neigh-
bouring States. '--Ibid. 394.
166 FRANCE.
tlius encouraged, marclied on to the king's palace,
forced their way into the royal apartments, and
passed noisily before his majesty, demanding his
sanction to the decrees of the Assembly. With calm-
ness and dignity, he declined to pledge himself to
grant the prayer of the petition : but he appeased
their clamours by putting on a red cap of liberty,
which was handed to him on the top of a pike.^
Such outrages as these caused an apparent reac-
Partiaire- tiou in favour of the king, which Lafayette
action. ^^^ ^YiQ constitutional party endeavoured to
turn to account : but they received no encourage-
ment from the court, which now cherished more hope
from its allies abroad, than from any party at home.
Meanwhile the Girondists were daily becoming more
hostile to the court : the relations of the king with
the enemies of his country were openly denounced ;
and his deposition was not obscurely threatened.*
The The Assembly declared the country in dan-
cLarc'dm^^ ger, and called the people to arms. The
anger. revolution was now identified with the de-
fence of the country. The king was declared to be in
league with the enemies of France ; and both must
be resisted by an uprising of the people.
At this perilous conjuncture, the Duke of Bruns-
Tho Duke "wick, who Commanded the confederate army,
\t^ck-'s"'^ issued an extravagant manifesto, — more in-
juiyis^'^' jurious to the monarchy than any of the
^'''•'^- machinations of its enemies. In the name
' Of June 20 Edgar Quinet says : — ' La journee du 20 Juin avait
laisse en lui (le roi) une elevation morale, qu'il garda jusqu'a la fin,
et qui le livra, les mains liees, a la Revolution. L'liomme gran-
dit, le Chretien se montra, et le prince f ut perdu. ' — La Bivolution,
i. 386.
INSUKRECTION m PARIS. 167
of tiie Emj)eror of Austria, and the King of Prussia,
he declared that the allies were marching to juiyss,
put down anarchy in France, and to restore ^''^~'
the king to his rights and liberty. He threatened
vengeance upon any towns which should dare to de-
fend themselves, and especially upon Paris, which
would be given up to destruction. All the members
of the Assembly, and other functionaries, were to be
Judged by military law. To complete the insults of
this missive, the people of Paris were promised that,
if they obeyed these haughty mandates, the great
potentates would intercede with the king for the par-
don of their offences !
This ill-judged manifesto, identifying the king
throughout with the invasion, and chiding
and scolding a great people like children, twniu
was the deathblow of the monarchy. The Ausnkio,
1792.
Girondists were now prepared to depose the
king, by a vote of the Assembly: but the Jacobins
were bent upon more violent measures, and organised
an insurrection in the capital. The faubourgs were
armed : the national guard was deprived of ammu-
nition : impassioned federes from Marseilles, and other
cities, inflamed the popular excitement; while the as-
semblies of the sections of Paris, sitting en permanence^
voted the deposition of the king, and sent commis-
sioners to the Hotel de Ville, to supersede the muni-
cipality, as a new commune.
On August 10, the insurgents marched against the
Tuileries ; and the troops and national guards showed
themselves unwilling to defend the palace. In this
imminent danger, the king, accompanied by the queen,
sought protection in the hall of the Assembly, saying
that he came to prevent a great crime. After the king
168 FRANCE.
had left tlie palace, it was assailed by the insurgents,
his Swiss guards were massacred, and the royal apart-
ments overrun by a howling mob. The assailants led
to this decisive outrage were but a few thousand : but
when the deed was done, they were joined by the popu-
lace of Paris. A knot of conspirators, with their re-
solute band of ruffians, were able to overthrow the
monarchy of Franco.^ The revolution, which had com-
menced in the discontents of the country, was con-
summated by the violence of a mob, fi-om the streets
of Paris. The Assembly was immediately besieged
by importunate deputations, insisting upon the depo-
sition of the king. These demands were acceded to
by the suspension of the king, the restoration of the
Girondists to power, and the convocation of a national
convention.
The unhappy king, to whom every stage of the
The kill- revolution brought yet darker troubles, was
TemTe""^ scut to the Temple as a prisouer. The 20th
of June had overthrown the authority of the
Assembly : the 10th August completed its ruin. The
king was cast down, and the authority of the Assem-
The com ^^^ ^^^ rapidly passing into the hands of the
Tads ""^ commune of Paris. Tliis revolutionary body
usurped power in the name of the people,
and, with the aid of the sections and the mob, dictated
1 1
' Au moment du combat, il n'y avait guere parmi les assaillants
que trois mille hommes ; apres le succes, ce fut un peuple immense.
Des poignees d'hommes decidaient de tout. Plus tard, quand cette
tete fut detruite, il resta, comme par le passe, une nation etonnee de
ce qU'elle avait fait, prete a renier ses guides.'
' L'ame vivante de la revolution etait dans un petit nombre : voila
pourquoi la nation s'en est si vite lassce. Elle suivait les audaces de
quelques-uns, passive encore jusque dans ses plus fieres revoltes.'—
Edgar Quinet, La Revolution, i. 303.
THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES. 169
its will to the Assembly. Its leaders, the Jacobins,
were now masters of France. The commune had
insisted upon the imprisonment of the king in the
Temple ; and now it decreed the removal of the
statues of the kings and the destruction of every em-
blem of the monarchy ; and it forced the Assembly
to appoint an extraordinary criminal tribunal. Sus-
pected persons were arrested and put upon their trial
by the sectional assemblies. The revolutionary army
of Paris was increased to 100,000 men : the democracy
of the capital was armed, and disciplined to do the
bidding of its leaders. The bourgeoisie of the national
guard was generally disarmed. The property of the
emigrants was confiscated. All ground rents were
abolished as feudal dues. The church plate was
seized and melted, for the use of the commune. Dan-
ton was the leading spirit of the commune, and with
him were associated Marat, Tallien, and others who
became memorable in the blood-stained history of
the revolution. These desperate leaders knew that
the revolutionary party formed a minority of tlie
French people, and were resolved to overcome the
majority by terror.^
At length the Prussians had crossed the frontier,
and were advancing towards Paris. While
, Pie 1 • T T-i Massacres
schemes oi deience were being discussed, it of sent.
1792
was the terrible Danton who first proposed
' At this very time, wlien the revolution appeared victorious, Dan-
ton said, 'Le 10 aout a divise la France en deux partis, dont I'un
est attache a la royaute, et I'autre veut la republiquo. Celui-ci,
dont vous ne pouvez vous dissimuler I'extrrme minorite dans I'Etat,
est le seul sur lequel vous puissiez coriipter pour combattro.' —
Mignet, i. oOl : thus admitting that the republicans were in a mino-
rity.
vol.. IT.- 8
170 TEANCE.
to subdue the royalists by terror, and to enlist tlie
wild and maddened spirit of tlie revolution in defence
of France. Tlie commune, carried out his scheme of
intimidation, by domiciliary visits, by constant arrests,
and, lastly, by the wholesale massacre of the royalists
confined in the various prisons. It was the com-
mencement of that reign of terror to which so many
Frenchmen fell victims, and which ultimately avenged
them by the punishment of its authors. Terror was
not confined to Paris: but commissioners were des-
patched into the provinces, with instructions ' to let
the blood of all traitors be the first sacrifice offered
up to liberty, so that when we march against our
enemies, we may leave none behind to molest us.' ^
These atrocious massacres were executed by a mere
handful of wretches, who did the bidding of Danton
and Marat ; and Paris, surprised and stupefied with
terror, remained a passive witness of murders which
public indignation ought to have arrested.^ The com-
mune of Paris publicly avov/ed these monstrous
crimes, saying that ferocious conspirators, detained in
the prisons, had been put to death by the people, and
inviting the Vv^hole nation to imitate their ex-
Milit.irv „_
spirit of the ample. To resist the invasion the tocsin was
nation. ^
sounded, cannon were fired, and masses of
armed men were reviewed on the Champ de Mars,
and despatched to the frontier. The revolution was
supreme, and the invasion was repelled.^ No one will
' Circular of Danton : Blondier-Langlois, i. 2G2.
'^ These horrors are fully described in Thiers, Hist, de la Rev. P/\
ii. ch. G.
2 It was about this time that Danton said, ' II nous faut de I'au-
dace, et encore de I'audace, et toujours de I'audace.' — Moniteur,
Hist. Pari. xvi. 347 ; Thiers, Hist, ii, 316.
ABOLITION OF THE MOKiKCHy. 171
now be persuaded tliat this cruel and wicked system
of terror was necessary for tlie defence of France from
her foreign enemies : the national enthusiasm might
have been aroused by worthier means : but its terrible
efficacy cannot be questioned. Internal resistance to
the prosecution of the war was crushed : the royalists
were overawed ; and a wild and passionate enthusiasm
was excited in the revolutionary party. The irresistible
powers of the democracy were yet to be develoi^ed : but
this first essay revealed its capabilities.
The revolution was now to advance with giant
strides. Violence and terror had been used
throughout France to secure the return of of the
revolutionary candidates to the National s.pt. 2u, '
Convention. The Parisian deputies were all
ultra-democratic : but in the provinces, candidates of
the moderate parties, notwithstanding every discour-
agement, very generally prevailed. The great major-
ity of the convention, however, were republicans.
That the extreme party were in a minority was con-
fessed. * All France is against us,' cried the younger
Bobespierre, in the Jacobin Club : ' our only hope is
in the citizens of Paris.' And proofs abound that, in
every period of the revolution, the party of order,
throughout France, and even in Paris itself, was sup-
ported by a majority of the people.^ The first act of
the National Convention was to abolish the monarchy
and proclaim a republic. Its revolutionary enthusi-
asm, and contempt for the past, were further dis-
played by decreeing that henceforth the revolution
' See supra, 168, 1G9 ; tn/r«, 205-211 ; Mortimer-Ternaux, Uistoire
de la Terreur, 1792-1794 ; Adolplie Sclimidt, Tableaux de Id lir volu-
tion Franraise ; Dauban, La Dcmagoyie, en 1793, a Paris ; et Paris
en 1794 et 1795.
172 FEANCE.
should date from tlie first year of tlie French repub-
lic.^
The Girondists, advancing with the revolutionary
rp,,g passion of the times, had now become repub-
Giioiidists. licans : but the ideal of this refined and in-
tellectual party was a republic governed by capable
statesmen, and resting upon the intelligence and patri-
otism of the most enlightened classes.^ They had no
sympathy with the ignorance and passions of the pop-
ulace, and they revolted from cruelty and bloodshed.
But the time had passed for the trial of a philoso-
phical republic. This party had, indeed, a majority
in the convention : but there was little earnestness,
and neither party organisation nor discipline. They
were also too far compromised by their share in the
revolution to be able to arrest its progress. Their
sympathy with the revolution was colder than that of
the Mountain, and consequently less popular : while
it went far enough to precipitate the greatest events
of this momentous time.
Their dangerous rivals, the Mountain, cared little
,p,^3 for the votes of the convention. Their reli-
Mountain. ^^qq ^^^g upon the commuue of Paris, upon
the Jacobins, and the populace of the faubourgs.
' Up till this time, 1793 was the fourth year of liberty : the year
of our Lord having been discontinued in 1789.
^ ' lis se proposaient de faire une constitution repnblicaine, a;
I'image de cette seule classe devant laquelle venaient de s'evanouir
la royaute, I'eglise et I'aristocratie. Sous le nom de republique, ils
sous-entendaient le r6gne des lumifires, des vertus, de la propriete,
des talents, dont leur classe avait desormais le privilege.' — Lamar-
tiue, Hist, des Oirondins, iv. 90.
' Ce parti . . . ne voulait pas la republique qui lui echut en 1793 ;
il la revait avec tous ses prestiges, avee ses vertus, et ses mceurs
sev^res.' — Thiers, Ilist. ii. 13.
GIRONDISTS AND JACOBINS. 173
Tlie commune ruled the capital, and the capital domi-
nated over France. If the Mountain v/as in a minority
in the chamber, it could rely upon the acclamations of
the galleries, upon savage threats to its opjjonents ;
and upon the clubs, and armed mobs of Paris. The
time had passed when eloquence, or reason, or the
votes of the representatives of the people, were to guide
the councils of the State. The destinies of France
were in the hands of those who swayed the revolu-
tionary i:)roUtaires} The leaders of this redoubtable
party were the too notorious Danton, Eobespierre, and
Marat. Of Robespierre it has been well said by a
thoughtful historian, that he owed it to his inferior
abilities that he apj)eared among the last of the revo-
lutionary leaders — a great advantage in a revolution ; ^
for the earlier leaders are certain to be swej)t away.
These two parties were jealous and hostile : their
principles and their ambition alike brought ,p^g ^^^.^
them into conflict. The Girondists, utterly paries.
condemning the September massacres, denounced the
blood-stained democrats who had brought them about.
They strove at once to discourage such revolutionary
excesses, and to overthrow the rival party which had
been guilty of them. They appealed to the better
feelings of the country, in the hope of conducting the
new republic upon principles of moderation and jus-
tice. There was a third and intermediate party in the
convention, called the Plain, which sided now with the
right and now with the left, according to their convic-
tions, or their fears. Such a party has been common
' ' Les clubs acquii-rent a ccttc cpoqiie une plus grande importance.
Agitatours sous la constituanto, ils dcvinreiit dominatcurs sous la
legislative.' — Ibid.
" Mignet, Uifst. dc la Rev. i. 323.
174 FEANCE.
to most popular assemblies ; and its action lias gene-
rally been more mischievous than useful.
Upon one point all parties were agreed. "Whatever
their domestic policy, they equally favoured
Eevolution- ,■, . p . , , . ,
ary piopa- the Waging oi wars against kings, and a cru-
sade in support of republicanism, and the
rights of man, in concert with the oppressed nations
of Europe. This was the popular cry of the commune
and the faubourgs ; and no party could hope for tole-
ration unless they joined in it. The Girondists, as
authors of the war, were not less zealous than the
Mountain, in the revolutionary war-cry. The Jaco-
bins encouraged it, as strengthening the revolution,
and uniting different parties in its cause, which were
Qpj j9 otherwise moderate or reactionary. This pas-
1793. gJQjj -fQj. y^Q^y. ^g^g further encouraged by the
desperate state of the finances. The property of the
Church, and of the emigrants, had been sold; and
even their bankers were ordered, under pain of death,
to take to the exchequer all their effects and papers.
Assignats had been recklessly multiplied: but still
the exchequer was empty. It was now time to levy
contributions upon other countries ; and the armies of
victorious France were to be supported by the enfran-
chised peoples of Belgium, Holland, and Germany.
In November the convention declared that France
j^„^. jg offered her help to all nations who were
17112. struggling for freedom ; and that her generals
should be ready to support them. This decree was
ordered to be translated into all languages, and distri-
buted among the peoples.^ In reply to deputations
from Nice and Savoy, Gregoire, the president of the
» Monitcur (1792). 1379.
THE king's TIIL\L. 175
conrention, said: 'All governments are our enemies:
all peoples are our allies : we shall fall, or all nations
will be free.'
But in what sense this promising alliance was to be
carried out was soon disclosed by another j^^^ ^g
decree of the convention. It was decreed ^'^s^-
that the conditions of French military aid should
be the abolition of taxes, tithes, feudal rights, titles,
and all other privileges : the confiscation of the pro-
perty of the State, of corporations, and of royalists :
the administration of the government by French com-
missioners ; and the maintenance of the French armies,
at the cost of the rescued people.^
But the Mountain were preparing a stroke, which
should give a decisive impulse to the revolu- T,^eMoun-
tion, and frustrate the policy of their rivals, [he'^t^hi^of
In the revolutionary clubs and coteries, the ^^^ ^^°-
fate of the unhappy king had been discussed ynth
ominous severity : petitions were presented to the con-
vention calling for vengeance upon Louis Capet; and
the Jacobins were stirring up the people to cry aloud
for his blood.
The popular anger against him was further inflamed
by the discovery of papers at the Tuileries, Discovery
which betrayed his secret relations with the at thi"^'^^
emigrants, the priests, and the coalition. He "' ^"*^'''
was accused, in a report to the convention, of having
plotted to betray the State, and overthrow the Revo-
lution. Evidence was also discovered of liis previous
intrigues with Mirabeau, and other pojjular leaders.^
' Ihirl. (1702), 1496.
* Thiers, Hist. ii. 197. Von Sybel casts doubts upon this part of
the case ; and gives it a secondary ini])ortanco (ii. 2C5). Danton
had aroused suspicions as to tho good faith of these discoveries by
176 FRANCE.
The momentous question was now proposed to tlie
Discussions Convention — What should be done with the
warof'"^ illustrious prisoner at the Temple? Such
^ '""■ was the state of public feeling, and such the
constitution of the convention, that none were found
bold enough to defend the king, and justify his con-
duct. A committee reported that the king ought to
be tried by the convention. The Girondists,
of the however, endeavoured to save him fi'om a
Girondists, . • i l i • -i t i i
trial, upon tecnnical grounds , and pro-
posed to consider whether he should be continued in
captivity, or banished the realm.
The Mountain, represented by St. Just and Robes-
and of the pierre, contended, with characteristic vio-
lence, that Louis was not an accused person,
nor the convention his judges, but that he stood
already adjudged and condemned ; and that nothing
remained for the convention but to decree his death,
as a traitor to France, and a criminal to humanity.
So monstrous a proposal was naturally repugnant to
the great majority of the convention : but it gratified
the revolutionists of Paris, and increased the em-
barrassment of those who were attempting to save
the king. Ultimately, the majority chose the middle
course, and following the opinion of its own commit-
tee, resolved that the king should be brought to trial
before the convention itself.
Never did the king acquit himself with greater
dignity and courage than when his deepest
conduct of troubles were gathering round about him.
the king. <^ o
Summoned to the bar of the convention, he
going alone to open the iron armoury, in wliich the papers were
concealed.
' The conduct of the Girondists, throughout these proceedings, is
fully described by Lamartiiie, Hist, des Giroiidins, liv. xxxvii.
THE KING CONDEMNED. 177
answered tlie questions put to him calml}^, and with
singular readiness and judgment. He asked for coun-
sel, and his demand was granted. To Malesherbes,
who had offered to undertake this perilous office,
Louis said nobly, in prison, ' I am certain they will
take my life : but, no matter, let us apply ourselves
to my cause, as if I ought to gain it ; and, indeed,
I shall gain it, since my memory will be without a
stain. '
His defence was delivered by Deseze,^ a distin-
guished young advocate ; and nothing was nis
wanting to persuade a just tribunal, — not '■''^^^^•
under the influence of fear, and revolutionary zeal, —
that his reign had been one of beneficence to his peo-
ple, and that none of his acts could be adjudged as
crimes against the State.
The Girondists could still have saved him ; —
but they were irresolute, temporising, and Aci,iudgcd
alarmed.^ The Mountain were, as usual, ^"'"^•
loud and threatening : the galleries were crowded
with armed Jacobins ; and the multitude, thronging
the courts and corridors of the convention, clamoured
for vengeance. After many days,^ the Convention
unanimously pronounced him guilty : but some, in
the hope of saving him, proposed that his punish-
ment should be referred to tlie primary electoral as-
' Malesherbes was too old and nervous to speak before the Conven-
. tion. Target declined the arduous task, on account of ill health:
but published a pamphlet in support of the king ; and so the de-
fence fell to Desc'ze.
'^ When Vergniaud pronounced 'La mart,' Danton whispered to
Brissot, 'Vantez done vos orateurs. Des paroles sublimes, des actes
luches.' — Lamartlne, Hist, des Qirondins, v. 60.
* The proceedings upon this trial commenced on December 26, and
were not brought to a close until January 19.
8"-
178 FKANCE.
semLlies : some desired his imprisonment or banish-
ment : others, chiefly Girondists, were for passing
sentence of death, with a reprieve. When the votes
were taken, sentence of death was declared by a ma-
jority of twenty-six. Many had voted in the hoi)e of
securing a reprieve : but this was rejected ; and the
dread sentence was at once pronounced.
The judgment was not that of a court of justice, nor
the srave vote of a popular assembly : but it
C'liinionr
and intimi- -^as secured by clamour and intimidation,
datioii. "^ 1 1 J • p
inside and outside the chamber,^ lasting lor
many days, and organised by the Jacobins. The
Mountain exulted, but the great body of the people
mourned. In vain, however, were all sympathies with
the fallen monarch. The blow had been dealt so sud-
denly, that loyal subjects and peaceful citizens were
stunned by its shock.^
The unhappy Louis was doomed to die, not for
crimes which he had committed, but to advance the
fierce designs of the Jacobins. They had resolved to
Aims of the crush their enemies by terror ; and the royal-
jucobius. jg^g were stricken by the same blow as the
king. They sought to triumph over the Girondists
and moderate republicans, by appealing to the wildest
passions of the revolution ; and by this audacious
' ' Les tribunes accueillaient par des murmures tout vote qui
n'etait point pour la mort ; souvent elles adressaient ii I'assemLlee
ellememe des gestes mena^ants. Les deputes y repondaient de"
Finterieur de la salle, et il en resultait un echange tumultueux de
menaces, et de paroles injurieuses.' — Thiers, Hist. iii. 252.
* ' Dans Paris regnait une stupeur profonde ; I'audace du nouveau
gouvernement avait produit I'effet ordinaire de la force sur les
masses ; elle avait paralyse, rt'duit a silence le plus grand nombre,
"et excite seulement I'indignation de quelques ames plus fortes.'
—Ibid. ui. 260.
EXECUTION OF THE KING. 179
deed, tliey liurled defiance at tlie sovereigns wlio had
espoused tlie cause of the fallen king, and committed
the French nation irrevocably to the yvm: It was by
terror that they designed to overawe hostile majori-
ties, to gratify the democracy of Paris, and to lay
France at their feet.
The weakness of the Girondists had cost the kincr
Lis life ; and in quailing before the lawless
. .. „ ,, 1 i- ,1 . Weakness
spirit oi the revolution, they were preparinfic "•". "'^■
tor themselves the same inevitable doom.
Louis met his cruel fate with calmness and dignity,
and with a clear conscience. To Malesherbes Execution
he said, 'I sv/ear to you, in all the truth of jau''iif"^- a ^^
my heart, as a man who is about to appear ^^^'^- io«^»^ '^
before his God, — I have constantly desired the happi-
ness of my people, and never have I formed a wish
which was opposed to it.'
Among the long roll of kings, of modern Europe,
few have been distinguished by more virtues, ^j^
or stained by less vices. The revolution was character,
caused by no faults of his ; and if moderation and self-
denial could have averted it, they were found in his
gentle rule. In such evil times, more force of charac-
ter, and a greater mastery over his friends and coun-
cillors, would have served him better than all his
virtues : but the revolution was an irresistible force,
wliich probably no firmness or sagacity could have
checked, or diverted from its fearful course.
CHAPTER XIV.
FEANCE (continued).
TRIUMPH OF THE MOUNTAIN — MEASURES OF DEFENCE AGAINST THE
COALITION — OVERTHROW OF THE GIRONDISTS — THE CONVENTION
AND THE PEOPLE — REVOLUTIONARY VIGOUR — THE REIGN OF
TERROR — FALL OF ROBESPIERRE — REACTION — THE DIRECTORY —
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ARMY — FIRST CONSUL AND EM-
PEROR — HIS FALL — RESULTS OF THE REVOLUTION.
The execution of tlie king was a national crime, and,
in tlie interests of France, a political error :
of'th^'^ but it was a crowning triumph to the revolu-
tionists. Tlieir dread policy had prevailed,
and the ascendency of the Mountain was assured.
France was irrevocably committed to the revolution,
and to the impassioned rule of its leaders. These
desperate men, having shocked all but their own
headstrong followers, and defied Europe, were driven
to rely more than ever upon violent courses, and upon
the passions of the multitude. In the words of Marat,
'They had broken down the bridges behind them.'
And their hands were strengthened by the dangers
which threatened their country. The coali-
tion against tiou, wliicli had received a fresh impulse
from the defiant attitude of France, enabled
them to appeal to the frenzy and fanaticism of the
populace. Their country must be defended against
MEASUEES OF DEFENCE. 181
the invaders : tlie aristocrats wlio conspired witli tliem,
must be put down : the entire nation-must rise in the
names of ' Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity : ' the
law must bow before the will of the people.
France was compassed round about by foreign ene-
mies. Eno;land had, at length, ioined the ^.r
o ' o ' J Measures of
coalition : ^ Holland, Spain, the Eoman States, defence.
and Naples had taken the same side : all Germany
was now united against the republic. The convention
decreed a new lev^' of 300,000 men ; and, under pre-
tence of maintaining security at home against the
enemies of the revolution, the Mountain secured the
nomination of a revolutionary tribunal of nine mem-
bers, with undefined powers, — an evil augury to the
future of the revolution.^ The army was revolution-
ised by the fusion of the volunteers with the regular
army, and by the election of two-thirds of the officers
by the soldiers themselves. General Dumouriez, at
first victorious in Belcjium, suffered si<:;;nal reverses in
Holland. The latter were ascribed, by the Jacobins,
to the treachery and incompetence of the Girondists
' This war was not sought by England. After the king had been
cast into prison, she had withdrawn her ambassador from Paris, but
with assurances that she had no desire to interfere in the internal
affairs of France ; and, notwithstanding grave provocations, these
assurances were afterwards repeated. The French ambassador, M.
de Chauvelin, was not ordered to quit London until after the execu-
tion of the king and the marching of a French army upon Holland :
when, on Feb. 1, 1793, war was declared by France herself, not by
England. Such was the attitude of France towards other States,
that war could not have been long averted : but the blame of this
rupture cannot justly be laid upon England. See Von Sybel, lUd.
ii. 246 et seq. ; Thiers, JIxHt. iii. 283.
' Ministers, generals, and members of the convention were ex-
empted from its jurisdiction, unless impeached by that body it-
self.
182 FRANCE.
and tlieir generals, who were held up to popular exe-
March 10, cration. The Jacobins were so impatient to
1793. p^jjj their rivals that they even conspired to
take their lives in the convention : but their infamous
conspiracy was frustrated.^ Untaught by recent ex-
The perience, the Girondists still hoped to main-
Girondists. ^g^^ their ground by noble sentiments and
fine speeches : while the Mountain rested upon the
commune, the clubs, the sections of Paris, the tocsin,
and an armed populace. It was an unequal strife be-
tween words and force :^ but throughout their perilous
struggle, the Girondists maintained a lofty courage,
and defied their truculent foes, in the heroic strains
of Roman patriots.
Every danger to the State afforded a new power to
the revolution. The insurrection of La Yen-
Committee , , p n n i . ,
of Public dee was lollowed by severe measures against
Sclfctv
the j)riests and emigrants, who were placed
out of the pale of the law. The alarming defection of
Dumouriez led to the appointment of the Committee
of Public Safety.
The battle of jDarties was rapidly approaching a
The strife of crisis. The Jacobins accused the Girondists
parties. ^f being in league with the traitor Dumou-
riez. The convention, besieged and threatened by the
mob, resolved to jDut down the commune, by whom
these disorders had been encourafjed. A committee
o
' In liis eloquent denunciation of this conspiracy Vergniaud finely
said, with the spirit of a prophet, ' Citoyens, il est a. craindre que
la revolution, coinme Saturne, ne devore successivement tous ses
enfans, et n'engendre enfin le despotisme avec les calamites qui
raccompagnent.' — Buzot, Mem. 107 ; Mignet, Ilist. i. 375.
* Danton said of them, ' Ce sont de beaux diseurs, et gens de pro-
cedes, Mais ils n'ont jamais portc que la plume, et le baton d'huis-
sier.' — Mem. de Baudot, quoted by Edgar Quinet, i. 303.
THE CONVENTION EITFADED EY THE MOB. 183
of twelve was appointed to inquire into the authors
of these conspiracies ; and Hebert, an active member
of the commune, was arrested. This vigour ™
' _ o Theconven-
on the part of the convention, was resisted ''^dcjib
by insurrection. The commune, attended by "'" ™"'^-
deputations fiom different sections of Paris, and by a
revolutionary mob, invested the convention. Insist-
ing upon the dissolution of the committee of ^j.,^, g-
twelve, and the release of Hebert, they took ^'^^^.
possession of the benches, and voted with the Moun-
tain, in favour of their own importunate demands. The
nest day these irregular and scandalous votes were
rescinded : but the Jacobins, resolved to tri- ^,,n^5„„ p,
umi^h over the convention, organised the mob "'"^ '"""•
. . . . May 1.
of Paris, j)ut arms into their hands, and paid
them forty sous a day. The tocsin was sounded, the
ragged rout was marshalled in the faubourgs, and
marched upon the convention. A hundred thousand
men were under arms, that day, in Paris. There
were horse, foot, and artillery, — a revolutionary army.
Again the suppression of the committee of twelve was
demanded tumultuously, at the bar, and was con-
ceded to clamour and intimidation. But this was not
enough for the Jacobins : tliey had resolved to put
down the Girondists, and the agitation of Paris was
continued. The dreadful tocsin was sounded once
more, and deputations, petitioners, and the
armed mob invaded the convention, and de- f'o 'inron-
mandod the arrest of the members who were junes,
conspiring against their country. Marat, who
had contrived this outrage, himself designated tlio
conspirators; and the foremost members of the Gi-
rondist party were placed under arrest. Henceforth
the convention was at the feet of Marat, Pobespicrre,
184 FRANCE.
and the Jacobins. Moderation must ever be sacrificed,
in revolutionary times; and tlie Girondists, witli all
tlieir eloquence and public virtues, had committed
errors which precipitated their fall. They had been
the only barrier against the worst excesses of the
revolution, and they were now swept away.^
The wild course of the revolution was made more
Contact of furious and uncontrollable by the close con-
tionwur"' tact of the convention with the people.
the people, rjij^^j.^ ^^^^ ^^ |ggg ^i^^^ tweuty-four tri-
bunes for spectators. These were crowded by the
popvilace of Paris, of whom one or two thousand
gained admission. The upper benches of the conven-
tion reached up to the tribunes ; and the deputies
held free converse with the audience. The passions
of the multitude swayed the deliberations of the As-
sembly. Mobs, not satisfied with the tribunes, some-
times invaded the hall of the convention itself. Dep-
utations were constantly presenting themselves at the
bar. Crowds of men and women forced themselves
into the middle of the hall, and fraternised with their
representatives. Political cries, threats, and compli-
ments were bandied about between the depu-
ties and the mob. Deliberation was impos-
sible in the midst of tumults.^ The debates were
1 ' Ce parti tomba de faiblesse et d'indecision, comme le roi qu'il
avait renverse.' — Lamartine, Hist, des Oirondins, vi. 151.
' La pensee, Tunite, la politique, la resolution, tout leur manquait.
lis avaient fait la republique sans la vouloir : ils la gouvernaient sans
la comprendre.' — Ibid. 153.
^ ' The experience of France has shown other dangers, arising from
the number of spectators, equalling or exceeding that of the Assem-
bly.' . . . ' There are some men, who, surrounded with the popu-
larity of the moment, would be more engaged with the audience
than with the Assembly ; and the discussion would take a turn moro
THE CONVENTION AND THE PEOPLE. 185
conductecl with frenzied anger: insults, threats, and
denunciations were exchanged : yiolent gesticulations
added force to words : daggers and pistols, grasped
with furj, showed the violence and lawlessness of the
»en who held the destinies of France in their hands,
it was a wild scene of revolution and anarchy, such as
the world had not witnessed since the latter days of
the Roman republic. The resolutions of the conven-
tion were passionate and impulsive. The hall, ill-
lighted by day as well as by night, was a fit abode for
gloomy thoughts, imaginations, and passions.
Yet this convention, urged on by the force of the
revolution, achieved some great reforms. It .f t ^
' o Its useful
abolished slaverv, and condemned the slave ni«asi"e9-
trade : it founded a system of national education : it
made provision for the sick and aged : it promulgated
a civil code, which was to be the foundation of the
Code Napoleon : ^ it inaugurated the decimal system :
it established uniformity of weights and measures;
and it created the Institute of France.
But the revolutionists were not allowed to enjoy
their triumph without a further struggle.
The Girondists and the royalists raised for- tion;^ in the
• t -, -, • ,. • 11 • -I provinces.
midable insurrections m the provinces ; and
La Yendee was more threatening than ever. Lyons,
Marseilles and Bordeaux were in arms ; and no less
tlian sixty departments supported the insurrection.
The country was shocked at the violence and usurpa-
tion of the revolutionists of the capital ; and resented
favourable to the excitements of oratory, than to logical proofs.' —
Bontham, ' Political Tactics ;' Bovvring's Ed., Worls, ii. 33G.
' This code was the work of Cambaccres, Thibaudoan, and other
jurists of the convention, who reproduced their own work in 1803,
and allowed Napoleon the credit of it.
186 FBANCE.
the outrages committed against its representatives.
The fanatical vengeance wreaked upon Marat, by the
heroic Charlotte Corday, was but an example of the
indignation which burned against the blood-stained
leaders of the Mountain.^
While insurrection and civil war were raging in
France, the country was surrounded by ene-
invasionof mies : and the treachery of Dumouriez, and
France. ' , . en-
the disorganisation of his army, had opened
the northern frontiers to the invaders.
To repel such dangers demanded extraordinary
New con- vigour ou the part of the Mountain. Nor
stitution. .^g^g ji; wanting either in the men, or in the
democracy, which they governed. A new constitution
was framed, founded upon the sovereignty of the
people, with universal suffrage, and an assembly an-
nually chosen. This constitution did homage to the
revolution : but it formed no government for such a
crisis : nor did it secure the absolute rule of its au-
thors. This was not a time for trifling with political
theories and sentiments : but for giving force and con-
centration to the national will The constitution was
Franco in therefore suspended ; the committee of pub-
anns. ^q safety was reconstituted ; and a levy of
all citizens, between the ages of eighteen and twenty-
five, was decreed by the convention. France was
transformed into a huge camp, and military arsenal :
fourteen armies were raised : twelve hundred thou-
sand men were under arms : they were supported by
forced requisitions : a warlike frenzy possessed the
entire people. ' The young men shall go to the bat-
' Of Marat, Lamartine says :— ' L'Evangile etait toujours ouvert
sur sa table. La revolution, disait-il a ceux qui s'en etonnaient, est
tout eutiere dans I'Evangile.' — Hist, dea Girondins, v. 313.
FRANCE IN AEMS. 187
tie,' said Barrere: 'it is tlieir task to conquer: tlio
married men shall forge arms, transport baggage and
artillery, and provide subsistence : tlie women sliall
work at soldiers' clothes, make tents, serve in the
hospitals : the children shall scrape old linen into
surgeons' lint : the old men shall have themselves
carried into the public places, and there, by their
words, arouse the courage of the young, preach hatred
to kings, and security to the republic.'^ The pubKc
dangers, and revolutionary fanaticism combined to
secure enthusiastic support to the prodigious efforts
of the executive. The poorer citizens of Paris, sub-
sidised with forty sous a day, flocked to the meet-
ings of their sections, and applauded every revolu-
tionary measure. Nor were the amusements of the
peoi^le forgotten. Even free theatres were opened, —
after the manner of the Athenians. The sovereignty
of the people in other lands, and 'war to the castle,
peace to the cottage,' were proclaimed, in the conven-
tion.^
But at what a cost were these warlike preparations
made ! Forced loans : requisitions for mili-
tary stores and equipments : extravagant tionaiy
fines ujion citizens, for pretended offences ^
against the people: confiscation of the property of
aristocrats, and emigrants : spoliation of churches :
wholesale plunder and robbery : — such were the means
by which the armies of the republic were sent forth
to the war. These lawless and tyrannical measures,
however successful, were ruinous to the country. Not
' Moniteur : Di'hats, August 2.3, 1793.
* Fehruarj- 1, 1793. C'aubon concluded liis speech in favour of the
revolutionary ])ropaganda abroad with these words — 'Guerre aux
chateaux : paix aux chaumieres.' — Thiers, Hist. iii. 285.
188 FEANCE.
only was tlie property of citizens forcibly and capri-
ciously taken, for the service of the State : but it was
injured, wasted, and stolen. While industrious citi-
zens were ruined, the public treasury was still empty ;
and regiments were marched to the frontier, half-
clothed and ill - provisioned. In France itself, the
troops were maintained, as in an enemy's country.
Nor could regular taxes be levied upon those who
had already been plundered and impoverished.
NotAvithstanding these prodigious armaments, the
armies of France were ill-disciplined and irregular.
The revolutionary sentiments of the time had de-
moralised the troops. Hatred of aristocrats bred
disobedience to officers ; and liberty and equality
were not congenial to discipline. The elected officers
were ignorant and incapable : the soldiers unruly :
and as most of the recruits had been driven to the
standards by force, the regiments were alarmingly
thinned by desertion. But these evils were vigorously
checked; and a reorganisation of the army Avas ef-
fected. That it was extravagautly and wastefully man-
aged, there can be little doubt : that it was led with-
out regard to the cost of life and materials is certain :
but, with all its shortcomings, it achieved the most
signal victories and conquests.
These great wars were conducted by civilians with-
Men of the ^^* experience — by men whom the revolution
revolution. ^^^^ tlirowu to the surface. Lawyers, priests,
men of letters, newspaper writers, clerks, were the
great administrators. The lawyer, Merlin de Thion-
ville, defended fortresses : the Protestant minister, St.
Andre, was made an admiral, and reorganised the
fleet : the student, St. Just, fought with the armies of
France, and was, at once, a political leader and an in-
MEN OF THE EEVOLUTION. 189
defatigable administrator. The trained leaders, upon
wliom a State is accustomed to rely, had emigrated, or
were hostile to the republic ; and it was necessary to
choose other men to take their place. The revolution
had suddenly reduced France to the condition of a
new country, and her humble citizens were serving
her in the cabinet, in the office, or on the battle-field.^
As the revolution advanced, a lower class was gradu-
ally rising to power. The free-thinking nobles and
gentlemen had given the first impulse to the Eevolu-
tion : the lavv^yers, men of letters, and the middle
classes continued it : the fanatics and low adventurers
completed it.^ At no time did a peasant or artisan
take the head of the proletariat. There was no Masa-
niello, or John of Leyden : but lawyers and men of
letters, like Marat, St. Just, and Eobespierre, and
others above the working class, were the leaders of
the poj)ulace. The only peasant-leader was Catheli-
neau, the royalist voiturier of La Yendee, under whose
standard the highest nobles — De Lescure, de la Roche-
jacquelein, de Charette, and de Bonchamps — were
content to serve.^
' The same phenomenon was witnessed seventy years later, iu the
civil war of America : when lawyers, railway-managers, and trades-
men suddenly appeared as generals, and officers of cavalry and
artillery. The emergencies were alike, and produced the same re-
sults.
^ Collot d'llerbois was a half-starved actor from Lyons. Hi'bert
had been ticket-collector at a theatre before he became editor of
the infamous Pere Duchesne. Billaud-Varennes, son of a poor advo-
cate at La Rochelle, married his father's maid-servant, and became
an actor, a pamplileteer, and a teaclicr. Henriot, Avho played so im-
portant a part in the Commune, had been a domestic servant, a petty
officer of customs, and a police spy. — Von Sybel, Hid. iii. 09.
"Nettemeut, Vie de Madame de la lioc/icjacqudcin, 11)5, I'Jl, &-c.
190 FEANCE.
The policy of tlie Mountain would have been im-
Law perfectly carried out without a scheme of
^fspertcd terror, and accordingly the law against sus-
persous. pected persons was decreed. Every one sus-
pected of unfriendliness to the government, was at
the mercy of the committee of public safety. The
nobles had fled : but France abounded with royalists
and moderate republicans of other classes, whom it
was necessary to overawe. Many worthy citizens
were thrown into prison, — there to be detained until
the peace. Not in Paris only, but throughout France,
the new law was put in force, with no less caprice
than injustice and cruelty.
These extraordinary efforts were everywhere crown-
, ^ ed with success. Insurrection was trampled
Trinmpli of . . . ^
French out lu the pro\dnces : invasion was repelled
arms. ■■■ _ ■■■
fi'om the frontiers of France. A regular
government, aided by the patriotism of the people,
might have achieved these astonishing triumphs :
but a revolutionary executive, supported by a furious
jDopular enthusiasm, superior to the usual restraints of
law, and subduing hostile parties by terror, wielded
powers hitherto unknown in the history of the world :
they were used with passionate resolution, and the
result was the triumj^h of France, and of the revolu-
,^ , ^. tion. No despot was ever more absolute
Absolutism ^
of the than the republic, nor was the will of rulers
republic. ^ ^ '
ever enforced with more rigorous severity.
A national cause and a despotic executive, wheth-
er under a king or a republic, are the best instru-
ments of military prowess. Under the monarchy, all
executive power had been centred in the Crown :
under the republic, it was wielded by revolution-
ary leaders. The jirerogatives of kings had been
REIGN OP TERROR. 191
above tlie law, and were now usurped by the revolu-
tion.^
Meanwhile, we recoil with horror from the cruelty
and bloodthirstiness, with which the reputed cmeitics
enemies of the revolution were pursued. Momuain.
All men were accounted enemies, who did ^''"^^'
not heartily join the revolutionary party. The local
clubs and committees were formed of needy mal-
contents who hated the rich. In their eyes, every
rich man was an aristocrat, and an enemy of the re-
public. It was well for him, if they were satisfied
with extortion and plunder. Thousands of quiet mer-
chants and traders, who had taken no part in politics,
but had naturally held themselves aloof from the
Jacobins and sans-culottes, were cast into prison, and
dragged to the guillotine. At Strasburg, St. Just
boasted to Robespierre that all the aristocrats of the
municipality, the courts of justice, and the regiments
had been put to death.^ Everywhere the law was set
at naught ; and society was shaken to its very founda-
tion.^
Such was the revolutionary rule throughout France,
where there had been no rising of royalists or
yi- T T en-' ^ Severities
Girondists. Let us now follow it into places asiinst
(V T 1 insurgents.
where resistance had been oiiered to the re-
public. The insurgents of Lyons, Marseilles, Toulon
and Bordeaux, were punished with pitiless severity.
Lyons had revolted, and the convention decreed
' De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 277 et seq.
^ Robespierre, in tho Jacobin Club, November 21, 1793, cited by
Von Sybel, iii. 233. Another revolutionist thus spoke f)f these atroci-
ties : — 'Sainte Guillotine est dans la plus brilhiutc activito ! Quel
maitre bouchcr que ce gar(;on la, ! '
•' Do Todiuevillo, L'aacieu llf'jiine, cli. 7.
192 FRANCE.
the destruction of the city, the confiscation of the pro-
perty of the rich, for the benefit of the ]3atri-
^°°^" ots, and the punishment of the insurgents by
martial law. Couthon, a commissioner well tried in
cruelty, hesitated to carry into execution this mon-
strous decree, and was superseded by Collot d'Her-
bois and Fouche. Thousands of v/orkmen were now
employed in the work of destruction : whole streets
fell under their pickaxes : the j)risons were gorged :
the guillotine was too slow for revolutionary ven-
geance, and crowds of prisoners were shot, in murder-
ous mitraillades. The victims were cast into the
Ehnne, or buried on the spot ; and when the musket
had failed to do its work, the spade was uplifted
against the dying, before they were hurled into the pit.^
At Marseilles, twelve thousand of the richest citi-
zens fled from the venf^eance of the revolu-
tionists, and their property was confiscated,
and jDlundered.
When Toulon fell before the strategy of Bonaparte,
_ , the savage vengjeance and cruelty of the
Toulon. ^ . . .
conquerors were indulged without restraint.
All the inhabitants were compromised by the insur-
rection, and Freron, the commissioner, seemed bent
upon their extermination. The dockyard labourers
were put to the sword : gangs of prisoners were
brought out and executed hjficsillades : the guillotine
also claimed its victims : the sans-culottes rioted in
confiscation and plunder.
At Bordeaux, Tallien threw fifteen thousand citi-
„ , zens into prison. Hundreds fell under the
Bordeaux. n . n i
guillotine ; and the possessions and pro-
' Carlyle, Ilist. iii. 185, who cites Deux Amis, xii. 351-263.
heign of terror. 193
perty of the ricli were offered up to outrage and rob-
bery.
But all these atrocities were far surpassed in La
Vendee. There, the royalists had made the
most determined stand against the revolu-
tion. Nobles, gentry, and peasants, devoted to the
Catholic faith, and to the monarchy, had long main-
tained an heroic struggle against the overwhelming
forces of tlie republic.^ When they were, at length,
overcome, no quarter was given to the wounded or
prisoners : unarmed peasants were shot : old men
and women were put to the sword : whole villages
were reduced to ashes. The barbarities of warfare
were yet surpassed by the vengeance of the conquer-
ors, when the insurrection was, at last, overcome. At
Nantes, the monster Carrier outstripped his
rivals in cruelty and insatiable thirst for
blood. Not contented with wholesale mitraillades, he
designed that masterpiece of cruelty, the noyades ;
and thousands of men, women, and children who es-
caped the muskets of the rabble soldiery, were de-
liberately drowned in the waters of the Loire. In
four months, his victims reached fifteen thousand.
At Angers, and other towns in La Vendee, these hid-
eous noT/ades were added to the terrors of the guillotine
and the fusillades. The bounds of human wickedness
were passed ; and men had assumed the form of devils.
While these horrors were covering the revolution
with infamv, the unhappy Marie Antoinette, ^
after revolting cruelties and insults, was sent "'' ^}>]'\^
to the scaffold, as a defiance to Europe.
' Nettement, Vie de Mad. de la Rochcjacquclcin, 123, 128-133,
&c. ; 'L'A.hhd Trcsvaux, La persicution revolutionnaire en Bra-
tar/ne.
VOL. II. — 9
194 FRANCE.
The Girondist deputies were delivered from their
Andoftiie prison to the executioner. The temperate
Girondiets. ^^^ high-principkd Bailly, who had pre-
sided over the National Assembly, and, as mayor of
Paris, had moderated the violence of the revolution,
■was sacrificed for the crime of halting behind the
rapid strides of the Jacobins. Even Egalite, Duke
of Orleans, fell an unpitied victim of the jealousies
of the Mountain. The fury which had possessed the
Jacobin leaders was not that of democracy, but of an
unprincipled faction, bent upon the ruin of its rivals.
It was the bloodthirstiness of Marius, Sulla, and the
triumvirs, in the anarchical period of the Boman re-
public. It was the murderous fi-enzy of St. Bartholo-
mew. The civil feuds of France had ever been infa-
mous for a savagery, which culminated in the reign of
The com- terror.^ The committee of public safety, now
public "^ wholly of the Mountain party, exercised ab-
^'^ ^ ^' solute power in the name of the convention,
and arrested its enemies, at pleasure ; while the revo-
lutionary tribunal condemned the accused, almost
without a hearing, in the name of liberty.'
One of the redeeming characteristics of the revolu-
tion — in the midst of its violence, its rash-
Heroism of T ', • .,1-1 . »..
therevoiu- uess, and its crimes — is the heroism of its
principal characters. The victims of the
guillotine displayed the noblest courage and endu-
1 ' Les Franrjais, qui sont le peuple le plus doux, et meme le plus
bienveillant de la terre, tant qu'il demeure tranquille dans son
naturel, en devient le plus bavbare, des que de violentes passions
Ten font sortir.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 275 ; Freeman,
Hist, of Fed. Govt. i. 60, n.
* In the midst of this reign of terror twenty-tliree theatres were
open every night in Paris, and sixty dancing saloons. — Mercier,
Mem. ii. 124.
EXTEAVAG.VNCES OF THE REVOLUTION. 195
ranee. The king and queen died in the spirit of Chris-
tian martyrs : Madame Koland, Danton, and the Gi-
rondists met their doom with the calm fortitude of
the ancient stoics. Condorcet hid himself in Paris
until he had finished his Progres de Vespirit kumain,
when he came forth from his hiding-place to die.
In the midst of events so momentous, we read of
the childish reformation of the Calendar
with a sad smile. History and Christianity tioir^Tfho
were to be effaced, by dividing time upon a
new republican model. The Sabbath was ingeniously
suiDj^ressed, by changing the familiar weeks into pe-
riods of ten days, and by a strange nomenclature.
An extravagance, yet more profane, disgraced the
revolutionary party. The commune, headed
by Hebert, insisted upon substituting for the niilp o^"
Christian faith the worship of Reason. The
noble cathedral of Notre-Dame was consecrated, in
the presence of the convention, to the god- November
dess of Reason, personated by a ballet dancer, ^*^' ^'"^•
in the transparent costume of the stage. But the
committee of public safety, under Robesjoierre, main-
tained the worship of the Supreme Being, and as-
serted the principle of religious liberty. The great
mass of the people, inflamed by the revolutionary
spirit, had been hostile to the Church, as a privileged
body : but infidelity had not taken deep root amongst
them. The frantic leaders of the revolution were in-
fidels of various types: but their hatred of Chris-
tianity was alien to the principles of democracy, and
to the general sentiments of the French people.^ The
Church of Rome survived their assaults. There was
' De Tocqueville, Vancicn Regime, 275.
lOG FRANCE.
no new faitli to supplant it : ^ but it was opposed by a
negation of all faitli, or by strange and idle fantasies,
wliicli appealed neither to the sentiments nor the
reasonable judgment of the nation. The revolution,
hostile to all religion, found support from none;^
and while it abased the Catholic clergy, its contempt
for every creed restrained it from religious perse-
cution.^
The commune and the committee of public safety
Ascon- shared in all the iniquities of the reign of
uphis^^ terror : but the commune surpassed their
Pierre. rivals in revolutionary extravagance. Mean-
while, in the party of the Mountain itseK were men
who, having so far advanced with the revolution, now
desired a pause in its career of violence and blood-
shed, and some legal restraints upon the tyranny of
the executive. Foremost among them were the re-
doubtable Dauton and Camille Desmoulins. Eobes-
pierre, and the committee of public safety, were as-
sailed by both these parties : by Hebert and the com-
mune on one side, and by Danton and his friends on
the other. With consummate cunning, Kobespierre
effected the ruin of both. The former were con-
demned as anarchists, the latter as enemies of the
revolution.* Eobespierre was now master of the con-
' ' line religion ne peut 6tre extirpee que par une autre religion.' —
Edgar Quinet, La Rev. ii, 36. 2 ly^^ j jg^
^ ' II y a deux inanieres de resoudre les questions religieuses : ou
I'interdiction, ou la libertt'. La revolution n'a employe ni I'une ni
I'autre de ces moyens. Les revolutionnaires proscrivaient, en fait,
les cultes, et ils gardaient, en theorie, la tolerance ; ce qui I'utait, a
la fois, I'avantage que les modernes tirent de la tolerance, et I'avan-
tage que les anciens ont tire de la proscription.' — Ibid. i. 128.
* At this time Robespierre thus described his policy : — ' Le ressort
da gouvernement populaire, en revolution, est a la fois la vertu et
ASCENDENCY OP EOBESPIEERE. 197
vention, of the commune, of the committee of public
safety, of the revolutionary tribunal, and of France.
He justified his uncontrolled power as * the despotism
of liberty against tyranny.'
The committee of public safety, known as the De-
cemvirs, were insatiate of blood, — not from TUecom-
any natural cruelty or ferocity of character, pni.uc "
but from a settled conviction that terror was ^^ ^'^'
necessary for uniting the forces of the revolution
against foreign and domestic enemies. There was
also a cold calculation that death was the only secu-
rity against their enemies. In the words of Earrere,
*I1 n'y a que les morts qui ne reviennent pas.' The
dread triumvirate most guilty of these monstrous
outrages upon humanity were Robespierre, St. Just,
and Couthon, who ruled the committee of public
safety. The first is said to have been the least blood-
thirsty of the three. Before his revolutionary career,
lie had resigned a judgeship at Arras rather than con-
demn a fellow-creature to deatli.^ But he was a fa-
natic, who believed in terror as a sacred duty. St.
Just was a philosopher, of intense convictions, rather
than a fanatic — bold, resolute, and without human
pity. ' Dare,' said he, — * there lies the whole secret
of revolutions.' Couthon was another fanatic, whose
countenance bespoke gentleness : but his devilish
creed of terror steeled him against mercy.
Yet these men, whose rule was the shedding of
1)lood, who were blind to justice and insen- a republic
sible to the common principles of humanity, virtues pro
whose cold and calculated cruelties are with-
claiined.
la terreur : la vcrtu, Bans laquelle la terrcurest funeste ; la terreur,
Bans la(iuolle la vortu est iinpuissanto.'
' Carlyle, Hid. i. 124.
198 FEANCE.
out a parallel in tlie history of nations, were plan-
ning a model republic, representing all tlie virtues.
Its watcli words were 'liberty, equality, and frater-
nity : ' its first principle was virtue : its worship the
Supreme Being : the rule of its citizens probity, good
sense, and modesty. This hideous mockery of prin-
ciples, which were hourly outraged in practice, was
gravely inaugurated by its authors. Fetes were de-
creed in honour of the Supreme Being, truth, justice,
modesty, fiiendship, frugality, and good faith !
This new republican creed was celebrated through-
„ ^ . out France, on the 20th Prairial, 1794 At
Robespierre . . . '
itsiiigh Paris, Robespierre ofiiciated as its high
priest. ' _ ■■• ^ o
20 Pn.iriai, priest. Attired in a sky-blue coat and black
breeches, and holding a bouquet of flowers
and wheat-ears, he strutted fifteen paces in fi'ont of
the convention. This strange augury of the new re-
public was not lost upon observers. In the high
priest of liberty and equality, men perceived the com-
ing usurper.
Robespierre had triumphed over all his enemies,
and he mic-ht now rest awhile. Surely blood
Increased '-^ -^
fuiyof the enouojh had been shed! Not so thouc^ht the
tnbiiual. ^ '^ ^ _ '^
triumvirs. The revolutionary tribunal was
too slow, and trammelled by too many forms. The
accused had found defenders : none should hence-
forth be allowed. They were now tried singly : let
them hereafter be tried in battalions : They had
been judged according to revolutionary law : let them
now be judged by the conscience of the jury. Mem-
bers of the convention could not be judged without
the consent of their own body : this privilege they
were forced to renounce, and henceforth they were
the slaves of the committee of public safety. The
DECLINE OF ROBESPIEREE. 199
tribunal could not condemn its victims fast enongli ;
and it was divided into four, that its vengeance miglit
be fourfold. Fouquier Thinville, and his colleagues,
were' now able to send fifty victims daily to the
hungry guillotine. Pretended plots were discovered
among the helpless prisoners : and their overcrowded
cells were cleared by the nightly tumbril, which bore
them to ruthless trial and execution.
But the end of this murderous tyranny was ap-
proaching. The terrible Robespierre had i^ppuneof
struck down the leaders of every party : he pjeJ^'^r.g
was himself the idol of the populace : the I'^wcr.
leading spirit of the Jacobins : all powerful with the
commune of Paris : supreme in the convention : the
chief of the revolution. But in his blood-stained
career, he had raised against himself implacable ha-
treds, jealousies, and suspicions. In his own com-
mittees,^ through which he governed, and in the con-
vention, which he had subdued to his will, he had
enemies and rivals, who distrusted him as an usurper.
Thwarted by his colleagues, he withdrew from the
committees and the convention, and threw himself
more than ever upon the Jacobins and the demo-
cracy of Paris. With tliese he plotted the overthrow
of the committees, and of the convention. First he
endeavoured to arouse the convention against tlie
committees: but all parties united to oppose him,
and he was foiled. He had lost his influence over
that body, which had lately been terrified into sub-
mission.
From the convention, he appealed to the demo-
' TLere was the committee de aalut publ'iffue and de surete gmS'
rule.
200 FRANCE.
cracy : he denounced his recent defeat as the proscrip-
^ tion of the patriots, and conspired with the
upon the commune and the Jacobins, to overthrow his
convention. '
mkio7" enemies by an armed coup d'etat. Before it
was effected, the triumvirs again tried their
strength in the convention : but their conspiracy was
already known, and they were denounced and arrested.
TJie commune released them from their arrest, and
conducted them to the Hotel de Ville : the tocsin was
sounded, and the people were called to arms. For a
time the convention was in imminent danger : even its
own guns were turned against it: but the gunners,
seduced for a moment, refused to fire. The conven-
tion confronted its dangers with courage : it placed
the conspirators beyond the law ; and its commis-
sioners, hastening to the insurgent sections, brought
them over to the side of the convention. While the
conspirators were preparing to march against the
Fall of the Tuileries, the convention invested the Hotel
triumvirs. ^^ YiHe. The triumvirs and their confede-
rates were at bay, and there was no escape. Kobes-
pierre endeavoured to elude his enemies by blowing
out his brains : but was seized, with his jaw broken.
Couthon also vainly attempted suicide : St. Just
awaited his arrest with composure.^
Kobesj)ierre was carried upon a litcer, shattered and
bleeding, to the committee of general safety,
of Robes- There he was assailed with taunts and re-
proaches, and. sent on to the Conciergerie.
Condemned by his own revolutionary tribunal, with
upwards of twenty of his confederates, he was borne
' There are different versions of tliis arrest, but tliis is tlie most
generally received.
FALL OF ROBESPIEERE. 201
to the scaffold, amidst the execrations and rejoicings
of the multitude. The brutal mob was ever ready to
exult over the shedding of blood. It had loThermi.
yelled at the execution of royalists and Gi- '^°''' ^''*^-
rondists, of Danton and Hebert ; and now it revelled
in the death of Kobespierre. The leader of the
Jacobins seemed to have no friends. He had lately
been extolled as the incorruptible ; and now he was
condemned and reviled as infamous. Even the Jaco-
bin clubs forswore him. A few months before, Danton
had said — 'I carry Robespierre with me: Robespierre
follows me ; ' and his prediction was now fulfilled. The
crimes of which he had been guilty were, at length,
avenged upon his own head. The leaders of every fac-
tion, which had borne a part in this bloody revolution,
had now been brought to the scaffold, or had died a
violent death — roj-alists, constitutional revolutionists,
Girondists, Hebertists, Danton and his followers, and
at last, the arch-revolutionist and his confederates.
The fall of Robespierre was followed by the first
svmptoms of reaction, in the revolutionary fe-
vcr. Blood enough had been shed to sicken
all but fanatics and savages ; and the majority of the
convention, differing in many points, were agreed that
tlie reign of terror should be closed.
The revolutionary tribunal was susjoended ; and its
hateful president, Fouquier Thinville, was nThcrmi-
/ tried and executed for his crimes. The tri- '^"'■■
bunal was re-constituted ; and the regular procedure
of a court of justice restored. The suspected, who
had escaped the guillotine, were treated with indul-
gence, and gradually released from prison. The sec-
tions of Paris, instead of meeting every day, were
restricted to a meeting once in ten days; and the fee
202 FRANCE.
of forty sous a day was -witlidrawn from tlie poorer
citizens wlio attended.
So far this was a return to law and order; and
Acrentsof tliose wlio Were now brought to judgment,
terror'puu-^ Were uot the suspected enemies of the revo-
ished. lution, but the most guilty agents of the reign
of terror, who had cruelly and wantonly shed the
blood of innocent men, women, and children.
The followers of Robespierre, however, led by Bil-
laud-Varennes, Collot d'Herbois, and Carrier,
ers of Ro- Were not content to submit to the dominant
e^piene. p^j,^^. ^^ ^^q convention,^ by whom they had
been threatened with punishment for their past mis-
deeds. They had lost their influence in the convention,
and in the commune : but they had still the support of
the Jacobins, and were busy in the faubourgs of Paris.
They complained of their proscription : patriots, they
said, were now thrown into dungeons, from which
aristocrats had been released : the convention was de-
nounced; and dangerous appeals were addressed to
the populace.
But this was a period of general reaction, and the
jennes^e couveutiou boldly profited by its support,
doree. jj^ -p-^^ dowu the famous confederation of
clubs.^ It met the agitators upon their own ground,
in the faubourgs, and appealed to the sections for sup-
port against the disturbers of order. The most no-
ticeable sign of reaction, however, was found in the
jeunesse doree, a body of young men who marched
through the streets, as defenders of order.^ Armed
' Since tlie fall of Robespierre, this party had been called the
Tliermidorien party. ' Supra, p. 153.
^ They wore grey coats with black collars, and crape on the arm,
in memory of the reign of terror ; and wore long hair plaited at the
temples.
BEACTION. 203
witli loaded canes, they boldly charged the revolu-
tionary mobs, and took the Jacobin club by storm.
This formidable club was now closed, by order of the
convention, and the revolutionists were de23rived of
their chief rallying point.
The conservative character of the convention was
also strengthened, by recalling sixty-seven continued
members who had been excluded for their reaction.
moderation ; and twenty-two members of the con-
ventional and Girondist parties who had been pro-
scribed.^ The decree for the exile of the nobles and
priests was rej)ealed ; and public worship was re-
stored.^
Nor was the reaction confined to remedial laws.
To satisfy justice, and to guard against a re- proceed-
vival of the revolution, Billaud-Varennes, '"s^
' ' agumst the
Collot d'Herbois, and other prominent ter- t^='™iists.
rorists, were brought to trial, and numbers of public
functionaries of that party were removed. Again the
faubourgs were aroused. Great numbers had been
implicated in the events of the last two years ; and
who could say how far the proscription of the patriots
would be pressed ? The agitation was increased by
wide-spread sufi'ering among the people. There was
great scarcity of provisions : prices had risen, and the
forty sous a day had been withdrawn fi'om the poor.
Trade had been ruined by the disorders of the time.
There was little demand for manual labour : the rich
had been driven into exile, guillotined, or imprisoned :
employers, in terror of their lives, subject to requisi-
tions, without security for their capital, and embar-
* They had been absent for eigliteen months.
" A few months afterwards, in consequence of the activity of the
royalist priests, this latter conce.ssion was withdrawn.
204 FRANCE.
rassed by worthless assignats and tlie extravagant law
of the maximum, were paralysed in their enterprises.
Here were accumulated the most dangerous elements
of revolution ; and they soon threatened the over-
throw of the reactionary government.
First, a rising was attempted to save the terrorist
insurrcc- chiefs from trial. A mob of petitioners
tions. marched upon the convention, but were
routed by the jeunesse doree. While the trial was
proceeding before the convention, armed insurgents
forced the guard, and made their way into the very
chamber of the convention. A second time the con-
vention was rescued by friendly citizens : the tocsin^
was sounded, and the neighbouring sections flew to
arms and repelled the insurgents.
A third insurrection, more deeply planned, was well
Invasion ^^n^ successful. The deliberations of the
convention, couveution Were interrupted by the intrusion
1 prairial, of an armed mob, clamouring for bread and
the constitution of 1793. The chamber be-
came the scene of a fearful fray. Deputies drew their
swords : the guards rushed in to their rescue : shots
were fired by the insurgents : one deputy was killed,
and another wounded : most of the deputies fled ; and
the mob gained possession of the chamber. Boissy-
d'Anglas, the temporary president of the convention,
behaved with noble firmness. With pikes at his
breast, the mob insisted upon his putting to the vote
the demands of the insurgents : but he refused, and
rebuked them for their violence. But the other depu-
ties, who had kept their places, being in league with
' This fonnidable signal had been taken from the commune, and
was now the safeguard of the convention.
ROYALIST EEACTION. 205
the insurgents, at once proceeded to decree their de-
mands, which released the 'patriots,' restored the
constitution of 1793, and placed the government in
their hands.
Meanwhile, the commissaries of the convention,
who had been despatched to the sections for
aid, returned at the head of a body of armed the con-
citizens, drove out the insurgents at the point
of the bayonet, and recalled the deputies, who had
fled for safety, to their places. The decrees of the
false deputies and the usuri3ing mob were forthwith
annulled ; and twenty-eight of the conspiring dej)uties
were arrested and sent out of Paris. The sections
were now disarmed : they had already lost
. . The
their leaders and their organisation; and sections
henceforth the populace of Paris ceased to
rule the destinies of France. The government was
restored to the moderate party in the convention — the
representatives of the middle classes.
The extreme party of the revolution had fallen :
but not until by its extraordinary vigour, it
. . TT r* France vic-
had made France victorious over all her en- toiious in
. the wars.
emies. Her troops had occuj)ied the Neth-
erlands, and held possession of the Ehine. Prussia
and Spain had made peace. The country was safe
from invasion ; and its very safety contributed to the
fall of the extreme party, whose violent and arbitrary
measures could no longer be necessary for its de-
fence.
But the reaction did not rest here. The royalists
rejoiced at the fall of the terrorists : but they Royalist
spared the revolution : they respected the
republican convention no more than the committee
of public safety. Their single aim was the res-
206 FRANCE.
toration of the monarcliy.^ They differed widely, in-
deed, among themselves : the priests and nobles would
have restored the ancien regime, with all its privileges :
the middle classes and bourgeoisie desired a consti-
tutional monarchy, with free institutions. The old
jealousies of orders and classes were not forgotten,
but they all agreed in enmity to the republic. The
convention stood between the royalists on one side,
and the violent revolutionists, whom it had lately re-
pressed, on the other. The jeunesse doree, lately the
champions of order, and defenders of the convention,
now sided with the royalists, and threatened the re-
public.
France was just escaping from the revolutionary
Royalist ^eigu of terror; and now the royalists, in
excesses. ^j^g proviuces, Were wreaking vengeance uj)on
their late oppressors. At Lyons, at Marseilles, and
other towns, they nearly rivalled the commissaries
of the committee of public safety. Eevolutionista
were slaughtered in their prisons, pursued and cut
down in the streets, or cast headlong into the river.
The revolution was still demanding its victims ; and
it was the turn of its authors and agents to suffer.
Meanwhile, "the convention, opposed to both ex-
New consti- tremes, and intent upon restoring peace and
tution. order to- France, was maturing a new con-
stitution. The executive power was invested in a
Directory of five members : the legislative in two
councils or chambers, — the council of five hundred,
and the council of ' ancients,' consisting of two hundred
and fifty. One-third of each of these bodies was to be
' The Dauphin, only son of Louis XVI., died in prison on June 8,
1795 ; and his succession to the throne had fallen upon Loviis XVIII.,
then in command of the emigrant army.
ROYALIST mSUEEECTION. 207
renewed every year, but, in order to frustrate tlie de-
signs of the royalists, it was provided that, at the first
election, two-thirds of the council of five hundred
should be chosen from members of the convention.
The Directory was to be nominated by the council of
five hundred, and appointed by the council of an-
cients.
The royalists revolted against the new constitution,
and especially the re-election of members of
the convention, whom they had hoped to iLunec-
sup2)lant ; and raised a formidable insurrec-
tion in Paris. The convention entrusted its defence
to Barras, and to Napoleon Bonaparte, who had al-
ready shown his generalshij^ at the taking of Toulon.
The appointment of this extraordinary man changed
the course of the revolution, and of the history of
Europe.^
The convention was about to be assailed by an
armed insurrectionary force of forty tlfbu- Defence of
sand men, and was defended by five thou- tlonlfy"^^'^"
sand. Bonaparte, with the cool judgment of Bonapane.
a consummate soldier, drew up his troops and miXT '^'^"
artillery so as to place the convention be- i^"^^^-
yond the reach of assault. He dealt with the insur-
gents as with an enemy on the field of battle, and
routed them — not by street fighting, but by military
skill and strategy. His terrible artillery, loaded with
graposhot, swept them from the quays and streets,
and the insurrection was at an end. That day proved
the mastery of an army over a mob, and foresha-
dowed the time when the sword should overcome the
revolution.
' M. I.aiifroy lias thrown much new light upon his character ;
nist. de Napoleon I".
208 FEANCE.
Wlieu the insurrection had been repressed, the new
constitution was completed. The two coun-
cminciis cils, wheu Constituted, appointed the Direc-
elccted. ^ -l x
tory,^ and the new government was complete.
The convention, which had passed through so many
vicissitudes,^ was no more ; but among its last acts it
had decreed an amnesty, and had changed the Place
of the Revolution into the Place of Concord.
A more settled form of government had now been
established : each of the extreme parties
under the had, in tum, been overcome : the moderate
Directory. , ,. . , ,, ,
republicans were m power ; and the people,
exhausted by their struggles and sufferings, were sigh-
ing for repose. Passionate faith in the revolution
had been rudely shaken : illusions had vanished : but
a republic had been secured. The Directory were
confronted by bankru23t finances, by disorganised
armies, and by famine : but they met these evils with
energy and ' judgment. Their moderation inspired
general confidence. They put down the lingering in-
surrection in La Vendee : they discovered and pun-
ished the conspiracy of the communists under Ba-
bceuf,^ and the plots of the royalists in the army. The
first signs of political calm were followed by a marked
social revival. Society began to resume its wonted
habits and luxuries : commerce improved ; and the
working classes, whose labour had been set free from
all restraints, by the abolition of corporations and
privileges, were prosperous. At length, the wounds
' La Reveillere-Lepeaus, Eewbell.Letourneur, Barras, andCarnot.
- The convention liad lasted from Sept, 21, 1793, to Oct. 20, 1795.
' This seems almost, if not quite, the first outbreak of commu-
nism. The conspirators proclaimed the ' common good ' and ' a di-
vision of property.'
THE DIRECTORY. 209
of the revolution appeared to be healing. Paris gave
itseK up once more to pleasure and gaiety. Released
from terror, the Parisians wantoned again in the de-
lights of their bright capital.
Prosperity and confidence were reviving in France :
but the war had been languishing, and the
The wr
treachery of Pichegru had exposed the re-
public to serious danger. Prompt measures were
taken for restoring the military power of the country.
Bonaparte, Jourdan, and Moreau vrere entrusted Avith
the command of three great armies ; and to Bona-
parte was given the army of Italy. By the marvel-
lous victories of this great general, Austria was forced
to submit to a disastrous peace : republican institu-
tions were further extended beyond the bounds of
France ; and the victorious general became master of
the republic. He created the Cisalpine re-
public of Milan and the Boman States,^ and
the republics of Venice and Genoa.^ The arms of the
French republic had overthrown the monarchies of
Europe ; and the foundation of republics everywhere
followed her victories. Emperors and kings had com-
bined against democracy ; and democracy had been
spreading, like a flood, over their fairest domains.
Hitherto the Directory had been well supported by
the councils : but in the elections in May, „ ,. ,
1797, the rovalists obtained a maiority in i"the
' • . . councils.
both assemblies. The traitor Pichegru was
elected president of the council of five hundred ; the
royalist Barthelemy was nominated to the Directory.
' The Roma^a, Bologna, and Ferrara, were ceded by the Pope,
and united to the Cisaliune republic of the Mihuiais.
'' By the treaty of Campo Formio, Venice was afterwards given up
to Austria.
210 FRANCE.
The reaction, whicli had already been strong in the
provinces and in the streets of Paris, was now for a
time master of the legishiture, and had gained a foot-
ing in the executive. It was supported and encour-
aged by crowds of emigrant nobles and priests, who
had returned from their exile. The republic and the
government were too strong to be suddenly over-
thrown by the royalists in the legislature. But what
if another election should fill it with royalists ? Their
leaders counted upon this result, and were plotting
to overthrow the Directory.
The new constitution threatened the ruin of the
republic; and the Directory determined to
Measures ■•• . «
<>f the appeal suddenly from the royalists of the
Directory. ■'•■'■_ -^ . "^
legislature, and the provinces, to the repub-
lican armies of France. Threatening addresses were
presented to the councils. ' Tremble, ye royalists,' said
the army of Italy ; ' from the Adige to the Seine is
but a stop.' Menaces were promj^tly followed by
deeds. Troops were brought from the army of
the Sambre-et-Meuse, and quartered at Versailles,
18 Frncti- Meudou, and Vincennes. On the night of
3Aug"st,' August 2, the troops entered Paris under
Augereau, and early in the morning oc-
cupied the Tuileries, and arrested Pichegru and
the leading members of the royalist party. The
councils were dispersed, and ordered to meet at
the Odeon and the School of Medicine. The direc-
tors Carnot and Barthelemy were also placed under
arrest.
Whatever the constitution of France, she was
France clearly to be governed by the sword. Bona-
tke^'^^o'd P^'i'te had saved the republican convention
by his artillery; Augereau had overthrown
BON.iPAETE AND THE .iEMY. 211
the royalist councils at the point of the bayonet.
To this had the republic come. The monarchy had
been struck down : the king and queen had died
upon the scaffold : thousands of royalists had suffered
death, exile, or the dungeon : libert}', equalit}', and
fi'aternity had been proclaimed among men : a subtle
constitution had been framed to ward oft' usurjDers ;
and noAV a military coup d'etat, after the example of
Cromwell, was necessary to save the republic from a
royalist reaction !
This bold coup cVetat was followed by a general pro-
scription of the royalist party. Hitherto „
IIP 1 • '111 Proscnp-
each defeated party m succession had been 'ion ofthe
. royalists.
sent to the guillotine : but now the pro-
scribed royalists were transported to Cayenne or the
island of Be — a hopeful change in the bloody annals
of the revolution. But the proscription was not less
thorough. Hostile journalists, and active partisans
in the elections, were banished : the law permit-
ting the return of priests and emigrants was re-
pealed : the elections of many departments were
annulled, to make room for republican candidates.
Throughout France the royalists were again beaten
down by force, and by violations of the new constitu-
tion.
Meanwhile, the army had saved the republic at
home : it had scattered the enemies of France
The
abroad. The armed coalition was at an end : rcDnbiican
and England was the only power still at war
with the republic. Bonaparte was received in Paris
with all the honours of a Iloman triumph ; and the
coming Cassar was welcomed with enthusiasm. But
what should now be done with the army, and with its
too 2)owcrful general ? The Directory had won its
212 FRANCE.
present power by tlie sword, and was not yet pre-
pared to submit to its rule. The troops could nei-
ther be kept at home, nor disbanded with safety ;
and, above all, Bonaparte must be dispatched to a
Expeditioa distant enterprise. With these views, an ex-
to Egypt. peclition to Egypt was projected, to v/ound
England through her Indian possessions. Bonaparte
readily accepted the command, which promised fresh
victories and glory. Its distance, its difficulties, and
even the vagueness of its objects, ax3j)ealed to the
imagination : it was another chapter from the life of
19 May, Csesar. Sailing from Toulon with a fleet of
^™' four hundred sail, bearing part of the army
of Italy, he took possession of Malta, and passed on
to the fabled land of Egypt.
There were other enterprises nearer home, for the
To switzer- rcstless valour of the army. The republican
'^"'^' constitution of Switzerland was no protec-
tion against French democracy ; and the Directory
soon found occasion to establish the Helvetic Repub-
lic, upon French revolutionary principles, by force of
arms.^
Rome was also changed by French arms into a re-
Propa- public. Naples was soon afterwards added
fherevoiu- to the number of revolutionised States, as
the Parthenopean Republic. The victories
of French arms became everywhere the triumphs of
democracy. Revolutionary France was making con-
verts, as Mohammed had made them, at the point of
the sword : but the flashing sword of France, however
terrible, was not destined to continue much longer
the harbinger of democracy.
' See supra, vol. i., 394-403.
TROUBLES OF THE DIEECTOKY. 213
The Directory, which had lately been seeking out-
lets for its troops, was snddculy surprised Renewal
by events which demanded all the military coaiiuon
resources of France. Negotiations with the Fiance.
emperor at Kastadt were broken off; the ^^^^•
French plenipotentiaries, on their return home, were
murdered : the coaKtion was renewed : and France
was again at war with Europe. Under like circum-
stances, the revolutionary government had relied
upon a levy en masse : but the Directory introduced
the more regular system of a conscription, which at
once placed at its disposal two hundred thousand
men, and laid the foundation of the military ascen-
denc}^ of France.
The first issues of the war, however, were disas-
trous to the French. Thev were defeated
Tronhles
in Italy, on the Rhine, in Holland, and in oft'"-'
"^ . . Directory.
Switzerland ; and the invasion of France was
threatened on every side. Military failures are gen-
erally fatal to an executive government ; and they were
not the only troubles by which the Directory was be-
set. In the elections of May, 1798, the prostration of
the royalists had led to the triumph of many of the
extreme revolutionary or ' anarchist ' party, whose
elections were annulled by the Directory. Again, at
the elections of May, 1799, conducted in the midst of
military disasters, the extreme republicans, and other
candidates hostile to the Directory, prevailed over
the friends of the government. Hitherto the Direc-
tory, when at variance with the legislature, had over-
come it bv force of arms and liigh-handed iRjunc,
violations of the constitution : but weakened '"
and divided, it was now forced to yield to the angry
majority in the councils, and resigned.
214 PEANCE.
In the new Directory, the moderate and extreme
The new republicans were both represented ; ^ and
irectoiy. gaj-j-ag, having belonged to each of the revo-
lutionary parties in turn, now began to intrigue with
the royalists.^ In the midst of distracted councils,
the parties into which France had been divided, dur-
ing the revolution, were seeking for mastery. The
hopes of the royalists had been revived by the threat-
ening advances of the coalition, which, however, were
soon checked by French victories. The revolutionists
and the moderate republicans were watching each
other, in the Directory and in the councils, and were
plotting the overthrow of their rivals. Barras was in
correspondence with the Bourbons ; Sieyes, whose
ideal had long been a moderate republic, was prepar-
ing to defend the constitution against the revolution-
ists, by another military coup d'etat.
In this critical condition of parties, Bonaparte re-
Bonapartc tumed from Egyj)t. His exploits had been
from"' brilliant, but unfruitful : he saw no field, in
'^^' ' that distant realm, for further glory ; and
political affairs at home demanded his immediate
presence in the capital. He was the foremost citizen of
France, her greatest general, the idol of the army, an
adroit and resolute negotiator, the creator of foreign
republics ; and his career had kept him aloof from
domestic factions. His ambition was as vast as his
genius ; and he was without scruples. Force was his
' The new directory were Barras, Sieyes, Moulins, Eoger-Ducos,
and Goliier,
"^ ' Ayant tralii, tour a toiir, tons les partis, renie toutes les opinions,
il ne representait plusqu'une chose, rimmoralite : niais telle etait la
corruption publique et privt^e, que c'utait encore la une force.' —
Lanfrey, Hist, de Nap. I", i. 434.
■ I
i
BON-VPAETE AND THE ARMY. 215
ideal of goyernment. Before Lis expedition to Egypt,
lie had conceived projects of usurpation, which would
have been carried into effect if the Directory had
failed in its coup tVctat against the councils (3rd Aug.
1797), and had the time seemed ripe for action.
In his journey through France, and in Paris, he
was received with ovations. He was courted
by all parties, but committed himself to none, tionrwuh
Sieyes, wlio was seeking a general to over- ^^^'''"
throw the Jacobins, penetrated the dangerous ambi-
tion of Bonaparte, and hesitated to confide to him his
scheme. But they were brought together by mutual
friends : the suspicions of Sieyes were allayed ; and
Bonaparte found in the practised politician an o23por-
tune ally.
On November 9 their arrangements were completed.
The council of ancients, alarmed by tales of
Jacobin conspiracies and the renewal of the d'etat.
reign of terror, were easily persuaded, by ac- niah™'
complices of the crafty Sieyes, to decree the ^'''^'
removal of the legislature to St. Cloud. Bonaparte
was appointed general of the seventeenth division,
and entrusted with the execution of their decree. All
had been prepared: Bonaparte was ready with his
troops and with proclamations to the people. The
Directory, taken by surprise and deprived of their
guard, oifered no resistance. But there were
grave dangers yet to be surmounted. The and lua
republicans of Paris were provoked to frenzy
by tlie daring plot. Bonaparte was execrated as a
Caisar and a Cromwell, and however anxious for a
time to wear a mask, his proclamations had betrayed
his ambition and egotism. He reproved the Directory
with the airs of a potentate. ' What have you done,'
216 FBANCE.
he said, ' witli this France which I left you so glori-
ous ? I left you peace : I find war. I left you victo-
ries : I find reverses. I left you the millions of Italy :
I find everywhere spoliation and misery. What have
you done with a hundred thousand Frenchmen whom
I knew — all my comrades in glory ? They are dead.'
In vain he assured the people that any attempt upon
the liberties of France would be a sacrilege. The
dictator stood revealed, and the men who had made
so many sacrifices for fi-eedom gnashed their teeth
with rage. Would Paris rise, in its might, against the
ambitious soldier ? Would his troops be true to him,
or to the republic ? The submission of the Directory :
the adhesion of the council of ancients : a vague dread
of the Jacobins : confidence in the constitutional party,
and the prompt measures of the conspirators, com-
bined to avert a rising of the populace of Paris. But
there was still the council of five hundred to over-
come, and it proved the greatest peril of the enterprise.
On the following day, the councils met at the palace
The council of St. Cloud, whicli was surrounded by troops.
of ancients, gjgy^g^ cunuing in the tactics of revolution,
had counselled the previous arrest of his most dan-
gerous opponents. Bonaparte despised their impo-
tence, and trusted to the bayonets of his soldiers.
First presenting himself at the bar of the council of
ancients, he complained of the calumnies against him-
self, and professed his devotion to liberty and equal-
ity. He was desired to swear obedience to the con-
stitution : but having recounted, with great presence
of mind, how often the constitution had already been
violated, he said that new guarantees were required.
The ancients were satisfied, and applauded. As they
had already made themselves parties to the cokjj cVeiat,
THE COUP d'etat. 217
their compliance was to be counted upon. But it
was otherwise with the five hundred.
Flushed with his recent success, Bonaparte pro-
ceeded to the hall of the five hundred, at-
' The Conn-
tended by some soldiers, whom he left mside cii of Five
111-11 1 1 Uundicd.
the door, while he advanced alone and un-
covered to the bar. But the deputies, on seeing the
soldiers, shouted ' Down with the dictator ! ' and one
of them, taking him by the arm, rebuked him so
sternly that he withdrew, escorted by his soldiers.^
In the council there was tumult : cries were raised to
place the tyi-ant beyond the law, and his brother
Lucien, the president, left the chair. Sieyes and
Bonaparte, informed of the tumult, sent troops into
the council, who returned with Lucien Bonaparte.
The latter assured the troops that daggers had been
raised against their general in the council : that the
majority of the deputies were held in terror by their
colleagues. Bonaparte gave orders to clear the coun-
cil, and a body of grenadiers marched into the hall
and turned out the indignant deputies at the point of
the bayonet. The plot was ill designed and clum-
sily executed, but it was successful. Like Cromwell,
Bonaparte was too strong to be resisted : but to assem-
ble the councils merely to disperse them, by a coarse
display of military force, was a wanton and perilous
outrage, which, for a time, was on the point of failure.'^
' ' Venu pour intimidcr, le general pillit, il torabo en defaillance
dans les bras de ses grenadiers, qui I'eutrainent liors de la salle.' —
Lanf rcy, JJUt. de Nap. I", i. 473.
" Louis Napoleon, half a century later, perpetrated his daring
and unscrupulous coup d'Hat with far more judgment. He arrested
the leaders of the Assembly in the night ; and did not allow tho
meeting of the body, which he had resolved to overthrow. Soo
infra, chap, xvii,
VOL. II.— 10
218 FRANCE.
From this time forth, it was idle to speak of any
government hut that of the sword. Through-
forii&rty out the revolution, indeed, there had never
therevoiu- been any semblance of liberty. How had
each party, in succession, gained the ascen-
dent? By tumults, by violence, by mobs, by terror,
by the guillotine, by armed insurrections, and by mili-
tary force. The Directory had violated the constitu-
tion again and again, against royalists and Jacobins.
No party had scrupled to use force, to acquire or to
retain power. Bonaparte was preparing to trample
upon all parties alike. He acknowledged no party:
he recognised no principles : but, filled with a selfish
ambition, he was resolved to rule by the sword. Sieyes
and his party, and probably the republican soldiers
who had obeyed the orders of their general, believed
that he was merely repressing anarchy: but he had
made himself master of the republic.
The republican leaders knew that the republic was
no more : but the people, after years of revo-
First cou- lution and popular misrule, were slow to
realise the danger of a military despot. The
royalists flattered themselves that the Bourbons would
be restored : while the moderation of the new rulers
went far to allay suspicions of the dictator. A pro-
visional government was announced, consisting of three
consuls, — Bonaparte, Sieyes, and Eoger-Ducos; and
of two commissions for the preparation of another
constitution.
Sieyes was once more in his element, framing an in-
genious and impracticable constitution. Af-
tion^of" ter all his experience of the revolution, he
^^^^^' was still contriving to shackle ambition, and
enchain factions, with constitutional cobwebs. He
BONiVPAETE FIRST CONSUL. 219
offered tlie ambitions soldier, who had the republic
at his feet, the high-sounding office of pi^oclamateur-
cledeur, with great diguit}'', and reyenues, but with
power little more than nominal. Bonaparte contemp-
tuously asked how any man of talent could be ex-
pected to play the part of a hog fattening upon some
millions;^ and the scheme was at once put aside.
The constitution of Sieyes, amended by Bonaparte,
laid the foundations of an imperial throne. The ex-
ecutive power was entrusted to the first consul, with
whom two consuls were associated for consultation.
The senate, nominated by the consuls, the legislature
elected by the senate, the tribunate and the conseU
d'etat, were the institutions of an autocracy. The
first consul was everything : the people were ignored.
This narrow constitution was, nevertheless, apjjroved
by more than three million citizens.^
The reaction against revolution, and in favour of
order, and a settled government, was general, q^^^^^^^
A series of revolutions without liberty: a action.
succession of rulers, arbitrary, violent, and oppres-
sive : disorders, anarchy, mob-rule, and the reign of
terror, had wearied the i3eople of revolutionary ex-
periments. Among this party of reaction were to be
reckoned the new owners of the soil, who had bought
church lands and confiscated estates. These men
dreaded, above all things, any disturbance of their
rights : they were in fear of the return of the royalists,
on one side, and of renewed revolutions, on the other.
' 'Voulut se rcsigner au rule d'un coclion a, I'engrais de quelques
millions.'
" Tlio jjlcbiscitc was not now introducod for the first timo. The
constitution of 179:' had bfion ap])rovod by less than two millions;
and that of the year III. by little more than one million votes.
^20 FRANCE.
Hence they welcomed a government founded upon tlioi
principles of tlie revolution, and supported by the army.
Bonaparte was now chief of the State : but in wield-
Theruieof iug the sccptre, he did not lay aside the
MaTand^ sword. He recouquered Italy at Marengo,
June, 1800. g^mj returned, after a brief absence, with new
glories, and increased popularity. In civil affairs,
his first efforts were directed to the conciliation of
parties. Superior to all, and connected with none,
he desired to bring the best men, of every party, into
the service of the State. This policy, however, was
rudely interrupted. His assassination was attempted,
by an infernal machine, planned in England, by royal-
ists (chouans). Attributing the plot to the republicans,
he arbitrarily transported one hundred and thirty
members of that party ; and created special military
tribunals for the trial of offences. These arbitrary
acts at once alienated the republicans, and the consti-
tutional party, who protested against violations of the
law. They served also to betray the despotic spirit
of the chief of the republic.
The peace, at length concluded with the European
Peace of powers, left the first consul free to apply
Marci'25 himself to the internal condition of Francci
1802. ]3-y a^jj amnesty, and by indulgence to the
emigrant nobles and refractory priests, he endeavoured
to restore society to its accustomed relations. He en-
couraged industry and commerce. By his celebrated
codes, he designed a new body of law for a country
which, having cast off its ancient traditions, and
passed through a period of convulsion, specially
needed a new system of jurisprudence. France was
without liberty, but she prospered under the enlight-
ened despotism of the first consul
bon.u'aiite's ambition. 221
While restoring peace, order, respect for law, aud
the material welfare of liis country, he was
at the same time filled with schemes of paitu-s
ambition. He was already maintaining the
state and ceremonies of a court, at the Tuileries ;
and he cherished visions of the imperial purple. He
was preparing society, and the institutions of France,
for its acceptance. By re-establishing the Catholic
Church,^ he calculated upon the supjiort of the Poj3e,
and of a grateful clergy, to his future throne. Sunday,
and the Catholic fete days were restored, and the
revolutionary calendar was discontinued.
This ecclesiastical revivalyt — utterly repugnant to
the spirit of the revolution,^ — was celebrated ^
■■■ ' Ceremony
by a grand ceremony at Notre-Dame. The ^^^''^'
first consul drove to the cathedral in the
state carriages of the Bourbon court. The senate,
the legislative body, and all the high officers of state
attended high mass, and large bodies of troops added
brilliancy to the festival. A proclamation announced
to the people the reconciliation of France with the
sovereign pontiff ; and the streets were illuminated in
honour of the great event.
Having thus allied himself with the clergy and the
Catholic laity, it was time to gratify the
army. This he attempted by the creation of of Honour,
the Legion of Honour, which he designed
for the double purpose of rewarding military services,
and of reviving honorary titles in French society.
' By a concordat with the Pope, ratified August 15, 1801.
' It was happily said by General Del mas to Bonaparte : — ' C'etait
une belle capucinnde : il n'y manquait qu'un million d'liommes qui
ont etc tues pour dOtruire ce que vous retablissez.' — Miguet, Hist. ii.
300.
222 FBANCE.
This reactionary policy was received witli great re-
pugnance : but it formed part of liis scheme for over-
throwing the republic ; and his will could not be
resisted.
, These measures were but preparatory to the further
aRgrandisement of his own power and dig-
Bonaparte Ofcl . -, I ry . /-I
first consul mtj. He was appointed, by a benatus-ton-
May6,i802. sidtum, fimt cousul for ten years; and three
Angusts, months later, first consul for life. A new
^^^" constitution followed, under which the senate
was empowered to change constitutions : to suspend
trial by jury : to annul the judgments of tribunals : to
place departments beyond the constitution; and to
dissolve the legislative body and the tribunate. The
first consul had with him the army and the clergy.
The new political bodies, — the conseil d'etat, the senate,
the tribunate, and the legislature, — were his creatures.
No more pov/er was possible to the chief of a re-
public : but higher flights of ambition were
emperor. before him. The renewal of the war with
June 1803. England, in 1803, raised fresh visions of glory
and conquest ; and some months later the obsequious
senate invited him, in the interests of his
May 18, ' couutry, to assume the hereditary dignity of
emperor. This imperial crown he accepted,
as he affirmed, *in order to secure irrevocably the
triumph of equality and public liberty.' A military
empire was established upon the foundations of de-
mocracy.^ A modern Csesarism was created, after the
' The Napoleonic scheme of exercising absolute power in the name
of the people had already been conceived by Frederick the Great,
and fonns part of his code. — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, note,
p. 336.
' Desceudez an fond de sa pensce, vous verrez qu'il avait pour
N.iTOLEON EMPEROR. 223
models of Rome and Byzantium. The grateful clergy
perceived, in the French empire, the linger of God,
and the order of providence ! The people submitted,
without a murmur, to a despotism far heavier than
that of the Bourbons, as it still proclaimed the prin-
ciples of the revolution.
It was fit that the emperor should have his satel-
lites ; and he surrounded himself with princes ^hc impe-
and marshals of the empire. His court glit- ""^ '^°"''*"
tered with chamberlains, pages, and a pra3torian guard.
Tliat his rule would be absolute was soon shown. The
press had already little liberty enough : but it was
withdraAvn : the tribunate was docile : but its sittings
were henceforth secret. No voice was to be heard in
the preparation of laws : but the will of the emperor
would be made known in decrees and proclamations.
The last act of this reactionary drama was the coro-
nation. This was celebrated at Notre-Dame, The coro-
by Pope Pius VII. in person, with all possible Nl,poieon.
pomp and splendour. Napoleon was there iJec. 2, 1804.
enthroned, wearing the imperial purple, and crown,
and holding the coveted sceptre in his hand : the
crown and sword of Charlemagne were borne before
him. The usurping consul was made ' God's anointed'
by the hands of the Pope : heralds proclaimed him
' Emperor of the French : ' thanksgivings were ad-
dressed to heaven, in the solemn strains of the Te
iJeum ; and cannon aimounced the joyful tidings to
mankind.
The French had renounced their revolution ! They
idi'al I'ompire de Constantin, et do Tlirodoro ; et cctte tradition, il
la tenait de ces ancr-tres, comine tous le.s Oliibelins Italiens.' — Edgar
Quinnt, Jjd lli'T). ii. 8()B.
' L'e£;i)rit Ijutiu de Uumc viciUic so retrouvo eii tuut.'— ibid.
224: FEANCE.
had overtlirown tlieir ancient monarcliy : tliey had cast
down their Church : they had abjured the
The revo- •' i n i
iuti.,n Christian faith ; and now they had chosen
renounced. _ i i i
a military autocrat to rule over tliem : they
saw him crowned and anointed, in the metropol-
itan cathedral, by the head of the Church which
they had humbled ; and they heard praises offered
to God, according to the rites of a religion at which
they had lately scoffed ! They had abolished titles,
and confiscated the estates of the nobles : but rank
and dignities were revived, and the nobles were soon
to recover the greater part of their property.^ No-
thing remained of a revolution which had cost such
sacrifices. Not a hero of the republic was held in
popular veneration : not a single fete was continued,
to commemorate its glories.^
Napoleon had no faith in the principles of the
revolution. He had known how to flatter
Napoleon
and the republicans, and found republics : he had
levouition. ■•■ ' . -^
learned the familiar language of his coun-
trymen : but he believed that Frenchmen had no real
affection for liberty, equality, and fraternity ; and
were moved by one sentiment only — that of honour.^
Upon this belief he acted. He did not scruple to
sacrifice liberties which he deemed to be so little
prized.; and he appealed, with confidence, to that
sentiment of honour, which ministered to his own
ambition.
The principles of the revolution, which the arms of
1 Niebuhr, History of Rome, iii. 374. See infra, p. 246.
^ * Le peuple n'a pas garde una seule des fetes de 1789 a 1800 : cet
immense boiileversement n'a pu deplacer iin seul saint de village.'
■ — Edgar Quinet, La Rev. ii. 131.
3 Mem. inalits de Thibaudeau, cited by Miguet, ii. 301.
EEPUDLiTION OP REPUBLICS. 225
the republic liad forced upon foreign States, were now
to be renounced. Democratic propagandism
at once became a mockery, under the empire, tion oi;
The military ascendency of France con-
tinued : but kingdoms took the place of republics.
The cisalpine republic which Napoleon had created,
became a kingdom ; and he was crowned king of
Italy at Milan, with the ancient iron crown May 21,
of Lombardy. Genoa, which he had formed ^^'^'
into the Ligurian republic, was united to the empire.
He endowed his sister and her husband, the Prince
of Piombino, with the little republic of Lucca.
The towering ambition of Napoleon was now more
dreaded by the sovereigns of Europe than ^^ oieon's
the propagandism of the republic. It threat- ^'^-jJ-J^
ened universal domination ; and Europe was
again in arms against him. But his own genius, and
the valour and devotion of his soldiers, routed his
enemies, and increased the ascendency of France.
The zeal of his armies was influenced by victories
and honours : the enthusiasm of his people, under all
their sacrifices, was sustained by the sentiment of
national glory.
After Austerlitz, and the peace of Presburg, he
received, from his admiring subjects, the Napoleon
title of Napoleon the Great. It was their -'^
homage to the greatness of France, which he repre-
sented. At home he recast the institutions of France,
upon the model of a military empire. An ^^^
hereditary nobility was restored ; and it was
his aim to reconstitute the ancienne noblesse of France :
military schools, or lycees, replaced the central schools
of the republic ; and the civil administration of the
State was organised so as to execute, with mechanical
10*
226 FKANCE.
obedience, tlie dictates of a single will. Tlie central-
isation of the monarchy, and the arbitrary powers of
the republic, had prepared the way for his imperial
rule.
Abroad the domination of Napoleon was continu-
Domination ^^^J extended by his marvellous triumphs.
cf Napoleon jjjg Q^yjj Jjingdom of Italy was enlarged by
Europe. couqucsts from Austria, and the Pope : Wur-
temburg and Bavaria, raised into kingdoms by his
arms, owed fealty to his crown : he deposed Ferdinand,
king of Naples, and placed his brother, Joseph Bona-
parte, on the throne, as king of the Two Sicilies : he
converted the republic of Holland into a kingdom,
and sent his brother Louis to reign over it : fiefs of
the empire were multiplied in Germany and Italy : he
constituted himself mediator of the Swiss republic ;
and protector of the German princes who formed the
confederation of the Rhine. Such was his influence
in Germany, that Francis II. renounced his proud title
of emperor. Having humbled and despoiled Austria,
he partitioned Prussia. He erected the kingdoms of
Saxony and Westphalia, and conferred the
1806-7 .
latter upon his brother Jerome. He placed
his brother Joseph on the throne of Spain, and trans-
ferred the crown of Naples to his brother-in-
1S08
• law Murat. He wielded the sceptre of Charle-
magne ; and his vassak did homage from the north,
and from the south. He dethroned the Pope, and
seized his remaining territories : he deposed
his brother Louis, and added Holland to the
empire. Bernadotte, one of his own generals, was
elected to the throne of Sweden.^
' He was elected hereditary prince, and adopted by tlie king,
Charles XIII.
napoleon's divorce. 227
Great was the empire of Napoleon. It threatened
to be universal ; and it was hereditary : but
lie had no son. Hence the flagitious di- (iivo?;ce°and
vorce of the Empress Josephine, and his ill- '"'^™'*=®-
judged alliance with Marie Louise of Austria.^ The
last link which connected him with the revolution was
broken. He had been raised to power by the repub-
lican armies of France : he had established a military
empire, and supported it by victories and glory : ho
had proved himself a greater enemy to crowned heads
than the republic itself; and the poj^ular ardour,
which had sustained the republican arms, followed
the victorious emperor through his wonderful career
of conquest and dominion. Though absolute master
of France, he was still a son of the revolution. But
his second marriage connected him with the old regime.
He was admitted to the great family of European
kings, and severed from the people. Legitimacy was
beyond his reach : it was the heritage of another race :
but, to the revolutionary origin of the usurper, he
now added the pretensions of a legitimate sovereign.
Hitlierto his nobility had been formed of his mar-
shals, generals, and high officers of state — the new
men of the revolution — now he sought to surround
himself with the ancient nobles of France, and to
blend the old regime v/ith the empire. The Rirth of the
first object of the marriage was, however, ko,',h"
attained. An heir was born to the imperial ^''"'''' ^"^^•
crown, and from his cradle, bore the title of King of
Home.
But this dazzling career of power and aggrandise-
' ' Que do vies g('nereuses n'avait-il pas fallu iinmolcr, do part et
d'autre, pour qu'une semhlable alliance fut possible ontre Tancien
et le nouvcau Cesar.' — Lanfrey, llist. de Nap. I" , v. 177.
228 FBANCE.
ment was about to be cliecked. Napoleon's scheme
of a continental blockade, to ruin the com-
Napokfon'g merce of Enerland, liad pressed severely upon
tlie maritime States of the North, and upon
the general commerce of Europe. The haughty do-
mination of Napoleon had aroused the hatred of every
independent State ; and now he provoked the hostility
of the commercial interests of his own, and other
countries. In Spain his armies were defeated by the
valour of the English troops, and the genius of Wel-
lington. His rash march upon Moscow, and his dis-
astrous retreat, brought ruin upon his arms, and
upon his empire. A great army was destroyed : his
own prestige of victory was lost ; and combinations
against a falling power were encouraged. His domi-
nation over Europe was everywhere endured with re-
pugnance. The States he had created turned against
him, and made common cause with the kings whom he
had conquered and despoiled. His military genius
shone more brilliantly than ever: but the battle of
Leipsic nearly completed the ruin which the retreat
from Moscow had commenced.
Pressed by defeats, disasters, and defections abroad,
Discontents his positiou at home was no less threaten-
in France. • ^^^^ Coustaut victories had long sustained
the national ardour : an exhausting conscription and
burthensome taxes had been borne for the sake of
glory : but defeats quickly awakened the people to a
sense of their sacrifices and sufferings. They had
surrendered their liberties for honour : their sons had
bled on every battlefield in Europe : their industry
and thrift had been burthened with the cost of pro-
digious armaments: their commerce had been crip-
pled by rigorous blockades; and yet their beloved
DECLINE OP napoleon's FORTUNES. 229
country, stripped of her conquests, was again tlireat-
ened with invasion. They were weary of wars, and
they had lost faith in their restless and exacting em-
peror. Formidable parties in the State were again
scheming against his power. The priesthood, who
had been gained over by the re-establishment of their
Church, had since been alienated by the dethrone-
ment of the Pope, and the spoliation of the Holy
See. Their natural sentiments were in favour of the
Bourbons and the old regime; and their rupture with
Napoleon, and his impending ruin, quickened their
loyalty to the fallen House. The royalists, who had
never despaired of their cause, foresaw in the re-
verses of the emperor, and the successes of the con-
federate sovereigns, an early realisation of their long
deferred hopes, and 23lotted actively against the gov-
ernment. The party of the revolution, who had been
their most formidable opponents, were now inert and
indifferent. Napoleon had outraged them ; and they
cared not for his fall.
The feelings of the country found expression in the
legislative body. Until Napoleon's retreat t,,,. Le^jg.
from Leipsic, they had ever been obsequi- ^^|,';;^,^,j]y
ous to his will : but now, instead of offering
aid, in the prosecution of the war, they demanded a
surrender of his conquests, and the restoration of
liberty.
The enemies of Napoleon were closing in upon him
on every side. In vain were fresh victories, Napoicon-s
and the most brilliant campaigns oi his
wonderful career. He was overpowered by numbers,
and weakened by defections : the allies entered his
capital, and the senate deposed him from Apmn,
his throne. His abdication, on behalf of
230 FRANCE.
liimjelf and liis son, was soon forced uponliim at
FonLainebleau ; and he exchanged for his vast Euro-
pean empire, the sovereignty of the petty island of
Elba.
France had now struggled, suifered, and bled for
^ , , five-and-twenty years, through a fearful rev-
Results of J J J o
ttie revo- olution and ruinous wars ; and what were
lutiou.
the results ? Her enemies were m posses-
sion of her capital : all ^er conquests were surren-
dered ; and the Bourbons were restored to the throne
of their ancestors.
But these were not the only consequences of the
late convulsions, to France or to Europe. France,
indeed, was governed by another Bourbon king : but
the anden regime was no more : the oppressive privi-
leges of feudalism had been abolished ; and a consti-
tutional charter was granted by Louis XVIII. But
all these benefits had been secured in the first two
years of the revolution, before the monarchy had
been destroyed, without a reign of terror, and with-
out desolating wars. She had gained nothing by her
crimes, her madness, her sacrifices, and her suffer-
ings, since the constitution of the 14th September,
1791.
Upon Europe, the effects of the revolution were con-
Effects of spicuous. The old regime of France was sub-
uoVupon" verted ; and in most European States, where
Europe. ^ similar system had been maintained, since
the middle ages, its foundations were shaken. The
principles of the revolution awakened the minds of
men to political thought ; and the power of absolute
governments was controlled by the force of public
opinion. The earlier campaigns of revolutionary
France also spread democracy abroad, and created
EESULT3 OF THE EETOLUTION. 231
a democratic party, in many States, wliere such a
party liad been hitherto unknown. The French rev-
olution, in its expansive force, resembled the reli-
gious reformation of the sixteenth century, which
stirred the whole of Christendom.* The sympathies
of every people in Europe were aroused : the princi-
ples proclaimed in France were common to all nations
alike : they were preached with the ardour of a new
faith : liberty, equality, and fraternity were not only
the rights of Frenchmen, but the universal * rights of
man : ' they were to politics, what the right of private
judgment was to religion.^ The principles and cha-
racter of democracy were changed, as well as the rela-
tions of rulers to their subjects.
The passionate, sentiments which the revolution had
at first aroused, in other States, were natu-
rally repressed by the rough domination of po^^ition of
the French republic, and the haughty ascen-
dency of Napoleon. The principles of the revolution
were also discredited by the reign of terror,^ and the
military empire. But a change had come over the po-
litical life of Europe. Subjects had sometimes been
' ' La revolution franr;aise est done une revolution politique qui a
operc il la nianirre, et qui a pris, en quelque chose, I'aspect d'une
revolution religieuse.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancicn lityime, IG,
* ' Comma elle avait I'air de tendre a la regeneration du genre hu-
main plus encore quTi la rt'forme de la France, elle a allume une
passion que, jusque-la, les n'volutions politiqucs les plus violentes
n'avaient jamais pu produire.' — Ibid. 19. See also Lecky, Itaiional-
ism in Europe, ii. 240.
" ' La terreur est ce qui a fait perdre, en partio, au monde le sens
de la revolution. La libert(' paiut un mensonge, le jour ou on I'iii-
voqua, une bacLe il la main. LV'galite donna le frisson, mCme S,
ses amants, quand elle fut I't'-galitc' devant I'cchafaud. La frater-
nite? Quelle enigme, quand on vit les honimes s'cutr'egorger en
son nom.' — Louis Blanc, Ilinl. dc In lic-v. xii. 51)8.
232 FRANCE.
provoked to rebellion by oppression, and wrongs : but
loyalty, and reverence for tlie divine riglit of kings,
had become a tradition, and almost a faith. This
sentiment was severely tried by the French revolu-
tion, and the empire. Kings were dethroned, and re-
publics created, to give place to new kings with no
other title than the will of a foreign despot. The al-
legiance of subjects was transferred from one ruler
to another, by the sword of the conqueror. Crowns
seemed but baubles, to be worn for a day, and put
aside, or snatched by some other hand. The tradi-
tional reverence for thrones^ could not withstand the
teaching of such examples. With reverence less un-
doubting, there arose an assertion of popular rights,
and a questioning of the laws by which States were
governed. A marked change came over the relations
of rulers and subjects, which was hereafter to show
itself in revolutions, and constitutional charters;
and everywhere, in the abatement of prerogatives
and privileges, and the extension of popular influ-
ences.
But while the principles of the revolution were
silently working political changes in Europe,
reaction in they wero naturally abhorrent to rulers.
The dangers of democracy had been pain-
fully revealed : its excesses had aroused the horror
and indignation of the civilised world : all that was
noble in the revolution had been overshadowed by its
crimes. Hence a reaction, dangerous to liberty itself,
succeeded the first outburst of sympathy with the re-
' ' There's such divinity doth hedge a king.
That treason can but peep at what it would,
Acts little of his will.' — Hamlet, act iv. sc. 5.
RESULTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 233
generation of a great people, Monarclis dreaded de-
mocracy, as dangerous to their thrones : the governing
classes feared it, as subversive of order, and the rights
of property ; and liberty was everywhere confounded
with democracy. For several years after the revolu-
tionary period, political reaction was general through-
out Euroi^e.
CHAPTER XV.
FRANCE (continued).
THE RESTORATION— LOUIS XVIII.— WEAKNESS OP THE MONARCHY —
STATE OF PARTIES — THE ROYALISTS— CHARLES X. — THE PRIEST
PARTY — THE POLIGNAC MINISTRY — THE THREE DAYS OP JULY —
LOUIS PHILIPPE RAISED TO THE THRONE— EFFECTS OF THE
REVOLUTION OF 1830 UPON EUROPE.
Louis XYIII. was recalled to the throne of his ances-
tors by the senate of his own country : but,
ofthe^re"^ in truth, he was imposed upon France by the
btoration. ^^j'g^j govereigns, whose victorious armies
occupied the capital.^ Such a title, accepted by royal-
ists who had supported the prerogatives of Louis
XVI. by force of arms, was humiliating to France,
which had passionately resented foreign intervention.
It was repugnant alike to the revolutionary party,
whose schemes were frustrated, and to the adherents
of Napoleon, who had derived his power from the
Eevolution, and had assumed to represent its senti-
' In the narrative of the period of the restoration (including the
reigns of Louis XVIII. and Charles X.) the following works have
been mainly relied on, viz. : Lamartine, Histoirc dc In Bestauration ;
Capefigue, Hist, de la Restaur ntion, par un homme d'etat; Lacretelle,
Hist, de la Restaur ation ; Lubis, Hid. de la Restaur ation ; Chateau-
briand, Memoires d' outre tombe; Louis XVIII., Lettres et Instructions
au Comte de St. Priest, pn'cedees d'une notice, par M. de Barante ;
Politique de la Restaumtion d 1823 et 1833, par le Comte de Mar-
cell us.
THE CHAETER OF 1814 235
ments. The revolution tad been in vain: the con-
quests of France had been wrested from her : her vic-
tories had been followed by crushing defeat. The
restoration of the monarchy, under such conditions,
was unj^ropitious. Nor were the acts of the king such
as to win popularity.
Even in granting a constitutional charter, the
Bourbon stood confessed. He declared him- ™ , ,
Charter of
self to be in full possession of his hereditary ^°?j'^j
rights, while he desired so to exercise the May 27,
1S14
authority which he had received fi-om God
and his fathers, as to place ' limits' to his own power.^
France was to receive her liberties as the fi-ee and gra-
cious gift of the king, who ruled over her by divine
right and hereditary title. And, still further to ignore
the revolution, the charter was dated 'in the nine-
teenth year of our reign.' The revolution was further
spurned by the abolition of the national tricolor,
under which the greatest glories of the French armies
had been achieved, and the restoration of the white
Hag of the Bourbons, which had almost come to be
regarded as the standard of an enemy. Well miglit
Napoleon say of the Bourbons, ' lis n'ont rien appris :
ils n'ont rien oublies.'
The insecurity of the Bourbon crown, notwithstand-
ing its divine and hereditary title, was soon j^^^,,^,, ^^
disastrously proved by the triumphant return j^o,\"'^.;;j^
of Napoleon from Elba, and the flight of
Louis from the realm, which he had so lately recov-
ered. After an exile of a hundred days, he was again
restored by his victorious allies, who had triumphed
over the French armies at Waterloo ; and he returned
' Speecli of the Chancellor M. d'Ambray.
236 FRANCE.
under tlie very shadow of the British and Prussian
standards.^
France was doubly humbled by this second resto-
second ration. Again her capital was occupied by
restoration. fQ^gjgjj armies : her destinies were at the
mercy of her enemies: the Louvre was stripped of
the treasures of art which she had taken from foreifm
galleries : her frontiers were contracted : an indem-
nity of upwards of 60,000,000L was exacted by her
conquerors : prodigious armies were for a long time
quartered upon the country ; ^ and when they were at
length withdrawn, a hostile army of occupation,^ to be
supported by herself, was left in her fortresses. The
monarchy was restored : but, in its cause, the patriot-
ism and honour of France were deeply wounded.
And what support had the king upon his throne ?
_ , France, which he was now called upon to
of the govern, was the France of the revolution and
moaarchy. ^ .
the empire. The principles, the passions,
the parties, and the interests of a transformed society,
stood between him and the monarchy of his forefa-
thers. There was a royalist party, indeed : but the old
nohlesse had been crushed by the revolution : their es-
tates had been confiscated, and a great part of their
domains had passed into the hands of new proprie-
tors — the creatures of the revolution. They were
eclipsed by the new nobility of the empire, whose
names were associated with the military glories of
their country. The Church, once a great territorial
' The provisional government, in a message to the Chambers, on
the 7th July, 1815, stated that ' Tous les souverains s'etaient enga-
ges a replacer Louis XVIII. sur la trone, et qu'il doit faire ce soir,
ou demain son entree dans lacapitale.' — Lamartine, Hist, de la Rest.
V. 117. * No less tlian 1,140,000 men. ^ 150.000 men.
WEAKNESS OF THE MONAECHY. 237
power, had lost her possessions, and was a humble
pensioner of the State. Nor could her influence be
soon recovered. The wild irreligion of revolutionary
times was not to be suddenly checked by a weakened
and impoverished clergy. All the sympathies of the
army, it was but too well knowTi, were with Napoleon
at St. Helena. Could Louis rely upon the tradition-
ary devotion of the people to his royal house ? Un-
der the old monarchy, loyalty was a tender Decay of
sentiment of affection and duty, akin to reli- ^°^*"y-
gion. It passed away with the revolution, and could
not be revived. Napoleon had awakened it for a time,
as the representative of national glory : but the ancient
sentiment had not survived the revolutions, factions,
and political changes of the past generation. Nor
had Louis any personal claims to the attachment of
his people. After his long exile, he was as much a
stranger to them, as if he had dropped from the
clouds. Meanwhile, France herself had been trans-
formed by time and the revolution. Her manners, in-
stitutions, sentiments, — all were changed. France was
as strange to Louis, as he to France.^ Loj-alt}' — the
great strength of monarchies — was shaken, and respect
for the law had been lost, amid the convulsions and
anarchy of the revolutionary period. Authority had
been too long known as an arbitrary and capricious
force : it had slio-^Ti itself in executions, pillage, ter-
ror, prisons, and the guillotine ; and, without confidence
in a government, there can be no respect for the law.
' ' Tout etait chang«' dans la patrie — mccurs, institutions, esprit
religieux. Une generation nouvelle t'tait nt'e ct croissait a I'ombre
des opinions et des idLCs de la revolution fian^aise. . . . Unc cour
vieillie et France jeuue, I'einigration etla revolution allaient Ctreen
presence.' — Capefigue, Uist. de la licst. i. 404.
238 FPvANCE.
The revolution and the empire still lived in the
Political hearts of Frenchmen. Many clung to the
parties. « rights of man,' and ' the sovereignty of the
people :' many had profited by the ruin of the Church
r and the noblesse : all were proud of the glories of
French valour, under the republic and the empire.
Formidable parties were opposed to the Bourbon
dynasty,* — the republicans, a section of the liberal or
constitutional party ,^ and, above all, the imperialists.
The latter commanded great power and influence,
notwithstanding a reaction against Napoleon, after his
recent disasters. It comprised the foremost men in
the army, and in the State ; and was strengthened
by the glorious memories of the greatest soldier of
France. There was scarcely yet an Orleans party :
but an influential coterie, attached to the interests of
the Duke, formed a section of the liberal party. But
none of these parties were so embarrassing to the
king, or so dangerous to his throne, as his too zealous
friends, the royalists.^ They formed the party of re-
action : they saw in the restoration a revival of the
ancien regime: they abhorred all the principles of the
revolution ; and they were burning for vengeance upon
their enemies. They had suffered exile and confisca-
tions : they had witnessed the ruin of every institu-
' ' Toutefois, les parties politiques etaient testes debout. Jamais
les passions baineuses, les exigences des factions, n'avaient ete plus
grandes ; et le spectacle des malbeurs de la patrie, qui devait etre si
puissant sur des coeurs fran^ais, n'arretait pas ce debordement des
opinions.' — Capefigue, Hist, de la Best, iii. 2.
^ One section of this party was really constitutional : another was
estranged from the Bourbons, and opposed to the dynasty. — Cape-
figue, Hist, de la Best. iv. 83.
' ' Les royautes neuves perissent par leurs ennemis, les restaura-
tions par leurs amis.' — Lamartine, Hist, de la Best. viii. 413.
THE EOYALISTS. 239
tion, and the violation of every principle, wliich tliey
had learned to cherish ; and, at length, the good time
had come when their wrongs were to be redressed
and avenged.
The monarchy was now constitutional : but prero-
gative was still to be paramount, in the gov-
ernment of the State. One of the king's first prTroga-
acts was to issue a royal ordinance altering
the electoral law, and summoning a new legislative
body, with an extended suffrage. By another ordi-
nance he reconstructed the chamber of peers, and made
it hereditary. The king further relieved all publica-
tions, except journals, from the censorship. Some of
these measures were liberal : but they were the acts
of prerogative, not of the legislature.
Before the elections, the temper of the royalists had
been displayed in many parts of France, and
especially in the south. At Marseilles, at of th'^*^°
Nismes, and at Toulouse, the violence of roy- '^"^'^
alist mobs recalled the atrocities of the Jacobins in
1793. An overwhelming majority of royalists found a
place in the legislature, bent upon vengeance against
the imperialist party, and upon a reactionary policy
in the State. Their first measures provided for the
punishment of seditious cries, for indefinite arrest,
and for the trial of political offenders by courts-
martiak Tliey insisted upon the trial and execution
of Marshal Ney, and his brethren in arms, who had
returned to the standards of Napoleon.^ When a
' Of this act Lamartino says : — 'Un sentiment plus dangereux que
la colr-re, parce qu'il est plus durable, couva dans les couirs de la
jeunesse inipartialo, de rarnn'e oiitragre, du peu])l(3 rccoiuiaissant.
Ce fut le degout pour la pusillanimite de cette cour (|ui ii';ivait pas
comVmltu, et qui laissait rcpaudre jxjur sa cause uu sang populaire
240 FRANCE.
general amnesty was proclaimed, they opposed the
king's act of clemency. This party was far more roy-
alist than the king himself; and was soon in open
opposition to his government. They defeated a new
electoral law, which threatened their own influence :
they resisted the budget, and were opposed to the
moderation, and remedial measures of the ministers.
Boyalism was becoming one of the chief dangers of
the State ; and while the government was embarrassed
by royalist zeal on one side, it was threatened, on the
other, by dangerous republican conspiracies at Paris,
Grenoble, and Lyons.
To meet these difficulties the king resorted to the
Coup characteristic expedient of French policy, a
Sept. 5, coup d'etat. He suddenly dissolved the legis-
•'^^'^- lative body, and by a royal decree pro-
claimed a new electoral law, with a suffrage restricted
to persons paying three hundred francs direct taxa-
tion to the State, and generally resembling that pro-
vided by the charter of 1814. It was considered as a
middle-class franchise, comprising the small proprie-
tors and tradesmen, and it was founded upon the prin-
ciple of direct representation. This stretch of pre-
rogative provoked the bitterest denunciations of the
royalists : ^ but it was condoned by the republican
and imperialist parties, as promising increased influ-
ence to themselves. It was clear that constitutional
government had not yet taken root in France; and
et glorieux, en libation a I'etranger sur un sol foule encore par nos
ennemis.' — Lamartine, Hist, de la Best. iv. 59.
' ' Dissoudre la seule assembli'e,' said Chateaubriand, ' qui depuis
1789 ait manifesto des sentiinens purement royalistes, c'est, & mon
avis, une etrange maniere de sauver la monarcliie.' — La Monarchie
selon, la Charte. (Euvres, xviii. 431.
LIBERAL MEASURES. 241
that neither the excesses of the old monarchy, nor of
the revolution had been forgotten.
At the elections, the relations of parties were sin-
gular. The moderate party and the repub-
Defeat
licans supported the crovernment : the roy- of the
, , . rni royalists.
alists were everywhere opposed to it. The
new electoral act, however, had been so dexterously
contrived that the ministerial party secured a majority.
The new chamber immediately passed another electo-
ral law, founded upon the same principles as the last or-
dinance, which was constitutionally agreed to
by the chamber of peers and the king. The law of
restrictions upon the liberty of the press, and
the liberty of the person, were also continued for a year.
The royalist ministers were removed, and the govern-
ment was formed entirely from the moderate ljij^jj^i
liberal part}^ which commanded a majority ^ii^isure?.
in the chamber. By the late electoral law one-fifth
of the chamber was to be renewed annuall}^, and the
successive elections of 1817 and 1818 increased the
strength of the liberal, and even of the democratic
party ; and was gradually excluding the royalists from
the chamber. The firmest friends of the monarchy
were losing ground ; and were supplanted by the revo-
lutionarj' and imperialist parties. The moderate min-
istry of the Duke de Riclielieu was broken up, and
succeeded by a ministry of more advanced opinions,
under General Dessoles. Oblivion of past offences was
the main policy of this ministry. The officers of Na2")0-
leon were restored to commands in the army ; and the
magistracy and civil service were filled with adherents
of the revolution and the empire. The censorship of
the press was removed; and the trial of offences of
the press entrusted to juries.
vuj.. n. -11
242 FEANCE.
The royalisis, powerless in the representative cham-
ThckiiK' ber, still commanded a majority in the cham-
opposed to Ijqj. Qf peers. There they insisted upon a
royalists. change in the electoral law, which had been
the ruin of their party. They were answered by the
March 8 Creation of sixty-three new peers, all of the
^^^"^^ liberal party, among whom were six of Napo-
leon's marshals. By one couj) cVc'tat the king had over-
come the royalists in the legislative body : by another
he overthrew them in the hereditary chamber. The
reliance of the crown was now placed upon the very
parties which had opposed the restoration of the
monarchy. The king was pressed by a hard alterna-
tive. If he cast in his fortunes with the royalists, he
hazarded revolution : if he severed himself fi*om them,
he was drifting into the arms of his enemies.
The latter danger was aggravated by the elections
, . of 1819, which resulted in the return of a
Increasma: '
tiiL™c'n'''o"^ large majority of the democratic party. The
cratic party. Jjing, alarmed by the rapid advances of de-
mocracy, was persuaded that another revision of the
electoral law was necessary for the security of his
throne. As his liberal ministers did not concur in
this view, a new ministry was formed under M. De-
cazes, to carry it into effect. This rupture with the
liberal party provoked the most violent attacks of
the enfranchised press, and fresh conspiracies against
the monarchy. When the excitement caused by this
change of policy was at its height, the assassination
Royalist re- °^ ^^® Duke de Berri, produced a sudden re-
action, action in favour of the royalists; and the
Duke de Richelieu was restored to office, with the
support of that partj^. Its policy was the revival of
the censorship of the press, a continuance of discre-
EOYALIST REACTION. 2i3
tionary arrest (in the nature of a suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act), and a new electoral law. Not-
withstanding a violent opposition in the chambers
and in the press, and serious disturbances in the
streets of Paris, and elsewhere, these three measures
were passed. By the electoral law, a new constitu-
ency was created, favourable to rank and property;
and the king supported the roj^alist party with all the
influence of the crown. Before the elections, he ad-
dressed a lithographed autograph circular to every
elector in his realm, advising him to vote for candi-
dates devoted to his throne, and to the charter. The
result of the elections could not be doubtful. The
new fi'anchise, and a strong reaction in favour of the
king, secured the royalists and their allies, the priest
party, a large majority. The moderate, or constitu-
tional, party was unable to hold its ground; and a
royalist ministry was soon appointed, under M. de
Villele. The State was ever destined to be impelled
from one extreme to another.
The first measure of the new ministry was a law
imposing fi'esh restrictions upon the press, Royalist
and withdrawing the trial of press offences
from juries. It was passed : but the exas-
l)eration of tlie liberal party was extreme. Power
had been wrested from their hands ; and the policy
of roj'alist reaction had been avowed. There were
popular commotions, and some insurrectionary move-
ments in the provinces, which were promptly sup-
pressed. But the worst symptom of the time was the
formation of secret societies, in correspondence with
the Italian Carbonari.* Lafayette, who, thirty years
' ' La carbonaiisinc, dont I'origine se perd dans la nuit du moyou-
iige, commc la irauc niaroiURrie, dont il I'ut, tour u lour, I'allk' et
iniuistry.
1821.
2M FR^lNCE.
before, had played so active a part in the great revo-
lution, was not yet weary of revolutionary intrigues :
but was the chief promoter of these dangerous demo-
cratic conspiracies.^ The extreme parties of the rev-
olution were again in full activity, and moderate
constitutional councils, which had been the con-
stant aim of the king, were exposed to the obloquy
of royalists on one side, and of republicans on the
other.
Successive elections continued to increase the
spani.-h strength of the royalist party. Meanwhile,
^''''"' the death of Napoleon had depressed the
hopes of the imperialists ; and a diversion had been
caused, from the fierce conflict of parties, by the bril-
liant success of the brief war in Sj)ain. That war
was, indeed, a royalist war. It was concerted with
the despotic powers at the congress of Verona,^ and
French armies were marched to support the King of
Spain against a popular revolution. Such a jDolicy
was repugnant to tlie liberal party in France, and
throughout Europe : but militarj^ glory has ever ral-
lied the French people round their rulers, whether
royal or republican. For a time, the monarchy was
strengthened by this siiccess : but the pretensions of
the royalists were dangerously encouraged.^ France
had accepted the repressive policy of the Holy Alli-
ance ; and her rulers were to become yet more defi-
ant of the principles of the revolution.
I'ennemi, ctait une sorte de Jacobinisme Italien.' — Lamartine, Ilist.
de la Best. vi. 312.
" Lamartine, Hist, de la Best. vii. 26 et seq. ; Capefigue, Hid. de la
B^st. vii. 308.
- Capefigue, Hist, de la Best. vii. 345 et seq.
2 Lamartine, Hist, do la Best. vii. 323.
CHAELES X. 245
The policy of Louis XVIII. liimself liad been one
of moderation, clemency, and justice ; and Death of
at liis death, in September, 1823, he left xviTi.
France apparently more safe from the war of Sept. le,
factions, than at any period of his troubled
reign. ^
It was a fortunate moment for the commencement
of a new reign ; and the king's brother, the
Comte d'Artois, who succeeded him, as of
Charles X., had many showy and popular
qualities to recommend him to the favour of the
French people. His first act was to conciliate the
press, by the abolition of the censorship ; and the
Journals proclaimed the inauguration of freedom, and
mutual confidence between the king and his people.
But his popularity was shortlived. With generous
sentiments, Charles X. cherished a lofty ideal jjj^
of his own prerogatives : as leader of the ^''^'-icter.
royalist party, in the late reign, he was identified with
their principles;^ and having grown devout, after a
' ' Si la restauration, le plus difficile des gouvernements, n'eut que
ce rcgne, ce fut la faute de son dge, ce ue fut pas celle de ,sa po-
litique. II avait en lui le genie flexible, tempero et m'gociateur des
restaurations.' — Lamartine, Ilist. de la Rent. vii. 340.
' All conseil rareraent il inclinait pour les partis violens : il savait
que dans un pays agite par les revolutions, les termes moyens sont
encore ce qui vit le plus long temps.' — Capefigue, Hist, de la Rest.
X. 381.
'^ Loui.-i XVWI. said to one of his ministers : — ' Mon frcTC est im-
patient de devorer mon regno, mais qu'il se souvienne que s'il no
change pas, le sol tremblcra sous lui.' — Capefigue, Hist, de la Rest.
(title-page).
On his deathbed Louis XVIII., warning his brother against the
royalists, ' lui peignit, par des mots entrecoupes et faibles, les diffi-
cultes de son regno, Ic moyen d'eviter les ecueils qu'uno trop grande
exaltation des opinions royalistes pouvait produire,' adding, ' Agissez
246 FEANCE.
youtli of gaiety, lie was surrounded by priests and
Jesuits. The evil influence of the latter determined
his policy, and was fatal to his crown. During the
late reign, the poverty of the Church had been re-
lieved by increased endowments : the religious feel-
ings of the people had shown signs of revival ; and
the Church promised, at no distant time, to recover
her spiritual influence. But there was still a strong
jealousy of the priesthood, and a repugnance to the
political domination of the Church.
The king continued the royalist ministry in power ;
PriePtiv ^^^ -^^ constituted a priestly camarilla his
intiuence. secret couucillors, and keepers of his con-
science. His palace was made gloomy with incessant
prayers and masses : his household was filled with
creatures of the Jesuits ; and many important offices
of state were entrusted to the priest party. Such
favour to the ultramontane faction was unpopular in
itself ; and the priestly policy was disastrous.
The army was oifended by a large scheme of super-
unpopuiar aunuatiou, designed to remove from active
measures, service the marshals and generals of the em-
pire. An indemnity of 40,000,000^. was granted to
the royalist emigrants, whose estates had been con-
fiscated during the revolution. A law of extreme se-
verity was passed against sacrilege. An attempt was
made to restore the rights of primogeniture, to which
the people were passionately opposed : but it failed,
even in the house of peers. A doleful religious jubilee
was celebrated throughout France, for six tedious
weeks ; and Thanin, the narrow ultramontane bishop
comme jo I'ai fait, et vous arriverez i1 cette fin de pais et de trau-
quillitC-.'— Ibid. x. 377.
OPPOSITION TO THE COUET. 247
of Scrasburg, was appointed preceptor to the young
Due de Bordeaux.
These measures had provoked the vehement oppo-
sition of the press ; and their secret authors j^^^^^^^,
were scourged with merciless invectives. It *^"'^''-
was not from priestly rulers that tolerance of free dis-
cussion could be expected ; and they retaliated by
proposing a severe law against the press. Such was
its severity, that, resisted by intelligent men of all
parties, it was defeated in its most stringent provi-
sions ; and served but to increase the enmity of the
journalists, and the intellectual classes. The ill-feel-
ing caused by the reactionary policy of the cabinet
and the camarilla was yet rife, when the king reviewed
the national guard of Paris, and expression was given
to the popular discontents by some soldiers of the
tenth legion. Cries were raised of 'A has les ministres!
a has les Jesuites!' It was a breach oi discipline, de-
manding prompt repression and punishment : but the
king was advised, by his dangerous councillors, to as-
sert his dignity by a signal mark of his displeasure.
He, at once, disbanded the entire national guard. If
this severity was necessary, prudence would have
suggested the disarming of the force : yet 40,000 men,
offended and resentful, were left in possession of their
arms and accoutrements.
But the incapacity of the priestly statesmen was
soon to be shown upon more momentous . ,
/■ . , Dissolution
occasions. Their maiority m the chambers "l "'^■,
■' _ •' ^ (hambcr of
had been shaken by their recent policy ; and i>«p<'ti«s.
they found themselves exposed to bold criti-
cism, and often to serious resistance. The country
was far more hostile to the government than the
chambers : yet a dissolution was determined upon,
248 FR^mCE. '
at tills critical time. No sooner was tlie session closed
than the censorship of the press was re-
June 1827. it t t^t i
stored by a royal ordinance, in JSovember,
no less than seventy-six peers were created ; and the
chamber of deputies was dissolved. The impolicy of
the dissolution was soon made evident. Even the
higher class of electors, who had been created to se-
cure the success of royalist candidates, turned against
the court. There were riots in Paris, where liberal
candidates were returned, in the midst of dangerous
popular excitement ; and the temper of the leaders of
the liberal party threatened a determined onslaught
upon the government.
The ministry of de Villele yielded to the coming
Liberal storm, aiid withdrew before the meeting of
the ncw^ °^ the chambers : but did not escape censure
chambers. ^^^ ^^^ chamber of deputies. The minis-
try of de Martignac had been constituted to appease
the anger of the liberal party : but, being obnoxious
to the king and his camarilla, it was to be dismissed
when it had served its purpose. The new chambers
showed a reforming spirit, repugnant to the policy
of the court. They restrained the army of govern-
ment officers from voting at elections, and they re-
stored the liberty of the press. And, in order to
satisfy the prevailing sentiment against the Jesuits,
the king was prevailed upon to issue ordinances sup-
pressing schools under their management, and limit-
ing the number of students for holy orders. This
ministry having neither the confidence of the king,
nor of the chambers, was dismissed, and was suc-
ceeded by the famous royalist administration of the
Prince de Polignac.
This ill-omened minister, with many eminent quali-
THE POLIGNAO MEsISTEY. 249
ties, was in statesmansliip little better tlian a priest :
his policy ivas that of a past age. He re- ^^^
garded the iirero^atives of the crown as sa- i''.'ii?nac
f J. o ^ ^ mmisiiy.
cred, and above all laws and constitutions : Angu^t
and freedom of worship as ' an outrage against
the altar of the true God.' ^ Such a minister was
dear to the inmost hearts of the Jesuits : but to the
French people, just recovering from the wild license
of the revolution, his nomination was a defiance.
The new ministers were everywhere denounced. The
press foretold the downfall of the monarchy : Guizot
and Thiers deplored the blindness and infatuation
of the king: Lafayette organised the political socie-
ties ; and made a tour of agitation in the south of
France.^
In March 1830, while this popular excitement con-
tinued, the chambers were opened ; and the
. . . . Want of
deputies, in their address to the kinp;, con- comidLiice
i ' >=>' in the
veyed, in measured and respectful terms, p<.'ivini-ic
'' ^ . ■'• . ministry.
their want of confidence in the Polignac
ministry. The king resented this address as an as-
sault upon his prerogative. Denying the March 2,
right of the chamber to advise him in the ^^^'
choice of his own ministry, he would not allow the
Prince de Polignac to resign : but prepared for a
contest with his antagonists. He replied to the ob-
noxious address in language which bespoke his de-
termination ; and on the following day the chambers
were prorogued, before any of the business of the
' Lamartine, Ilist. de la Erst. viii. 329.
' ' La contre-revolution pleine ct enthre arrivo avec M. de Polig-
nac : alors le sol a tniinble sons les pas de Charlos X., pour nous
Bervir do la prophutique expression de son frcre.' — Capcfigue, ZJist,
de la Best. x. 394.
11*
250 FRANCE.
session had been transacted. The breach between
the king and his parliament was now complete.
That it was full of danger to the monarchy, none
but the blindest councillors could fail to see ; and
the infatuation of the high-prerogative faction jDre-
cipitated the impending crisis. Prosecutions were
commenced against several newspapers, which in-
creased the exasperation of the popular party : while
the royalist journals openly exhorted the king to exer-
cise his prerogatives for the defeat of disloyal factions.
Notwithstanding the unmistakable public sentiment
Another agaiust the policy of the court, ministers re-
^*^°Jg"°"" solved upon another appeal to the people ;
1830. and in May the chambers were dissolved.
As every one but ministers had foreseen, an over-
whelming liberal majority was returned. The verdict
of the country was unequivocally pronounced against
the reactionary policy of the king and his advisers :
Coup but they resolved to brave it. The hostile
jii'iy 25 chamber of deputies could not be safely en-
1830. countered, and it was dissolved before the
day appointed for its meeting. So far, the king,
though taking a violent and dangerous course, was
acting within his prerogative. But how was another
hostile majority to be averted ? By a new electoral
law, under the sole authority of a royal ordinance !
This illegal ordinance was accompanied by another,
prohibiting the publication of any newspapers, with-
out a license from the government. The misguided
king had been advised that the fourteenth article of
the charter ^ permitted such an exercise of prerogative ;
and it was affirmed that Louis XVIII. had issued simi-
' ' Le roi . . . fait les reglemens et les ordonnances neces-
saires pour I'exccution des lois, et la surete de Tctat,'
THE THEEE DAYS OF JULY, 1830. 251
lar ordinances without objection. But it was forgotten
that the king was now repealing express acts of the
legislature, which had been passed since the ordi-
nances of the late reign ; and that he was unquestion-
ably exceeding the powers of a constitutional sove-
reign.^ His contest with the popular party had already
been fraught with danger : but, by this plain violation
of the law, he gave his adversaries an overwhelming
advantage, by which they were not slow to profit.
The king had committed himself to a violation of
the law and the constitution : he had offended
the press, the liberal party, and the people, pripaia-
His policy was that of force. He had taken
his stand upon his own prerogatives, and should have
been prepared to defend the dangerous position he
had assumed. Yet such was the blind confidence of
his advisers in the royal authority, and such their ig-
norance of j)opular sentiments, that, while provoking
insurrection, they had taken no measures to repress
it. Paris was the great centre of political movements,
the source of all former revolutions : it had a turbu-
lent populace, a discontented hoitrgeoisie, a disbanded,
but not disarmed, national guard, two hundred thou-
sand men trained to arms, and bold leaders versed in
the tactics of street-fighting. What were the forces
prepared to resist these formidable elements of dis-
order? In Paris tliere were about ten thousand
ti-oops, of all arms, of whom 4,600 were of the royal
guard, and twelve guns,'~ with six rounds of grapc-
' Even the Duke of Wellington, one of the best friends of the
Bourbons, and certainly no unfriendly critic of prerofrativo, ad-
mitted ' that the throne of Charles X. had fallen from his own acts.'
« Four of these were at the Invalides, and were not brought into
action.
252 FEANCE.
sliot. No attempt liad been made to strengthen tlie
garrison, from other stations, and Marshal Marmont,
who had just been apjDointed to the command, being
ignorant of the impending coup (Vttat, had made no
preparations for the defence of the capital. His
scanty force vras ill supplied with food and ammuni-
tion, and without the means of securing immediate
reinforcements, or supplies.
Such was the condition of Paris when the ordi-
nances were published. The leading oppo-
tioniu sition joumalists, advised that they were
July s6, illegal, refused obedience to the law for the
1830. .
regulation of the press, and published a pro-
test, in which they proclaimed their determination
to resist it. This protest was signed by forty-four
journalists, among whom was Thiers. Attempts tq
seize the refi'actorv iournals, and close their
July 27. , " . .
oiiices, provoked disorders in the streets.
"While a meeting of thirty liberal deputies, including
Casimir Perier, Dupin, and Guizot, were deliberating
upon the perilous situation of affairs, a general insur-
rection had broken out in Paris : barricades were
erected : the people were arming themselves with
pikes and seizing arms : the disbanded national guards
were in the midst of them, not ranged on the side of
order, but in arms against the handful of troops,
which had been left to defend the capital, and tlie
monarchy. This small force, half-starved, thirsty, ill
provided with ammunition, and wearied with excessive
duty, was wholly unequal to cope with the over-
whelming masses by which it was surrounded : but it
succeeded in carrying several of the barricades, and
other strong positions of the insurgents. At length,
however, the troops of the line, who had been left for
AEDICATION OF CHAELES X- 253
hours in conversation with the people, were seduced
h'oni their allegiance, and offered no further resistance
to the insurgents. The royal guard continued faith-
ful to the last : but the insurgents had gained posses-
sion of the Hotel de Ville, the Louvre, and
the Tuileries : the tricolor flag was flying from
the towers of Notre-Dame ; and the insurrection was
everywhere triumphant.
Meanwhile, the liberal leaders, who had been in fre-
quent consultation during tliese events, were ^j^^ ]j^j^|.j^j
encouraged, by the progress of the insurrec- leaders.
tion, to place themselves at the head of the movement.
Guizot, Thiers, and Villemain shrank from taking j^art
in the insurrection : but Lafitte, Lafayette, and others
resolved to make common cause with the insurgents.
Lafayette accepted tlie command of the insurrection-
ary forces, and established himself at the Hotel de
Ville, at the head of a provisional government ; while
other leaders were busy with plans for giving a safe
direction to the successful movement.
When the king was fully informed of the state of
the capital, he revoked the obnoxious ordi- r^^^^ ^. »
nances, and dismissed his ministers : but it j*„']y ^q^" \
was too late ; and a proclamation was issued, ^^^- i
fi'om the Hotel de Ville, declaring that Charles X.
had ceased to reign in France. On the folloAving day
he abdicated in favour of his grandson, the Due de
Bordeaux.' His abdication was accepted: but the suc-
' ' Telle f ut la fin de la restauration, — gouvernemont Ic plus difficile
de tous ceux que I'histoire retrace en legon aux homraes, et ou les
fautes sont les plus inevitables, meme aux plus droitcs intentions,
parce que les choses abolies pur la r<'vohition, ct pcraonnifu'es.dans
les dynasties proHcrites, s'efforceiit, par nature, de revonir avec ccs
dynasties, et portent outrage auxclioses nouvelles.' — Lamartiue, Hid.
do la Rest. viii. 441,
254 FEANCE.
cession was repudiated by all but the defeated royal-
Abdica- ists ', aud tlie unfortunate monarcli, anxious
Charles X. to avcrt tlie shedding of more blood in his
"^''*'' ■ cause, retreated to Cherbourg, where he em-
barked for Edinburgh. There was no attempt to
arrest his flight ; and the revolution was spared the
embarrassment of determining the fate of a captive
king. The examples of English history were followed.
One king had been brought to the scaffold : another
was suffered to escape.
The throne was vacant ; and how should Franco be
governed? The republicans had been the authors of
the revolution, had fought in the streets, and had con-
quered : Lafayette, their leader, was in command of
their armed multitudes, — a revolutionist of more than
forty years' experience, and ambitious of being the
founder and dictator of a new republic. The empire
had multitudes of friends : but the death of Napoleon,
and the youth of the King of Bome, discouraged any
attemjDts in favour of that dynasty. But there were
wiser heads at work upon another scheme. They had
taken no part in the insurrection : they had incurred
no danger : all the fighting had been done for them :
but they now sat in conclave to distribute the fruits
of the victory. Lafitte, the banker, Guizot, Thiers,
and other journalists were determined, if possible, to
rescue France from another period of revolution, and
mob-rule. Lafitte had long maintained the closest re-
lations of confidence with the Duke of Orleans ; and
during the last two reigns had assumed the lead of
the Orleanist party, or coterie. The chief journalists,
being men of political moderation, were either as-
sociated with that party, or friendly to the objects
which it had in view. With rare address and manatre-
LOUIS PHILIPPE KING. 255
ment, this little knot of clever men issued a procla-
mation recommending the Duke of Orleans to the va-
cant throne. Thej overcame the irresolution of that
prince himself: they prevailed upon the deputies
and peers then in Paris to offer him the crown :
they extolled the claims of their candidate in all
their nev/spajjers : they outwitted Lafayette and the
republicans ; and obtained their reluctant acquies-
cence in 'a throne surrounded by republican institu-
tions.' ^
In a few days every difficulty was surmounted : a
new constitution was prepared : Louis Phi- ^onig
lippe accepted the crowTi, as 'King of tHe kin'<^''orthe
"French,' and swore to observe the constitu- ^[f.r'lf^t'
tion. The new settlement of the crown re- '^^"^i'-'-
sembled that of England in 1689. The essential laws
of the State were little changed : the charter of Louis
XVIII., with the exception of the 14th article, which
had caused tlie fatal errors of the late reign, was gen-
erally maintained : the tricolor flag was restored ; and
the trial of press offences was once more remitted to
juries.
The revolution of July had changed the d^masty of
France, and founded a constitutional mon-
arch}'. It was th^ work of few hands : it of the
was no national movement : but it was ac- on foitiga
cepted by the nation, as the overthrow of
royalist principles repugnant to the constitution. In
other European States it encouraged a revolt against
the absolutist policy which had been maintained since
the peace of 1815. The vague declarations of the
' Of these proceedings, it is cleverly said by ^Ir. Reeve, ' The
crown was disposed of by a liand-bili, and the dynasty enthroned by
a [>lacard.' — Roydl and Ri publican France, ii. 52.
25 G FEANCE.
Holy Alliance ^ acquired significance at Troppau, at
Laybacli, and at Verona. The great powers, — dread-
ing a revival of the revolutionary spirit, v/hich had
shaken thrones, and disturbed the peace of nations, —
had combined to repress popular movements in Na-
ples, in Piedmont, and in Spain ; and they had ex-
ercised their influence everywhere in discouraging
democracy. Greece alone had been aided in her
struggle for freedom and independence, by the liberal
policy of England, and the religious sympathies of
Russia.
The revolution of July suddenly fi'ustrated the re-
pressive policy of the great powers, and was the com-
mencement of a new era in the liberties of Europe.
It gave an impulse to the revolution in Belgium : to
the insurrection in Poland; to the democratic con-
stitutions of Switzerland : to political reforms in seve-
ral of the States of Germany ; and to parliamentary
reform in England. Its influence was felt in Italy, in
Spain, and Portugal : in Hungary, and in the Sclavonic
provinces of Austria. And, even beyond the bounds of
Europe, it reached fi^om Egypt and Syria, in the east,
to South America, in the west. The period of reaction
was now closed, to be succeeded by the progressive
development of constitutional freedom.
1 On September 26, 1815, tlie Emperors of Russia and Austria and
the King of Prussia had entered into a convention, known as the
Holy Alliance, to give efEect to the precepts of justice, Christian
charity, and peace; but its true objects were subsequently disclosed.
CHAPTER XYL
FEANCE {continued).
REIGN OF LOUIS PHILIPPE — STATE OP PAKTIES — KELIANCE UPON
THE MIDDLE CLASSES — INSURRECTIONS— LOUIS NAPOLEON AT
STRASBURG AND BOULOGNE — REFORM AGITATION — THE SPANISH
MARRIAGES — THE FALL OF LOUIS PHILIPPE — EFFECTS OF THE
REVOLUTION OF 1848 UPON THE DIFFERENT STATES OF EUROPE.
Upon Louis Pliilippe liad devolved tlie difficult experi-
ment of a constitutional government, — to be r^^^ ,.. ,g
maintained against royalists on one side, and fiifficuities.
republicans and Bonapartists on the other : with rival
parties supporting his throne, and hostile factions
plotting to subvert it : v/ith all the principles of the
revolution in full activity ; and with few of the safe-
guards of an established monarchy.^ Journalists had
been the king-makers of this crisis, and were rewarded
' The followiug are tlie principal works relating to the reign of
Louis Philippe. They differ essentially in principles, aims, and party
views : but they agree generally in their narratives of the chief
events of the period : — Louis Blanc, Hist, de Dix Arts, 1830-1840 ;
and Hist, de Huit Avs, 1840-1848 ; Capcfigue, Dix Ans de Louis
PMlippe ; Lamartine, Hist, de la Rev. de 1848 ; Gamier Pages, Hist,
de la Rev. de 1848 ; Duvernier de Hauranne, Hist, du Gouv. Pari.
1814-1848 ; Kegnault, Hist, de Huit Ans, 1840-1848, and Hist, du
Gouvcrnement Provisoire ; Qranier de Cassagnac, Hist, de la Chute de
Louis Philippe, d:c.; Quizot, M('m. pour servir a I'Histoire de mon
Temps; lyilaussonville, Hist, de la Politique exterieure du Goiiverne-
ment Franrais, 1830-1848 ; Beaumont-Vassy, Hist, de m<m Temps;
Amcdce Boudin, Hist, de Louiis Philippe.
258 FKANCE.
"by a considerable sliare of power under tlie new dy-
nasty. But Louis Philippe, whose chief characteristics
were prudence and caution, was constrained to form a
ministry of such social pretensions as befitted a great
monarchy, and commanded the confidence of the aris-
tocracy, as well as of the democracy. Accordingly his
first ministry was formed under the Due de Broglie :
but Guizot was Minister of the Interior ; and Lafitte,
Dupiu, and Casimir Perier were not forgotten, but had
seats in the cabinet, without office. The democratic
party, however, were greatly dissatisfied with the
share of power which had fallen to their lot : the re-
publicans were smarting under their recent discom-
fiture ; and the disorganisation of French society pro-
mised little political repose to the citizen king. A
revolution had raised him to the throne : revolutionary
sentiments had been revived by the triumph of the
barricades ; and the problem to be solved was how a
constitutional king should govern a democracy, which
he was obliged at once to propitiate and to restrain.^
All the parties of the late reigns were as irrecon-
state of cilable as ever : royalists, Bonapartists, doc-
parties. triuaires, liberals, reiDublicans, and the now
dominant party of the Orleanists. But the royalists
were no longer supporters of the throne. They had
been devoted adherents of the restored monarchy,
which represented, in tlieir eyes, the sacred principle
of hereditary right, as well as a time-honoured insti-
' ' Riea n'etait vrai dans cette royaiit6, qu'un trone et un peuple
egalement frustres. Tot outard, il devait s'aneantir, comme il avait
surgi, dans uu souffle.' — Lainartine, Hist, de la Best. {Preanibule, 9).
' Entre I'lieredits, qu'il avait bannie, et I'election nationale, qu'il
avait eludee, que pouvait-il faire ? Manoeuvrer, negocier, ateiinoyer,
capter, corrompre : gouvernement a deux visages, dout aucuu ne
disait une verite,' — Ibid.
EEIGN OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 259
tution, to uliicli tliey and tlieir ancestors had owed
allegiance. But now tliey were the bitterest enemies
of the sovereign, who had usurped the throne of their
legitimate king.
The main reliance of Louis Philippe was upon
the large society of the middle classes who Reliance
dreaded democracy, on one side, and pre- n\'J^J|ie^®
rogative, on the other. And it became the classes.
policy of his reign to secure the adhesion of these
classes, by favouring enterprise and industry: by
placing the chief power of the State in their hands :
by lavishing upon them patronage and profits ; and by
an extended system of political corruption. Unable
to rely upon the traditions or sentiments of his peo-
ple, he was driven to appeal to their interests.^ The
bourgeoisie were naturally attracted to the sober rule of
the citizen king ; and their relations with their work-
men, at this time, further ensured their ad- socialism.
hesion. After the revolution of 1830, the ^^^'
' Of these classes Louis Blanc says : ' Comme classe mllitante, la
bourgeoisie a bien merits de la civilisation. EUe possede d'ailleurs
des qualit'-s : I'amour du travail, le respect de la loi, la haiue du
fanatisme, et de ses emportements, des mocurs douces, I'economie,
ce qui compo.se le fond de.i vertus doniestiques. Mais elle manque
en gL-neral de profondeur dans les idees, d'ek'vation dans les senti-
ments; et elle n'a aucune vaste croyance.' — Ilist. de Dix Ans, v. 332.
According to Guizot : ' Et lorsqu'elles out cte amenees, en 1830, a
fonder une monarchie nouvelle, los classes moyennes ont porto, dans
cette difficile entreprise, un esprit de justice et de sincerity politique
dont aucun evenement ne pent leur enlever I'bonneur. Eu dopit de
toutes les passions, de tons les perils qui les assaillaicnt, en depit
de Icurs propres passions, elles ont serieuseraent voulu et pratiquii
I'ordre constitutionnel ; elles ont efifectivement respectt'et maintcnu,
au dedans et pour tout, la liberti-, a la fois legale et vive, au dehors
et partout, la paix, la paix active et prosp^re,' — Dc la Democratic en
France, 44.
260 FEiVNCE.
principles of socialism, founded upon St. Simon, were
more widely adopted by the working classes of Paris.
Their creed was shortly this : that they should regu-
late the prices of their own labour, and distribute its
products among themselves : that the inheritance of
property should be forbidden : that marriage should
be abolished ; and that the community should take
the place of families.^
One hopeful contrast is to be observed between the
crmtrast Spirit of the revolution of 1789 and that of
nsQund 1830. In the first, a ferocious thirst for
^^'^' blood disgraced it in the eyes of Europe and
of history : in the second, no blood was shed save in
the streets of Paris, during the three days of July.
Prince de Polignac, and some of his colleagues, had
not escaped, like their royal master ; and were
brought to trial for their crimes, against the law.
Their trial was watched by the people, with threaten-
ing demonstrations. In 1793 their lives would have
been sacrificed to the popular fury : but now they
were calmly judged by the chamber of peers. They
had violated the law, and were condemned : but their
crimes were punished by transportation and impri-
sonment, not by death.
The troubled course of Louis Philippe's reign may
Summary ^6 briefly followed. The Due de Broglie's
November ministry soon fell, and was succeeded by
10, isio. ^j^g^|. q£ Lafitte, the king-maker. It was their
policy to prevent the revolution from drifting into
anarchy ; and they had the courage to dismiss the re-
publican chief Lafayette from the command of the na-
March 13, tioual guard. This ministry soon gave place
^^^" to another under Casimir Perier. To gratify
' Seo Louis Blanc, Hist, de Dix Ans, ii. 268.
ABOLITION OF HEREDIT.UiY TEEK^GE. 261
tlie popular party, the elective franchise was now
extended, and the electors were at once in- Elective
creased from 99,000 to 108,000, and in the *'"'''^'"^^'-
course of the next ten years to 224,000.^ Ministers
had pledged themselves to govern by the chambers
alone ; and the first election under the new law,
left them in a minority of one, in the chamber of
deputies.
The revolution was again asserting its influence,
and the first sacrifice made to it was the Abolition
hereditary peerage. An overwhelming ma- ditary*^'
jority of the deputies were bent upon its ^^^^'^s^-
abolition, and the luckless upper chamber was co-
erced, by the creation of thirty-six life peers, into
the surrender of its privileges. The nobles had lost
their territorial power and social influence : the po-
litical ascendency of the middle classes had been se-
cured by the electoral law ; and the fall of the here-
ditary peers was demanded at once by the bourgeoisie,
and by the democracy. Henceforth the upper cham-
ber consisted of life peers only, created by the crown.
The general policy of an hereditary chamber, as part
of a constitutional monarchy, was little concerned in
this determination. Such was the political and social
state of France, that no upper chamber, whether here-
ditary or not, could withstand the popular influences;
and the hereditary principle excited too much jeal-
ousy, to be maintained against the revolutionary sen-
timents which were still in the ascendent. The here-
ditary peers had done nothing to save Napoleon or
Charles X., and they could do no more for Louis
Philippe. They had neither supported the crown
' Speficl) of Guizot on electoral reform, February 10, tS43.
2G2 FBANCE.
against tlie people, nor upheld liberty against pre-
rogative : tliey had no will or policy of their own,
but had been overborne, again and again, by large
creations, and made obedient to the dictates of the
king's ministers, and the chamber of deputies.
The kins; was now left face to face with the revolu-
, tiou, to guide it as best he could ; and he
Discontents " ^ .
and insur- -^ag eucompassed by the gravest difficulties.
rectious. , ■■■ •^ <-' IT
The working classes were suffering and dis-
contented : trade was injured by the shock which com-
mercial confidence had sustained from the late revo-
lution : there were fierce contests between workmen
and their employers, concerning the rate of wages :
the disorders of society were multiplied, and the pas-
sions of political parties were not appeased. The
dangerous spirit of the working classes was shown in
November the iusurrectiou at Lyons. The troops were
20, 1831. driven out, and the city fell into the hands
of the insurgents. Nor was it reduced to submission
until the arrival of Marshal Soult, a fortnight after-
jj^ wards, at the head of forty thousand men.
There were plots and conspiracies on every
side. The republicans were plotting, and fomenting
disorders at Paris, Strasburg, and Grenoble. The ad-
venturous Duchesse de Berri was vainly raising the
Bourbon standard at Marseilles and in La Vendee.
But it was in the streets of Paris that the govern*
ment was threatened with its greatest danger.
Insurrcc* • ■
tion in A risiug had long been projected by the rest-
less democrats of that irrepressible city ;
and at the funeral of the popular general Lamarque,
they assembled in vast crowds, and attempted another
jnnos revolution. For a time it seemed as if the
1833. three days of July, 1830, were about to be
DTSUKRECTIONS. 263
repeated ; and Lafitte, Lafayette, and other leaders
of that time were watching the course of events, and
preparing to take the lead again, if the insurrection
should prove successful. Three-fourths of the cit}"-
fell at once into the hands of the insurgents, and their
rapid advance was threatening the Tuiieries : but now
tlie government were amply prepared. Marshal Soult
was in command, with sixty thousand regular troops
and twenty thousand national guards,^ and one hun-
dred and twenty pieces of artillery. With this large
force, he stormed all the barricades and other posi-
tions of the insurgents. The insurrection was crushed ;
and the monarchy was saved.
But this formidable insurrection was the turning-
point in the reign of Louis Philippe. It had ,p,,^ y
been at once his policy, and his own earnest "xl.'^^'/ife
wish, to govern France according to the con- '"^'^•
stitution, which he had sworn to observe. But the
people of his capital had defied the law, and appealed
to arms. The normal reign of law was for a time
superseded by force ; and for the first time in his reign
he was constrained to transgress the bounds of the
constitution. While Paris was still in arms j,,^^ ^^
against him, the printing presses of the re- ^*^~
publican journals were seized and broken up, to pre-
vent them from aiding the insurgents ; and when the
insurrection was quelled, Paris was declared in a state
of siege. This measure placed the capital under mar-
tial law ; and all ofiences connected with the late ris-
ing, — even offences of the press, — were witlidrawn
from trial by jury, and entrusted to courts martial.
Hundreds of persons were arrested without being
' About 30,000 of this force failed to appear to the muster.
264 TEANCE.
brought to trial, and tlie journals were pursued witli
unrelenting severity. These exceptional measures
•were a painful anomaly in the reign of a constitu-
tional king ; and they united against him the repub-
licans, the royalists, and the Bonapartists. He could
not expect popular support in so rigorous a policy :
but one incident of the insurrection went far to rally
around him the middle classes of France. The work-
men had taken the chief part in the insurrection : the
insurgents had fought under red banners, and many
had worn the red caps of the revolution. These dread
emblems of the ' red republic ' were a terror to indus-
trious and thriving citizens : they recalled memories
of mob-rule and the guillotine : they threatened ruin
to trade, and danger to life and property. Louis
Philippe had, at least, saved them fi-om these calami-
ties; and a large, but not demonstrative, 'party of
order' was forming itself, upon whom every succes-
sive government has since relied, in resisting revo-
lution. Notwithstanding the rancour of parties, so
complete a victory over insurrection, at Lyons, in La
Vendee, and in Paris, secured the confidence of France
and of Europe, in the stability of the government.
This confidence Marshal Soult's ministry increased by
the success of the armed intervention of France, in
concert with England, in the affairs of Belgium.
Casimir Perier had died before the late events ; and
in October was succeeded, as premier, by
scfuu's^ Marshal Soult, who presided over a doctri-
miui=try. j^Q^[y.Q cabinet, including the now celebrated
names of Thiers and Guizot. That a marshal of the
empire should be first minister of the citizen king,
pointed to the unwelcome truth that the revolution
was still to be combated by the sword. The first act
THE king's EEKiTION TO PARTIES. 2G5
of tlie new minister was tlie creation of sixty-three
peers, in order to ensure the cordial support of the
upper chamber. Whether the peerage was heredi-
tary, or for life, constant creations seemed to be the
law of its existence.
Louis Philippe was in open war with the revolu-
tion ; he was estranged from the legitimists ;
and he relied upon the middle classes, who ticking to
dreaded anarchy, and upon the Bonapartists,
whose leaders he trusted, and whose sentiments he
often took occasion to flatter. The adherence of the
latter was further favoured by the death of j,,, ^
Napoleon's heir, the Due de Eeichstadt. His ^'^~-
policy was therefore marked out for him. It was that
of repressing the revolution on one side, and of con-
ciliating the electors and the chamber of deputies on
the other.
One of the most formidable instruments of the revo-
lutionary party was found in the secret so-
... T , 1 p n • Repressive
cieties; and a law was proposed lor their mear^ures
repression. Though vigorously opposed in
the chamber of deputies by Odillon Barrot, Gamier
Pages, and other members of the liberal party, it was
passed by large majorities. The revolutionists, how-
ever, determined to resist its execution ; and they suc-
ceeded in exciting so much popular feeling against it,
that insurrections broke out at Lyons, St.
Etienne, and Paris : but they were promj)tly ^^"
suppressed.^ These strong measures increased the
resentment of the revolutionists: but tliey effectually
discouraged further insurrections. That they were
ajoproved by the electoral body, and the moderate, or
' Lafayette, who Lad been one of the most active promoters of in-
Burrections, died on the 20tb of May.
VOL. II. — 13
266 " FRANCE.
juste milieu, party, was proved by tlie overwhelming
majority with vv'hich they supported the government,
at the dissolution.^
It was to this class and this party that Louis
Philippe continued to look, for confidence
orrup 1 n. ^^^ political support ; and upon a limited
constituency he was able to bring to bear the influence
of a vast government expenditure and patronage. Ho
could not rule by a military despotism : he could not
rely upon the loyalty of the people ; and he was driven
to the use of corrupt influences, over the classes who
alone were disposed to support constitutional govern-
ment. The policy of William III. , of England, was now
to be repeated in France, and parliaments and electors
were to be swayed by the influence of the crown.^
The day of armed insurrections had passed for
Attempts to awliile : it was now the turn of the assassin,
tiifkfng^^ In July 1835, the king narrowly escaped
July 28, from the infernal machine of Fieschi ; and on
1835
several other occasions^ his life was sought
by the hands of assassins. His personal danger was
great : but his throne was strengthened by acts which
aroused the indignation of all good citizens of every
party. The crime of Fieschi, however, provoked new
measures of repression, especially against the press,
' There had been ministerial changes : but the policy of the govern-
ment was unchanged.
* There were 140,000 civil offices, besides commissions in the army.
For evidences of corruption during this reign, see Cassagnac, i. 97 ;
Regnault, iii. 47, &c. ; Capefigue, vs.. 335 ; Louis Blanc, Dix Ans, v.
329.
' Attempt of Alibaud, June 25, 1836 : plot of Hubert, December,
1837 : attempt of Darmes, October 17, 1840 : attempt of Quenisset,
upon the lives of the Due d'Orleans and the Due de Nemours, Sep-
tember 13, 1841 : attempt of Lecompte, April 16, 1846.
LOUIS N.VrOLEON AT STRASBURG. 267
wticli furtlier inflamed tlie hatred of the revolution-
ary party.
In the conflict of great principles and parties, ordi-
nary changes of ministry require no special ^^.^^^...
notice : but the formation of an administra- J}\\?^^-
1830.
tiou under Thiers, in February 1836, affected
the future policy of the State. There had long been
a divergence of opinion between that statesman
and his distinguished colleague, Guizot, increased
by their rivalry, and by the restless ambition of the
former. The policy and instincts of Guizot were con-
servative : the sympathies of Thiers were with the
revolution, controlled by force, as in the reign of
Napoleon. Hence his ministry was of a somewhat
democratic character ; and Guizot found no place in
it. In a few months he fell, and was succeeded by
Count Mole, at the head of a conservative and doc-
trinaire ministry, which included Guizot.
At this time, the country was suddenly startled by
Louis Napoleon's attempt to seduce the gar- LQ„ij,j;fjj
rison at Strasburg. Its failure, indeed, was P'''e<'" it
as sudden as the enterprise : but the defec- ^gg^""^^'' ^*^'
tion of the artillery, and the extraordinary
excitement caused by the familiar cry of *Vive I'Em-
pereur ! ' betrayed tlie sentiments which still clung to
the memory of Napoleon. Louis Napoleon was ban-
ished to America: but, so strong was the popular
sympathy with his cause, that, in defiance of conclu-
sive evidence, his accomplices were all acquitted.^
With many changes, the ministry of Count Molo
continued for five years, sorely embarrassed conflict of
by the strife of parties. In 1838, a disso- '"'■^"^''•
' Jerrold, Life of Napoleon HI. B. iii. ch, 7-14.
268 FRANCE.
lution secured a small majority in tlie chamber of
deputies ; and fifty-tliree new peers were created, to
souit'8 ensure the support of the upper house.
mfni'itry. This ministry, however, could not long
ay i8;i9. j^qJ^^j j^g grouud ; and the insurrection of
Barbes again brought Marshal Soult to the head of
affaii'S.
It was not until May, 1839, that the latent spirit of
inisurrec- the revolution again broke out in insur-
BarbL. rectiou. This insurrection had long been
planned by Barbes, Blanqui, and several
other members of a secret society, which first called
itself La Societe des Families, and afterwards the So-
ciete des Saisoiis. The insurrection was of so limited a
character, and was so promptly repressed, that its
chief interest lies in the objects for which it was
planned, and the principles of its promoters. It was
intended as the first step in a social revolution : its
objects were, not so much to resist the government, as
to overthrow the existing order of society. The con-
spirators, like their predecessors in the revolutionary
struggles of France, maintained the popular doctrines
of equality, and the sovereignty of the people. But
these formed a small part of their creed. Like all re-
publicans, they denounced aristocrats : but T\^ho were
aristocrats ? ' All monied men, bankers, contractors,
monopolists, great proprietors, stock-jobbers.' Such
men governed the people by force ; and who were the
people ? The people were all citizens who worked, —
the proletaires. They were treated by the rich as
slaves and negroes. Their tyrants had silenced the
press, and had repressed societies. They governed
by force, and by force they must be overcome. The
social revolution would humble the rich, and the State
PAELI^VMENTABY T.UITIES. 269
and society would liencefortli bo governed by work-
ing men.^
Sucli were the socialist principles of tliis movement.
Tliey had already taken deep root among the revolu-
tionary members of the working classes, and their
growth was destined to bring serious calamities upon
the country. Who can wonder that the citizens of
France, against whom the movement was directed,
should earnestly support the government in the main-
tenance of order, and in the repression of the red re-
public ? The electoral body, and all political parties,
in both chambers, condemned these dangerous princi-
ples, however much they differed upon other ques-
tions afiecting the policy of the State.
While Soult was minister, Thiers, now leader of the
parties of the gaicche and gaiccJie centre, was
aiming at an early restoration to power, with ^''^^H^'^
a liberal ministry. The contest of rival
statesmen and parliamentary parties was like that of
whigs and tories in England. They advocated, in dif-
ferent degrees, the liberty of the press and of associa-
tions, the extension of the franchise, and economy in
the public establishments : but they were all faithful
to the monarchy, and to the constitution of France.
They were struggling for power among themselves,
under Louis Philippe : but outside the chambers,
republicans and Bonapartists were ever plotting the
overthrow of the monarchy, and profiting by the strifes
of tlie parliamentary parties.
In what manner momentous consequences followed
the comparatively trivial contentions of par- A-itation
liamentary parties, may be briefly told. In
' Ilistoirc des Soci't's S'crHea, ii. 1!) ; Louis Blanc, Hid. de Dix
Ans, V. 410 ct mi-; Capufiguc, Blx, Arm de Louis ridlippc, x. 53.
270 FEANCE.
1839, tlie opposition, led by Thiers and Odillon Barrot,
commenced a movement in favour of the extension of
the suffrage, or parliamentary reform. At the same
time, they urged the responsibility of ministers to
the representative chamber. Both were natural and
proper subjects, to be advanced by a parliamentary
opposition. But the king, who was throughout his
reign the chief of his own cabinet, had been growing
more and more conservative. His fierce conflicts with
the revolutionists, and the frequent attempts upon his
life, had naturally led him to recoil from changes
which might strengthen the forces of revolution. The
middle-class electors had supported his throne, and
helped him to repress anarchy.- His natural caution
and his increasing age, confirmed his unwillingness to
entrust power to untried hands. Hence, he feared an
extension of the suffrage as the first step in the course
of revolution : while he resisted the full responsibility
of ministers to the chambers, as an infringement of
his sovereign rights. Like George III. of England,
he was slow to admit limitations upon his prerogative
of choosing ministers, and directing their policy. His
confidence was placed in Soult, Guizot, and the con-
servative party ; and their resistance to constitutional
changes gravely affected the political prospects and
ultimate fate of the monarchy.
Upon the fall of Soult's second ministry, Thiers, the
Ministry leader of the opposition, was once more
Feiminr' I'estored to power. He conciliated the revolu-
23, 1840. tionary party by a further amnesty, by con-
secrating a sepulchre for those who fell in the glori-
ous days of July, and by raising a monument to their
memory, in the Place de la Bastille. The statue of
Napoleon had already been restored to its place on
LOUIS NArOLEON AT BOULOGNE. 271
tlie column of the Place Vendome ; and now lie gratified
tlie Bonapartists, by the removal of the remains of
their idol from St. Helena to the Invaiides. In cele-
brating these events, he delighted the multitude by
fetes and pageantry. But the popular excitement
showed the undying force of parties. The revolution
and the empire still had their devoted adherents, and
their old sympathies were revived.
Louis Napoleon, having returned to Europe from
his banishment across the Atlantic, had since
been active in revivinj^ the hopes of his party. p<iit<>" --^t
J. */ liuulo^'uc.
His work, ' Les Idees Napok'oniennes,' pre-
sented the policy of the Emperor in its most attractive
aspects ; and friendly newspapers dwelt upon the
glories of the empire, and the freedom and happiness
of France under its beneficent influence. Too con-
fident in the strength of his party, and impelled by a
fatalism, which had taken possession of him, lie re-
solved upon another desperate enterprise. Without
awaiting the arrival of the ashes of Napoleon in
France, and the enthusiasm of such an occasion, he
made his memorable descent upon Boulogne. The
incidents of this adventure and its failure August 6,
were covered with ridicule : but his procla- ^^"'
mation appealed to the sentiments of the French
people. Glory and freedom were his watchwords ;
and he trusted to a resjionse from republicans and
Bonapartists alike. Condemned to imprisonment for
life in the castle of Ham, his visions of empire were
as clear as ever ; and in the solitude of his prison he
])repared himself, by patient study and contemplation,
for his great destiny. His prison doors had Derombcr
not long closed ui^on him, when tlio onihusi- ^''' '*^"
astic cries of 'Vive I'Eiapcreur ! ' which hailed the
272 FEANCE.
obsequies of Napoleon, at tlie luvalides, gave fresh
encouragement to his aspirations.^
The flattery which Thiers had offered to republi-
sudcien fall caus ou oue side, and to Bonapartists on the
of ihiers. Q^j^gj.^ j^^jj j^q^ been without risk to the throne
of Louis Philippe. Meanwhile, the professions of
the leader of the opposition were not realised by the
responsible minister, and the liberals murmured at
his shortcomings. But his fall came suddenly, fi'om
an unexpected quarter. It was not from the king,
nor from the chambers, nor from the streets of Paris,
that a blow was struck at his power : but from the
cabinet in London. The ignominious failure of his
diplomacy in the affairs of Turkey and Egypt : the
isolation of France fi-om the other powers of Europe :
the brilliant exploits of the English fleet on the coast
of Syria : the evasion of the French squadron from the
scene of those achievements, in which it had no part
to play ; and war angrily threatened, but not declared,
— were humiliations which no minister could survive.
Power was restored to the conservative party. The
veteran Soult was, for the third time, premier,
third and Guizot became minister for foreign af-
October 39, fairs. Heuceforth, the councils of the State
were directed mainly by the latter f and
the conservative policy of the king was maintained
throughout the remainder of his reign.
One measure demands special notice. Thiers had
Fortiflca- P^oposed the fortification of Paris ; and this
Paris"' scheme was now vigorously carried out by
Soult. It had been recommended for de-
* Jerrold, Life of Na'poUon III. vol. ii. B. iv. v.
^ He did not. become president of the council, or premier, until
September 1847.
DISCONTENTS. 273
fence against foreign invaders : but the detaclied forts
■were no less designed to command the streets of Paris.
This object was but too manifest to the revolutionists,
and thej denounced the scheme as another menace to
the liberties of the j)eople.
At this time France was prosperous : but its expen-
diture was excessive : and its people were Discontents
heavil}^ taxed. The multiplication of offices ^^volkfncr
and contracts continued to afford to the '^'''*'^^''^-
government vast influence over the chambers and the
electoral body. In the chamber of deputies there
Avere one hundred and thirt}^ placemen : in the coun-
try there were one hundred and thirty thousand of-
fices at the disposal of the executive.- The wealth
of the country was constantly increasing : the land
was laboriously cultivated by the peasant proprie-
tors :^ commerce and manufactures were flourishing ;
and railways were opening up fi-esh fields of enter-
prise and industry. Merchants, traders, and the mid-
dle classes generally, were satisfied with a government
to which they owed so much. But the ouvriers were
still discontented : they were in perpetual conflict
with their employers, and sometimes in open revolt :
republican and socialist doctrines were gaining ground
amongst them ; and they scowled with sullen aversion
upon the rule of the hourgeoisie. They denounced its
corruption, its selfishness, its treachery to the popu-
lar cause, and its reckless extravagance. Above them
> De CsiTn^, Etudes mrVUst. du Oouv. repr. 1789-1848, ii. 238, 280,
321.
^ At this time there were 10,800,000 separate properties in land,
supposed to belong to about 6,000,000 Y)Toj)TietoYs.—8tntistiqne.i de
la France, vii. 90 ; Regnault, Hist, de Huit Am de Louis PUlippe,
ii. 276.
12* •<
274: FEANCE.
was a large class, excluded from the narrow franchise,
wlio demanded admission to the privileges of the con-
stitution. Nothing short of universal suffrage would
meet the political aims of the ouvriers : but they
espoused the cause of parliamentary reform, as an
assault upon the unpopular chamber of deputies.
They aimed at social revolution : but they were not
the less ready to strike an immediate blow against
the dominion of their masters in the chambers, and
in the government of the State.
Such being the political and social condition of
France, electoral reform became the fore-
reform.'* most question of the time. During the min-
istry of Thiers, an active agitation had been
organised : reform banquets had been celebrated in
Reform various parts of the country : eloquent ad-
june"juiy dresses in support of the cause were de-
Axvnist livered by Arago, Odillon Barrot, Garnier
1840. Pages, and other popular leaders : the press
shared eagerly in the discussions ; and the question
was ably debated in the chamber of deputies. But it
found no support from the liberal minister.
No interference had hitherto been afctemj)ted with
^j.^j^ the political banquets : but, soon after the
banquet accessiou of the Soult-Guizot ministry, a
N^YsTi'^'"' Polish banquet, in which the French demo-
cratic leaders were to take part, was pro-
hibited by the prefect of police. Such an exercise
of power was naturally resented by the democratic
press : the government retaliated with prosecutions,
and provoked the fierce hostility of the liberal party,
and of the press. The indignation of the press was
further aroused by a judgment of the chamber of
peers, which held newspapers guilty of moral com-
RETCilM AGITATION. 275
plicity in crimes committed by others, after tlie pub-
lication of inflammatory articles.^
In 1842, the question of electoral reform was pre-
sented, in the chamber of deputies, in a very Electoral
modest form. It was proposed that the fi-an- J!?!^™-
chise should simply be extended to all per- ^^^•
sons qualified to serve upon juries : but it was resisted,
and Guizot declared his opinion that the agitation for
reform was promoted by the enemies of social order.
This, indeed, was the conviction of the king, and of
his ministers ; and they dreaded lest any enlargement
of the franchise should weaken the security of law
and order, in a country distracted by factions, and
still convulsed by the passions of the revolution.
Another proposal, for disqualifying future deputies
for office, was also resisted by the govern-
ment. Ministers had determined to take tiveresis-
their stand upon a limited fi'anchise, and po-
litical corruption. They could not hope to conciliate
democracy by moderate concessions : but they might
have strengthened the monarchy against its enemies,
by forming a wider basis of representation. By re-
fusing any change, they repelled numbers of good
citizens, beyond the narrow circle of the franchise,^
wlio, in a growing society, would have formed a bul-
wark against democracy. They took up the same
position, in regard to electoral reform, as that as-
sumed by the Duke of Wellington, in 1831. The con-
stitution was perfect, and there was no reasonable
ground for change. In England, this question was
soon brought to an issue by a strong parliamentary
• Caso of tin; Jminuil du Peuple, Novonibor 1841.
' At this time there were ^24,000 electors ouly.
276 FRANCE.
party : in France, being left to democratic agitation,
it was preparing the way for revolution.
The melancholy death of the Due d'Orleans, in
July 1842, was a serious shock to the present
the Due dynasty. Under a more settled monarchy,
July 13, ' his infant heir, the Comte de Paris, would
have sufficiently represented the royal line :
but, under a government recently founded upon revo-
lution and the choice of the people, it could not be
doubted that the sudden removal of a manly and
popular prince from the succession, threatened the
stability of the throne.
With many causes of anxiety, the conservative policy
was successfully maintained for some years.
Continued ,^, , . . . ,
opposition iiie parliamentary opposition was becoming
more formidable, in talent and in numbers :
but ministers commanded a steady majority. The
press continued hostile : the revolutionists were disaf-
fected ; and the national guard were not to be trusted.
Neither the king nor his ministers were popular.
Even the middle classes of Paris were alienated by
the narrow principles of the conservative party : but,
with the support of a fi'iendly parliament and a faith-
ful army, the steady course of administration was pur-
sued.
In May 1846, Louis Philippe was reminded, by the
escape of Louis Napoleon fi'om Ham, of the
Louis presence of a dangerous pretender to his
May 35, ' tliroue. The prince courted, at once, the
friends of the revolution and of the empire :
he addressed himself to their sympathies : he pro-
mised them freedom and glory : but as yet his preten-
sions were but the dreams of a few conspirators — not
the watchword of a party.
THE SPANISH MAREUGES. 277
A dissolution soon afterwards confirmed the minis-
terial majority. Everything promised peace T,,ggpj^„i^,j
and security to the throne, when Louis Phi- juiy'i'^g;
lippe's unworthy intrigues to bring about the j„iy ^^ q^.
Spanish marriages^ suddenly disturbed his to^^'''is4G.
cordial relations with England, and shook his credit
for good faith, in France and throughout Europe. In
addition to charges of domestic misgovernment, his
enemies were now able to accuse him of sacrificing
the honour of France, to his own family ambition.
The estrangement of England from France was fol-
lowed by a marked opposition in their foreign policy.
In Ital}^ and Sicily, in Spain, Portugal, and Switzer-
land, England was found in sympathy with the liberal
party, and favouring constitutional freedom : while
France, dreading revolution everywhere, was concert-
ing measures with the absolute powers of Europe,
to discourage and repress all popular movements in
those States.^ In foreign and domestic policy, the
citizen-king was now reverting to the traditions of
the Bourbons. This contrast between the policy of
England under a liberal ministry, and that of France
under a conservative king and ministers, could not
fail to embitter the hostility of the democratic party;
and the 'king of the barricades' was de- ^g^Q_^^_ '
nounced as the enemy of freedom, at home
' Mucb additional lij^lit has been thrown upon these intrigues by
the Manoirs of Baron Siockmar, 11. 130-207; and the first volume
of Mr. Theodore Martin's Life of the Prince Consort.
' ' Les grandes puissances de I'Europe venaient tcmoigner a la
France le dt'slr de se concerter avec ellc, a Texclusion do I'Angle-
terre. Notro cabinet avait accepto leurs ouvertures : un jour I'tait
pris (le 15 Mars) pour donner aux arrangeniens dt'jji. debattus uno
forino arrrtre et precise.' — D'llaussonville, Ilist. de la Politique cxt.
du Com. Fr. I«a0-l«-iy, 11. 381.
278 FRANCE.
and abroad. Popular discontents were further in-
flamed by scarcity and high prices, and severe com-
mercial and financial pressure.
While the government was thus surrounded by
troubles, some scandalous transactions were
conuption. revealcd on the part of M. Teste, lately minis-
ter of public works, and others, connected
with a concession of certain salt mines.^ This, and
some other discoveries of a like nature, confirmed the
accusations of corruption, by which the chambers
and the government had long been assailed, shook
.public confidence, and threw fresh weapons of offence
into the hands of the democratic party.
The present unpopularity of the government en-
couraged the revival of agitation for electoral
agitation reform. Nor was this movement confined to
the liberal opposition and the revolutionists.
The Bonajjartists supported it, with the hope of over-
throwing the ministers, if not the monarchy. The bour-
geoisie of Paris, which had been gradually becoming
more liberal, and less satisfied with the government,
sup 
