^^"
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below
â– -^L
3b3C
DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE.
SECOND VOLUME.
•.c
Democracy in Europe:
A HISTORY.
BY
SIR THOMAS ERSKINE MAY, K.C.B., D.C.L.
AcTHOB OP " TuE Constitutional History of England sincb
THE Accession op George III., 1760-1871."
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. IL
NEW YORK :
A. C. ARMSTRONG & SON,
51 Kast lOtb Street, Near Broadwat,
1891.
New York : J. J. Little & Co., Printors,
10 to 20 Astor Place.
M4-5
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
CHAPTEE X.
THE NETHERLANDS.
PAGE
Character of tlie country 1
Dutch sailors 3
Early races of the Netherlands 3
Feudalism and the Church 4
Growth of cities 6
The burgomaster and the baron 9
Influence of trade guilds 13
The nobles as citizens 14
Military prowess of the towns 15
Confederation of towns, 1323 IG
James Van Artevelde 16
Philip Van Artevelde 17
Guilds of the Flemish cities 18
Improved culture in the Netherlands 19
Guilds of rhetoric 20
Dutch and Flemish painters 20
The cities represented in the estates 21
Increasing power of the sovereigns 22
House of Burgundy 23
The great privilege 23
The archduke Maximilian 25
Philip the Fair 20
The Emperor Charles V 20
Former liberties in Spain 27
Decay of Spanish liberties 28
VI CONTENTS OF
PAGE
The Netherlands under Charles V 29
Rebellion of Ghent 30
Its punishment 30
The liberties of the Netherlands in abeyance 31
Fortunes of Italy and the Netherlands compared 31
Impending strug£^le for religious liberty 32
CHAPTEE XL
THE NETHERLANDS — COntinV£d.
Cliarles V, and the Reformation 33
Persecution of Protestants in the Netherlands 34
Religious persecution a political crime 34
Philip II. of Spain 36
Regency of the Duchess Margaret 37
William Prince of Orange 37
Spread of the Ref onnation 39
Severities of Philip 39
Efforts of nobles and people 40
Les Gueux 40
The Iconoclasts 41
The Duke of Alva 41
Outlawry of the Prince of Orange 44
Revolt of the Netherlands 46
Prince of Orange retires to Holland 47
Don Luis de Requesens 48
The siege of Leyden 48
Allegiance to Philip renounced 49
The ' Spanish fury ' 51
Pacification of Ghent 51
New union of Brussels 53
The Prince of Parma 54
The union of Utrecht 55
Attempts to seduce the Prince of Orange 55
His excommunication by the king 55
The prince's ' apology ' 56
He declines the government. 56
Independence of the Provinces proclaimed 57
Attempted assassination of the prince , 58
THE SECOND VOLUME. Til
PAGB
He becomes count of Holland 58
The ' French fury ' 58
The prince again refuses the government 59
His assassination 59
The prince the apostle of civil and religious liberty 60
Events succeeding his death 61
Negotiations with France 63
And with England 63
Aid given by Queen Elizabeth 63
The Spanish Armada 64
Prince Maurice 64
Decline of the Spanish power 65
Death of Philip of Spain 66
Prosperity of the republic 66
State of the Spanish provinces 67
The twelve years' truce 70
Religious toleration prayed for Catholics 71
Recognition of the republic 71
Union of freedom and commerce 73
Domestic history of the Dutch republic 74
The Stadtholder and Barneveldt 74
Wars of the republic 75
The house of Orange 75
England and Holland 76
The Perpetual edict, 1667 78
William HI. ascends the English throne 79
Declining fortunes of Holland 80
Revolution proclaimed by the French in Holland 83
Constitutional monarchy, 1813 83
Separation of Belgium from Holland 84
Ultramontanisra in Belgium 85
Continued freedom of the Netherlands 86
CHAPTER Xn.
FEANCE.
The country and the people of France 88
The Franks and feudalism 89
Growth of the monarchy 90
VUl CONTENTS OF
PAGE
Misery and discontent of the people 91
The Jacquerie 91
Stephen Marcel 93
Municipal liberties 93
States-general 95
Provincial assemblies 97
The parliaments 97
The monarchy absolute under Louis XIV 99
Centralisation in France 99
The courts of justice 100
The court of Louis XIV 103
High otEces monopolised by nobles 104
Sale of offices 104
Exemptions of nobles 105
Burthens upon the peasantry 106
Effects of non-residence of nobles 106
Peasant proprietors 108
The game laws 110
Burthensome taxes 110
The militia Ill
Famine and bread riots 113
The provincial towns 113
Impoverishment of the nobles 113
Rise of vother classes ; official nobles 114
Capitalists 115
Men of letters 116
The bourgeoisie 116
Civic notables 117
The clergy 117
The lawyers * 118
The new philosophy 119
Voltaire 121
Rousseau 123
Diderot and the ' Encyclopedic ' 123
The Church and public opinion 125
The Huguenots 125
Absence of healthy public opinion 128
Political failures of Louis XIV 128
Reign of Louis XV 139
THE SECOND VOLUME. ix
CHAPTER Xin.
FRANCE — continued.
PAGE
Accession of Loxiis XVI 131
The reforms of Turgot 133
Opposition of tlie privileged classes 133
The war of American independence 134
Necker's compte rendu 135
An assembly of notables, 1787 136
The states-general convoked 137
Hazard of the experiment 138
Meeting of the states- general 141
Rights of the three orders 142
The national assembly 143
Union of the orders 144
Dismissal of Necker 144
Taking of the Bastile 145
Renunciation of privileges, August 4 148
Condition of Paris 150
The clubs 153
The invasion of Versailles by the mob 154
The king at Paris 154
New constitution proclaimed, July 13, 1790 156
Foreign aid invoked by the court 156
The king's flight to Varennes 159
Relations of the king to the revolution 159
National legislative assembly , 1G3
Position of the king 163
War with Austria 164
Riotous mob of petitioners, June 30, 1793 165
Duke of Brimswick's manifesto 166
Insurrection in Paris, August 10, 1793 167
The commune of Paris 168
The September massacres . 169
Abolition of the monarchy 171
The Girondists 173
The Mountain 173
Revolutionary propaganda 174
Trial of the king 17.T
His dignified conduct 1"6
His execution ; and character 179
A3
X CONTENTS OF
CHAPTER XIV.
FEANCE — continued.
PAGE
Triumph of the Mountain 180
The coalition against France 180
Measures of defence 181
The committee of public safety 183
Arrest of the Girondists 183
The convention and the people 184
The invasion ; France in arms 186
Men of the revolution 188
Triumph of French arms 190
Cruelties of the Mountain ; Lyons, &c 191
Execution of Marie Antoinette 193
And of the Girondists 194
Heroism of the revolution 194
The worship of reason 195
Ascendency of Robespierre 196
The Revolutionary tribunal 197
Decline and fall of Robespierre 199
Reaction 201
Proceedings against the terrorists 203
Insurrections 204
Royalist reaction 205
New constitution 206
Defence of the convention by Napoleon Bonaparte 207
France under the Directory 208
The republican army 211
Return of Bonaparte from Egypt 214
Coup-d'ctat, 18Brumaire, 1799 215
Disregard of liberty throughout the revolution 218
Bonaparte First Consul 218
Constitution of Sieyes 218 f
The rule of Bonaparte 220
Peace of Amiens 220
Bonaparte at Notre Dame 221
First Consul for life 222
Napoleon emperor 222
Napoleon and the revolution 224
THE SECOND VOLUME. XI
FACE
His military domination 226
His divorce and marriage 237
Decline of his fortunes 228
His abdication at Fontainebleau 229
Eesults of the revolution 230
Effects of the revolution upon Europe 330
CHAPTER XV.
FRANCE — continued.
Conditions of the restoration 234
Charter of Louis XVIH 235
Return of Napoleon from Elba 235
Second restoration 236
Weakness of the monarchy 236
Political parties 238
Violence of the royalists 239
Coup-d'etat, September 5, 1816 240
The king opposed to the royalists 242
Royalist reaction 243
Accession and character of Charles X 245
Unpopular measures 246
Dissolution, June, 1827 247
The Polignac ministry 249
Dissolution and coupd'etat, May, 1830 250
Insurrection in Paris, July, 1830 253
Abdication of Charles X 254
Louis Philippe, king of the French 255
Influence of the revolution of July, 1830, upon foreign States. . 355
CHAPTER XVL
FRANCE — continued.
Difficulties of Louis Philippe's position 257
State of parties 258
Contrast between 1789 and 1830 2(10
Aljolition of hereditary peerage 2fil
Insurrections 20^
ill CONTENTS or
PAGE
Marshal Soult's ministry 204
Corruption 266
Attempts to assassinate the Mng 266
Ministry of Thiers, 1836 267
Louis Napoleon at Strasburg 267
Marshal Soult's second ministry 268
Insurrection of Barbes, 1839 268
Agitation for reform 269
Thiers restored to power 270
Louis Napoleon at Boulogne 271
Marshal Soult's third ministry 273
Discontents of the working classes 273
Reform agitation, 1840-1843 274
The Spanish marriages, 1846 277
Reform banquets, 1847-1848 279
Tumults, February 22, 1848 280
Ministry of Thiers and Odillou Barrot 281
Abdication of the king 283
Failures of Louis Philippe's reign 283
State of Europe from 1830 to 1848 284
Social changes 285
Intellectual progress 280
Effects of the revolution of 1848 upon Europe 287
CHAPTER XYII
FEANCE — continued. â–
The republic of 1848 293
National workshops 294
Red republicans, socialists, and communists 295
Firmness of Lamartine 298
Invasion of the Hotel de Ville 300
Storming of the assembly 301
Cavaignac dictator 304
Louis Napoleon elected president 304
The president and the assembly 309
The coup-d'etat, December 2, 1851 314
The massacre on the boulevards 317
Measures of coercion 319
THE SECOND VOLUME. Xlll
PAGE
Louis Napoleon after the coup-d'etat 321
The second empire 323
The imperial court 324
Principles of government 325
AVars of the empire 325
Domestic policy 327
The war with Prussia 330
Its fatal issue ; the emperor deposed 331
Fate of the first and second empires compared 333
The government of National Defence 333
National assembly at Bordeaux 334
The Commune 337
Progress of socialism 338
Communist outrages 341
Paris in flames 343
The Commune suppressed 343
The republic under Thiers 344
The royalists and the Comte de Chambord 344
Marshal Mac Mahon p resident 346
The 16th May, 1877 347
The future of France 348
CHAPTER XVni.
ENGLAND.
History of England, that of liberty, not of democracy 349
Character of the country 350
The Celts 353
The Romans 353
The Anglo-Saxons 355
The Danes 358
The Norman conque&t 8G0
The Crown, the barons, and the people o61
Representation of the commons, 1265 363
Political and social progress in the fourteenth century 365
Decay of feudalism 366
Wat Tyler's insurrection 367
Reaction against tlic commons 368
Wars of the Roses 360
XIV CONTENTS OF
PAOE
Absolutism of Henry VIII 370
The Ref ormatioQ 371
The reign of Elizabeth 373
Social changes ; nobles and country gentlemen 374
The Puritans 378
CHAPTEE XIX.
ENGLAm) — continued.
Accession of James 1 383
His treatment of the commons 384
And of the Puritans 385
The king and the Church 386
His contests with parliament 389
Close of his reign 391
Charles I. and his parliaments 392
Resolves to govern without a parliament 396
Taxes by prerogative. 397
Ship-money 397
The star chamber and high commission courts 398
Laud and Strafford • 398
Rebellion in Scotland, 1639 400
Short parliament of 1640 400
The long parliament, 1640 402
Remedial measures 403
Impeachments 404
Attainder of Strafford 405
Parliamentary excesses 406
The king and the long parliament 408
Arrest of the five members 414
The Militia bill 415
CHAPTEE XX.
ENGLAND — coniinued.
The civil war 416
The solemn league and covenant 418
THE SECOND VOLUME. XV
rAoE
The Independents 419
Oliver Cromwell 420
Self-denying ordinance 431
The king given up by the Scots 423
Fall of the Church of England 433
Presbyterians and Independents 425
The king, the army, and the parliament 430
Growth of republican opinions 433
Trial and execution of the king 435
Contemporary opinion, and judgment of posterity 435
CHAPTER XXL
ENGLAND — continued.
Provisional government 438
Republican theories 439
Cromwell's supremacy 441
Cromwell protector 444
Vigour of his rule 446
Aspires to a crown 447 •
His death 449
His character 449
Richard Cromwell protector 451
General Monk, and the Restoration 453
Effects of the civil war upon the monarchy 455
Reaction under Charles II 456
James II 457
Revolution of 1688 458
Securities for public liberty 459
Characteristics of the Revolution 460
William III 460
The representation 463
Power of the aristocracy 463
From the revolution to the accession of George III 464
Ascendency of the Crown, the Church, and the land 465
xvi CONTENTS OP THE SECOND VOLUME.
CHAPTEE XXII.
ENGLAND — Continued.
PAOS
First years of George III 4G8
The war of American Independence 469
Effects of the French revolution 470
Social changes 471
Growth of towns, commerce, and manufactures 473
The Church and dissent , . . 474
Political education 475
Political associations 478
The Catholic Association 480
Agitation for Parliamentary reform, 1830-1832 483
Repeal agitation 483
The Chartists 484
The 10th April, 1848 485
Anti-corn law league 486
Meetings in Hyde Park 487
Moral of political agitation 489
Trades unions 490
Changes in the representation 493
Increase of popular influence and remedial legislation 493
Democratic opinions 495
Loyalty 497
Reign of Queen Victoria 499
Illness and recovery of the Prince of Wales 500
Conservative elements of society 501
Index 503
Democracy in Europe.
CHAPTER X.
THE NETHEELiVNDS.
CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY, AND OF THE PEOPLE — EARLY HISTORY
— GROWTH OF TOWNS — THEIR CONTESTS WITH FEUDALISM — CHA-
RACTERISTICS OF THE BXniGHERS — RIVALRY OP TOWNS — THEIR
MILITARY PROWESS — JAMES AND PHILIP VAN ARTE\'ELDE — CUL-
TURE AND ART — THE HOUSE OP BURGUNDY — THE EMPEROR
CHARLES V. — ITALY AND THE NETHERLANDS COMPARED.
The history of the Netherlands presents illustrations
of democracy under two distinct aspects. T^^.^foj^^
The first exhibits the growth and political ^["dl^J^lâ„¢^
power of municipal institutions ; the second, "^'^y-
the assertion of civil and religious liberty. Of these,
the former was common to the Netherlands and
other European States. The latter affords the first
and most memorable example, in the history of the
world, of the struggles of a nation for the rights of
conscience.
No country could form a greater contrast to Switz- ^
erland than the Netherlands. Instead of be- ciiaractcrot
ing a land of mountains and valleys, Holland the country,
and the greater part of Belgium are an alluvial plain,
below the level of the sea. Formed by deposits from
the Ehine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt, it is a dead fiat,
VUL. II. — 1
Z THE NETHERLANDS.
as far as tlie eye can reacli. The landscape is broken
by no hill or rising ground. But in this far-stretching
plain, man has carried on a more difficult struggle
with nature, than the Swiss mountaineer. He found
it a morass, over which the waters of great rivers, and
of the ocean, ilov/ed. By patient toil, by hardihood,
and by skill, he reclaimed this watery wilderness fi'om
nature, and converted it to his own enjoyment. He
embanked the rivers : he raised huge barriers against
the ocean : he drained the swampy soil which he had
resciied from the floods ; and, by his skilful industry,
he made it as fertile as the most favoured lands of
Euj'ope. So little had nature helped him, that he
might almost have claimed the toil-won earth as his
own creation. The races by whom this stupendous
work was done, wrestled with dangers, hardships and
discouragements, without a parallel in the records of
human enterprise. Nor could they rest from their
labours, when the work was done. They had still to
maintain an incessant battle v/ith the elements, to save
their fields from being again engulfed ; and too often
were they overcome in the unequal strife.^ They could
find no foundations for their dwellings, but sand and
bog, and piles. They had neither stone nor wood for
building. Their quays and warehouses, inviting the
commerce of the world, were raised above the waters,
by forests of timber from distant lands. In all their
undertakings nature continued adverse. Such men
were brave, hardy, and resolute. Their lives were
one sustained struggle for existence.
Having thus divided the land on which they dwelt
' Sir W. Temple said : — ' They employ more men to repair the
dykes than all the corn in the province would maintain.' — Observa-
tions on the Uhitcd Provinces, ch. iii. p. 15 (Worksj.
THE PEOPLE. 6
from tlie waters, tliese stalwart settlers, already sur-
rounded by the sea, and by estuaries and Dutch
navigable rivers, constructed a network of ''*^^^°'''-
canals as the common highways of their country.
They were natural-born sailors. They had thrust back
the sea fi'om their homesteads : but they were ever
ready to brave its dangers. Water was their element :
they crossed the ocean, to foreign ports : they coasted
along their own sinuous shores : they navigated the
rivers and canals. Such a people were naturally des-
tined to advance in commerce, in wealth, in industrial
association, and in freedom.
The races by which the Netherlands were peopled
had sprung from Teutonic and Celtic tribes. ^^^^^ ^^^^^
The Frisian, Batavian, and Saxon Teutons Nethlr-
generally migrated to the North : the Belgic '''"'^''•
and Gallic Celts settled in the South. Holland be-
came the home of the Teuk)ns : the greater part of
Belgium of the Celts.^ Both had to contend with the
natural difficulties of their country : but the hardest
struggle, and the worst climate, were the lot of the
northern settlers. The inhabitants of the North and
of the South had many interests in common. The
Frisians and the Flemings especially were united in
the toilsome work of reclaiming their lands from the
hungry waters, and they were engaged in the same
maritime and industrial pursuits. But differences of
' Learued studies concerning the origin and settlements of tliese
various tribes will be found in Desroches, Hist. Ancienne dcs Pays.
BciH, liv. i. ; Scliayes, Lcs Pmjs-Ban avant et durant la domination
Romaine; Renard, Hist. Poliiique ct Militnire de la Bclgiquc;
Petigny, Etudes sur I'histoire do Vepoquc Merovingienne ; Juste, Ilist.
de Bdfjique, cli. i.-iv. ; and Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, In-
troduction.
4 THE NETHEELi^3IDS.
race, of language, of social habits, and of religion,
withheld them from so complete a fusion, as would
probably have followed the settlement of kindred
tribes. The one spoke a language of German root :
the other generally shared the speech of the kindred
Gauls. And their history discloses a continued diver-
gence of character and of destiny, in these two an-
cient families of man.
All these tribes were naturally brave and warlike.
Their early ^^^ Nervii, the Batavi,^ and the Belgse, are
history. reuowued in history, as worthy foes of Csesar,
and the Roman legions.^ All the races united, under
the Batavian chief Civilis, and fought bravely, but in
vain, to resist the dominion of the Roman Empire.
The dwellers in the high grounds of the frontier, near
the Meus6, — now the Walloon provinces, — took ser-
vice in the Roman armies : but the inhabitants of the
plains of Holland and Flanders steadily pursued their
battles with nature, cultivated their lands, and en-
gaged in new maritime adventures. After the fall of
Imperial Rome, the Franks took possession of the
Belgic Netherlands : but the Frisians of the north
held out, until at length they were reduced by Charle-
924 A D magne, and became subjects of his vast em-
pire. The Netherlands were afterwards lost
to the Franks, and were united to Germany.
Meanwhile feudalism and the Church of Rome were
taking a firm hold upon these provinces. In
and the the uortli the Count of Holland and the
Bishop of Utrecht, — a Prince of the Church,
— were the great feudal sovereigns. In the south, the
' Tlie Batavi are called by Tacitus ' ferox gens,' Hist. i. 59.
* Ciesar, Be Bella Oallico, books i.-iv.
EAELY HISTORY. 5
Dukes of Lorraine and Brabant, tlie Earls of Flan-
ders, tlie Bishops of Liege and Tournay, and a host
of counts and barons, divided the sovereignty of the
country,^ Fortified castles ^vere as threatening, in
the Flemish plains, as in the mountains of Switzer-
land, and on the rivers of Germany. Friesland alone
extorted concessions from Charlemagne, -which re-
strained feudal rights ; and successfully resisted the
claims of feudalism. The people maintained their
ancient liberties, and acquired the name of the Free
Frisians. For centuries the iron rule of feudalism
held the Netherlands, like other parts of Europe, in
its chains. Whatever may have been the traditions
of freedom among the German races, they were lost *
under the empire of force. But the causes which
overcame feudalism elsewhere,^ were gradually un-
dermining its power in the Netherlands. Eival counts
were at war with one another, and with their sove-
reign : feudal lords and bishops were meeting sword
in hand, in the field of battle : nobles were impove-
rished by costly state, and extravagance ; and the
Crusades thinned their ranks, and ruined their for-
tunes. Above all, the steadfast character of the peo-
ple, and the peculiarities of their country, favoured
an early development of maritime enterj^rise, com-
merce, and manufactures. These were followed by
the rapid growth of towns, and the formation of ur-
ban communities of enterprising and wealthy burgli-
' A detailed account of the several provinces and their sovereigns,
and their relations with France, the Empire, and Spain, is given ia
Juste, nist. de Belgiqne, i. 150 ; ii. 261. See also Orimeston, Oene-
red nut. of the Netherlands ; Wicqucfort, Uist. dcs Provinces Unia;
Lr)tliian, Hint, of the Netherlands.
* See supra, chap. vi.
b THE NETHERLiVNDS.
ers, — of mercliants, traders, and artificers. While
feudalism was declining, the towns were ever increas-
ing in power.
The commerce and industrial arts of Italy had
Growth of favoured the growth of its memorable repub-
lics ; and the same causes developed the lib-
erties of the great cities of the Netherlands. The po-
sition of this country was no less favourable to com-
merce, in the north of Europe, than that of Italy in the
south. Bordering on France and Germany, and within
a day's sail of England, its merchants were in the very
centre of northern commerce. By the Rhine and the
Elbe, they conveyed their merchandise into the very
' heart of Germany ; and the Scheldt and the Thames in-
vited, from opposite shores, the interchange of Flemish
and English products. Flanders also became an en-
trepot for the commerce between the north of Europe
and the Mediterranean. Bruges was the great central
mart of the cities of the Hanseatic League, and was
the rival of Venice in the Eastern trade. Italian mer-
chants brought there the spices of the East, the silks
and jewelry of Italy, and the rich productions of the
Mediterranean : the English displayed their wools and
famous woollen fabrics : the Flemings sold their cloths,
lace, and linens ; and traders fi'om the Baltic and North
Seas bartered their salt-fish, hides and tallow, for the
tempting luxuries of Southern climes.^ Antwerp and
Bruges have been aptly described as the Liverpool
and Manchester of the fifteenth century. In course of
time, new fields of commercial enter23rise were opened
to Dutch and Flemish merchants. The discovery of
America offered a new world to their commerce ; and
> Robertson, Charles V. sect, i . ; Juste, Sist. de Belgique, i. 152, &c.
GROWTH OF TOWNS. 7
the sea passage to the Indies, round the Cape of
Good Hope, diverted the Eastern trade from the Ita-
lian cities, and the Mediterranean, to the adventurous
mariners of the Netherlands.
In manufactures, and the industrial arts, the excel-
lence of the Netherlands v/as no less marked. Their
fabrics in silk, tapestry and linen, and their artistic
works in brass and iron, were sought for in every mar-
ket of Europe. In shipbuilding, their artificQrs were
the most active and ingenious of their times. In navi-
gation, their seamen were skilful and adventurous.
Fleets of merchant ships traded with the coasts of
England, France, Spain r.nd Portugal. Their fisheries
were pursued, with extraordinary daring, as far as the
coasts of Scotland. So far were they advanced in the
arts of commerce, that in 1310, there was an insurance
chamber at Bruges. Thousands of skilled artificers
were busy in the factories and workshops of Bruges,
Ghent, Antwerp, and other prosperous cities. In the
fourteenth century many of these cities had risen to
extraordinary greatness. Ghent is said to have num-
bered 250,000 inhabitants:* Bruges 100,000: Ypres
200,000: Antwerp nearly 200,000: Brussels about
50,000, — at a time when the population of London was
less than 50,000, and that of Paris not more than
120,000. Noble cathedrals, churches, and town-halls
still attest their splendour. Bruges was adorned with
fifty churches; Tliiel with fifty-five. The domestic
architecture of the chief cities bears witness to the
magnificence and cultivated taste of their citizens.
Their wealth and luxuries excited the envy of crowned
' At the siego of Ghent, in 1381. tliere were said to bo 80,000 men,
bearing arms : Froissart, Chron. ii. ch. 91 (Collection do 13uchon).
8 THE NETHERLANDS.
heads. In the seventeen provinces of tlie Netherlands
there were 208 walled cities and 150 chartered towns.
So vigorous a growth of town societies was necessa-
rily accompanied by municipal organisation, and cor-
porate privileges.
Charlemagne had instituted municipal officers called
Early con- scaUni ov sheriffs, to assist the counts in the
the'town °* government of the cities. They were chosen
803 A.D. ^y ^jjQ count from patrician families, which,
with some of the higher bourgecdsie, ruled these cities.
From an early period the inhabitants secured exemp-
tion from feudal servitude. But it was not until the
twelfth century that they obtained the privileges of
municipal self-government. Trade guUds were then
organised, which laid the foundation of municipal liber-
ties. The guilds chose wardens ; and they again elected
two or more of their own body as burgomasters. And
to these cities, charters were freely given by the counts,
which encouraged self-government. Among their
privileges was that of erecting a belfry, to the sound
of whose bells the inhabitants assembled, to delibe-
rate upon the affairs of the city, or flew to arms to
repel their enemies.^
The chartered towns now governed themselves, hav-
ing their own laws, their own courts of justice, their
own system of finance, their police and burgher
guards. Their constitutions were generally alike.
Each town had its senate composed of burgomasters^
' Oudegherst, Ghroniques et Annales de Flandre ; Van Praet,
Origine des Communes de Flandre ; De Bast, Institution des Com-
munes en Belgique ; Grimeston, Oeneral History of the Netherlands ;
Juste, Hist, de Belgique, i. 178, 3rd Edition.
' Most of the towns had three or four burgomasters, but some had
one only.
CONTEST WITH FEUDALISM. 9
and slieriffs ; and a council of citizens, by wliom tlie
senate was elected. The trade guilds were trained to
arms, and assembled under tlieir distinctive banners,
at tlie sound of the great bell, or by order of the
magistrates. This municipal organisation favoured a
spirit of liberty and independence, and placed con-
siderable power in- the hands of an armed people.
Flanders, being more favoured by its position, was in
advance of Holland, in the number and prosperity of
its towns; many of which obtained charters, a hun-
dred years before their Dutch neighbours.
A new political power was thus arising, which
threatened the supremacy of the nobles.
The burgomaster was becoming a more for- mas'eraiid
midable power than the baron. The trained
bands of the city guilds soon outnumbered the vassals
ser\dng under the standards of their feudal chiefs. If
less accomplished in the arts of war, they were brave,
impetuous, and stubborn. If their onslaughts were
not made according to the received tactics of their
age, they were too vigorous and determined, to be
easily repelled by the most experienced soldiers.
These sturdy burghers, convinced of the justice of
tlieir cause, and animated by a strong esprit de corps,
were slow to admit defeat. If worsted in the strife,
they returned to the battle-field, with redoubled force ;
and rarely laid down their arms, until their cause was
won.^ Their collisions with the counts were inces-
' You know, my Lord, the humour we of Ghent
Have still indulged — we never cry for peace.
But when we're out of breath : give breathing time.
And ere the echo of our cry for peace
Have died away, we drown it with ' War I war 1 '
rhilip Van Artcvdde, act i. so. 4.
1*
10
THE NETHEELAiroS.
sant ; and wliile tlioir enemies werG continiially -weak-
ened by divisions among themselves, tliey were ever
increasing in numbers, in wealtli, in organisation, and
in confidence.
Tlie contest was otherwise unequal, on the side of
Local dis- ^^^ barous. The confined area of the coun-
of ^he'*^^^^ try at once restricted their numbers, and the
barons. extent of their territories. It afforded no
such field for feudal dominion as the wide plains of
Germany and France. The towns were constantly
encroaching upon these narrow domains : while their
prosperity and freedom attracted multitudes of coun-
try people, who gladly fled from feudal servitude,
and agricultural labour, in the dullest of all habit-
able lands, to the lucrative employments, the com-
forts, and the free and active social life of the busy
town.
The peculiar character of the country itself also
^^g placed the barons at a certain disadvantage,
suited for' ^^ preseuce of their powerful and combative
defence. neighbours. In Italy and Sr^ritzerland, in
Germany and France, we see the ruined castles of the
feudal lords, frowning from rocky heights, and com-
manding the rivers and valleys beneath them. The
Alps, the Apennines, the Riviera, the Pyrenees, the
Rhine, the Moselle, the Danube, and the Loire bristle
with these grim monuments of mediaeval life. Nature
had there provided fortresses for the warlike barons :
but in the low plains of the Netherlands, they sought
in vain for height, or crag, or other defensive vantage-
ground. Nature had been niggardly in her gifts to
this sorry land. The peasant could find no safe foun-
dations for his humble cot : the lord could find no
defence for his castle, save in the moat, the raised
CHAEACTER OF THE BUEGHERS. 11
drawbridge, the looplioles and the battlements of
his own construction. His stronghokl could be sur-
rounded by his enemies : it was open to sudden as-
saults and surprises, to the onslaught of armed men,
or to the insidious torch. The hosts of burghers, who
swarmed from the city walls, often found the castles
of their baronial foes an easy j)rey to their impetuous
raids.
Such being the inequalities of the strife, it was
natural that the towns should gradually
have prevailed. Their quarrels with the no- of the
bles were incessant. Sometimes new claims ""^^ ^^^'
were repelled : sometimes the payment ' of accus-
tomed dues was resisted : sometimes a casual provo-
cation, on either side, was resented. In these rude
times it were vain to inquire, to which side justice
more often inclined. The barons were haughty, and
exacting; and ever ready to draw the sword. The
burghers, proud of their civic franchises, bearing their
own municipal burthens, and inflated with local patri-
otism, showed scant respect for feudal rights. Feu-
dalism, with all its incidents, had been established by
the power of the strongest ; and by a still stronger
force, it might now be overthrown. The like conflicts
had arisen everywhere : they were the natural results
of feudalism, enduring in the midst of a changing and
growing society. But nowhere had the burghers been
so headstrong and aggressive, so resolute in the asser-
tion of their rights, so prompt to assail others, as
well as to defend themselves, as in the Netherlands.
In Holland, they were stubborn and determined : in
Flanders, Brabant, and other provinces, where the
Celtic temperament prevailed, they were violent and
impulsive. But all pursued the same ends, in their
12 THE NETHERLANDS.
own fashion. In tlieir dealings witli local barons, oi*
provincial sovereigns, they were ever determined to
have their own way. Parley and compromise were
not to their taste : their rude and hardy fibre prompted
instant action. They were as ready to begin the fray,
as to maintain it. They fought with nobles, as they
had wrestled with the sea, and with adverse nature.
They would not allow any power to withstand them.
Such a temper advanced their liberties, while it dis-
turbed the peace of the country, and checked their
social prosperity. In admiring their courageous love
of freedom, we cannot be blind to the rough and un-
mannerly fashion in which it was, too often, asserted.^
They lived in a rude age, when men were more ready
with blows than words: when force was still the
first law of society: when every man's hand was
raised against his neighbour: when the baron was
at war with baron and burgher : when the lord of the
' Hallam says : — ' Liberty never wore a more unamiable counte-
nance than among tliese burghers, who abused the strength she gave
them by cruelty and insolence.' — Middle Ages, ii. 86.
Mr, Motley says : — ' Doubtless the history of human liberty in Hol-
land and Flanders, as everywhere else upon earth where there has
been such a history, enrols many scenes of turbulence and blood-
shed, although these features have been exaggerated by prejudiced
historians. Still, if there were luxury and insolence, sedition and
uproar, at any rate there was life. Those violent little common-
wealths had blood in their veins : they were compact of proud, self-
helping, muscular vigour.' — Rise of the Dutch BepubUc, Intr. p. 35.
According to Juste : — ' Cette vieille terre de liberte ne sut jamais
supporter le despotisme, quel qu'il f iit, religieux, ou philosophique,
espagnol, autrichien ou hollandais. De la, le reproche de turbulence
adresse mechamment a un peuple qui se bornait a defendre les droits
les plus sacres, les libertes confirmees par le serment du prince, des
traditions conservatrices de la nationalite.' — Hist, de Belgique, Intr.
p. 10.
OPLUENCE OF TRADE GUILDS. 13
strong castle was, at once, warrior and brigand. In
such a condition of society, liard-workiug burghers
are not to be judged by the standards of our settled
times. They had sprung from robust northern races,
more given to deeds of hardihood than to gentle man-
ners : their lot had been cast in an unpromising land,
and an ungenial climate: they could gaze upon no
scenes of natural beauty : there was little of warmth
or colouring in the atmosphere : there was nothing
around them to inspire their imagination, to raise
their thoughts above their daily toil, or to in\dte re-
pose and tranquil enjoyments. They were traders,
weavers, shipwrights, mariners, striving lustily in the
battle of life : they worked under leaden skies, and
looked out upon a landscape like the Isle of Dogs.
Such men were naturally rough, earnest, and obsti-
nate. They were brave, as the bravest knights : but
they knew not chivalry, or courtesy.
In following the rude struggles of the burghers for
freedom, we must not overlook the influence
P , ^ .11 ,1 • 1 J 1 Influence of
oi trade guilds upon their character, and trade
... . fuiklgi
political life. These associations, — useful,
and even necessary, in the infancy of industrial
trades, — contributed to the early civilisation of the
inhabitants of towns, and forwarded their civil liber-
ties. They were a great source of strength to the
people : but tlie gathering together of a great number
of men, engaged in the same employments, having
common interests and sympathies, and separated from
other members of the community, tended to narrow
their political aims, and to encourage a dangerous
esp'it dc corps. Like trades-unions of modern times,
they could only see their own side, in any disj^utc :
they were possessed by a single idea ; and they ad-
14 THE NETHEELAI^DS.
vanced it witli passionate resolution. At home tliey
were led into turbulence, factions and tumults : abroad,
they were hurried into impulsive wars with nobles and
rival cities. Such were the burghers of the Nether-
lands ; and, whatever their faults, they won for them-
selves an extraordinary measure of fi'eedom, at a time
when freedom was little known in Europe.
Unhappily, the rude struggles of these city com-
jjj^,j^j monwealths were not confined to contests for
cities. freedom. The eternal jealousies of rival cities
had been fatal to the peace of Greece, of Italy, and of
Switzerland; and they were no less disastrous in the
Netherlands. Ghent and Bruges, and other cities,^
fought against each other with as much fury as any
rival cities, in other lands. Chronic warfare was the
lot of these unsettled times; and was common to
burghers as well as barons. Had they lived in peace,
and united their forces, no sovereign could have with-
stood them, as was proved in many memorable suc-
cesses, in later times.
The country beyond the limits of the town-lands
The nobles ^o^med the domains of the noblesse and of
as citizens, 'bighops and abbeys. The nobles exercised an
extensive jurisdiction; and were exempt from taxes,
in consideration of their feudal obligations. Many of
the nobles, however, attracted by the increasing luxu-
ries of the towns, which offered a more agreeable
residence than their own swampy plains, came to live
among the citizens, and to share their security and
' ' Toutes ces guerres et liaines murent par orgueil et par envie que
les bonnes \nlles tie Flandre avoient I'une sur I'autre, ceus de Gand
sur ]a ville de Bruges, et ceux de Bruges sur la ville de Gand, et
ainsi les autres villes, les unes sur les autres.' — Froissart, Chronique»,
ii. cb. lii. (Collection de Buchon).
MILITAEY PEOWESS OF TOWNS. 15
ease. Between tlie two classes there was as little fel-
lowship as between the earl and the alderman, of
modern times. But, for the sake of pov/er, several
nobles obtained admission to the trade-guilds, and
concerned themselves in the municipal government.
Some thus became leaders of the people : while others,
by their haughty bearing, their violence, and attempts
at usurpation, made themselves obnoxious to their
fellow-citizens. In 1257, Utrecht thrust forth its
bishop, and nobles, and began a lengthened struggle
with feudalism. In 1303, Mechlin and Louvain, the
two principal cities of Brabant, — like many of the
Italian republics, — expelled the patrician families
from their walls.
As the military strength of the cities increased,
their pretensions were no longer confined to local
struggles with the nobles or rival cities. They re-
sisted the decrees of the great sovereign
dukes and counts of their provinces, and prowess of
took up arms to maintain their rights. They
were even able to contend against foreign kings. The
Flemings, to overcome the Count of Flanders, had ac-
cepted the sovereignty of Philip the Fair, King of
France : but, discontented with the rule of their new
master, they were not afraid to revolt against him.
In 1301, the burghers of Bruges, led by Peter de Ko-
ning, a draper, and John Breydel, a butcher, drove
out the French garrison : and, in the following year,
won a signal victory over the army of tlie King of
France, at the battle of Courtrai. Other towns sent
forth their militia ; and after two more years of
stubborn warfare, the Flemings overcame their royal
foe.
This remarkable triumph of civic arms revealed the
16 THE NETHEELANDS.
uses of union among the towns, in defence of their
confodera- coDimon liberties; and a confederation was
tl)wns^ formed between the towns of Flanders and
1333. Brabant. In 1323, the warlike Bruges was
again in arms. With the aid of other Flemish cities,
the stubborn burghers made war upon Count Louis of
Flanders, and the nobles. They stormed, and dis-
mantled the feudal castles, throughout the province,
and they took prisoners, the Count himself, and the
greater part of the nobles, who had fled, for safety, to
Courtrai. But their triumph was short-lived. Ghent,
the jealous rival of Bruges, had taken no part in the
movement ; and the King of France, coming to the
rescue of the Count, in a new disj^ute, routed and
destroyed the gallant Flemings, at the battle of CasseL
Ghent was the next city to take the lead in Flemish
James Van poli^ics ; and, by the union of the burgher
Arteveide. forces of Confederate cities, it was able to
play a consj)icuous part in the history of the Nether-
lands and of EurojDe. James Van Arteveide, a patri-
cian, who, — in order to direct the councils of the citj,
— had joined the guild of brewers, became the leader
of the Flemish people. He soon swayed a greater
power than the Count of Flanders himself. Having
overcome the Count, and driven him into France, he
assumed the popular sovereignty of the province.
He negotiated a treaty of commerce with Edward III.
of England ; and, having persuaded the Flemings to
transfer their allegiance to that monarch, as King of
France, he joined, like an independent power, in the
war between the rival kings. He brought 60,000 men
to the English army at Antwerp : and sent a Flemish
squadron to Sluys to aid the English fleet. These
timely reinforcements largely contributed to the sue-
PHILIP ViVN AKTEVELDE. 17
cess of the Englisli arms. A truco was agreed to, be-
tween tlie combatants ; and Van Artevelde ruled over
Flanders, under the name of Euward, as a sovereign
prince. According to Froissart, * there never was in
Flanders, nor in any other country, prince, duke or
other, that ruled a country so peacefully, for so long a
time.' The power of the burghers, over feudalism,
was illustrated by the wondi'ous career of the brewer
of Ghent. But the popular sovereign, having risen to
power by their favour, fell a victim to their wrath.
Outraged by his attempts to transfer the sovereignty
of Flanders, to the descendants of Edward III. of Eng-
land ; and suspecting him of having sent the Flemish
revenues out of the country, the citizens, especially
the members of the lesser guilds, rose and slew him
in his own house,^
The military power of the burghers of Ghent
showed itself again, under the guidance of phiiipvan
his no less distinguished son Philip. He
overthrew Louis de Male, Count of Flanders, b}'^ a
bold coup de main upon Bruges : ^ was proclaimed
regent of the provinces ; and like his father, ruled
with all the state of a sovereign prince. His burgher
forces proved themselves not unworthy foes of the
chivalry of France, commanded by their young king
Charles "ST. in person ; but, weakened by ^.^^ ^ ^
the defection of many cities, and overcome
' Froissart, Chrmiiques, i. cli. 248 (Collection de Buclion). Few
itliapters in Froissart are more interesting than tliis.
lie was the noblest and the wisest man
That ever ruled in Ghent ; yet, Sirs, ye slew him ;
By his own door, here, where I stand, ye slew him.
PMlip Van Artevelde, act ii. sc. 2.
"â– Froissart, Chroniques. ii. rp. 101, 102. 121, 153-lGO (Collectiou
do Bu'-'hou).
18 THE NETHEELANDS.
by superior forces, the gallant Philip fell, upon the
field of battle, in the midst of his routed host.^
While the burghers were thus contending with the
nobles, and maintaining their rights against their
feudal superiors, they were not without grave divi-
sions amonsr themselves. The guilds were
Guilds of _ _ _ . ° '^ ,
the Flemish divided luto greater or lesser trades, the
former being composed of burghers, — gen-
erally employers of labour, — and the latter of arti-
ficers. The members of the greater guilds were
wealthy, powerful and ambitious. They enjoyed the
dignities of burgomasters and councillors : they were
clothed in the municipal purple ; and they ruled with
the power of an aristocracy, over the civic state.
The working classes could gain admittance to the
greater trades, by giving up manual labour for a year
and a day : but the great mass of artificers, bound
to the lesser trades, were continually striving against
the power and privileges of their more exalted bre-
thren. In every town, the old war was waged be-
tween a commercial aristocracy and a democracy. At
Brussels, Louvain and Antwerp, the people rose in
arms against the privileged citizens. In many of
the cities, the municipal constitutions having become
close, and in a great measure self-elective, it was only
by such demonstrations, that the lesser guilds were
able to assert their influence. Such constitutions
were not fi-amed upon a democratic basis : no provi-
sion was made for tlie legitimate exjjression of popu-
lar oj)inion, in the municipal councils, by the direct
' Froisaart, Chroniquea, ii. cli. 176-108 (Collection de Bnchon).
The history of this time is delightfully told by Froissart, and may
now be read, with redoubled interest, in Sir Henry Taylor's dra-
matic romance of Philip Van Arlcoclde.
CULTUEE AND ART. 19
election of representatives ; and the elements of de-
mocracy, which abounded in these populous cities,
instead of being duly associated with authority, were
left to maintain irregular and impulsive struggles
against it. The local government was often an oli-
garchy, while the spirit of the burghers was pecu-
liarly democratic.
Violent factions were also formed, like the "White
Hoods of Ghent, who, banded together, in p^j^^^^jg
arms, took the direction of affairs out of the
hands of the magistrates, and hurried the people into
wars and tumults.^ It was by such bands as these,
that the industrious burghers were often enticed from
the factory and the workshop, to disturb the peace of
the city, to slight and provoke their counts, or to en-
gage in quarrels with their neighbours.
In the midst of all these wars and tumults, society
was advancing rapidly in culture. The re- improved
vival of literature and the arts in Italy was ti'iVNcthcr-
associated with the rise of its republics ; and
the like result is to be observed in the free cities of
the Netherlands. The culture of the wealthier citi-
zens was higher than that of their own class, in any
other part of Europe except Italy. Their sons were
educated at their own renowned university of Lou-
vain, at Paris, and at Padua. "Without neglecting
the classics, they were proficient in modern lan-
guages, so peculiarly necessary for a commercial peo-
' Froissart, Chroniques, ii. ch. 53, 60.
For truly here there are a sort of crafts,
So factious still for war, and obstinate.
That we shall he endatif^er'tl. Suing for peace
Is ever treason to tlu^ Whit(; Hoods.
riulij^i Vait Arkvchle, act i. ac. 1.
20 THE NETHERLANDS.
pie. Their artisans also were not only skilled in
liandicrafts, but were remarkable for ilieir intelli-
gence and mental activity : they associated in clubs
and other societies for recreation and instruction,
of which the most important were called guilds, or
Guild, of chambers, of rhetoric. Here poetry, satires
(ftfSh and lampoons were recited, plays, masques
ceuiury). ^^^ pagcauts acted, and music performed.
Among a free, robust and turbulent people, politics
naturally intruded into such performances,— just as
the Greek drama became political ; and these socie-
ties exercised much influence upon the political sen-
timents of the people. Great license was enjoyed
by them ; and in anticipation of the printing press,
which was about to revolutionise the mind of Eu-
rope, they were powerful instruments for the associa-
tion and political instruction of the people. While
courted by princes and nobles, they boldly assailed
the abuses of the government, and the vices of the
clergy ; and they prepared the way for the Reforma-
tion.
In the arts, the free cities of the Netherlands were
, not unworthy rivals of their more gifted
Dutch and '' -, no t
Flemish brethren of Italy. In the fifteenth century,
the brothers Yan Eyck, Hans Hemlmg, and
other masters were already founding a national school
of painting, whose works became the admiration of
Europe. In stately and picturesque architecture, the
cities of Flanders and Brabant will bear comparison
with the best examples of Italy. Their carvings in
wood attained such perfection as to entitle them to
rank with sculpture, as a fine art. Such are the evi-
dences of a cultivated society, and of advanced civil-
isation.
CHANGES OF DYNASTY. 21
"Wliile tlie cities of the Netherlands were thus
advancing in wealth, culture, and military The cities
power, tiiey were acquiring more extended hi'the^"^'^''
political privileges in the government of the ^"''''°^-
State. They sent delegates to the provincial assem-
bly of the Estates,^ where they sat with the nobles,
whom they generally outnumbered.^ In the thir-
teenth and fourteenth centuries the principal cities
of Holland, Flanders and Brabant, sent their dejiu-
ties to the Estates ; and, while supreme in their own
municipal affairs, they voted all the provincial taxes,
and exercised a commanding influence in the general
administration of the province.^
Here were all the characteristics and traditions of
a free people, — the manly northern race that
Character-
had battled bravely with Koman conquerors, i^i'c^ "f
— the long training of free institutions, the
spirit of commercial enterprise, the culture which, in
all ages, has been the handmaid of fi-eedom, and the
association of citizens in business, in instruction and
amusement.
In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the lib-
erties of the Netherlands had attained their t,,,.,„^,,^ „f
greatest development, when they were check- f") '""^"^y-
ed by changes of dynasty, which were destined to
provoke disastrous conflicts between the people and
their rulers.
The burghers had been no unequal match against
their own counts and bishops, even when assisted
' In Holland tlic flcputies wero electnd l)y tlie senates, each city-
Laving one only, whatever the number of deputies.
* In BraV)ant there were fourteen deputies, of whom four were
nobles, and ten were chosen by the burghers.
''' Davics, Hint, of Holland, i. 70 ct scq.
22 THE NETHERLANDS.
by foreign alliances : but wlien tlie Netlierlauds fell
increasino- ^^^^ ^^i® liancls of poweiful sovereigns, with
FheTove- Standing armies, and foreign resources, they
reigns. were at a serious disadvantage. They had
been able to resist feudalism : it was now to be seen
how far they could withstand the encroachments of
monarchs upon their civil rights, and the assaults
of tyrants upon their religious liberty.
Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, first acquired
the sovereignty of Flanders and Brabant ; and
iJursundy, his accessiou promised well for the liberties
of his subjects. So long as the dominion of
the House of Burgundy was confined to these pro-
vinces, the towns continued to display their accus-
tomed independence.
But at length Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy,
secured the sovereignty of nearly all the re-
1437 A.D. , . . o J J
mainmg provinces of the Netherlands.^ And
this new sovereign was also ruler over his own domains
of Burgundy, and considerable territories in France.
He found the burghers of Bruges and Ghent as intrac-
table as ever : but he subdued them. Ghent resisted
him, in open war, for two years : but, at length, he
conquered the rebellious city, and punished it by the
forfeiture of its most important privileges. He visited
with greater severity the refractory burghers of Liege,
and Dinant. The municipal councils had begun to
exercise great influence, even beyond the boundaries
of their own cities, and were able to control the sove-
reign and the nobles. Philip confined them to their
municipal aff'airs, and permitted no interference with
' His territories did not include Friesland, the bishopric of Utreclit,
Guelders, or Li»'ge, Guelders was afterwards conquered by his son
Charles the Bold.
THE HOUSE OF EUKGTMDY. 23
Lis sovereignty. Ghent recovered its privileges from
Charles the Bold ; ^ but Liege, again rebellious, was
given up to pillage.^ This haughty and impetuous
prince was too much engrossed with foreign wars, to
concern himself much about the welfare of the Nether-
lands : but he drained them by excessive taxes, and
often provoked revolts by his exactions. He raised a
standing army ; and he gave arbitrary powers to the
supreme court, to deal with the charters of the pro-
vinces. His power was weakened by the victories of
the free and gallant Swiss ; and his early death de-
ferred, for some years, the impending struggle between
liberty and despotism.^
But while, during the rule of the first princes of the
House of Burgundy, the political power of the people
was subdued, their wealth and prosperity were rapidly
on the increase, and were laying the foundation of
their future freedom. At the death of Charles tho
Bold, the provinces and towns assembled a conven-
tion at Ghent, and extorted from the young Duchess
Mary,* the 'Great Privilege,' or charter, by which
the free constitution of Holland was restored. Tho oieat
The right of the provinces and towns to hold ^'"^â– ''''*''*^-
diets, for the consideration of public affairs, ^*" ^'°'
was admitted. The sovereign was not to impose taxes,
to declare war, or to coin money, without the consent
of the Estates. The sovereign undertook to meet tho
' For a graphic account of the bold and unmannerly fashion in
vhlch this was effected, Bee Philippe de Comniines, M('m. ii. ch. 4.
He says : ' A la vorite dire, aprt^s le pcujile do liii'go, il n'en est nul
plus inconstant que ceux de Qand.' Sec also Baranto, Jlitit. dcs
Uucs dc B<yu,r(jO(jne ; Juste, Ilint. de Bclfjique, i. 348.
" I'hilippe de Coinmines, Mem. il. ch. 13, 14 ; Juste, Hid. i. 348.
* P. de Comniines, Mim. v. ch. 1, 8.
*P. dc Comniines, Mem. v. ch. IG, 17.
24 THE NETHEELANDS.
Estates in person, and demand tlie necessary supplies.
Ail tlie privileges of the cities were confirmed: they
appointed tlieir own magistrates, had their own muni-
cipal courts, and were not to contribute to taxes which
they had not voted. Similar privileges were granted
to Flanders and other provinces ; and thus a consti-
tution was obtained for the Netherlands, which recog-
nised, to an unexampled extent, all the rights of a free
people under a constitutional monarchy.
By the union of so many provinces under the House
The NoUier- ^^ Burguudy, the Netherlands had now be-
Ikiei^bie""' come a considerable State. Each province
state. jjj^j i^g Q^j^ constitution, and its assembly of
Estates, and voted its own subsidies, while it sent
delegates to a general assembly of the Estates of all
the provinces, for the discussion of national affairs.
Each province was as independent as a Swiss canton ;
and the general assembly of the Estates was not un-
like the Swiss Federal Diet. The constitution was
municipal rather than political, each province and city
holding fast to its own privileges and separate inter-
ests, and reducing the power of the states-general, just
as the jealousies of the Swiss cantons enfeebled the
action of the confederation. The delegates were en-
voys from the different provinces, with limited powers,
and precise instructions — not representatives entitled
to deliberate and vote, according to their own discre-
tion. The passion for municipal freedom, diversities
of interests, and the recent union of the provinces, nat-
urally caused this decentralisation of j^olitical power.
The national forces were divided and weakened : while
the legislative and administrative powers of the sove-
reign were enlarged. It was not until the provinces
should be united by a community of sentiments, in-
DEATH OP PEINCESS ILIKY. 25
terests and wrongs, that a complete federal union
could be accomplished ; and this result was hereafter
to be brought about bj the oppressive policy of their
rulers. While Switzerland was a republic, the Nether-
lands enjoyed the widest freedom, under a constitu-
tional sovereign, and had generally been strong enough
to maintain it.
Had this liberal constitution been maintained, the
Netherlands would, next to Switzerland, have
been the fi-eest State in Europe. But the duUeMaxi-
young duchess married the Archduke Maxi-
milian, son of the Emperor, and the Netherlands be-
came an inheritance of the House of Hapsburg. The
Great Privilege and other charters were annulled, and
the Netherlands were ruled as a province of the Ger-
man empire.
On the death of the Princess Mary, the rebellious
spirit of the Flemings was aroused. They
resisted the authority of the archduke : they Princess
refused to recognise liim as guardian ol his
own children ; and they encountered him in open war.
The people of Bruges even seized upon his person,
and detained him in prison. Nor would they release
him, at the urgent solicitation of the Pope, until they
Lad extorted from him a treaty granting them pardon
for their treason, and security for the free enjoyment
of their franchises. The duke, thus defied by his own
subjects, appealed to his father, the Emperor, who
came to his aid with 40,000 men. But the Flemings
were not overawed by this invading force. Under
the command of Philip of Cleves, they ofierod so
stout a resistance, tliat, on payment of a subsidy,
they were able to obtain a confirmation of their liber-
ties.
VOL. IT.— 3
26 " THE NETHEFvLAKDS.
The constant struggle of Maximilian witli his turbu-
rhiiipthe ^^^^ ^^^ rebellious subjects was, at length,
Fair, 1493. brought to a close by his accession to the
Imperial throne of Germany. He was succeeded in
the sovereignty of the Netherlands by his youthful
son, Philip the Fair, who, as the heir of a native prin-
cess, was greeted with loyal demonstrations, by his
people. He restored peace and tranquillity to his
distracted provinces ; and won their willing confi-
dence. Having jDrojected a double alliance for him-
self and his sister, with the royal family of Spain, he
sought the consent of the States-General. Flattered
by his deference, they cheerfully consented to a union
which was fraught with the gravest dangers to the
future liberties of their country. The marriage of
Philip the Fair with Johanna of Spain was to bring
the Netherlands under the inauspicious dominion of
his son, the Emperor Charles V.
The liberties of the Netherlands, notwithstanding
the stubborn resolution of the people, had
The . 7
Emporor already been seriously compromised by the
growing power of the House of Burgundy,
supported by its close connection with the German
empire. They were now to be exposed to a far more
formidable danger. The new sovereign Charles V.,
uniting under his rule the kingdom of Spain
and the Indies, Milan, Naples, Sicily, and
the German empire, was the most powerful monarch
in Europe.'' How could these narrow provinces hope
to contend against the successor of Cliarlemagne ?
His power was great ; and his imperial will was abso-
' He had previously become sovereign of tlie Netherlands in 1515,
at the age of fifteen.
FOBMER LIBERTIES OF SPAIN. 27
Into. There had been times, when to become sub-
jects of the constitutional monarchy of Spain would
have promised the recognition of ancient franchises :
but changes had lately come over the ancient polity
of that State.
No monarchy in Europe had once been more free
than that of Spain. In Castile and Aragon,
and other Sj)anish kingdoms, the preroga- lihurties in
tives of the CroT\Ti had been unusually lim-
ited ; and the Cortes were bold and independent par-
liaments. In Catalonia, the people had de-
posed their sovereign John II., and his pos-
terity, as unworthy of the throne, and endeavoured
to establish a republic. In Castile, the nobles had
deposed their king Henry IV., with the gene-
ral assent of the people. In Aragon, the
kings were originally elective ; and it was an article
of the constitution, that if a king should violate the
rights of the people, it was lawful to dethrone him
and elect another in his place. The representatives
of the cities held ah important place in the Cortes,
without whose consent no tax could be imposed : no
war declared, nor peace concluded. The institutions
of Castile were no less popular ; and in the Castilian
Cortes, as in the English Parliament, it was an an-
cient custom to postpone tlio granting of supplies to
the Crown, until grievances had been redressed, and
other business affecting the public welfare concluded.
Tliroughout Spain, the cities had attained extraor-
dinary social influence, and political power. They
wore wealthy and prosperous : they were peo2)led
by nobles and landowners, by churchmen, la-sry'ors,
scholars, merchants, traders, and artificers; and to
defend themselves against tlio Moors, they maintained
28 THE NETHERLANDS.
armed forces. The nobles being exempt from taxa-
tion, it was to tlie cities that the kings were forced to
apply for pecuniary aid ; while they were ready to
grant privileges and immunities in return.
But Spanish freedom was now a thing of the past.
Decay of Ferdinand and Isabella had increased the
fibeltTes. royal prerogative in Castile and Aragon ; and
1476-1493 Charles V. had still further enlarged the
'*-°- powers of the Spanish Crown.^ But he had
found a spirit of freedom and independence in his
subjects, which was not suddenly to be repressed.
The Cortes having voted a free gift to the Emperor,
without a previous redress of grievances, a formidable
insurrection was provoked. Toledo, Segovia, and
most of the principal cities of Castile formed an armed
confederacv, or holy Junta, for the redress of
1520 A.D. ii • • " -r . ■•
tlieir grievances, in a remonstrance to the
Emperor, they stated the wrongs of the Castilian peo-
ple in language which, a century later, the sturdy
commons of England repeated, with more effect, to
the arbitrary Stuarts. Their remonstrance not being
received, they flew to arms ; and under the popular
Don Juan de Padilla, and other leaders, they boldly
fought against the royal troops. They were routed
and destroyed : their leaders were put to death : but
Padilla's heroic widow long defended Toledo, by
arousing the enthusiasm of the people. Insurrections
also broke out in Valentia, and Aragon : but they
were readily repressed ; and, in subduing these popu-
lar movements, Charles overthrew the ancient liberties
of Spain.^ By dividing the nobles and the commons,
he weakened the power of both ; and contrived to
'Robertson, Charles V., sect. iii.
2 Ibid. b. iii.
THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. 29
reduce tlie Cortes to a powerless and obsequious as-
sembly.
Such was the monarch who now ruled over the
Netherlands. Absolute king and emperor, ^j^^
in other realms, his relations with his Dutch i^;^;rt8*^u,j(^e,.
and Flemish subjects differed widely from chariesv.
those of former sovereigns, — counts of Holland and
Flanders, and dukes of Burgundy. Provinces which
had fought successfully against feudal superiors, were
now the dependencies of a vast empire. Charles, who
had overcome the liberties of his own land, v/as little
inclined to respect provincial franchises ; and his
power was too great to be trifled with by turbulent
and rebellious burghers.
But he was welcomed by his new subjects as a
native prince, who had been brought up ^ewtaxa-
amongst them ; and, at first, he seemed dis- *^""-
posed to respect their liberties. These provinces
were the richest part of his dominions, and the most
fruitful source of his revenues. Being at war with
France, he urgently needed their subsidies, which
they granted freely in reply to his demands. They
had no interest in the cost of an empire, and a Sj^a-
nish war ; and the new taxes fell heavily upon them :
but they bore their burthens cheerfully. They ven-
tured, however, to assert the freedom of their gifts,
and their right to refuse payment of any tax levied
without their consent. The Emperor somewhat con-
temptuously acknowledged their privileges : but gave
them to understand that he would allow no i:)arloy as
to his claims. He was not to be * haggled with like a
huckster.' The people were slow to realise the change
which had come over their destinies. They had been
accustomed to resist any invasion of their privil'''
30 THE NETHERLANDS.
and they had not yet measured the power of their
new sovereign. But they were soon to learn that
they held their liberties at the mercy of a ruler, whom
they could not venture to defy.
The great city of Ghent, — ever foremost in resisting
Eebciiion proviucial sovereigns, — was the first to pro-
voke the wrath of the Emperor. A heavy
subsidy had been granted to him, by the Netherlands :
but the sturdy citizens of Ghent refused to pay their
share, upon the plea that their consent had not been
sought, according to their charters. Nor
1539 A. D. T 1 ii • TT
did their rebellion rest here. They even
offered to surrender their city to the king of France.
But, finding themselves without help, they sued, in
vain, for mercy. Again and again, had they braved
their rulers with impunity : but they were now under
the iron hand of a new master : they had rebelled
against him ; and punishment awaited them.
The great potentate who dominated over Europe,
Its punish- ^^^^^ ^^^ brook the independent spirit of
1540A.D. Flemish citizens. He humbled the proud
city for its rebellion, by making its sena-
tors and other burghers pray for pardon at his feet
with halters round their necks : he put several of the
principal citizens to death, and banished many others :
he abrogated its municipal privileges, and mulcted it
with heavy fines.^ Henceforth, the municipal officers
were to be appointed by the Emperor himself ; and
the guilds, reduced in numbers, were deprived of all
their rights of self-government.
After such an example of imperial power, further
' Robertson, G7iarles V., book vi.; Motley, Else of the Dutch Repub-
lic, i. 57.
ITALY AND THE NETHERIxVNDS COMP.VEED. 31
resistance was cliecked, throughout the Netherlands.
The empire was so strouf', and these little
^ Tin-, The libiT-
provinces were so overshadowed by its power, "it^' of iho
that thej seemed to have no higher destiny Ja'id^ in
than the Spanish provinces of Aragon, or
Catalonia. They were the domains of Spain, and
must be governed by the will of its autocratic king.
They retained, indeed, their municipal and provincial
institutions : but these were bereft of substantial force.
All their charters were held at the j)leasure of the
supreme court of Mechlin ; and if they served to
maintain the traditions of former fi'eedom, they offered
no present security for the franchises of the people.
The fate of this once free country, after centuries of
persistent struggles, now resembled that of
X.I -r. i 1 1 1 1 -, • • Fortnnes of
Italy, lioth had advanced m commerce, in ija'y and
•^ ' the Nother-
culture and m freedom. In both, municipal '""^s com-
. pared.
institutions had overcome feudalism, and se-
cured fi'eedom and self-government for the people.
And now both alike were under the arbitrary rule of
kings and emperors. The Netherlands, indeed, had
escaped the intermediate scourge of usurpers and
tp-ants, under which Italy had suffered. They had
enjoyed their libei'ties to the last : they had asserted
them roughly, and turbulently, after their own rude
fashion : they had defied feudal lords and sovereigns,
rival cities, and civic factions; but their indejien-
dence was suddenly overthrown. Their victories over
feudalism were, at once, wrested from them ; and with-
out any decay of their political spirit, without any
decline of their virtues, without any social clianges,
at the height of their prosperity and jiower, they
were reduced to the same political subj(H'iion as
Tuscany and Lomburdy. With marked diversities in
32 THE NETHERLANDS.
tlie history of Italy and the Netlierlancls, no less tlian
in tlie genius and character of their inhabitants, their
protracted struggles for liberty had been equally in
vain. In the sixteenth century, it seemed as if no-
thing were left to the patriots of both these historic
lands, than sadly to cherish the memories of the j^ast,
without a hope of the future. Absolute "monarchies
were in the ascendant ; and the race of freedom had
been run. And such, indeed, was the lot of Italy, for
the next three centuries : but a more hopeful destiny
awaited the Netherlands.
Following in the footsteps of Italy, the Netherlands
Impending had illustrated the political power of muni-
forn-iigious cipal commuuities. They had shown how
liberty. ^-^^ wealth, population and enlightenment of
towns could dominate over the mediteval forces of
feudalism. They now displayed the feebleness of
municipal franchises, in presence of an overmastering
monarchy. So far the like examples are to be found
in the history of Italy, of Spain, of France, and of
Germany. But, for the first time in the annals of
Europe, the Netherlands, as a nation, were about to
enter upon a new struggle, in defence of the rights of
conscience, and the free exercise of their religion. It
was an heroic struggle which was to change their own
political destinies, and to promote the future liberties
of Europe.
CHAPTER XI.
THE NETHERLANDS {continued).
CHAELES V. AND THE EEFORMATION — TETE CRIME OF PERSECUTION
— PHILIP II. OP SPAIN— WILLIAM, PRINCE OP ORANGE — SEVERI-
TIES OF PHILIP — CRUELTIES OP ALVA — REVOLT OP THE NETH-
ERLANDS — THEIR HEROIC STRUGGLES — ASSASSINATION OF THE
PRINCE OF ORANGE — DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE — THE
DUTCH REPUBLIC — THE HOUSE OF ORANGE — THE FRENCH REVO-
LUTION—THE MONARCHY OF 1813— REVOLUTION OP 1813— HOL-
LAND AND BELGIUM.
The Eeformation, — tlie most signal event in tlie reigu
of Charles Y., — was gravely affecting the re- chariesv
lations of subjects to their rulers. This re- k"'?,,'!,',^.
ligious movement spread rapidly over the ^'""•
north of Europe. It extended over Germany, Eng-
land, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Switzerland.
It found many adherents in France, and in the
Netherlands. The Emperor was prepared to crush
this movement, throughout his dominions : but in
Germany the new faith was accepted by so large a
number of his subjects, and by so many princes and
fi'ee cities, that it was beyond his control : while his
attention was diverted by troubles in other parts of
his wide-spread empire. In Spain, the Eeformation
gave him no concern. Heretics were promptly pun-
ished by the Inquisition ; and the Sjoanish mind was
2*
34 THE NETnEELANDS.
closed against tlie doctrines of the reformers. But in
the Netherlands, where these obnoxious doctrines
were beginning to be rife, he was resolved to lose no
time in repressing them, with all the powers of an
autocrat.
In order to arrest the spread of the new opinions,
rcrsecution Charles resorted to the severest measures,
antsf" '^^ He decreed that all converts should be pun-
1521-1523. ished with death and forfeiture of their goods.
He forbade, under like penalties, the reading of the
Scriptures, private meetings for worship, and even re-
ligious discussions at the family fireside. For the
detection of offenders he rewarded informers with
one-half the property of convicted heretics. And for
carrjdng out these decrees, he introduced the terri-
ble Inquisition. Hence sprang the foulest religious
persecution that had disgraced the world since the suf-
ferings of the early Christians under the Eoman Em-
pire. The number of its victims, during this reign,
have been estimated at from 50,000 to 100,000. When
constantly increasing numbers adopted the new faith,
and were pursued with cruel rigour, the breach be-
tween the government and the people became irrecon-
cilable. Already there was repugnance to the alien
Spaniards, resentment at their haughty rule, regret
for liberties overthrown, and suffering under heavy
taxation. These sentiments were now inflamed by
religious zeal and hatreds, and by a stubborn spirit
of resistance to persecution.
No greater crime had ever been committed by a
ruler, than this merciless persecution of his
apolitical Protostaut subjects by Charles V. These pro-
vinces had been brought under his dominion,
by the accident of a marriage, in his royal house:
TEESECUTION A NEY/ FORM OF TYK.YNNY. 35
their destinies were in liis liands, for good or for
evil: tliey had, for centuries, been prosperous, and
contented: they had enriched all Europe with their
commerce and industry : they had advanced the civ-
ilisation of the North with their enlightened inter-
course : but all their claims to favour and indulgence
were ignored. They had received new religious in-
spirations, not recognised at Madrid; and they were
to be proscribed with the malignity of a Marius or a
Sulla.
A new form of tyranny had grown out of the Refor-
mation. There had been earlier examples
of religious persecution: but now it had be- anewionn
come the policy of rulers to treat obnoxious
creeds with greater severity than rebellion against the
State. It was not enough that their people were good
and loyal subjects, obedient to the civil laws, and
zealous in the service of their country. If they dared
to worship God in any other form than that pre-
scribed by the State,^ they were punished as the worst
of criminals. Despotism over the souls of Christians
was the great aim of statescraft, in the sixteenth
century; and it was pursued with a cold-blooded
cmelty and ferocity rarely displayed by the most im-
placable tyrants. If it was ever just and lawful for
subjects to maintain their civil liberties with the
sword, it was now a solemn duty to defend the riglits
of conscience, and the sacred offices of religion. To
take up arms for religious liberty, was a holier patri-
' At the Diet of Ausburg in ISo.j, it was declared tliat the rulers
cf every Oerman State, or city, might tolerate or prohibit the Catho-
lic or Protestant faith, at their pleasure. This Diet secured the
toleration of Protestants, but it admitted the right of rulers to de-
termine the faith of their subjects.
36 THE NETHERLANDS.
otism than to draw tlie sword for civil freedom. The
worst oppression was tliat wliich coerced tlie soul;
and to resist it was the natural right of freemen. The
relations of subjects to their rulers were now at once
civil and religious.
In the midst of his persecutions, Charles V. abdi-
Phiiipii cated, with great pomp and ceremony, at
ocf'ss"' Brussels; and the Netherlands became the
1555. ' inheritance of the cruel and malignant bigot
Philip n. of Spain.^ Altogether a Spaniard, and
speaking no other language but his own,— haughty,
sullen, taciturn, treacherous and dissembling, — this
alien ruler was, in himself, repugnant to all the sym-
pathies of his Dutch and Flemish subjects ; and his
arbitrary and opj)ressive policy was soon to become
intolerable. To allay the apprehensions of the people
he swore to observe all their charters, privileges and
constitutions, which he had resolved to violate. But
ab the same time he renewed all the edicts of the Em-
peror against heretics, and ordered them to be carried
vigorously into execution. He was met by startling
proofs of the independence of his subjects : his de-
mand for supplies was refused by the Estates of the
provinces : but a considerable grant was offered, which
he was constrained to accept. They also demanded,
as a condition of their subsidies, the withdrawal of
the Spanish troops, to which he was forced, reluc-
tantly and with an ill grace, to consent. Indignant
remonstrances were also made to him by the States-
' For the following narrative of events during the protracted
struggles of the Netherlands with Spain, I have mainly relied
upon Mr. Motley's admirable and exhaustive histories of the Rise
of the Dutch Eepublic (1555-1584), and of the United Netherlands
(1584-1609).
WILLIAM PRINCE OF ORANGE. 37
General, against tlie pillage and disorders of these
foreign troops.
With these words of complaint and remonstrance
ringing in his ears, and full of wrath, Philip j^^^^.^py of
left this uncongenial realm under the regency j^[",';,l'.f*?,
of the Duchess Margaret of Parma, a natural iss'-'-^so''.
daughter of Charles V. The real ruler, however, was
the Bishop of Arras, afterwards Archbishop of Mech-
lin, and Cardinal Granvelle, — an artful, ambitious and
accompKshed priest, after Philip's own heart. A des-
pot and bigot upon principle, slavish towards his
master, arbitrary towards the people, by profession a
scourger of heretics, adroit, plausible, and deceitful,
he was the very man to carry out Philip's policy, in
Philip's owTi way. It was the aim of both to subdue
the proud spirit of the Netherlands, and to extirpate
heresy from the land : and they were prepared to
reach it by force, cruelty, treachery and dissimulation.
But monarch and priest were to be confronted by
the greatest man of that age, — William of
o I'll ^ iHiftm
Nassau, Prince of Orange, — who is ever to be Prh.co of
' " Orange.
remembered as the first statesman, whose
guiding principle was civil and religious liberty. A
descendant and representative of the former sove-
reigns of the Netherlands, he had been trained in the
service of the Emperor Charles V., in war, diplomacy
and statecraft. Trusted and honoured by Philip, no
less than by his father, and already the first prince in
his own land, he could have enjoyed all the dignities
and distinctions which royal favours could bostov/ :
but love of his country, a noble ardour for political
freedom and religious toleration, and an heroic spirit,
combined to make him a patriot, and tlie liberator of
bis countrymen. The high purposes of his life re-
38 THE NETHEKIANDS.
ceived their first impulse, in liis early youtli. Wliile on
a mission to France, in 1559, lie learned from the lips
of the king himself,^ that he had entered into a secret
agreement with Philip, to extirpate heresy from their
respective dominions, by the massacre of all Protes-
tants, high and low ; and he was told that in the Neth-
erlands the Spanish troops would be the chief instru-
ments of this massacre. William listened in silence,
and apparently unmoved, to this shocking revelation :
but, though himself a Catholic, and high in the con-
fidence of his sovereign, he at once resolved to coun-
teract this iniquitous plot.^ He wished well to his
OAvu faith: but the persecution of innocent men, on
account of their religion, was repugnant to his just
and noble na|ure ; and he recoiled, with horror, from_
the sufferings to which his own beloved countrymen
were doomed.
He hastened home, and knowing the secret ser-
His toiera- vices to which the Spanish troops were des-
tined, he prompted the Estates to insist
upon their withdrawal As Stadtholder of Holland,
Friesland and Utrecht, he received the king's com-
mands to execute his bloody edicts against heretics :
but his tenderness and mercy made them harmless.
He had already incurred Philip's displeasure, before
that tyrant left the Netherlands ; and as the scheme
of the Spanish government was more fully disclosed,
he braved every danger to resist it.
The Netherlands were peculiarly open to the in-
' Henry II.
* For his demeanour on this occasion, the finest orator and writer of
his age, — the man whose eloquence swayed councils, senates and
multitudes, whose state-papers were models of noble simplicity and
force, — was foolishly nicknamed ' the Silent.*
POPULAB PvESISTANCE. 39
fluGiics of tlie Eeformation. Tliey had never been
devoted to Rome : they liad been disturbed
by earlier reformers, — Waldenses, Lollards, tho^ii^for-
Hussites, — and now, witli the Lutherans of
Germany on one side, and the Huguenots of France
on the other, the new faith made rapid progress
amongst them. Its advance was quickened by the
wide intercourse of the people with foreigners and
their commercial activity. Their lives and their
steadfast character prepared them to maintain inde-
pendence of thought in religion, as well as in politi-
cal and municipal affairs.
Such were the people whom Philij) had resolved to
coerce. Tlie edicts of Charles were severe scveritic?
enough : their severity could hardly be in- ^'''^'^'''P-
creased ; so he renewed them, without alteration :
while he took credit for making no innovations in re-
ligion. But, by increasing the number of bishops
and prebendaries, he added to the active staff of the
Inquisition ; and persecution was renewed with more
severity than ever. Not satisfied with the vigilance
of local informers and inquisitors, Philip continually
directed, from Spain, the torture of his Flemish sub-
jects. Notwithstanding his promises, he had resolved
to make his Spanish troops assist in his cruelties :
but he was forced to yield to the firm resistance of
the people ; and, after a delay of some months, he
sent tliem out of the country. The new bishops and
inquisitors also excited popular resentment : the mon-
strous persecutions of wliich they were the agents,
were condemned by all but tlie merciless bigots, who
were zealous in the bloody work.
The Prince of Orange, and Counts Egmont and
Horn, resented the power and the insolence of Gran-
40 THE NETHERLANDS.
velle. Nobles and people alike were opposed to tlie
Spanish government : they were unable to resist tlie
cruelties of the Inquisition : but they drove Granvelle
out of the Netherlands. The king's policy, however,
underwent no change. No man was safe from the cu-
pidity of informers, and from the rack, the stake, or the
gibbet of the inquisitors. If those who witnessed the
martyi'dom of their friends and fellow-citizens were
outraged, the royal bigot still deemed the penalties of
heresy too lenient. He now insisted that the
canons of the council of Trent should be pro-
claimed, which excommunicated heretics, and placed
them beyond the pale of the law, and of society.
The nobles and people stood aghast at these in-
creased severities. The Prince of Orange
nobles and had vaiuly opposed them : even the council
had desired their mitigation : but the King
was inflexible ; and the Prince foresaw that there was
no longer any hope for the outraged people, but in
rebellion. The first active measures were taken by
the nobles. They signed a protest known as 'the
compromise : ' they presented a ' request ' to the Re-
gent, for redress of grievances ; and formed themselves
into a riotous confederacy, called Les Gueux, or ' the
Beggars.' The Prince and Counts Egmont
and Horn, held aloof from these movements,
which they vainly sought to moderate. While the
Prince was striving, with earnest statesmanship, to
obtain concessions fi'om the government, the young
nobles were bringing discredit upon the national cause,
by their levity and convivial frolics.
The council was persuaded to recommend some
Mission to trifling mitigation of the cruel edicts, and to
Philip. send the Marquis Berghen and Baron Mon-
THE ICONOCLVSTS. 41
tigni on a mission to Madrid. But the mission was
fruitless, and tlie ill-fated envoys fell victims to the
wrath of the cruel and perfidious Philip.^
Meanwhile the executions of sectaries were con-
tinued with sickening barbarity : but severity contj^nga
seemed to multiply their numbers, and to in- i>arbarities.
crease their zeal. At length, maddened by their hatred
of a persecuting Church, the people rose in the prin-
cipal cities throughout the Netherlands, and destroyed
the sacred emblems of Catholic worship. The ^j^^ j^^^,,
noble churches were desecrated, their pic- *^'"^'''- ^'-^â–
tures and statues defaced, their costly monuments of
marble and precious stones demolished. The inquisi-
tors were exterminating thousands of men and wo-
men : the furious multitude were destroying the proud
works of human genius- Religious hatreds, thus ex-
acerbated, threatened civil war. Armed bodies of
Catholics, Lutherans and Calvinists, thirsted for each
others' blood. At Antwerp they were only restrained
from deadly conflict, by the influence and judgment of
the Prince of Orange.
The people were now threatened with a darker
doom. Philip had resolved to rule his re- ^,,p p,„^g
bellious subjects wdth a stronger hand; and of^iva.
Alva was coming to the Netherlands, with a Spanish
army. It was his mission to trample out rebellion
and heresy with his soldieiy ; and how was he to be
resisted ? The Prince of Orange knew but too well
the fate which was impending over his country : but
he stood alone. He had not one foreign ally : tlie
confederation of frivolous nobles who had made merry
' Bcrghen died of grief in loG7, not without suspicion of poison ;
and Montigni was privately executed in prisoii in 1570.
42 THE NETHEELANDS.
as ' beggars ' was dissolved : Counts Egmont and Horn,
— ^tlie foremost men of the Netherlands, next to the
Prince himself, — still put their trust in Philip, and
would not raise the standard of revolt against him :
the provinces were without concert or preparation ;
and the people without arms or discipline. If nobles
and people had cordially united under the Prince, Alva
might possibly have been held at bay : but resistance
was now hopeless. The Prince retired into exile, in
time to escape the death to which Philip had already
sentenced him.^ In vain he warned Counts Egmont
and Horn of their danger. They relied ujDon their
own loyalty, and public services, and the good faith of
their king ; and their confidence was repaid by the
forfeiture of their lives, upon the scaffold.
Alva at once established a revolting tyranny, — to
UN cmci- ^^ execrated in all ages. His devilish ' coun-
ties. i5Gr. jjji Qf blood ' struck terror into the hearts of
the people. Its mission was to punish all persons
concerned in the late troubles : it was supreme over
all other courts : it was restrained by no laws but its
own will : it took cognisance of all offences committed,
or even not j)revented ; and every act of opposition to
the government, — even the signing of petitions for re-
dress, — was condemned as high treason, and punished
with death. It may be briefly described, indeed, as a
State Inquisition. Its commissioners were despatched
all over the country to discover delinquents; and
upon their reports the council promptly decided. In
three months this dread tribunal had doomed to death
no less than 1,800 victims. Men of high rank and
character, and acknowledged loyalty, suffered death
' Motley, Dutch Republic, ii. 92.
ALVA AS GOVEENOE-GENERAL. 43
for tlieir i^atiiotism or humanity. Not to have ap-
proved of every measure of Philip's tyranny was high
treason. To be rich was a dangerous crime, for con-
fiscations formed the greater part of Alva's financial
resources. Crowds would have fled from the accursed
land of their birth : but the 'butcher' Alva had closed
every outlet, and held his victims firmly in his toils.
There was terror and mourning throughout the land :
every household was stricken and sorrowful: the
whole nation was in tears. No crime so great had yet
disgraced the history of Christendom. Many had
been the crimes of tyranny and bigotry : but none, —
not even those of the Inquisition itself, — could equal,
in calculating malignity, this concerted crime of Philip
and Alva.
The heart of Philip was gladdened by the wretched-
ness of his people ; and Alva was rewarded
for the innocent blood he had shed. The Governor-
Duchess of Parma retired from the sickening
scene ; and Alva ruled supreme as governor-general
of the provinces. The council had been indefatiga-
ble : but blood enough had not yet been shed ; and
the Spanish Inquisition came to Alva's aid. By a sen-
tence of that holy court,' — which reads like a solemn
pleasantry, — all the inhabitants of the Netherlands
were condemned to death, as heretics. It was fol-
lowed by a royal proclamation, directing the sentence
to be immediately executed, without respect for ago
or station.^ This monstrous sentence did not aim at
extermination : but it conferred absolute power over
the lives of every man, woman and child in the
â– February IG, 1508.
"^ Mf)tley, Dutch Jtcpublir, ii. 158.
4A THE NETHERLAKDS.
Netherlands, without proof of heresy, without trial,
without a hearing. Why should any be heard? Were
they not already condemned? They who escaped
their doom, were to be accounted fortunate. And
, thus blood flowed out ; and Alva's exchequer flou-
rished. It was the work of demons, profaning the
name of religion.
The Prince of Orange, though out of the realm, was
outiawi- cited before the blood council, condemned
PrinM of ^^^ outlawed. His property was confiscated,
onnge. g^^^ j^jg eldest son seized at the college of
Louvain and sent captive into Spain. He published
a noble 'justification' of himself; and proclaimed to
the world the wrongs of his suifering country. Mean-
while he had resolved to do battle with the
tyrant : he was appealing to the sympathies
of the Protestant provinces of Germany : he was in
correspondence with England, and with the Huguenots
of France : he was raising money and enlisting troops.
He sold his own plate, jewels and furniture ; and he
gathered subscriptions from princes, nobles, cities
and private individuals. He was absolutely without
personal ambition : he was no revolutionary leader :
but he was striving to restore the liberties of his
country, and to resist tyranny and persecution.
Alva was now threatened with an invasion to rescue
the Netherlands from his grasp. Never were troops
led to fight in a nobler, or a holier cause, — the rescue
of a whole people from oppression. But the incidents
of the long struggle between the patriot Prince and
the Spaniards cannot be related here. The first cam-
paign, with the exception of a single victory by Prince
Louis of Nassau, was disastrous : the invading forces
were routed and destroyed ; and Alva was stronger and •
EFFORTS OF THE PEINCE OF OEANGE. 45
fiercer than ever. The Prince's friends were discour-
aged, and advised him to desist fi-om further eflforts :
the Emperor Maximilian commanded him to lay down
his arms : but the heroic William was not to be turned
aside from his great mission, by defeat and dangers.
The cause he had esj)oused was now doubly sacred
in his eyes. Hitherto he had striven as a
patriot to save his country from persecu- Prince's
tion : but he had now renounced the Catholic
Church; and the martyred Protestants were of his
own brotherhood. His faith was grave and earnest,
as became his great soul : but he was superior to the
fanaticism of his age. While yet a Catholic, he had
protected Protestants; and now his toleration em-
braced Catholics, and every sect of reformers. In an
age of narrow bigotry, he stood alone as the chamj^ion
of religious liberty. Catholics, Lutherans, Calvinists
and Anabaptists were ready to burn one another : but
he was resolute to protect them all alike.
The council and the Inquisition still thirsted for
more blood : but executions had ceased to be
productive to the revenue. The richest men oppression.
had already perished : commerce and indus-
try had been stricken by the reign of terror. Alva
was, therefore, driven to financial expedients less sim-
ple than confiscation. He assembled the Estates, and
demanded taxes which would have utterly ruined their
trade.^ Overawed by Alva, they were, at first, disposed
to assent to this ruinous taxation : but ultimately tliey
obtained a commutation. Utrecht, more resolute in
its resistance, was cnicUy punished for its contumacy.
' Among tlicm was a tax of ten per cent, on every salo of met*
cliandise.
46 THE NETHEELANDS.
Pliilip and Alva were, at length, sliamed into an
^,^ jjjj^ amnesty. Not that they were weary of shed-
nesty. 1570. (Jjng blood : but the country was desolated ;
and its sufferings had become a scandal throughout
Europe. To save appearances, therefore, an act of
grace was proclaimed, by which none were pardoned.
In the words of Mr. Motley, * the innocent were alone
forgiven.' It was a cruel mockery of the wretched
people ; and no one was deceived by its merciful pre-
tences.
Alva now revived his ruinous scheme of taxation,
which was everywhere resisted. The crushed
the Nether- people Were almost goaded to revolt, when a
lands. 1571. f. i t . j • - 1 • p i
timely diversion was made m their favour, by
a descent of privateers, in the service of the Prince of
Orange, upon the coast of Holland, and the occupa-
tion of Walcheren. At length there was hope for the
people : city after city rose up against its magistrates
and raised the Prince's banner: Holland, Zealand,
Friesland and Utrecht were soon entirely his own.
He was proclaimed stadtholder: but allegiance was
sworn to the king of Spain.
At a congress of the northern provinces at Dort,
Congress of *^® Priuce obtained liberal supplies, and
^"'â– ^- raised an army. He marched boldly on-
wards: many cities, — Mechlin among the number, —
declared in his favour: he was supported by auxiliary
forces from France, whence he was promised other re-
inforcements. Mons had been seized by a successful
raid of Count Louis of Nassau; and he seemed on
the point of reconquering the Netherlands from its
oppressors, when his prospects were sudden-
St. Baitho- ly darkened by the astounding intellicrence
lomew on
of the massacre of St. Bartholomew. It was
MASSACEE or ST. B.VETnOLOMEW. 47
a heavy blow to the Protestant cause, and destroyed
all hope of further assistance fi'om France.
Again was the Prince obliged to disband his army,
and retire into Holland, leaving Mons and
Mechlin to the savage vengeance of Alva, tirestoHoi-
while other cities again bowed their necks
before the conqueror. Flanders and Brabant were
soon subdued: but the contest continued to rage in
Holland. The sieges of Harlem and Alk-
maar are memorable in histor}', for the heroic '""' *
courage and endurance of their citizens, — ^worthy of
the great cause for which they fought.
With some brilliant successes, but many grievous
losses, the Prince still maintained his ground, jjj^
in the northern provinces, with straitened re- »cti%ity.
sources : seeking everywhere for help, and as yet find-
ing none. Without advisers or agents, he performed
all the labours of the State ; and he was in correspon-
dence with most of the courts of Europe. He was
often grieved by the excesses of his owti followers,
who had caught the contagion of Spanish ferocity:
but he was ever constant and hopeful. The two great
purposes of his life were freedom of conscience, and the
recovery of the ancient liberties of the commonwealth.
His hopes were soon to be raised, once more, by
the retirement of the tyrant Alva from the
scene of his cruelties. He had been faith- or Aiva.
ful to his master: he had not spared the
rod, but his victims were not reduced to slavery by
his chastisements: he had slain multitudes, in bat-
tles and sieges : his rule had been signalised by more
than eighteen thousand executions : he had scourged
the land with confiscation, pillage, and the outrages
of a brutal soldiery: but the Prince of Orange still
4S THE NETHEBLAIJDS.
defied tis power, and Protestants had muUij)lied.
He tad wrung ruinous taxes from the people : but his
treasury was empty, and his troops were without pay.
His name had become a reproach throughout Europe :
yet his cruel mission had j)roved a failure.
With a new governor, some change in the fortunes
Don Lnis de ^^ ^^® country might be hoped for ; and Don
i^'^i'ie^eus. L^^ig de Requesens, grand commander of
Castile, was believed to be coming to rule by con-
ciliation and clemency. To gain time and to deceive
and divide his enemies, he favoured the illu-
sion, and talked of an amnesty : but no such
purpose was in the gloomy mind of Philip, who would
grant no pardon to heretics. After many months, a
mock amnesty was issued, granting pardon to all who
should become reconciled to the Church of Rome. It
was received with scorn by the stout Calvinists of
Holland.
Meanwhile, the war was continued with varying
The siesje fortuues. At sea the patriot fleets were vic-
of Leydeu. ^qj-jq^q . \y^^ qjj land au army under Count
Louis was cut to pieces ; and that gallant com-
mander, the very right hand of Orange, and his
brother Count Henry, lost their lives. But the great
event of this period was the remarkable siege of
Leyden — unique in history. The courage and con-
stancy of its citizens : the marvellous strategy of the
Prince of Orange, who called in the ocean waves to
circumvent the besieging Spaniards : the devotion of
the husbandmen, wlio cheerfully gave up their lands
and houses to the devouring flood : the advance of
Admiral Boissot's fleet, over fields, through dykes,
and under fortresses bristling with cannon, to the re-
lief of the beleaguered city ; and the solemn thanks-
THE CONGrvESS OF DELFT. 49
giving of the survivors of the siege, arc incidents
which have consecrated, for all time, this heroic
struggle, and its holy cause.
At the instance of the Emperor Maximilian negotia-
tions for peace were now commenced ; and Negotia- -
conferences were held at Breda to arrange prace!^*"^
its terms. But the obstinate bigotry of the ^^~^-
king rendered them hopeless. The people of Hol-
land and Zealand had now become Protestants : few
Catholics were to be found amongst them : yet Philip
insisted that the Catholic faith should be restored
throughout the Netherlands. One concession, in-
deed, he made to Protestants. They were permitted
to sell their goods, and leave the country. In other
words, the inhabitants of the entire provinces were to
submit to confiscation and banishment ! The con-
ferences were broken off, and the civil war continued.
To strem^then the national cause, the union .„ .
"^ AlIorjiaTlCC
of Holland and Zealand was agreed upon, to i-iuiip
and the Prince of Orange became the ruler
of the United Provinces. This was followed by the
unanimous resolution of the nobles and cities, assem-
bled in a Diet at Delft, to renounce their allegiance
to the king, and to seek foreign assistance. They
had no thought of founding a republic : but were
ready to submit themselves to some other monarch,
less bigoted and cruel than Philip.
The sud.len death of De Eequesens placed tho
government, for a time, under the State ^,,^.p^jj. ,
council of Brussels, and aflbrded a brief in- p^^^t
terval of repose to the distracted provinces.
The Prince redoubled his efforts to strengthen the
national party. At the congress of Delft, he ^^^^.,^ j.^^^
reconstituted tho union of Holland and Zea-
VOI-. ir.— 3
50 THE NETHEELANDS.
land, upon a representative basis : the reformed faith
was established, but no man was to be troubled on
account of his belief or conscience ; and supreme,
if not dictatorial, authority was conferred upon the
Prince himself. Here was laid the foundation of the
future republic.
Help was urgently needed from abroad. The
Foreiffiiaid couutry had been laid waste by war, and
witiiheid. ^j^g truculent severities of the Spaniards : its
resources in men and money were unequal to the con-
flict with its oppressors. But help there was none.
The Queen of Protestant England was profuse in ex-
pressions of good-will, but held her purse-strings
tight : in France, attempts to conciliate the Hugue-
nots had raised the hopes of the Prince, without pre-
sent result : in Germany there was coldness towards
the Protestant cause, and bitterness between rival
sects ; and the Prince's unceasing diplomacy was un-
fruitful.
And now there came a new and unexpected scourge
upon the people. The Spanish troops, which
Spanish liad been so long the bloody agents of op-
pression, had grievances of their own. They
had done their hateful work, but were denied their
pay. There had already been mutinies for the same
cause : and, at length, the whole army was in revolt,
and preparing to pay itself by general pillage. That
such savages should be let loose upon a defenceless
people was a fearful evil : but it held out hopes for
the popular cause.
With a mutinous army, the government was re-
conereps duced to impoteuce ; and the universal hatred
of Ghent. ^^ ^i^g Spanish soldiery, might prove the
ground of union among all the provinces. The Prince,
THE 'SPANISH FUEY.' 61
with his usual sagacity, seized the occasion, and as-
sembled a congress of all the provincial Estates at
Ghent ; the State council at Brussels was arrested ;
and, for a time, the Spanish rule seemed at an end.
But the terrible soldiery were, in the midst The Spanish
of the people, like unchained devils, — plun- ■''^'■^- ^^'^''*
dering, murdering, ravishing. Maestricht was sacked,
and its people butchered. The oj^ulent city of Ant-
werp, however, suffered most from their brutality :
it was wantonly set on fii'e, and its finest buildings
burned to ashes ; its citizens were murdered by thou-
sands, their women outraged, and their property
stolen, wasted and destroyed. This devils' work was
execrated as the 'Spanish Fury,' — a wrong never to be
forgotten or forgiven.
This awful tragedy quickened the deliberations of
the congress ; and on November 8, a treaty
- - , . , Pncification
between the several provinces was agreed to, of ohent.^
known as the pacification of Ghent. The
provinces bound themselves to unite in expelling the
foreign soldiery ; the Protestant faith was established
in Holland and Zealand, and entitled to toleration in
the other provinces; and the Inquisition was con-
demned. This treaty, confirmed by popular acclama-
tion, seemed the commencement of a new era in the
sad history of the Netherlands.
On the arrival of the new governor, Don John of
Austria, the Estates were able to dictate con-
cations to his assumption oi the government. ofDoiuioim
mi o -IT- inn j of Austria.
ihey forced him to agree to the departure
of the foreign troops ; and the Spanish forces were
actually sent away. They extorted from him a colour-
able adherence to the pacification of Ghent, and pro-
mises to maintain the charters and constitutions of
52 THE NETHERLANDS.
the Netherlands. But, on their side, they bound
themselves to maintain the Catholic faith, and to
disband their trooi^s.^ The Prince of Orange was
ill pleased with these conditions. He distrusted the
governor : he saw deceit and artifice in his conces-
sions ; and was indignant that securities were wanting
for the Protestant faith. In vain Don John attempted
to gain over the Prince, by fair promises. The leader
of the patriot party was not to be moved from his
watchful and vigorous resistance to Philip, either by
offers of personal rewards, or by hollow professions
of lenity to his people.
Don John, however, by his concessions, secured his
acknowledgment as governor, and endeav-
eiffiorts of oured to win popularity by mixing freely with
the people. The Prince, meanwhile, was striv-
ing to strengthen his party in the States. He gained
little support from the nobles, who, however much
opposed to the Spaniards, were fearful of taking an ac-
tive part against the government, and were generally
Catholics. But he found the heartiest sympathy, and
most courageous self-sacrifice, from the middle classes.
It was among them that the Reformation had taken
root : they suffered most in their trade and industry,
from the oppression of the Spaniards ; and they were
animated by the same love of freedom as their burgher
ancestors. There lay the Prince's strength ; and there
has been found the spring and source of liberty, in all
ages and in all countries.
As the governor's power was weakened, the Prince
His a?cen- of Orange recovered his ascendency through-
' '^"^^ â– out the provinces. He was invited to Brus-
' The Perpetual Edict, signed February 17, 1577.
ASCENDENCY OF ORANGE. 53
sels by tlie Estates : lie was received everywhere in
triumpli; and was elected to the ancient office of
Euward of Brabant, and Stadtholder of Flanders.
The Netherlands were again under his rule. Even in
the more Catholic provinces, the people were on his
side : but the nobles were plotting against him. They
endeavoured to supplant him, by inviting the Arch-
duke Matthias to assume the government : but their
intrigues were counteracted by the prudence and self-
denial of the Prince, who was willing to take for him-
seK a second place. Again and again was he obliged
to deplore the inconstancy and treachery of the no-
bles. Even when they offered resistance to the gov-
ernment, they were rash, precipitate and violent, and
did little to sustain his general policy. His sole reli-
ance was upon the people.
The Estates were persuaded by the Prince of Orange
to adopt a remarkable act of toleration. The -.t tt •
■•- New Union
Pacification of Ghent had recognised the tol- °^ Brussels,
'eration of reformers : the New Union of ^^''^â–
Brussels bound all communions to protect each other
from persecution. The Estates also agreed to a free
representative constitution of the Netherlands. It
was a great triumph of the Prince's policy : "but it was
short-lived. In presence of the Spanish power, the
State was not to be governed by the resolutions of a
congress, but by the sword. The Prince's di2")lomacy
and recent successes had, at length, secured promises
of aid fi'om Elizabeth of England. It was the begin-
ning of that course of meanness, irresolution, deceit
and treachery, by which the Queen brought discredit
upon herself, and embarrassment to the Netherlands.
As yet, however, the Prince had nothing but native
levies and mercenaries, commanded by nobles, unskil-
54 THE NETHERLANDS.
ful in war, and of doubtful loj^alty to himself and to
liis cause. A few weeks after the Union of Brussels,
these forces were utterly destroyed in the disastrous
battle of Gemblours ; and the Netherlands seemed
again at the mercy of the Spanish governor.
The Prince was expecting help from England and
The Prince ^^^^ Frauce, wheu one other hope was found,
ofParma. fQj. ^}jq national cause, in the illness and
death of Don John of Austria. This hope, however,
was doomed to speedy disappointment. Don John
was succeeded by the Prince of Parma, the ablest
and most politic of all the governors by whom the
Netherlands had yet been ruled. The English contin-
gent, — unpaid and demoralized, — was soon broken up ;
and the Duke d'Alen§on disbanded his French troops,
and retired into France. Meanwhile, the new gov-
ernor, with Italian subtlety, was undermining the con-
federacy by corruption. The Catholic nobles of the
South were jealous of the Prince of Orange : they had
no sympathy for the people : they were estranged, by
their religion, from the national cause ; and they fore-
saw more profit from the king of Spain, than from a
popular stadtholder. Tempted by high rewards, they
were able -to detach the five Walloon provinces^ from
the union. The inhabitants were chiefly Catholics, of
Celtic blood, and alien tongue ; and they were an agri-
cultural people, with little of the intelligence of the
commercial provinces of the North. They readily fol-
lowed their faithless leaders, and withdrew
1579
from the national union, which they had so
recently joined. This schism was a greater triumpli to
absolutism, and the Catholic Church, than any which
the arms of Alva had effected.
' Viz. Ilainault, Artois, Lille, Douay, and Orcliies.
THE UNION OP UTEECHT. 55
This perilous defoction was immediately met by the
Union of Utrecht, by which the Prince of The union
Orange brought together the seven provinces °^ Utrecht.
of Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gelderland, Zutphen,
and the two Frisian provinces, into a league which was
eventually to grow into the republic of the United ^
Netherlands. In this, as in every other act of the
Prince, the principle of civil and religious liberty was
maintained ; all local constitutions being upheld, and
freedom of conscience respected.
The diplomacy of Parma was seconded by equal
vigour in arms. Maestricht fell, after a de- ^tt^^ptg ^^
fence as heroic as that of Harlem or Leyden, omn-l.
and was punished with a truculent severity, ^^'^•
worthy of Alva himself. Encouraged by his success
with the nobles, Parma next approached the Prince
of Orange with offers of high reward : but that noble
soul put them aside as treason to his country. His
trusted friends, men whose wrongs might have secured
their constancy, were seduced from his side by bribes
and high commands: he was surrounded by treach-
ery: but — ruined and afflicted as he was — he was
proof against every interest but that of his noble
cause.
Finding Orange superior to the subtle arts of Parma,
the king now tried intimidation. He had long jj,^ excom-
since favoured the secret assassination of his """lie-in-
foe ; and now he fulminated against him a ban ^^•
of civil excommunication.^ Ho denounced him as an
enemy to the human race: gave his property' to any-
one who should seize it; and offered 25,000 crowns,
and a title of nobility, as reward for his assassination.
' Dated March 15, 1580 : but not publislictl until Juno.
66 THE NETHEELANDS.
This infamous edict, — infamous even in a king already
stained by every crime, — was nobly answered
Prince's ^ "by ^lie Priuce, in an 'apology,' in which he
proudly vindicated himself and his cause;
and hurled defiance and rebuke at his oppressor.
Hitherto the national party had continued to profess
allegiance to the Spanish crown: but when
allegiance all liope of coucessions had passed away,
northern they began to discuss, with freedom, the
provinces. , i-i, ijx- £ ' j
recijDrocal rights and duties oi princes and
their subjects. Forfeiture of hereditary right, by
crimes against the people, was boldly maintained
by the Prince in his apology ; and it was plain that
the northern provinces would soon declare their inde-
pendence.
"Whatever the form of their government, — whether
The Prince Constitutional monarchy, or republic, — there
govcnt*"^" was but one man fit to rule them: the pa-
ment. 5 0. ^^.^qj. Pj-jj^ce who had achieved their freedom.
With a magnanimity peculiar to himself, the Prince
renounced his proper place in the commonwealth.
He had sacrificed everything for his country; and
now that the highest reward of a patriot states-
man, — the power by which he could best serve his
countrymen, — was pressed upon him, he waved it
aside as a bauble, and ofiered humble service to the
State.
This self-sacrifice was due, however, not to any
His want of confidence in himself, — not to any
motives. shrinking from peril or responsibility, — not
even to fear of misconstruction by his enemies, — ^but
to a desire to strengthen his alliance with foreign
States. With this view he promoted an arrangement
for securing the sovereignty of D'Alengon, now Duke
DECLAKATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 57
d'Anjoii. He lioj)ed tlius to obtain the support of
France and England against Spain : for Elizabeth was
now coquetting with the Duke, and their union was
believed to be assured.
Holland and Zealand would submit to no ruler
but their own beloved Prince : but the other ind^,pen.
provinces accepted the sovereignty of Anjou ; prov^,ces"^^
and on July 26, 1581, the provinces at length P'ociaimed.
solemnly declared their independence, by an act of
abjuration, proclaiming the king lawfully deposed, for
his tyranny, and the violation of the laws and fran-
chises of the people. There was no pompous asser-
tion of the abstract rights of the people : but a simple
deposition of a sovereign who had broken his con-
tract with them, and had forfeited his power by mis-
rule. Its example was to be followed, in England,
upon the same principles, a century later. But the
provinces were divided. The Prince, who might have
united them under his own rule, was with difficulty
induced to accept the temporary government of Hol-
land and Zealand, while the other provinces were left
to the French prince. A republic was not yet estab-
lished in name : but it was, at least, a State, or Com-
monwealth, without a king.
It was not intended that the Duke d' Anjou should
be invested with more than a high dignity, and nomi-
nal power : but it was a disastrous choice. The alli-
ance proved worthless : his match with Eliza- ^j^^. ^^^^^^^
both was ridiculously broken off; and his d'Anjou.
own conduct was to prove inconceivably base aiid
treacherous. He was, however, received with groat
rejoicings, and he swore to observe the ancient char-
ters and constitutions of the provinces. How ho kept
his oath will V)o seen presently.
3*
58 THE NETHERLANDS.
Tlie Prince of Orange, meanwhile, was beset witli
Attem tod dangers. Tlie ban was beginning to bear its
assasi^ina- fruits. Ou March 18, 1582, be- was wound-
tion of ' j" _
Orange. q^^ almost to cleatli, by a hired assassin. A
bankrupt merchant Anastro had bargained with Phibp
to get the murder done for 80,000 ducats, and the
cross of Santiago. The wretch himself escaped : his
instrument was cut to pieces for his crime ; and other
agents in the plot were executed.
The Prince survived; and his countrymen loved
and trusted him more than ever. They now
couift^of"*'^ insisted upon his acceptance of the office of
Holland. QqijjjI; Qf Holland, which constituted him he-
reditary ruler of Holland and Zealand. His powers,
however, were limited by a singularly free constitu-
His liberal ^^°^* "^^ derived his authority from the
policy. people ; and all his powers were to be exer-
cised subject to their representative Estates. This
constitution was the work of his own hands : he sought
no dominion for himself : but political liberty, justice,
and freedom of conscience for his countrymen. The
great aims of his policy were so far fulfilled, in his
own little commonwealth.
How different the lot of the provinces which had
done homage to Anjou ! They were soon
the Duke overruu again with Spanish troops ; and the
Duke, their sworn protector, was plotting to
seize the chief cities, and to hold them for the French
January crowu. His treasou was at first successful :
1583. i^Q took possession of Dunkirk, Ostend, and
some other towns : but was foiled in an attempt upon
Bruges ; and routed in a shameful raid on
' French Antwerp. This ignoble enterprise was called
^^^'' the ' French Fury,' and revealed to the world
ASSASSHUTION OF ORANGE. 59
tlie falseliood, treaclieiy, and cowardice of Anjon.
The Netherlands had sought a powerful friend ; and
had found a scourge as fierce as the Sj^aniards. This
base prince, discovered and thwarted in his treason,
denied his guilt, while he was bargaining with Spain
for the sale of the towns he had surprised. Covered
with infamy, if not with shame, he quitted the country,
and died, not long afterwards, in France.
The provinces, which had been thus betrayed, again
besought the Prince of Orange, their natural
and trusted chief, to assume the government ; aKaiiTre-
and again his modesty, self-denial and free- Rovern-
dom from ambition, held him back from a
great mission. It is the duty of the foremost man in
a State, to assume its highest responsibilities ; and the
Prince's shrinking from that duty was his only short-
coming, in a noble life of public service. Foreign
alliances had hitherto brought nothing but disap-
pointment and disaster. The union of the State,
under such a ruler as Orange, would have served his
country better than the intrigues of France, and the
broken promises of Elizabeth.
But the career of this great man was now drawing
to a close. His unscrupulous enemies had jn, (i«s,ai?si.
doomed him to death. : they could not con- "^^i""-
quer him in war, or diplomacy, "but they could bribe
assassins to take his life. He had escaped assassina-
tion by poison, at Bruges, in July 1582 ; when the as-
sassins confessed that they had been hired by the
Duke of Parma.^ Three other attempts were made
upon his life, in little more than twelve months ; and
many bravos had received blood -money from the
' Tbo Duke d'Anjou was to have been poisoned at the same time.
'60 THE NETHERLANDS.
Spanish government, without giving work for their
wages. At length the right man was found, in one
Gerard. While coveting the rewards promised for
his crime, he was a fanatic who believed that he was
doing service unto God. Too well did the wretch
carry out his plot ; and on July 10, 1584, the noble
patriot was slain, in his own house at Delft, and in
the midst of his family. The assassin suffered death :
but his parents received the rewards of his crime,
being ennobled by Philip, and endowed out of the
estates of the murdered Prince. It was reserved for
a king, so stained with crimes, to attain this crowning
infamy !
Thus died the patriot, the soldier, the statesman,
the orator and diplomatist, who had dedi-
apolt^e of cated his life to his country, and to the sacred
?/gioii«"i'ib-^ cause of civil and religious liberty. He was
''' ^" the first statesman in Europe who had pro-
claimed the doctrines of freedom of conscience: he
was the first to teach the great political lesson that
the rights of kings are forfeited by tyranny, and that
subjects may lawfully take up arms to resist oppres-
sion. Such doctrines practically maintained, in the
sixteenth century, laid the foundation of European
liberties. The man himself was worthy to be the
apostle of such a cause. Pious, earnest, simple, con-
stant, self-denying, generous, and brave, he stands
forth as a central figure in history, a noble represen-
tative of liberty. In his age, absolutism also had its
representatives, in the Emperor Charles V., Philip
of Spain, and Charles IX. of France. If a cause may
be Judged by the character of the men who espouse it,
the cause of William of Orange will not suffer by the
contrast.
HOLLAND AFTEH THE DEATH OF ORANGE. 61
The Netlierlancls mourned the loss of tlieir great
leader witli iudiguant sorrow : but they had
been trained to freedom : their couraG:e was ceeding his
dcuth.
high : their hatred of the Spaniards was
sublimed by this crowning wrong ; and they resolved
to wage war against their tyrant unto death. The ^
states-general of the provinces not yet recovered by
Sj)ain/ appointed an executive state council, under
the presidency of Prince Maurice, the second son and
representative of William of Orange, — a noble youth
of seventeen, who afterwards succeeded his father as
stadtholder. It was a small State to resist ,,„,
, . T . 1585.
the richest and most powerful kingdom in
Europe ; and was soon reduced by the defection or
conquest of the parts of Flanders and Brabant which
had hitherto held out against Parma. Ghent, Brus-
sels and Mechlin capitulated ; and Antwerp sur-
rendered, after one of the most eventful sieges in
histoiy. The sad northern provinces of Holland,
Zealand, Friesland and Utrecht alone remained to
constitute the new republic.
It was natural that so small a State, wasted by
its protracted struggles, should desire, more g^^^., .
earnestly than ever, an alliance with some f"i>ij,'n
•^ . alliances.
stronger power ; and it was among States
supposed to have sympathies with Protestants, that
such an alliance was sought. From the Protestant
countries of Germany there was no promise of help ;
and the eyes of the Dutch diplomatists were there-
fore turned towards France and England.
In France, the Huguenots, having recovered from
' Holland, Zealand, Friesland, Utrecht, and parts of Flanders and
Brabant.
62 THE NETHERL.yn)S.
St. Bartholomew, now enjoyed toleration ; and were
Ne'Totia- ^ rising and hopeful party, under the pa-
France^'^ tronage of Henry of Navarre. If the king of
France would protect Holland from Philip,
and extend to its people the same toleration which he
allowed his own subjects, Holland offered him the
Bi'-oted sovereignty of the united provinces. This
ivauce?^ tempting offer was declined : for a new
1585. policy was now to be declared, which united
France and Spain in a bigoted crusade against the
Protestant faith. The League, under the Duke de
Guise, gained a fatal ascendency over the weak and
frivolous king, Henry III., and held dominion in
France. Henceforth the Catholic worship alone was
to be allowed ; and heretics were to be punished
with death and forfeiture. After six months, all who
had not conformed to the Church were doomed to
League banishment for life.^ Nor was the baneful
Prote^uut^ influence of the League confined to France :
fauh. ^^ formed a close alliance with Philip and
the Pope, with whom it was plotting the overthrow of
Protestant England, the subjection of the revolted
provinces of Spain, and the general extirpation of
heresy throughout Europe. War was declared, by
absolutism and the Church of Home, against civil and
religious liberty.
The only hope of the Netherlands was now in
England, which was threatened by a com-
Nogotia- ° "^
tions with mon danger ; and envoys were sent to Eliza-
beth with offers of the sovereignty, which
had been declined by France. So little did the
Dutch statesmen as yet contemplate a republic, that
J Edict of Nantes, July 18, 1585.
AID FROM ENGLAND. 63
tliey offered their country to any sovereign, in return
for protection.
Had bolder counsels prevailed, Elizabeth might,
at once, have saved the Netherlands, and views of
placed herself at the head of the Protestants
of Europe. She saw her own danger, if Philip should
recover the provinces : but she held her purse-strings
with the grasp of a miser : she dreaded an open rup-
ture with Spain ; and she was unwilling to provoke her
own Catholic subjects. Sympathy with the Protestant
cause, she had none. She discountenanced Catho-
lics, because they denied her supremacy, and plotted
against her life and throne : but she was indifferent
to the Church of England, and hated the Calvinists.
Her royal instincts were also naturally opposed to a
rebellious people. Accordingly, in negotiating with
Holland, she desired to afford as much assistance as
would protect her own realm against Philip, at the
least possible cost, without precipitating a war with
Spain. She agreed to send men and money : but re-
quired Flushing, Brill, and Eammekens to be held
as a security for her loans. She refused the sove-
reignty of the States : but she despatched troops to
the Netherlands, and sent her favourite, the Earl of
Leicester, to command them. As she had taken the
rebellious subjects of Spain under her protection,
Philip retaliated by the seizure of Bribish ships.
* Spanish vengeance was not averted, while the Neth-
erlands profited little by her aid. The English ex-
pedition failed : the Netherlands were disheartened
and suspicious : Elizabeth's scheming missed its
mark ; and Philip was planning the invasion of Eng-
land.^
' fcico Froude, ' llist. oi' Eugland,' xii. I:j7, ^08, U78, 413.
64 THE NETHEELANDS.
'I
The fortunes of Holland were at their lowest point,
^^^ when a momentous event suddenly opened
^anish a prospect of deliverance. The Spanish Ar-
mada, which PhilijJ had prepared to ruin
England and the Netherlands, with one blow, had
been routed and dispersed into the North Seas, by
the British fleet. Spain was humbled ; and the cause
of absolutism and bigotry was cast down.
Other critical events were also promising well for
The the liberties of Holland. France was torn
mFrliUce. by auarchy and civil wars. The king had
1589. destroyed or imprisoned the leaders of the
League, and had been himself assassinated : Catha-
rine de Medicis was dead : Henry of Navarre — the
idol of the Huguenots — was in arms, claiming the
crown, by hereditary right : Philij) of Sj^ain was fight-
ing to gain it for hirhself or his daughter the Infanta.
It was now Philip's dream to conquer France ; and
thence to take vengeance upon England, and to re-
cover the united provinces. All his eflbrts were to
be first concentrated upon France ; and the Duke of
Parma was withdrawn from his charge in
Absence of ii>)ii
Parmii Flauders, to fi^ht the kiuf? s battles upon
from the ' ^. ® ■•â–
Nether- Freuch soil. His absence offered the Neth-
erlands an unexpected opportunity of deal-
ing heavy blows against the Spaniards. With their
accustomed gallantry, and signal military skill, they
soon profited by the occasion.
The young stadtholder, Prince Maurice, rising from
Prince his boyish studies, proved himself at once a
Maurice. consummate general. He reorganised the
army, with the ripe judgment of a veteran, far in ad-
vance of the military system of his own age. In cool-
ness, courage, and scientific strategy, he had no equal
DECLINB OP THE SPANISH POWER. 65
save his experienced enemy, tlie Dnke of Parma. Ably-
supported by Olden-Barneveld, and other shrewd and
vigorous councillors of the Republic, he resolved to
recover all the fortified towns still held by the Spa-
niards, in and near the united provinces. He ,^o„ ,.„„
surprised Breda : he took Zutphen, Deven-
ter, Nymegen, and many other towns ; and the death
of Parma opened fresh prospects of \dctory.
Meanwhile, Philip's French enterprise had failed.
The dashing and unscrupulous Henry of Na- jj^^^j.^ ^j
varre had won his crown, by conforming to i^pcomc's
the Catholic faith. Already the most popu- frafce!
lar and powerful of the rival candidates,
he thus removed the only bar to his claims : while he
assured his Huguenot friends of protection, and free-
dom in their worship. Great was the shock, given by
his politic apostacy, to the religious sentiments of
Europe : but it was fatal to the ambition of Philip ;
and again the Netherlands could count upon the
fi'iendship of a king of France. Their own needs
were great : but the gallant little republic still found
means to assist the Protestant champion against their
common enemy, the king of Spain.
In the Netherlands the Spanish power was declin-
ing. The feeble successors of Parma were Decline of
no match for Maurice of Nassau and the re- powen ^"'* *
publican leaders: the Spanish troops were
starving and mutinous : the provinces under Spa-
nish rule were reduced to wretchedness and beggary.
Cities and fortresses fell, one after another, into the
hands of the stadtholder. The Dutch fleet
. , . . . 1595-1597.
joined that of England in a raid upon Spain
itself, captured and sacked Cadi/, raised the flag
of the republic on the battlements of that famous
66" THE NETHEHLANDS.
city ; and left tlie Spanish fleet burning in the har-
bour.
Other events follov\^ed, deeply affecting the fortunes
of the republic. Philip at length made peace
Philip of with Henry of Navarre, and was again free
Spam, -^ ^ .
to coerce his revolted provinces. But his
accursed rule was drawing to a close. In 1598 he
made over the sovereignty of the Nether-
lands to the Infanta Isabella and her affi-
anced husband, the Archduke Albert, who had cast
aside his cardinal's hat, his archbishopric, and his
priestly vows of celibacy, for a consort so endowed.
Philip had ceased to reign in the Netherlands ; and a
few months afterwards he closed his evil life, in the
odour of sanctity, — assured that he had done no man
wrong, and needed no repentance.
The tyrant was dead : tha little republic, which he
had scourged so cruelly, was living and pros-
ofthe^"^ j)6ro^"is. Throughout its trials, the sturdy
citizens, masters of the sea, and trained to
commerce and maritime enterprise, had extended their
ventures far and wide, and had grown in wealth, and
lucrative industry. The population was recruited by
immigi'ants from the less favoured provinces. They
had no democratic theories or sentiments ; but in re-
sisting tyranny they had become, by force of circum-
stances, a republic ; and their robust spirit of freedom
displayed itself in all the acts of the commonwealth.
While the despotic Philip, with all his vast posses-
sions, was starving his soldiers, and repudiating his
debts, this brave little citizen-state was bringing model
armies into the field, was sending forth its fleets to
victory, and its merchant-ships to discover new realms,
and to trade with the whole world. It was helping
THE SPANISH PROVINCES. G7
the Protestant cause in France with men and money ;
and was speeding its blunt, outspoken envoys to the
French king and English queen, to combat, with truth
and earnestness, the artful diplomacy of crowned
heads. While in the other States of Europe religious
persecution raged, or toleration was only fitful and in-
secure, freedom of conscience had been founded for
ever, in this land of civil and religious liberty. Nor
were its rulers less careful of the intellectual cul-
ture of the people, than of their material welfare.
The reno-^-ned University of Leyden was founded for
the learned education of the rich, and free schools
were established for the general instruction of all
classes.
Far different was the lot of the ill-fated provinces
still in the grasp of the tyrant. The land
lay waste and desolate : its inhabitants had tiie Spanish
fled to England or Holland, or were reduced
to want and beggary. Antwerp was ruined, and its
commerce transferred to Amsterdam : weeds grew in
the streets of Ghent and Bruges, which had once been
thronged with crowds of thriving citizens. Merchants
and artificers had been driven forth from a land, where
their lives and property were held at the will of their
oppressors, and where industry was blighted by war
and rapine. England, France, and Holland were al-
ready profiting by their skill and enterprise : while
Spain had lost the best of her own subjects, and the
most fruitful sources of her wealth.
As the government of the republic was founded on
the ancient constitutions of the provinces, it ^
. , â– â– â– Coiitititu-
was municipal rather than popular. The tionofthe
*■^ _■'■•'■roj)ublic.
states-general, which exercised supreme au-
thority, even over the state-council itself, consisted of
68 THE NETHERLANDS.
delegates from tlie provincial assemblies. These as-
semblies again were chosen by the municipal magis-
trates of the different cities, who were themselves
self-elected. Nowhere was there po]3ular election:
the representation was municipal throughout. The
few nobles in the republic had a voice in the provin-
cial assemblies and in the states-general, as supposed
representatives of the rural districts and smaller
towns : but the greater number had left their northern
home, and were in the councils, or armies of the king.
Thus the entire power of the State was in the hands
of the middle classes. From among themselves they
elected magistrates and delegates, and so ruled their
citizen-state. In theory it was far from being a model
republic: but as yet, the interests of the community
were bound up in a common cause ; and the staid
burghers governed with honesty and patriotism.
That the republic should have outlived its chief
Further oppressor, was an event of happy augury :
events. j^^^ years of trial and danger were still to
be passed through. The victory of Meuport raised
Prince Maurice's fame, as a soldier, to its
1 COO
highest point ; and the gallant defence of
Ostend, for upwards of three years, against the Spa-
niards, j)roved that the courage and endurance of his
soldiers, had not declined durino; the pro-
1601-1604 or
tracted war. At sea the Dutch fleets won
new victories over the Spaniards and Portuguese ;
and privateers made constant ravages upon the ene-
my's commerce. But there were also fail-
1604-1600. â– " ^ .7 .-I p .r
ures and reverses, on the side of the re-
public, dissensions among its leaders, and anxieties
concerning the attitude of foreign States.
And thus, with varied fortunes, this momentous
NEGOTLVTIONS FOR PEACE. 69
•war had now continued for upwards of forty years.
On both sides, the foremost men of two gen-
erations had passed away : tens of thousands of'peace.
had lost their lives in battles and sieges :
all had undergone privations and suffering. The
republic could only maintain the struggle by great
sacrifices : the Spaniards obtained little succour fi'om
Madrid, or revenue from the wasted provinces. Their
neglected troops were in constant mutiny. On land,
the prospects of tlie two parties were fairly balanced,
and promised interminable war. At sea the Dutch had
a decided and increasing superiority. On both sides
there was a desire for peace. The Dutch would ac-
cept nothing short of unconditional independence:
the Spaniards almost despaired of reducing them to
subjection, while they dreaded more republican vic-
tories at sea, and the extension of Dutch maritime
enterprise in the East.
Overtures for peace were first made cautiously and
secretly by the archdukes/ and received by
the States with grave distrust. Jealous and "o"'* 1'"^
. T • peace.
haughty was the bearing of the republic, in
the negotiations which ensued. The states-general, in
full session, represented Holland, and received the
Si^anish envoys. The independence of the States was
accepted, on both sides, as the basis of any treaty :
but, as a preliminary to the negotiations, the republic
insisted upon its formal recognition, as a free and
equal State, in words dictated by itself ; and upon the
consent of the king of Spain. Full of diplomatic wiles
and subterfuges, the Spaniards in vain attempted to
evade these conditions. They were foiled by the firm-
' This was the title of the archduke and arcliduchess.
70 THE NETIIEELANDS.
ness, and straiglitforward purposes of the states-gen-
eral. The proud little republic dictated its own con-
ditions to the archdukes ; and at length an armistice
was signed, in order to arrange the terms of
a treaty of peace. It was a welcome breath-
ing time : but peace was still beset with difficulties
and obstacles. The Spaniards were insincere: they
could not bring themselves to treat seriously, and in
good faith, with heretics and rebels : they desired the
re-establishment of the Church of Eome ; and they
claimed the exclusive right of trading with the East
and West Indies. The councils of the republic were
also divided. Barneveldt, the civilian, was bent upon
peace : Prince Maurice, the soldier, was burning for
the renewal of the war. But Barneveldt and the
peace party prevailed, and negotiations were conti-
nued. Again and again, the armistice was renewed :
but a treaty of peace seemed as remote as ever.
At length, after infinite disputes, a truce for twelve
years was agreed upon. In form it was a
The twelve o j.
years' truce, trucc, and uot a treaty of peace : but other-
1609. .
wise the republic gained every point upon
which it had insisted. Its freedom and independence
were unconditionally recognised : it accej)ted no con-
ditions concerning religion : it made no concessions in «
regard to its trade with the Indies. The great bat-
tle for freedom was won : the republic was free : its
troubles and perils were at an end. Its oppressors
had been the first to sue for peace : their commis-
sioners had treated with the states -general at the
Hague ; and they had yielded every point, for which
they had been waging war for nearly half a cen-
tury.
Nor were these the only triumphs of the republic.
EECOG^rmON OF THE REPUBLIC. 71
Philip had burned Protestants by thousands : but his
son, in ratifying the truce, besought indul- ReiiL'ions
gence for the Catholics. President Jeannin, pTaKd'for
the French ambassador, made an eloquent ^'*"^''''^-
appeal to them in the same cause, asserting that no
slavery was so intolerable as restraints upon the free
exercise of religion. The tables were turned ; and the
republic had made illustrious converts to religious
toleration.
The recognition of the Dutch republic, by Spain
and other States, was an important epocli
in the history of European liberties. Ab- of the
-111 en • -I republic.
solute power had been successfully resisted :
the right of a people to revolt against oppression had
been recognised by crowned heads ; and freedom of
conscience had been maintained against the Church
of Rome, and the Inquisition.
Such principles as these could not be confined
within the narrow limits of the United Neth- itst^igni-
erlands : but were spreading and bearing *^*=''"'^''-
fruit throughout Europe. In France the Huguenots
had recovered freedom of- worship, under Henry IV.
In England there were already signs of the coming
conflict between the Stuarts and the Parliament, in
which the principles of the divine right of kings, and
ecclesiastical dominion, on one side, and civil and
religious liberty on the other, were to be fought out
In Bohemia, the disciples of John Huss had long
since obtained toleration for the reformed religion ;
and at this very time,^ the Emperor granted freedom
of worship to Protestants, in Hungary and Austria.
In resisting the tyranny of Philip of Spain, the Neth-
' In Hungary, Oct. 19, 1G08 : in Austria, March 13, 1609.
72 THE NETHEKLANDS.
eiiauds had been fighting the battle of Protestantism,
and of European Kberties.
The Spaniards and Portuguese had hitherto taken
Union of the lead in geographical discoveries, and re-
andcom- mote Commercial adventures : the Pope had
^^^^^- assumed to give them a monopoly in trade
with the Indies : but now the fi-ee State of the
Netherlands, whose commercial resources had ena-
bled it to resist the overwhelming povv'er of Spain,^
wrested from the hands of despotism the primacy of
the seas, and the commerce of all nations. Hence-
forth England, — also advancing in freedom, — was to
be its only rival in maritime enterprise, in distant
conquests, and wide - spreading empire. Despotic
Spain was declining in power, in wealth and intel-
lectual activity ; and the two freest States in Europe
were sharing the commerce, the riches, and the do-
minion of the world.
The intellectual development of Holland was also
^ „ , associated with its freedom. The whole
Intellectual
P'«£:'ess of population was educated ; and the higher
classes Avere singularly accomplished, espe-
cially in modern languages, in which they have re-
tained their proficiency, in modern times.
Among the liberties enjoyed, in the early days of
Freedom of the republic, was a remarkable freedom of
opinion. speech and of the press, upon all affairs of
State, far exceeding that permitted in any other
country, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Painfully instructive was the contrast between the
other Netherland provinces, and the more fortunate
' Philip I. having conquered and annexed Portugal, enjoyed the
dominion and commercial rights of both countries.
THE SPAOTSn PEOVEnTES. - 73
republic, Tliey had cast in tlieir lot -witli despotism ;
and had lost their very life-blood. Far sii-
perior, m natural advantacres, to the north- spanfeh
•■• . Ill Ti piovinces
ern provinces, they had once engrossed the after t'le
commerce and manufactures of the ISeth-
erlands. But ships were now rotting in the port
of Antwerp : the looms and workshops of Ghent
and Bruges were silent as the grave. Eealms, once
happy and prosperous, were blighted by tyranny ;
and for more than two centuries, continued an ex-
ample and a warning to Europe. On one side were
freedom and prosperity : on the other, oppression
and ruin.
These provinces continued to observe their old con-
stitutional forms. Their provincial assem- ^,^^5^. ^^^^_
blies, composed of the clergy, the nobility, t^'i'ution.
and the third estate, or commons, were accustomed to
meet: but their power was monopolised by a few
churchmen and nobles. Deputies from the larger
towTis were chosen by the privileged and self-elected
magistrates; and all the smaller towns, and the
country, were without even the form of representa-
tion. After 1634, the summoning of the states-gene-
ral was discontinued ; and the Netherlands, as a na-
tion, were governed by the viceroy, without popular
control or responsibility. But, apart from political
administration, the people continued to enjoy many
> privileges conceded to them in former times. The
administration of justice was independent; and the
liberty of the subject assured by law. Some of the
provinces claimed peculiar franchises under charters,
the most remarkable of wliich was the joyense entree of
Brabant; and the old municipal constitutions of the
cities were generally maintained: but with tlieiv life
vol,. 11—4
74 THE NETHERLANDS.
and spirit subdued by local oligarchies, and foreign
rule.
The Dutch republic was confirmed as an indepen-
Doraestic dent State : its embassies were received with
thf Dutdf consideration and respect, by crowned heads :
Eepubhc. g^ great future of commercial prosperity, of
colonial conquest, and European wars, by sea and
land, was before it : but its domestic history cannot
be followed without disappointment and sadness. A
people who had won their freedom, by such heroic
sacrifices, should have made its worthy enjoyment an
example to the whole world : but they were distracted
by religious discords and civil strife. A municipal
constitution, and a federation of provinces, provoked
disunion : while the jealousies and ambition of rulers,
and tlie factious violence of the populace, brought re-
proach uj)on a free country.
The stadtholder, now become Prince of Orange, by
Thestadt- ^^^ death of his ill-fated brother, was the
Baraeveidt. ^^'^^ ^^ ^° wroug to the Republic, which he
^*'''^- had so nobly defended. His hatred of Bar-
neveldt had increased since the truce, until he was
bent upon his ruin, even at the cost of freedom and
justice. To subvert his influence in the states-general,
he arbitrarily changed the senates of many of the
towns, and filled them with creatures of his own, — an
act more worthy of the tyrants with whom he had
done battle, than of the chief of a free commonwealth.
This breach of the constitution was followed by the
illegal arrest, and judicial murder, of the aged Barne-
veldt, by which the freedom of the republic was pro-
faned. Grotius, and other friends of this eminent
statesman, were cast into prison ; and ministers of re-
ligion of the 'remonstrant' party were banished and
THE HOUSE OF ORiVNGE. 75
imprisoned. Such were the fruits of civil and reli-
gious liberty, under Maurice of Nassau.^
And now the republic was to be drawn into the
great whirlpool of European wars, which ^ar^ofthe
desolated many lands for upwards of a cen- republic.
tury. It fought for the Protestant cause, against the
Catholic League, in the thirty years' war,^
which shook the foundations of absolutism
and the Church of Eome. The twelve years' truce
expired, and hostilities were resumed be-
tween Spain and the Netherlands. The arms
of the republic were again victorious : but it was
nearly thirty years before an honourable peace was,
at length, concluded. The gallant little State had won
a considerable place among the powers of
Europe ; and this period was the culminating
point in the glories of the republic. Its maritime
genius was not yet overshadowed by that of England :
its struggles with foreign enemies had united domestic
factions in a common cause ; and its extended com-
merce and foreign possessions had poured prodigious
riches into the land. Cultivation and the arts flou-
rished with its wealth and liberty. It was the age of
Grotius, Heinsius, and Meteren : of Rembrandt, Wou-
vermans, Cuyp, and Paul Potter.
A less propitious period was approaching. The
office of stadtholder had become virtually ,p,,^ jj^^j^^
hereditary in the House of Orange, and "''^''â– '"'se-
those princes were assuming, more and more, the pre-
' See Mr. Motley's Life and Death of John of Barneveldt, ch. 18-22.
"^ On one side were the Elector Palatine, Henry IV. of France, the
kings of England, Denmark, and Sweden, and the United Provinces :
on the other, the Pope, the Emperor of Germany, the king of Spain,
and the archdukes of the Netherlands.
76 THE NETHERLANDS.
tensions of royalty. William II. of Orange had mar-
ried the princess - royal of England, daughter of
Charles I. This alliance naturally assured his sym-
pathies with that unfortunate monarch, and embroiled
the republic with the English Parliament. In imita-
tion of the errors of Charles, which had precij^itated
his doom, he arrested six of the most emi-
1650
nent deputies of the states-general, and sur-
rounded that assembly with troops. He attempted to
seize Amsterdam, by an armed force, in the dead of
night, and to wreak his vengeance upon that wealthy
city, which had ventured to oppose his royal will.
This hopeful prince would either have trampled un-
der foot all the liberties of the republic, or, like his
English model, would have provoked rebellion : but
his career was suddenly cut short by death, at the
early age of twenty-four.
A week later, his princess gave birth to a son, —
destined hereafter, as the renowned William
William III., to rule over Enfi;land as well as Holland.
Ill . ,
Meanwhile, the office of stadtholder was in
abeyance ; and the states-general, relieved from the
yoke of a master who had treated them so roughly,
assumed to themselves the sovereignty of the republic.
The English and the Dutch were bound together
by so many ties, — by ancient friendships,
andiioi- by religion, liberty and commerce, — that an
alliance between the commonwealth and the
republic would have seemed most natural ; and such
was the wish of the English Parliament, and of many
of the statesmen of Holland. But the sympathies of
the Orange party, and of the people, were with the
royal family of England. The Prince of
Wales, afterwards Charles II., had taken
FURTHER DISORDERS. 77
refuge at the Hague ; and wlien Oliver St. Jolm and
Walter Stricldand came as ambassadors from tlie Par-
liament, tliey were hooted at, in the streets, by repub-
lican mobs, as regicides. They sought the friendship
of Holland : but, as they insisted upon the immediate
exj)ulsion of the English fugitives, their mission would
necessarily have failed, even if the temper of the peo-
ple had been more friendly. They returned in anger ;
and hostile measures were immediately commenced.
The navigation act was passed, for the express pur-
pose of ruining Dutch commerce:^ letters of reprisal
were issued; and very soon the republics were at
war. The two great naval powers were not unfairly
matched : but the English proved themselves the
stronger. Peace was soon restored : but
• . 1653-54
Cromwell insisted that the States should ex-
clude the infant Prince of Orange, and his descen-
dants, fi'om the stadtholderate ; and to this unjust and
ignoble condition, the pensionary De Witt persuaded
them to submit.
The republic was doomed to further wars, ruinous
alike to its commerce, its finances and its constant
industry. Its sympathies with the royal
cause of the Stuarts, and its hospitality to Charles II.,
were forgotten ; and it was soon at war again with
the English monarchy. It even measured jggg,^^
its strength with Enfrland and France com-
bined. For years it battled bravely against
Louis XIV. ; when, by a strange shifting of parts, its
' This memorable act prohibited the importation of the productions
of Asia, Africa, and America, except in English ships, and the pro-
ductions of Europe, except in the ships of the country whence tlioy
wore imported. Nothing could have been more injurious to tho
carrying trade of Holland.
78 THE NETHEELANDS. I
only ally, in all Europe, was Spain, its traditional
enemy. Its achievements during these wars, by sea '
and land, are memorable in history. All eyes were
turned to the little State which was able to contend
against the navies of England, and the armies of ' Le
Grand Monarque.'
But such contests were a severe trial to its re-
ThePcr- sources, and aggravated the weight of its
Edict. taxation. At the same time, internal dissen-
1G67. sions were introducing weakness and dis-
orders into the administration of public affairs ; and
serious changes in the constitution of the republic.
In 16G7, the provincial Estates of Holland, led by the
pensionary De Witt, fearful of renewed usurpations
upon their freedom, and jealous of the Orange family,
abolished, by what was termed the ' Perpetual Edict,'
the office of stadtholder in that province. This edict
was violently resented by the party of the young
Prince of Orange, and was repugnant to the wishes
of other provinces. But, on the breaking out of hos-
tilities, the young Prince, scarcely of age,^ was ap-
pointed captain-general, on condition that he should |
refuse the stadtholderate, if offered to him. Instead j
of preparing themselves, with one accord, to resist i
their enemies, the parties of De Witt and of the
Prince of Orange were almost plunged into civil war.
In the midst of tumults and anarchy, the Perpetual
Edict was revoked, and the Prince was proclaimed
Death of stadtholder. De Witt and his brother Cor-
nelius fell victims to the vengeance of the
Orange party and the fury of a mob. Since the death
' His majority had been fixed at twenty-two, and lie still wanted
a few months of that age.
w n.TTA Ar ASCENDS THE ENGLISH THRONE. 79
of Barneveldt, tliere liad been no such statesman as
John de Witt. The first had been sacrificed to the
jealousy of a ruler : the second to party feuds, and
popular violence. The fate of both these eminent
men was a disgrace to the republic, and a rejDroach
to its free institutions.
The Prince of Orange (William HI.) T7as now mas-
ter of the State, and immediately invaded ,p,,g p,.jjj,.g
the liberties of the towns, by changing the ^yj^l-^^se.
municipal governments, and filling them "i-
with his own devoted followers. Repub-
lican liberty had already been sacrificed, again and
again, to each succeeding exigency ; and its ultimate
destiny was now foreshadowed. Another important
step, in the historj' of the republic, was soon to follow.
The stadtholderate of the provinces was de-
clared hereditary m the Prince of Orange, holder
â– ^ . , hereditary.
and his descendants. He was now virtual-
ly sovereign of the United Provinces ; and higher
honours were awaiting him. In 1677, he mar- Ascends
ried Princess Mary, daughter of the Duke of Ihro^e.^'^
York (afterwards James II.) ; and, in 1688, 1688-89.
won for himself and his consort the throne of Eng-
land. English liberties owed much to William III. :
but Holland found herself a weak State under an
hereditaiy prince, and allied to a stronger power, in
whose wars she was entangled, and to whose interests
her own were sacrificed.
At his death, in 1702, without issue, Holland was
released from this iniurious connection : but
did not escape from the unceasing wars in after his
which she had been involved. For several
years, the government of the republic was resumed
by the states-general : but in 1747, William Prince of
80 THE NETHERLANDS.
Orange (William IV.) recovered the united offices of
stadtliolder, captain and admiral - general,
which, mainly through the influence of the
nobles, were now declared hereditary in his family.
He soon assumed most of the attributes of royalty.
He was king, in all but the name ; and having the
personal command of the army and navj, he was, in
truth, far more powerful than a constitutional sove-
reign. Meanwhile other changes were pass-
ing over the government of the republic.
Loud complaints were made of corruption in the
states-general : offices of trust were said to be bought
and sold : even the administration of justice was
tainted with suspicions of bribery; and the muni-
cipal councils had been so often arbitrarily changed,
that they had lost their independence. The people,
themselves, weighed down by heavy taxes, — the fruit
of constant warfare, — and suffering from the gradual
decay of Dutch commerce, appeared to be losing their
old spirit of fi'eedom and patriotism. There had
always been disunion among the provinces :
cHning the feuds of rival parties had caused weak-
ness to the State : but now the administra-
tion seemed stricken with infirmity, and the people
with political languor. The noble little State was
rapidly declining : its navy was rotting : its harbours
were being choked with sand : its colonies falling
into decay : its trade and manufactures perishing
under the rivalry of England.
These various causes had long been undermining
War with ^^® power of Holland, when her ruin was
Engiaud. nearly completed by a war with England.
1780. jjej. commerce was swept from the high
seas : her colonies fell, one after another, before the
WAE WITH ENGLAND. 81
arms of her victorious rival ; and she was j^gg
humbled by an ignominious peace.
The failures of the government favoured the growth
of a 'patriot' party, ofjposed to the stadt- Thcpauiot
holder, and clamorous for the recovery of Ponlew*^"^"
popular liberties. By the stru^crles of this ^^^'^i''^-
party with the fiiends of the Prince of '
Orange, the country was plunged into civil war ; when
the king of Prussia invaded the provinces and re-
stored the ascendency of the Orange family.
The patriots being now trampled upon, without
mercy, by the dominant party, fled in great
numbers to France, which was already throb- reiugJesiu
bing with the first throes of its impending
revolution. Hitherto there had been little
of democracy either in the constitution of the repub-
lic, or in the sentiments of the Dutch people. The
populace had often been turbulent and riotous : but
their sympathies were all on the side of the princes
of the House of Orange. The patriot party had
striven to diminish the excessive power of the stadt-
holder, and to restore municipal liberties : but they
professed none of the doctrines of theoretic demo-
cracy. The recent foundation of a democratic repub-
lic in America . had, indeed, awakened in Holland, as
elsewhere, a bolder spirit of political discussion : but
little had yet been heard of social equality and the
rights of man. But now the banished patriots natu-
rally caught the spirit of French democracy. They «
allied themselves with the revolutionary party : and
hoped to obtain their recall from exile, and the tri-
umph of their cause, by the aid of the soldiers of the
revolution.
These exiles were in close communication with theii!
4*
82 THE NETHERLANDS.
friends at home ; and when, in 1793, the National
Convention declared war against the stadt-
War with . "
France. holder, a considerable party were in secret
correspondence with the enemy, and hailing
the invaders as champions of the liberties of Holland.
Overpowered by the French, for whom a severe frost
had bridged over the waters, — hitherto the natural
bulwarks of Holland, — and weakened by domestic
treason, the stadtholder and his family iled :
1794-1795. ' . I'll 1
Revolution and the revolution was proclaimed through-
procaiiin, . ^^^^ ^-^^ provinces. Dutch citizens decked
themselves with tricoloured emblems : fraternised with
the French soldiery : planted the tree of liberty in
every town, and celebrated the triumph of liberty,
equality, and fraternity with feasts and dancing.
A revolutionary committee was formed upon the
The new I'rench model. The sovereignty of the peo-
tkm '^^'^'^ pie and the rights of man were proclaimed :
the ancient municipal constitution of the
provinces was overthrown ; and a representative as-
sembly summoned, to be chosen by universal suffrage.
The hereditary titles of the nobility were abolished ;
and their domains appropriated for the use of the
State : feudal customs were abrogated : the use of
heraldic devices and liveries was prohibited : even
the gallows and the whipping-posts were pulled down
as emblems of slavery. Revolutionary clubs were
founded on the model of those of France : but they
were less violent than their prototypes : they were
not supported by ferocious mobs ; and they were held
in restraint by a constitutional government.^
' Juste, Hist, de Belgique, livre ix. cb. 1. Mrs. Davies, Mem. of
Ondaatje (Utrecht, 1870), 172, 173. Many dutuils of the revolu-
HOLLiVND A FEENCH PRO\TNCE. 83
The reYolution was accomplisiied : all Dutch citizens
were free and equal : but their country was
treated like a province of France. French a Fitmh
troops were quartered upon them, and main-
tained at their expense : French assignats were passed
off upon them for good money; and the quarrels of
France had become their otvti. For a few years the re-
public was allowed a nominal independence, under the
domination of France : but in 1806, Napoleon sent
his brother Louis to rule as his vassal king ; and in
1810, he absorbed its territory into the French empire.
For three years Holland suffered under the op-
pressive rule of the emperor : she was ex- conj,,itu.
hausted by taxes and exactions : the blood nio^arcby.
of her sons was shed under the eagles of ^^^^•
Napoleon, on the battle-fields of Europe ; and her
commerce was utterly destroyed. But in 1813, she
was able once more to cast off the yoke of the for-
eigner, and to recover her independence. It was not
a time for republican experiments ; and a constitu-
tional monarchy was established in the House of
Orange. The Netherlands were now included with
Holland in the new kingdom of the Netherlands, un-
der "William V., Prince of Orange.^ The same con-
stitutional privileges were assured to them, as were
enjoyed by the Dutch provinces, including complete
religious freedom. The Belgians now enjoyed more
constitutional freedom than had been their lot for
three centuries ; and they were again united with the
tionary movement in the Netherlands, not given in general histories,
will be found in this work.
' At this time he was called 'sovereign prince' of the Nether-
hinds. In March 1815 he proclaimed himself King of the Nether-
lauds.
84 THE NETHERLANDS.
nortliern provinces, under a descendant of tlie great
William of Orange, who liad struggled, with their
common ancestors, for civil and religious liberty.
Brussels, a Belgian city, was the capital of the new
kingdom ; and the commercial and agricultural pros-
perity of Belgium received an impulse from restored
freedom, which had been unknown to many genera-
tions.
This union, however, was not destined to be of long
Holland and ^uratiou : it was the work of the allied sove-
Bui-ium. reigns — not the spontaneous fusion of the two
nations ; and the religious differences of the northern
and southern provinces gravely aifected the stability
of the new State. The Calvinists of the North and
the Boman Catholics of the South had no common
sympathies : while for upwards of two centuries they
had been governed upon opposite principles, — the
former being under the rule of a republic, — the lat-
ter under foreign governors. Commercial rivalries,
no less than political jealousies, contributed to the
estrangement of the two peoples. Both in commerce
and in political influence, Holland was the dominant
power, and she regarded Belgium merely as an exten-
sion of her territory : while Belgium, on her side, con-
sidered herself annexed to a rival State, rather than
united with a friendly people.^ Moreover, the king
was a Dutchman : he carried a new constitution with
a high hand against a majority of Belgian notables ;
and otherwise favoured the interests and nationality
of Holland. The highest offices in the State and in
diplomacy were bestowed upon Dutchmen. By inter-
' Nothomb, Essai sur la revolution Beige, 44 ; Juste, Hist, de Bel-
giquc, livr. ix. ch. 2.
HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. 85
ferences v/itli freedom of education, by restraints upon
the press, and by discouragement of the language
and peculiar laws of the Belgians, the government
united against itself the Roman Catholics and the
Liberal party, — otherwise opposed. Pretensions to
prerogatives, scarcely compatible with so new a mon-
archy, increased the alienation of the Belgians. At
length, in 1830, the Revolution in France precipitated
an insurrection in Belgium, which resulted in the
separation of that country from Holland, and the
establishment of a free and prosperous kingdom, un-
der the enlightened rule of Leopold L, king of the
Belgians.^
The two kindred countries, whose fortunes had some-
times been united, and sometimes dissevered,
now became distinct constitutional monar- tuiismin
chies. In both, the principles and traditions
of freedom were maintained; and the rights of the
peoj^le were guaranteed by liberal institutions, and by
the good faith and moderation of their sovereigns.
But in Holland the Protestant religion, for v/hich so
noble a strucccrle had been made, in former times, has
saved that State from the dangers of ecclesiastical
domination. In Belgium, the ancient ascendency of
the Church of Rome was upheld; and a grave con-
flict has, for several years, been waged between the
Ultramontane Catholics and the Liberal party, which
threatens the civil liberties of the country. In no
other European State have the pretensions of the
Church, in recent times, been pressed so far, or with
so much success. The issue of this conflict is yet to
be determined. The majority of the people are Catlio-
' Juste, IJist. dc Bclgiquc, livr. ix. cli. 3.
86 THE NETHERLANDS.
lies : the priestliood know how to wield popular forces
in furtherance of their cause; and the Church of
Rome, discomfited in other States, has exerted all
her influence, to recover dominion in Belgium, which
she has lost elsewhere. Bat the times are unpropi-
tious to Ultramontane schemes : the Church of Home
has lost her hold upon the leaders of thought, through-
out Europe ; and the Belgians, however faithful to her
creed, are not likely to suffer her pretensions to im-
pair their cherished liberties. In a free State, such
pretensions have become an anachronism ; and their
ultimate failure is assured.^
The eventful history of the Netherlands : their an-
continned cieut fi'eedom : their painful struggles against
th? Nether- clespotism I their critical contest for the rights
lauds. q£ conscience ; and their good and evil for-
tunes, naturally command our sympathy. The two in-
dependent States, into which the seventeen historic
provinces are now divided, are both enjoying ample
political freedom, and revived prosperity. In contend-
ing for their traditional franchises, the people had
never been moved by the principles and aims of demo-
cracy. Holland had become a republic by the force
of circumstances : it was not founded upon a demo-
cratic basis ; and it soon submitted, once more, to the
rule of an hereditary prince. The Batavian republic
was but an offshoot of the French Eevolution. For
' ' Si dans les longs siecles du raoyen-Sge, la papaute a ete toute-
puissante, n'est-ce point parce qu'elle dominait sur les esprits ? et si
aujoard'hui elle perd sa puissance, n'est-ce pas parce que rempire
des ames lui echappe? ' — ' Nous ne croyons pas a un veritable danger,
car il est impossible que I'liumanite retourne dix siocles en arrierc.'
— L'Eglise et VEtat depuis la Revolution. Preface. The third book
of this very thoughtful work treats fully of Ultramontanism in Bel-
gium ; and the whole volume deserves an attentive perusal.
HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. 87
centuries the Netherlands desired nothing more than
the enjoyment of municipal privileges, under their
native sovereigns ; and Holland and Belgium are still
free, prosj)erous, and contented under the mle of their
constitutional kings. Their liberties are now far
greater than any to which they aspired in former
times. They have retained their municipal fran-
chises : while the people have acquired the ]3olitical
rights of citizens, and a share in the sovereignty of
a free State. Their past struggles have fitted them
for the temperate exercise of popular privileges ; and
their institutions are in harmony with their traditional
sentiments and predilections.
CHAPTER Xn.
FEANCE.
THE COUNTRY AND THE PEOPLE — GROWTH OP THE MONARCHY —
GRADUAL OVERTHROW OF POPULAR LIBERTIES — CENTRALISATION
—COURTIERS AND FEUDALISM — PRIVILEGES AND ABUSES — BUR-
THENS UPON THE PEASANTRY — IMPOVERISHMENT OF THE NOBLES,
AND ADVANCE OP OTHER CLASSES, IN SOCIETY— THE NEW PHI-
LOSOPHY — THE CHURCH AND OPINION— LOUIS XIV. AND LOUIS XV.
We now approach tlie history of a great European
, , State, which illustrates, above all other ex-
Late ' T • 1 B
growth Of amples, the social and political causes o±
in Fiance, clemocracj, its forces, and its dangers, in
France, democracy was of a much later growth than
in Italy, Switzerland, or the Netherlands. The revival
of society, after the dark ages, had, indeed, secured
some popular franchises, from the Crown and the
nobles. But these were lost as the monarchy ad-
vanced in power; and, until late in the eighteenth
century, no government in Europe appeared more
firmly established. Democracy then revealed itself,
in new forms : professing new principles : seeking new .
aims ; and causing unexampled revolutions.
Of all the countries of Europe, France is the most
favoured in situation, in climate, and in the
The conn- ' '
^lo'leoi" fertility of her soil. On the north, her coasts
France. ^re opcu to the Commerce of England, and
THE FRANKS AND FEUDALISM. 89
tlie States of nortliern Europe : on tlie west, to Spain
and t]ie Atlantic ; and on the south to the Mediter-
ranean. On the east, her frontiers extend to Germany
and Switzerland. Her climate, adapted by the natural
variations of so extended a realm to a great diversity
of products, is everywhere temperate. Her soil yields
corn, wine, and oil in generous abundance. Her peo-
ple are endowed with rare intelligence, ingenuity,
and taste. Gay, sociable, and fond of pleasure, they
are yet industrious, temperate, and thrifty. An ad-
vanced civilisation was the result of these fortunate
conditions ; and France became distinguished, among
the nations of Europe, in arms, in wealth, in culture,
and in all the arts and accomplishments of social life.
Yet, with all these natural advantages, the prosperity
and happiness of the people were blighted by politi-
cal and social ills. Misgovernment and unequal laws
thwarted the beneficence of nature.
Late in the fifth century, the Gauls had been con-
quered by the Teutonic Franks, under Clo-
vis. This small band of conquerors — not ex- ami foudui-
cceding ten thousand — having overcome the
Goths and the Burgundians, who had already settled
in the country, laid the foundations of the French
monarchy. Dividing amongst them the fairest do-
mains of the conquered country, they established the
rule of feudalism. The Franks were to the Gauls
what, at a later period, the Normans were to tlie Anglo-
Saxons. The landowners were of a different race from
that of the tillers of the soil : they spoke another lan-
guage, and had their own distinct laws, traditions and
customs. The dominant race guarded their rule, and
provided for their interests as landowners, by exact-
ing all the rights and dues of feudal superiors. Large
90 PRANCE.
grants of land were also made to tlie Churcli, to -wliicli
all the feudal rights of that period were attached. In
no other country was feudalism more firmly estab-
lished. It lay heavily upon the people : but it was a
cause of weakness to the monarchy.
The enlargement and consolidation of the French
Growth kingdom was the work of many centuries,
of the J3y wars, intrigues and alliances, province
monarchy. J ' o ^ j ±
was added to province, until the magnificent
realm of France was, at length, completed. Mean-
awhile the monarchy was feudal, and in the earlier
times, elective. Its wars were sustained by the mili-
tary services of the vassals of the Grown. But their
allegiance sat lightly upon them : at one time they
disobeyed the summons of their chief, at another
they encountered him in open war. The country was
desolated by foreign wars, invasions, and internal
strife : but, throughout all its troubles and vicissi-
overthrow tudes, the powcr of the Crown was steadily
daichie'fs! advancing. Princes and barons were suc-
cessively brought under subjection : their
dangerous power was broken by the civil wars of the
1644-1642 Fronde ; and finally overthrown by the vig-
orous administration of Richelieu.
The Church was long another source of weakness
The to the Crown. With vast possessions and
privileges, and supported by the alien power
of Rome, she was nearly independent of the State,
jgjg But, after protracted contests, Francis I.
obtained from the Pope the nomination to
ecclesiastical dignities ; and the clergy became amen-
able to the direct influence of the Crown, and were
liberal in their subsidies.
By these continued conquests over feudalism and
THE JACQUERIE. 91
the Cliurcli, the supremacy of the monarchy was
established. The kinor, no longer relyiucr on „
. ^ , " J n Supreme
the military services of his vassals, raised I'owe'of
•^ ^ ^ ' tlio Crown.
standing armies ; and assumed independent
prerogatives of legislation, of judicature, and of taxa-
tion.
While France was thus advancing in greatness, and
her kings in power, the people were suffer- Misery ana
ing from the distracted state of the coun- onu"'^"'^
try, and the oj)pressive weight of feudalism, p'^"^^''^-
They suffered from invasions and civil wars, from the
rigour of feudal service, and from vexatious restraints
upon their industry. They were serfs of nobles and
of the Church ; and were bound to slavery in body
and soul. The Albigenses and other heretics were
hunted down like wolves, and learned some of that
ferocity which disi3layed itself in later times. From
the time of Charlemagne, we read of the wretched-
ness of the peasantry ; and in the fourteenth century
the country was desolated by famine and
pestilence. This- period is also memorable
for a formidable insurrection of the peasantry after
the battle of -Poitiers, when King John had been taken
prisoner to England, and the country was almost in a
state of anarchy. The peasants suffering from ^,^^, j^^^
want, and resenting the oppression of the 'i"'^;"^'-
feudal lords, rose in great numbers, in differ-
ent parts of France : they burned many castles, mur-
dered the owners, and committed the most frightful
outrages upon women and children.^ Their fierce
hatred of tlie nobles and gentry proved the severity
of the feudal yoke : ^ but it also showed the savaj,'cry
' Froissfirt, CltJ'on. (Ccjllcction do Bucliun), ch. 385.
"^ ' lis crurcat qu'il leur t-toit pormia de so soulevcr contre los
92 FKANCE.
to wliicli a Froncli populace could bo roused. At this
period, struggles with feudalism were rife in other
parts of Europe. In England, they exploded in the
rebellion of Wat Tyler : ^ in the Netherlands in the
rising of the towns against the barons and the counts
of Elanders.^ But nowhere did insurgents commit
atrocities so barbarous as those of the French Jacque-
rie,^ and in later times, the Kke passions were to be
revealed, in excesses no less monstrous, and unna-
tural.
The Jacquerie was repressed with merciless se-
verity:* but the spirit of vengeance long rankled in
the minds of the peasantry ; and several years later a
fresh outbreak was threatened. According
1382 • . .
to Eroissart, if the king had been defeated
in Elanders by Philip Van Artevelde, there would
have been a general massacre of the nobles and gen-
try of France.^
Nor was the democratic spirit confined to the pea-
santry. Before the outrages of the Jacquerie, Stephen
nobles da royaume, et de prendre leur revanclie des mauvais traite-
ments qu'ils en avaient reQus.' — Cont. de Nangis, i\\. 119.
' Et cliacun d'eux dit, " II dit voir (vrai), il dit voir : honni soit
celui par qui il demeurera que tous les gentils hommes ne soit
detruits." ' — Froissart, Ghron. (Collection de Buchon), cli, 385,
xii. 293.
1 In 1381.
^ See siqira, 15-17 ; Perrens, Democratic en France, ii. 31-37.
2 ' Certes oncques n'avint entre Chri'tiens et Sarrassins telle for-
cenerio que ces gens fasoient, ni qui plus fissent de maus et de
plus vilains faits, et tels que creature ne devroit oser penser, aviser,
ni regarder.' — Froissart, Chron. livr. i. cli. 385.
* ' Si commencerent aussi a tuer et a decouper ces mccbants gens,
sans pitit', et sans raerci ; etles pendoieut par fois aux arbres, ou ils
les trouvoient.' — Ibid. cli. 386.
' Ibid. livr. ii. ch. 186 (Collection de Buchon).
REBELLION IN PARIS. 93
Marcel, Provost of Paris/ was master of the capital,
and nearly of the kingdom. By him and his
civic force, Paris was placed in a state of de- warcei"
fence, against invaders. He dominated over
the Estates, assembled at this crisis : he put the king's
ministers to flight; and, by means of a committee of
the Estates, he assumed the practical sovereignty of
the State. He even joined his own name with that
of the regent in summoning a meeting of the Estates.
But his rule was short. The popular leader was slain
by his fellow-citizens,'^ and the democracy
was overthrown. The brief career of this "^ ' •
remarkable provost naturally recalls the memory of
Rienzi in Ital}'-, and the Van Ai'teveldes in Flanders.^
Each of these conspicuous men represented, for a
time, the democracy of the fourteenth century : each lost
his life in the cause he had espoused : not one of them
permanently advanced the liberties of his country.
But the mutinous spirit of Paris was not subdued ;
and in 1382 the people, resenting some new Rebellion in
taxes, rebelled against the king, broke open ^'"''*- ^■■^^^•
the prisons, and armed themselves from the public ar-
mouries. Eouen also joined in this rebellion.'* Ele-
ments of disorder were widespread throughout France :
but the Crown was steadily consolidating its power,
and reducing nobles and people alike to subjection.
The kings had at first favoured municipal liberties
as a counterjooise to the power of the barons ; n,„„ici[,ai
and as the towns increased in wealth and pros- ^'I^^^'ch.
' Prevost des marchands.
' Froissart, C'hro7i. livr. i. ch. 393 ; Perrens, La Dcmocratie en
France, ch. i.-xii.
^ Perreus, La Democratia en France, i. 333.
* Froib.sart, Chron. livr. ii. cL. 127, 128, 151.
94 FRANCE.
perity, they sliowed much of that spirit of freedom and
independence which had distinguished the free cities
of other lands.^ In the south, traditions of the an-
cient Roman municipalities may have served to keep
alive this spirit ; ^ and everywhere resistance to feudal-
ism, and the common interests of their trades, united
the burghers into powerful municipal communities.
They elected their own magistrates, and shared in the
active public life of a fi'ee society. But at an early pe-
riod, the government of most of the French towns had
become the heritage of a small body of the richer
burghers,^ who were more earnest in securing privi-
leges for themselves than in advancing the political in-
fluence of their municipalities. And, considering their
importance, the towns played an inconsiderable part in
the politics of France. In political power, they never
approached the renowned cities of Italy, of the Neth-
erlands, of Germany, or even of Spain. If any town
displayed too much independence, it was promptly
deprived of its municipal franchises ; * and Louis XI.
subjected the jurisdiction of the towns to his own
lieutenants.^ In 1692, Louis XIV. abolished all muni-
cipal elections ; and sold the right of governing the
' De Tocqueville, L'anden Regime, 63 ; Freeman, Hist. Essays, 2nd
ser. 12.
^ EolDertson, History of Charles V., sect, i, n. [Q] ; Lecky, Hist, of
Rationalism, ii. 270.
^ ' Au onzieme ou douzi^me siecle les communes se montrent. Au
treizi^me siecle la decadence etait deja, complete. II est certain que
ces revolutions communales avaient ete I'ceuvre de la partie riche
des habitants des villes. Les proletaires suivaieut : mais, lielas ! h
aucun moment ils ne creent rien qui ait eu vie, meme d'lin jour.' —
Edgar Quinet, La Revolution, i. 43.
" e.g. Bordeaux, by Charles VII.
^ De Tocqueville, iy'ffl?iCi6ft Regime, 64; Cvoyre, Hist, of France,
ii. 255.
THE STATES-GENEExVL. 95
towns to the rich citizens, who wero ready to pur-
chase it.^ The monarchy was now far too strong to
siiifer from municipal independence ; and this traffic
in offices was simply a financial expedient. So little
did the king concern himself about popular privileges,
. that no sooner had he sold the municipal offices, than
he treated with the burghers for the repurchase of
their rights. So great a mockery had municipal fi'an-
chises become, that, in some towns, these rights were
thus sold no less than seven times.^ But, whether
sold to individuals or to the burghers at large, the
result was practically the same : the towns being
governed by a small oligarchy, uncontrolled by the
"people, and completely under the direction of the
officers of the Crown.^ They were effaced fi'om the
political constitution of France.
Another institution of the middle ages shared the
same fate. The Estates of the realm were gt^tc^-
assembled, in early times, to advise the king. Kenurai.
These, indeed, were originally councils of barons
and prelates.'* But, in 1302, Philip the Fair sum-
moned the tiers etat, being delegates from the towns,
to meet the nobles and prelates in Notre-Dame ; and
this was the first convention of the states-general.
They were afterwards assembled irregularly, in times
of national difficulty and danger, or when the necessi-
ties of kings drove them to demand extraordinary
subsidies ; ^ and, in 1355, it appears that the three
> De Tocqueville, 63. ^ Ibid. 64.
' ' Au dix-lmitlcme siocle le gouvemement municipal des villcs
avait done drgt'm'rr partout en une petite oligarcliie.' — De Tocque-
ville, L'ancicn Rrr/ime, 68.
* e.g. The Parliament assembled in Paris in 1284, by Louis the
Hardy.
'' Louis 131auc, Hid. do la IlCo. Fr. i. 157 it scj.
Do FRANCE.
Estates deliberated together.^ Again, in 1484, tlie
states-general were convoked, so as to ensure a nation-
al representation, and embraced delegates from the
country, as well as from tlie towns. Tliese delibera-
tions were conducted not by orders, but in six bureaux,
which comprised the representatives of all the orders,
according to their territorial divisions.^ In England,
assemblies such as these grew into a free and pow-
erful Parliament, controlling the prerogatives of the
Crown, and protecting the rights of the commons.
But in France, they had no settled place in the consti-
tution : they were clothed with no defined authority :
they laid their complaints (cahiers) at the foot of the
throne, without any assurance that they would be-
listened to : they were called and dismissed, at the
pleasure of the Crown; and were, at length, wholly
discontinued.*
With the states - general of 1614, these national
assemblies were brought to a close; and,
continu- heuceforth, the king levied his subsidies by
prerogative. These assemblies had, indeed,
imposed little restraint upon the increasing power of
the Crown : but they had maintained the jDrincijile of
representation, in the constitution of France. The
nobles, the clergy, and the commons, had been brought
into the presence of the king ; and the commons had
been recognised as a political order. Two of these
' Perrens, La Democratie en France au moyen-age, i. 125. Tliis
author says : ' Quel qu'ait ete le but poursuivi et le but atteint, il
est impossible de ne pas remarquer qu'a leur insu nobles et prelats
faisaient un premier pas dans la voie de I'egalite entre les trois
ordres.'
2 Aug. Thierry, Essai sur I'histoire de la formation du Tiers-etat, i.
87 ; Louis Blanc, Hist, de la Revolution Fr. 1. 153.
3 Louis Blanc, Hist. i. 160-169.
THE PAELIAMENTS. 97
orders, closely associated with the Crown, and profit-
ing by its prerogatives, continued to enjoy great power
and privileges ; but the third, or commonalty, now
wholly lost their recognition as an Estate of the realm.
Several of the provinces, which had been, from time
to time, acquired by France, still retained provincial
their ancient constitutions ; and their Estates assembues.
imposed a certain check upon the prerogatives of the
Crown, in the levying of taxes. In Languedoc, Bur-
gundy, Provence, and Brittany, and other provinces,
or pays d'itats, the Estates, consisting of bishops, no-
bles, and city magistrates, met annually to grant sub-
sidies to the king, and to assent to new taxes. Some-
times they opposed his demands : but they were
generally coerced by his overruling power. They
were, however, mainly assemblies of nobles and
churchmen, the last strongholds of feudalism; and
Richelieu, in his contest with the survivors of feudal
power, endeavoured to abolish them. Most of the
provinces proved too powerful to be yet overcome, by
the strong hand of prerogative. But Louis XIV. was
afterwards able to deprive Normandy, Anjou, Tou-
raine, and other provinces, of their provincial assem-
blies. Languedoc, Burgundy, Provence, Brittany, and
other provinces, were permitted to continue as 7?a?/s
cTetats : but their assemblies were completely governed
by the commissaries of the king. And thus another
institution, endowed with some measure of constitu-
tional independence, was overthrown.
A further check upon prerogative was found in the
Parliaments. These bodies, however, were T,,yp^riia.
in no sense representative. They were nomi- '"'■""^•
nees of the Crown ; and, as high courts of justice,
they proved firm friends to prerogative, and enemies to
VOL. n. — 5
98 FKANCE.
feudalism.^ But courts are ever ready to enlarge tlieir
own jurisdiction; and as the king promulgated 'liis
decrees, or ordinances, by requiring them to be regis-
tered by the Parliaments, they assumed the right of
delaying or refusing this registration: or, in other
words, of putting a veto upon the acts of the Crown.
Having no commission from the king, nor from the
people, for the exercise of such a function, tlieir
pretensions were naturally resisted. The king knew
how to maintain his prerogatives. He could over-
come the contumacy of a Parliament, by holding a
Lit de Justice ; and, if it continued refractory, he could
banish its most mutinous members, or order the re-
moval of the Parliament, in a body, until it submitted
to his will.^ But, in the absence of any other con-
trolling power, the opposition of the Parliaments of-
ten expressed public opinion ; and as the only barrier
against the arbitrary power of the king, they formed
a popular element in the constitution.^ Nor did the
Parliaments confine their opposition to the decrees
of the Crown : they often ventured upon the strongest
remonstrances against the policy of the government.
The Parliament of Paris was the first of these dis-
tinguished bodies : but the provincial parliaments, — •
originally eight in number, and afterwards increased
to fourteen, — were also powerful within their own
jurisdictions. They exercised the highest judicature
in their several provinces. They consisted of the
most eminent lawyers and magistrates in France,
mnobled by their offices, distinguished by their
1 Ilallam, Middle Ages, 193-196.
■•^ Henri Marten, Ilist. de France, ix. 109, xv. 142, &c.; Louis Blanc,
Bist. do la Rev. Fr. i. 435 ; Laferriere, Hist, du Droit dc France.
" Do Tocquoville, L'ancien Bcgimc, 244.
CENTRALISATION. 99
learning, eloquence, and cultivation, — tlie ornaments
of Freueli society.^ The Parliaments continued to
display a strong spirit of independence, until they
were abolished by Louis XY., in 1771.^
And thus, in each succeeding age, the prerogatives
of the Crown were enlarged, while every Themon-
other power in the State was subjected to fi^^e nmuT
its dominion. And as the commonalty were ^""''^ ^^^'•
advancing in wealth, in intelligence, and in social in-
fluence, they were excluded from all voice in the gov-
ernment of their country.^ Under Louis XIV. the mon-
archy had become absolute. Whatever constitutional
rights may have been oj^posed to the power of the king,
he exercised prerogatives which overcame all resist-
ance. He could silence a Parliament by a lit de justice:
he could imprison his subjects by Icttres de cachet : he
could banish them by lettres d'exil: he could confiscate
their property : he could tax their revenues. Nor was
he content to rule over the temporal rights of his sub-
jects only : he assumed to govern their souls ; and, by
revoking the Edict of Nantes, he subjected the con-
sciences and worship of his people to his own will.
And while the monarchy was thus acquiring a mono-
poly of power, it was losing much of its feudal character.
Most of the old local authorities had been gradually
superseded by nominees of the Crown. The
Ccntnilis'Ji-
kind's council (le conseil du roi) combined the tion in
highest powers, judicial, administrative, and
' ' France, so fertile of great men in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, might better spare, perhaps, from her annals, any class
or description of them, than her lawyers.' — Hallam, Middle Ages, i.
19G. ' The spirit and learning of the French provincial magistracy,—
the f)ld Parliamentary spirit, — was theverysalt of the nation before
the lie volution of 1789.'— Keeve, Royal and Rev. France, ii. 93.
* See infra, p. 129. ^ Mignet, Uist. de la Rev. Fr. lutr. 8, 9.
100 FBANCE.
even legislative. Tlie comptroller-general was a min-
Thcinten- ^®^^^' "^^° wieldecl nearly all the executive
dants. power of the State. In every province was
an intendant, who administered its affairs as agent of
the government. In the words of Law, the notorious
financier, ' the kingdom was governed by thirty in-
tendants.' These officers levied the taxes, regulated
the militia and police, superintended the roads,
bridges, and other public works, and undertook the
relief of the poor.^ The intendants even ruled over
the towns as well as the country, — administering
their finances, establishing their octrois, and author-
ising the execution of their public works.^ In the
villages the people once had a voice in the manage-
ment of their own affairs : but in the eighteenth cen-
tury, they had all fallen under the tutelage of the in-
tendants. These active and vigilant officers greatly
extended the power of the Crown : but in the same
measure, they increased the burthens of the people.
It was their first duty to enrich the royal treasury ;
and they performed it with little regard to the suffer-
ings and repugnance of the tax-jDayers.
Even the courts found their jurisdiction superseded
The courts ^J *^® administrative activity of the inten-
of justice, dants. They continued to determine private
suits between parties : but were not allowed to inter-
fere in cases in which the government and its officers
were concerned. These courts had done good service
to liberty, under an absolute government. All their
' ' C'est radministration de I'etat qui s'etend, de toutes parts, sur
les debris des pouvoirs locaux : c'est la hierarchie des fonctionnaires
qui remplace, de plus en plus, le gouvemement des nobles.' — De
Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 26.
^ De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 69.
EVILS OF ABSOLUTISM. 101
proceedings were conducted in public : tlieir decisions
were open to appeal : they were independent ; and,
above all, they were not venal : they afforded protec-
tion against public and private wrongs. It was a
grievous blow to liberty, and to public security, when
power prevailed over justice, and the people could
only protect themselves by force.^
All these changes tended to concentrate the entire
power of France in the capital. From early times
Paris had been the seat of the court and of the govern-
ment, the chosen resort of literature and the arts, and
of society. It was also a centre of industry and manu-
factures, to which great numbers of capitalists and
skilled artisans were attracted. And while the capital
was thus advancing in power, riches, and culture, the
gradual absorption of all local authorities, by the cen-
tral government, withdrew from the provinces their
activity and life. The provinces were depleted ftf
their life-blood by the capital. Their weakness and
stagnation were increasing, while Paris was stimu-
lated into excessive vitality. Its commercial industry
attracted multitudes of workmen ; and the working
classes acquired a dangerous preponderance.^
This concentration of all the powers of the State in
the Crown was fatal not only to the liberties, g^,.,^ ^^
but to the material and social well-being, of "''^"'"tism.
the country. No longer controlled in the levying of
taxes, kings were free to riot in every extravagance.
They engaged lightly in serious wars : they built costly
palaces: they maintained extravagant establishments;
they surrounded themselves with a court of extraor-
' De Tocqueville says : ' Quand un poui)le a dttruit dans son sein
I'aristocratie, il court vers la centralisation commc de lui-mCine.' —
L'ancien lii'gime, 89. '' De Tocquevillo, L'ancien Regime, ch. vii.
102 FRMCE.
dinary stateliness and splendour. There were no
bounds to their expenses ; and when more money was
needed for the royal state, fresh taxes were laid upon
the people. They lived for themselves alone, for their
ambition, their pride and their pleasures. They had
no thought of duty to their subjects. Euling by here-
ditary right, they were the representatives of God
upon earth, and were accountable to no man.
The court of Louis XIV., at Versailles, was the most
Court of magnificent and the most costly in Europe.
L.uis XIV. j^o earthly sovereign could be surrounded by
greater state, or approached with deeper reverence.^
So brilliant a society of princes and nobles had never
been collected. Nowhere had graceful manners, well-
bred courtesy, and polished conversation been cul-
tivated to such perfection. This favoured circle
formed the ideal of social elegance and refinement.
lit made France famous as the politest of nations. But
it was idle, fi'ivolous, and corrupt. Pleasure and pre-
ferment were its only aims. It had no sense of public
duty or responsibility. Courtiers enjoyed a gay society,
which scarcely cared to cover its vices with the thin
veil of gallantry. They j)erformed no useful service
to the State : but were. ever seeking new offices and
pensions. With all their pride of birth and station,
they were not ashamed to beg unmerited favours from
their royal master. And their insatiable greed mul-
tiplied the burthens of the people.^
' ' Depuis les Cesars, aucune vie humaine n'a tenu tant de place
au soleil,' — Taine, Les Origines, 114. The second book of this re-
markable work contains a description of this court, at once compre-
hensive and minute.
5 As a single example : ' En 1757 I'impot est de 283,156,000 livres ;
en 1789. de 470,394,000.'— Taine, Les Origines, 455.
EVILS OF THE COURT. 103
The evils of such a court as this were grave enough :
but its indirect consequences were fatal to j.^,,,^ ^^ ^j^^
the interests of society. The attraction of <=°"'"'^-
nobles and high ecclesiastics, from their provincial
strongholds, to the royal court, had commenced in the
reign of Francis L, and increased with the decline of
feudalism, and the aggrandisement of the monarchy.
The warlike chiefs of one age, became the silken
courtiers of another. Before the nobles were attracted
to the court they lived upon their own territories :
they were surrounded by their neighbours and de-
pendents : they v/ere identified with the social life of
the provinces. Their feudal rights were invidious
and oppressive : but in the eyes of their own people,
they were princes, to whom all accustomed services
were rightly due. They kept alive a sentiment of
hereditary loyalty.^ Their bravery and manly virtues,
the splendour of their hospitality, their charities and
fi'iendly offices, endeared them to their countrymen.
And in more tranquil times, they were able to lay
aside the sword, and assume the duties and respon-
sibilities of magistrates, provincial councillors, and
country gentlemen. At this very period, when they
could have done the best service to society, the}^ de-
serted their ancestral halls, and flocked to Paris and
Versailles. Princes in the provinces, they now be-
came the gilded servants of tlie king ; and their reve-
nues, instead of maintaining their old feudal state,
contributed to the splendour of the royal court. But
they profited by the munificence of the king and the
privileges of their order ; and while still enjoying the
' ' La seigneurie, le comtr, lo duclu' deviennent uno patrio quo Ton
aime d'un instinct aveugle, et pour lariuelle on ao dcvoue.'— Taiuo,
Lcs Origines, 13.
104 FEANCE.
rights of feudalism, they escaped from all its duties.
On the ground of their feudal services to the Crown,
they had formerly claimed exemption from other pub-
lic burthens ; and now that these services were no
longer rendered, their exemption was maintained.
All the highest offices in the Church, the State, and
Hi"h offices ^^^^ army, were conferred upon nobles. No
HsedT commoner could aspire to hold them. The
nobles. bishop, the abbot, aigl the prior were of gen-
tle birth : the half-starved cure was a plebeian.^ The
bishop lived like a prince, surrounded by luxuries,
and mixing freely in the gay, and not too moral society
of the court. The cure, ill-housed and ill-fed, laboured
in his humble calling, without encouragement from
above, and without a hope of preferment. To be a
captain in the army, an officer was required to prove
that he had four degrees of nobility ; and throughout
the service, ^Dromotion was to be gained, not by merit,
but by court favour. Sinecures were multiplied for
the nobles, in the public administration, and in the
court. They were of no service to the State : they
contributed little to the dignity of the royal house-
hold : but they weighed heavily upon the national
finances.^ Preposterous pensions were lavished upon
courtiers and favoured ladies, without any pretence of
service to the State.^
Nor were offices multiplied merely for the gratifica-
• Sale of ^^^^ °^ courtiers. Since the fifteenth century,
'offices. ^Ijq gg_]^Q Qf p^ii3ii(} offices had been resorted
to by the Crown as a source of revenue. To enhance
' Les vrais pasteurs des ames, Ics co-opcrateurs dans le saint mi-
nistere, ont a peine une subsistance.' — Le Marquis de Mirabeau, cited
by Taine, Les Origines, 94. See also Laurent, L'Eglise et VEtat, 3-11.
» Taine, 81-89. " Ibid. 90.
SALE OF OFFICES. 105
their saleable value, many of them were made here-
ditary : some even carried with them a patent of no-
bility : all entitled the fortunate holders to exemption
from many taxes. Multitudes of offices were created,
not because they were necessary, but because they
could be sold. Such offices existed in every depart-
ment of the State ; and thus there stood between the
government and the people, an independent official
aristocracy, very burthensome to the country, and lit-
tle under the control of its rulers. To adminis-ter the
affairs of a great State efficiently, with such a staflf,
was out of the question; and Louis XIV., in great
measure, superseded them by the appointment of an
intendant and suhdclegues in every province. Yet more
offices were created and sold ; and their holders being
exempt from taxation, the burthens upon their less
fortunate neighbours were increased; and their own
privileges became the more obnoxious. Even the re-
versions of offices were sold. Monopolies were also
granted, at high prices, which crippled trade, and
brought ruin upon numbers of industrious families.
While the nobles were thus enjoying the lucrative
offices and honours of the court, and distri- Exemptions
buting favours to their friends, their feudal o^noWes.
domains were deserted- The State taxes, fi'om which
their own property and that of the Church were
wholly or partly exempt, were constantly becoming
more burthensome to the poorer proprietors, for whom
there was no exemption. About one-half the soil be-
longed to the favoured rich, and the other half to
the heavily-laden poor.^ But yet more grievous were
' 'Si on dufalquo les terres publiques, les priviKgic's possidont la
moitic du royaume. Et ce gros lot est, en mCiuc temps, le plus
riche.' — Taine, Les Ongincs, 18.
5*
106 FRANCE.
the feudal dues and local burtliens borne by tlie un-
privileged lands. All tlie great nobles and dignitaries
of the Church were now absentees; and the lesser
nobles and proprietors, still resident, were deprived
of their local functions by the officers of the State.
Nothing of feudalism remained but its burthens ; and
these were heavier than ever.
The corvee, or statute-labour, exacted for the repair
of the roads and various local works, tolls on
uponthi the roads, ferries across the rivers, dues at
pca^an ry. ^^.^^^ ^^^ markets, exclusive rights of grinding
corn, of pressing grapes, and of keeping pigeons:
fees on the sale of land, dues and ground-rents to
the feudal lord, in money and in kind: tithes and
seignorial dues to the Church: such were the chief
burthens upon the land.^ As wealth and civilisation
increased, more constant demands were made for pub-
lic roads. They were most needed for the rich : but
they were made at the cost of the poor peasants, to
whom they were of little use.^ Besides these feudal
dues, the public burthens upon the peasantry were
grievous. Among them were the taille, a heavy per-
sonal tax, unequally assessed and arbitrarily levied ; ^
and others no less onerous.^
These demands upon the peasant proprietors and
Effects farmers became more repugnant when the
re4d"Jli"ce ^udal Superiors had lost their power. So
long as the nobles administered justice, exe-
cuted the laws, and took the lead in all local affairs,
these public duties seemed to Justify their rights.
* De Tocqueville, L'ancien Begime, 42.
"^ This peculiar hardship was strikingly condemned by the king
himself in an edict against the cwvee. — Ibid. 2G6.
3 Ibid. 185. " See infra, p. 110.
BUETHENS UPON THE PEASANTEY. 107
They stood in the same relation to the peoj)le as the
State, — rendering services, and receiving taxes ; but
now the services were withdrawn, and the exactions
continued. These dues were constantly becoming
more burthensome. In the absence of proprietors,
agents and stewards were hard task-masters. It was
their business to collect the uttermost farthing from
the peasantry. The unjust steward knew how to pro-
fit by his exactions : the honest servant was bound
to meet the urgent necessities of his employer. Still
worse was the lot of the unhappy peasant when the
dues were leased to a stranger, or mortgaged to a
creditor. Unfeeling and rapacious, such men, who
now stood in the place of the proprietor, became the
terror and scourge of the cultivators, — reducing them
to beggary, and driving them from their homes.^
There were many proprietors, indeed, still resident
upon their estates. Too poor to enjoy the Resident
pleasures of the capital, for which they pâ„¢'''^^"^''^-
longed, they lived penuriously in their own chateaux.
They were relieved of all the public duties of a coun-
try gentleman : ^ but they were tenacious of their old
feudal rights, — the dove-cot, the warren, and the game
preserves.^ With more sympathy for the peasantry
than the collectors of absentee proprietors, they were
' ' On comprend que, exercee par leurs mains (les fermiers ou
debiteure), la fOodalite piit ])araitre souvent plus dure qu'au moyen-
Sge.'— De Tocqueville, Ijcmden Regime, 405 (note). 'C'est un
loup ravissant, que Ton lache sur la terre, qui en tire jusqu'auK
derniers sous, accable les sujets, les reduit a, la niendicite, fait de-
serter les cultivateurs, rend odieux le maitre qui se trouve force
de tolerer ses exactions, pour le faire jouir.' — Renauldon, 628, cited
by Taine, Les Orifjines, 67.
' De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 39, 56, &c.
' Taine, Les OrigineK, 50.
108 FEANCE.
too poor to be liberal They lived upon their feudal
rights, and could not afford to forego them.^ Whe-
ther the proprietor was resident or not, there was no
relief for the peasant ; and at length the long-suffer-
ing cultivators of the soil learned to cast sullen and
revengeful looks upon the chateau. There lay the
treasured title-deeds which had doomed them to pen-
uiy. There might be found, at some future time, the
means of rescue and redemption.^
Besides these two classes of feudal lando-^Tiers,
Peasant there was a prodigious number of peasant
proprietors, pi-opj^jg^ors, wlio had gradually acquired
portions of the original feudal grants. Serfdom had
been generally unknown for centuries before the
Revolution.^ In Normandy it had ceased to exist so
far back as the thirteenth century ; * and the pea-
santry, no longer serfs, became, in vast numbers, pro-
prietors of the soil. Long before the Revolution and
the Code Napoleon, the extraordinary subdivision of
the land, among peasant proprietors, had been ob-
served by French statesmen.^ Numbers of nobles
and landowners, impoverished by extravagance and
by the mismanagement of their estates, were induced
to sell portions of their land to the peasantry. To
this class about one-third of the land of France be-
longed. They were generally poor, ignorant, and
struggling for a bare subsistence. Though they had
' ' Le peuple, qui d'un mot va souvent droit a I'idee, avait donne
a ce petit gentilhorame le nom du moins gros des oiseaux de proie :
il I'avait noinme le hobereau.' — De Tocqueville, 181.
* Taine, Les Origines, 52.
" The only exception was in territories in the east of France, ac-
quired from Germany.
* De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, livr. ii. ch. 1.
* Ibid. ; Doniol, La Revolution Frangaise, et la Feodcilite.
PEASANT PROPIIIETOIIS — METAYERS. 109
purchased their little i:>atolies of soil out of their
scanty savings, they had not acquired exemption
from feudal dues ; and as their richer neighbours, to
whom these dues were paid, were exempt fi'om other
taxes, the chief burthens fell upon this single class,
which was least able to bear them. Whatever the
pride of ownership, the peasant proprietor was still
called upon to leave his own farm, and to work for
another, ^^dthout reward. His crops were devoured
by his great neighbour's game : his corn was ground
dearly at the privileged mill ; and he still paid feudal
rents for lands which he called his own. Can we
wonder that the peasant proprietors hated the nobles
and the Church ? ^
Another class of peasants, who shared the suffer-
ings and wrongs of the small proprietors. Theme-
were the peasant tenantry of the nobles and *'*^'^""
the Church, known as metayers, who paid their rent
in kind. Without capital or skill, or interest in the
soil, their farming was wretched. The landlord suf-
fered by the unproductiveness of his land : the tenant
was oppressed by agents, collectors, and money-
lenders. At best, the metayer earned a bare subsist-
' Many interesting illustrations of the condition of the peasantry,
before the Revolution, will be found in Bonnemere, Hifit. dcs Pay-
sans ; in Boulanvilliers, Etat de la France ; and in L'Mstoire d'un
Paysan, 1789, 1793, 1793, 1794-1815, by Erckmann-Chatrian. ' La
noblesse et le clerge, ces deux ordres rapaces, se sont appropries
tous les avantages de la society, ont fait tarir pour nous toutes les
sources de I'aisance et de la prosperite ; on nous a vexes, luacircs,
a peu pres comme des betes de sorame. Ces ennemis du bonheur
des peuples ne paient rien si I'ctat, quoiqu'ils possedent les plus
grands biens, des biens immenses : tout est il eux, rien a nous, et
avec ce rien nous somnies obliges de fairo face a, tous les besoins de
la chose publique.' — Ilcjlcxiom d'un PMosojihe Breton, Intr. au
Moniteur, p. 509.
110 FEANCE.
ence, — living a hard life, ill-fed, ill-clotlied, ill-
lioiised, and ignorant; and upon liim fell the taxes
fi-om which his privileged landlord was exempt.
Both these classes of peasants were poor
Poverty i i , , • -i- -i
of the enough : but, to escape impositions, they pre-
tended even greater poverty. Their wretch-
ed houses were out of repair, and nearly stripped of
furniture : their clothing was beggarly, and their food
coarse and scanty.^
Another grievous wrong was suffered by the pea-
Thegame- sautry, from the feudal game-laws. Game
^''"'®' was strictly preserved for the use of the
lords of the soil : and for its protection, the peasant
was exposed to the most vexatious injuries. His
crops were destroyed without compensation : he was
forbidden to protect them by the inclosure of his land :
he could keep neither dog nor gun. Woe to him if,
at the hatching season, he disturbed the partridges
by cutting his own grass, or lucerne, or osiers. Any
breach of these laws was punished with rigorous
severity.^
The peasantry were ruined by State taxes, by local
wei^'htof hurthens, and by feudal dues and services.
taxes. iji^Q tax-gatherer was ever at their doors : he
even pursued them as they came from church : their
goods were sold for non-payment of taxes ; and their
ignorance exposed them to extortion and fraud,^ Not
only were these taxes ruinous in amount, but some,
" ' Taine, Les Origines, 445.
^ ' Leurs capitaines de chasse, veneurs, gardes forestiers, gruyers,
protegent les betes comme si elles etaient des hommes, et poursui-
vent les hommes comme s'ils etaient des betes.' — Taine, Les Ori-
gines, 73.
' La plupart . . . ressemblent aux fellahs d'Egypte, aux labou-
reurs de I'lndoustan.' — Ibid. 4G6.
THE lillLITIA- m
like tlie salt-tax and the wine-tax, were levied by
means so oppressive and vexatious, that the loss to
industry and trade was more serious than the tax
itself.^
The last wrong of the peasantry was that of recruit-
ing for the militia. The military forces were
drawn exclusively from the lower classes : all
people in comfortable circumstances, as well as their
servants, enjoyed exemption from service ; and none
but the poor peasants, who had no friends, were
pressed into the ranks.^ Dragged from their homes,
and made soldiers against their will, they were treated
with severity and neglect. While their noble officers
were faring sumptuously every day, the common sol-
diers were coarsely and sparely fed, ill-lodged, and ill-
treated.^ Nowhere was the hard contrast between
the noble and the peasant more striking than in a
French regiment. The soldiers, sullen and discon-
tented, deserted in thousands, and lived upon society
as outlaws, marauders, poachers, and vagrants.
There was no agricultural middle class, like that of
yeomen, or large tenant farmers, as in Eng- Noagricui-
land. The rural society was that of nobles, middle
squires, and peasants. Nor did any of the
middle class, enriched by trade, choose their homes
in the country. Repelled by the haughty bearing of
the proprietors,^ and by the local burthens which fell
' Ibid. 468-473.
* 'Le service lour est si odieux, que souvent lis se sauvent dans
les bois, ou 11 faut les poursuivre a main armco.' — Ibid. 513.
3 ' Six sous par jour, un lit etroit pour deux, du ])ain de cliien, et
dopuis qudques annees, des coups commc u un cliicn.' — Taine, Lea
Orif/inex, 513.
^ ' Le seigneur qui rusidait dans scs terres montrait d'ordinaire
unc certaine bonhomie familicre envers les paysans ; uiais sou in-
112 FBANCE.
heavily -upon tliem, as unprivileged owners, tliey took
refuge in the towns, and swelled the ranks of the
bourgeoisie}
With such discouragements to the industry of the
peasantry, we learn without surprise of the
and bicad miseries by which large parts of France were
often afflicted. Famines were not infrequent,
which carried off multitudes of sufferers ; and reduced
the survivors to the most frightful privations.^ "While
nobles and prelates were feasting, at Yersailles, thou-
sands of their wretched people were dying of hun-
ger. Large tracts of land, deserted by the peasantry,
were thrown out of cultivation. Many fled from their
miseries to the provincial towns, and to Paris : where
a starving populace were often driven to riots and
pillage. They broke down the barriers at the octroi,
they forced open granaries, and provision shops : they
plundered markets, and they hung bakers. Multi-
tudes of beggars infested the country roads, the towns
and the capital. In 1767, no less than 50,000 were
taken up, by order of the government.^ Bands of
armed robbers and poachers cut down woods, swept
away game and poultry, and plundered farm-houses.
These dangerous vagabonds, trained to outrage, were
ready to lead famished mobs in tumults and insurrec-
tions.^
The towns were more prosperous than the country :
science vis-a-vis des bourgeois, ses voisins, etait presque infinie.' —
De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 134.
' ' La presque totalite de la classo moyenne dans Tancien regime
habitait les villes.'— Ibid. 134, 136.
^ Taine, Les Origines, 430 et scq.
2 De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 199.
* Taine, Les Origines, 507, 508.
mrOVEEISHMENT OF NOBLES. 113
but tliej suffered grievous burtliens. Tliey -were sub-
ject to a heavy octroi, and to public and local ,j,,|^ j.^^^^^_
imposts : tlieir trade was injured by monopo- ^^'-^^ towus.
lies, and fiscal vexations : no one was free to follow
Ms calling in liis o^ti way : everywhere privilege
was opposed to freedom. Numbers of tlieir own
workmen were often without employment ; and they
were overrun by paupers and vagrants from the
country.^
While the country was suffering from misrule, in-
justice, and selfishness, important changes
were coming over the society of France. i"iiiiienrof
The old nobles retained their ancient privi-
leges : but their social position was gravely altered.
Such was the respect due to birth, that nobility once
stood alone and unapproachable in society. It was a
distinct caste.^ Nobles rarely married beyond their
own privileged circle, and never without discredit.
They were also the only wealthy class : their great
possessions placing them far above the reach of ri-
valry. And when they resided upon their patrimo-
nial estates, their influence over provincial societ}' was
unbounded. But their ranks had been thinned by
the civil wars ; and court life had impaii'ed their for-
tunes. Their estates were impoverished by neglect
and mismanagement : and not all the lavish bounty
of the king sufficed to maintain their extravagance.
Many sank deeply into debt : some saved themselves
from ruin by unequal marriages.^ Above all, they i
' Ibid. 482, 505.
- ' La noblesse est devenue une caste, c'est-ii-dire que ta marque
distincte est la naissance.' — De Tocqueville, L'anden Regime, 124.
^ ' Depuis plusieurs siecles les nobles fran^ais n'avaient cessc de
B'ai)pauvrir. " Malgre ses privileges, la noblesse bc mine, ot s'aue-
114 FRANCE.
liacl wliolly abdicated tlicir proper duties, as a gov-
erning class. While the country was disturbed by
dangerous disorders, — mainly due to their neglect, — •
they were spending a life of pleasure and frivolity.
They were masters of wit and epigram : but they
were without statesmanship, patriotism, or a sense of
public duty. They had lost their influence over soci-
ety ; and they took no pains to recover it. If they
desired power they sought it through the favour of
the king. They had no ambition apart from the
court. And thus France was deprived of the guid-
ance of its natural leaders.
Meanwhile other classes had been rising in French
societv. While the nobles were becoming
Rise of -^ , n • 1,1
other poorer, mtendants, financiers, merchants and
classes. ^ ' . •itpi
lawyers were growing rich. If they had
formed a powerful middle class, controlling the no-
offlciai bles, and representing the interests of the
nobles. people, they could have done much to repair
the evils of French society. But it was their first
ambition to be ennobled. A part of their wealth
was at once invested in the purchase of an office,
which conferred the rank and privileges of nobility.^
The social position of these ofiicial nobles was equi-
vocal. By the old noUesse, they were still regarded
as rohiriers ; and they added nothing to the politi-
cal power, or social influence, of the nobility. On
the other hand, they were viewed with jealousy, by
their former equals. Their privileges were invidious ;
antit tous les jours, et le tiers-t'tat s'empare des fortunes," ecrit tris-
tement un gentilhomme, en 1755.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Re-
gime, 117.
' In the time of Necker the number of such offices was no less than
4,000. — De Tocqueville, L'ancien liigime, 133.
CAPITALISTS. 115
and tlieir pretensions offensive.^ They were exempt
from burthens, which fell the more heavily upon their
neighbours ; and their pride provoked envy and ridi-
cule. They failed to acquire the respect of the people,
like the ancient nobles : while they aggravated the
sense of inequality, which had long been rankling in
the minds of the unprivileged classes. Unlike the
judicial nobles of the Parliaments, whose learning
and public services ensured respect, they formed no
element of stability in French society.
But the increasing commerce of France had en-
riched great numbers of citizens, beyond this
privileged circle, — capitalists, bankers, con-
tractors, and merchants. Such men became the chief
creditors of the State and of the nobles ; and so great
were the necessities of the court, that they often suf-
fered losses, and ruinous delays, in the recovery of
their debts.^ Many were richer than their debtors,
lived in the same splendour, and vied with them in
social pretensions.^ But there was a broad gulf be-
tween them. The nobles were gradually relaxing
some of their dignity : but they held themselves aloof
from the roturiei's. They borrowed their money, but
avoided their company. The capitalists had become
a power in the State : but they were estranged from
the court and the nobles.*
' ' Dans certaines provinces, les nouveaux anoblis sont repousses
d'un cote parce qu'on ne les juge pas assez nobles, et de I'autre
parce qu'on trouve qu'ils le sont doja trop.' — Ibid. 134.
* Taine, Les Origines, 406.
^ ' lis avaient les m6mes idees, les memes habitudes, suivaient
les meraes gouts, se livraient aux mr-mes plaisirs, lisaient les mcnies
livres, parlaient le mOnie langage. lis ne diffcraient plus entre eux
que par les droits.' — De Tocqucville, L'aiicien Itcgime, 121.
* Ibid. 130.
IIG FRANCE.
The only class with whom the nobles associated,
Men of npon equal terms, were men of letters. These
letters. gave lustre to their salons ; and enlivened
the conversation of the great, with wit and graceful
learning. They v/ere courted and flattered, — often re-
ceiving attentions due to men of the highest rank.^
There was no question of their birth, but only of their
genius and celebrity. As leaders of public opinion,
they might have been powerful auxiliaries of the court
and the nobles : but their literary influence was hos-
tile to the higher classes, and was undermining the
ancient fabric of French society.
If we search for a middle class in French society.
The bour- ^^^ must looli to the bourgeoisie. But who
geoue. were they? There was a time when they
had a recognised place in the State. They exercised
their municipal fi-auchises ; and they were represented
as part of the tiers-ctat, in the Estates. But they had
lost all these privileges : they performed no services
to their country, or their order : but had become a
race of greedy place-hunters. Vast numbers of small
ofiices were created and sold for their gratification.^
Of these, many thousands exempted the holders from
the whole or part of the public burthens, from service
in the militia, from the land tax, or the corvee. Here
^ 'En beaucoup d'occasions, les titres litteraires avaient la pre-
ference sur les titres de noblesse.' ... 'On voyait frequemment,
dans le monde, des hommes de lettres, du deuxieme et du troisieme
rang, accueillis et traitt'S avec des egards que n'obtenaieut pas les
nobles de province.' — De Segur, Mem. cited by Taine, Les Origincs,
390.
^ ' De 1693 Ti 1709, seiilement, on calcule qu'il en fut cree quarante
mille, presque toutes a la portee des moindres bourgeois.' . . .
' Chacun, suivant son etat, dit un contemporain, veut Ctre quelque
chose de par le roi.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 137.
THE BOUKGEOISIE. 117
"were more privileges and inequalities ! Tlie petty
placeman, who served the king, was set above his fel-
lows. He gave himself the airs of a great man : he
contrived to shift the local burthens to the shoulders
of his poorer townsmen ; and was repaid b}^ their
envy and hatred. In every town, the government had
created a privileged aristocracy, alienated from the
people, useless to the State, and a just cause of popu-
lar discontent.
Nor was the civic aristocracy confined to placemen.
The more prosperous burghers were members ^,j^,;^, ^^^^_
of corporate companies, or guilds. The mu- *^'*^*-
nicipal functions of these bodies had long since passed
away : but their members were notables of the toT;\Ti :
â– they held themselves above their fellow-citizens ; and
contended for precedence among themselves. The no-
tables claimed to be sprinkled fii'st with holy water :
the barbers would not ^deld the place of honour to
the bakers. Such trifling disputes occupied the atten-
tion of the intendant, the tribunals, the Parliaments,
and even of the king himself.^ Everywhere there was
privilege, inequality, pretension. There was no sound
piiddle class, proud of its position, contented with its
lot, and uniting to maintain the public liberties. But
there was a bourgeoisie, divided against itself, and
wholly separated fi-om the people.
Such being the constitution of French society, to
whom was the oppressed peasant, or humble
. . Tlie clergy.
artificer, to appeal, for the protection of his
interests, and the redress of his wrongs? He could
look for little help from the absentee noble, the im-
poverished squire, the king's host of functionaries, or
> Ibid. 141
118 FKANCE.
the city notable. But lie had friends and advisers of
the middle class, to whom he turned in all his troubles.
The cure was of the same class as himself : his own lot
in life had been hard and unthankful ; and he sympa-
thised with the sufferings and wrongs of his afflicted
flock. He knew too well the selfishness and indiffer-
ence of the higher churchmen, and lords of the soil ;
and he was a daily witness to the painful struggles of
his humble brethren. His sympathies were with the
poor ; and he revolted against the oppression of their
rulers. He was poor and ignorant: he could give
them little help : but he comforted them in their sor-
rows, and hoped for better times, when he might serve
them.
But a more powerful adviser was at hand. In every
rp^g dispute with a landlord, or collector, the
lawyers. lawyer was ready to help his humble cli-
ents. He was clever and dexterous : they could sel-
dom read or write : he knew the subtleties of the
law, and the tricks of agents and collectors ; and he
could plead the cause of the poor with skill and bold-
ness. Lawyers^ swarmed throughout the country ; and
they exercised a prodigious influence over the people.
Like the cures, they were of humble birth ; and were
generally repelled from the society of their privileged
neighbours. But in education they were superior to
all but the highest class, and men of letters. They
knew all the abuses of the law, and of official admin-
istration; and they were familiar with the new phi-
losophy. At the same time, they resented the social
' inequalities, under which they smarted ; and they jier-
ceived, in the wrongs of the people, the means of
' Viz : Avocats, procureurs, notaires.
CONDITION OF FRANCE. 119
reforming the intolerable evils of the State. Active
and ambitious: with large opportunities of associa-
tion, among themselves, and with other classes, — they
prepared the way for a revolution, in which they were
hereafter to play a conspicuous part.^
Such then was the political and social condition
of France, in the eighteenth century. There p„]5ticai
was a monarchy all but absolute : a feudal con{fi?fin
nobility with oppressive powers, and invidi- of France.
ous privileges : a burthensome official aristocracy, with
its own privileges and exemptions : an exacting royal
administration : injurious monopolies ; and an op-
pressed and suffering people, without political rights.
These were evils which threatened the State with
danger. They were \aewed with indifference by the
courtly nobles at Versailles : but they did not escape
the notice of an acute English observer. Lord Ches-
terfield, writing fi-om Paris Dec. 25, 1753, said : ' In
short, all the symptoms I have ever met with in his-
tory, previous to great changes and revolutions in
government, now exist and daily increase in France.' '~
But where was redress to be sought for the griev-
ances of the people? The states -general Thenew
might have represented the national wrongs, p'''io'^ophy.
and withheld subsidies until relief was obtained : but
they had long ceased to have a place among the insti-
tutions of France. A fi'ee press might have awakened
the attention of rulers to the dangerous condition of
the country : but, until late in the eighteenth century,
political discussions were prohibited. Any attack
upon the government or its officers was visited with
â– Taino, Lcs Origincs, 518-531.
^ Lord Chcsterfidd's Letters.
120 FEANCE.
severity : but tlie utmost license Tvas permitted to tlie
discussion of abstract questions of religion, philosophy,
and politics. God might be insulted with impunity :
the foundations of society, the rights of property, and
the sacred duty of insurrection might be discussed :
but let a wi-iter beware how he criticised an inten-
dant.^ The country needed a bold exposure of existing
evils, and a practical discussion of suitable remedies.
But the literature of the eighteenth century took a
direction ill calculated to redress the wrongs of the
people. Instead of pursuing a sober investigation of
practical evils, it revelled in abstract speculations.
Instead of exposing distinct abuses in Church and
State, it assailed religion, and aimed at the recon-
struction of society, upon a theoretic basis. A host
of brilliant writers were discussing the most momen-
tous questions in religion and politics: but not one
contributed to the moral and social improvement of
his countrymen. They wrote without practical know-
ledge, and without serious aims. They knew little of
the peasantry : they possessed little sympathy with
their wrongs : but they were eloquent in their visions
of ideal bliss. For all the ills of an old and complex
society, they could perceive no remedy but in a return
to nature. They wrote for theorists and sentiment-
alists, — not for statesmen or earnest philanthropists.^
' ' Le gouvernement permet de discuter fort librement toutes
sortes de tlieories generales et abstraites, en matiere de religion, de
pliilosophie, de morale, et meme de politique. II souffre assez volon-
tiers qu'on attaqiie les principes fondamentaux sur lesquels repo-
sait alors la societe, et qu'on discute jusqu'il Dieu meme, pourvu
qu'on ne glose point sur ses moindres agents.' — De Tocqueville,
L'anden Begime, 95.
* ' Jamais de faits : rien que des abstractions, des enfilades de sen-
tences sur la nature, la raison, le peuple, les tyrans, la liberte, sorto
THE NEW PHELOSOPHy. 121
The two principal authors of the new philosophy
were Voltaire and Kousseau ; and for many
years the vigorous and versatile intellect "^'"'®-
of the former exercised tlie greatest influence over
French thought. He united more conspicuous talents
than any man of letters, of his ov/n, or perhaps of
other, times. Wit, epigram, raillery, satire, ridicule,
and argument, were equally at his command. He was
at home in every variety of literature, — in history,
poetry, the drama, the essay, or the romance. Bril-
liant in conversation, he was the delight of the most
polished society in Europe. Crowned heads were
among his disciples. He had little faith in religion,
in moral systems, in governments, or in human na-
ture ; and he projected no schemes for the regenera-
tion of society. But throughout his long life, he
laboured to assail the Church, to shake the national
faith, and to overthrow traditions. There was no
reverence in his being : he had no respect for authori-
ties : his philosophy was that of a reckless icono-
clast. It was his single mission to cast down the
cherished idols of his countrymen. His mocking
spirit was congenial to the fashionable society of his
age : the frivolous courtiers made no secret of their
infidelity ; and even the higher ecclesiastics professed
little earnestness in the faith of the Catholic Church.^
de ballons gonflus et entreclioqm's inutilement dans los espaces.' —
Taine, Les Orir/ines, 202. ' Tous pensent qii'il convient do substituer
de.s n-gles sim])]os et ('li'mentaires, puisi'es dans la raison et dans la
loi naturelle, aux coutumes compliquCes et traditionelles, qui n'gis-
sent la societu de leur temps.' — De Tocqucville, L'ancicn Regime,
205.
' ' It was as necessary to the character of an accomplished man that
he should desjiisc the rtjligion of his country, as tliat ho should know
Lis letters.' — Mucaulay's Essays, ill. 114 (Kankc's Ilist. of the Popes).
VOL. II.—
122 FEANCE.
His caustic sarcasms were repeated in every salon, and
inspired the profane wit of minor writers.^
Rousseau formed a singular contrast to his great
contemporary. Gifted with an original ge-
Rousseau. ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^ sublime egotist : a visionary,
with a vein of madness : a philosopher whose belief
was in fictions. According to his scheme, property
was a wrongful appropriation of what belonged to
society : government was an usurpation of the com-
mon rights of the people. He was the advocate of
communism, and of the absolute sovereignty of the
people. The existing order of society was the viola-
tion of an imaginary social contract, into which men
in a state of nature and equality had entered ; and all
who opposed a return to this state of nature — kings,
priests, or nobles — were to be overthrown, as enemies
to the human race. The individual rights, interests,
and affections of the citizen were to be renounced in
favour of the general community. Even the educa-
tion of children was to be withdrawn fi-om the pa-
rents, and entrusted to the State. All the natural
instincts, passions and habits of mankind: all the
laws, customs, and traditions of society were ignored ;
and a fanciful contract, opposed to all human expe-
rience, was to be assumed as the supreme rule for
the government of the world. Voltaire had been first
in the work of demolition : Rousseau became the
apostle of social reconstruction ; and during the latter
part of the eighteenth century, his philosophy was in
the ascendant.^ It was attractive even to the polite
' Taine, Les Origines, 375-384.
' 'On pent dire que la seconde moitie du siecle lui appartient.' —
Taine, Les Origines, 354.
' Dans les classes mitoyennes et inf crieures, Eousseau a eu cent
THE NEW PHILOSOPHY. 123
circles, wlio followed Yoltaire, and it was accepted
with entliusiasm by tlie middle classes — the provincial
lawyers and the bourgeoisie. lu a land of privileges
and inequality, it taught that all men were equal : in
the midst of suflering and wrong, it promised the ideal
happiness of a primitive society.
A crowd of able ^\Titers contributed to the spread of
the new philosophy, of whom Diderot was
^ • e -r, > i • i • Diderot and
the chief. Powerful m his own resources, he t''« ^^^y-
associated with his literary labours a body
of learned men, who, in the renowned ' Encyclopedie,'
discussed every question in religion, philosophy, and
politics, with unexampled freedom. The new phi-
losophy was spread throughout Europe ; and it was
made j^opular in tracts, tales, and comedies. It gave
the tone to all the thought and literature of the agc.^
Its doctrines were not original : ^ they were bor-
rowed from English philosophers : ^ but in England
they had never taken root. They had been confined
fois plus de lecteurs que Voltaire.' — Mallet-Dupan, cited by Taine,
ibid. 414.
' Mr. Lecky maintains that ' a revolutionary movement of some
kind was the normal result of the tendencies of the age, and that its
chief causes are to be sought entirely outside the discussions of
political philosophers,' but he allows that ' they undoubtedly modi-
fied, and in a measure directed, the movement that produced them.'
— Rationalism, in Europe, ii. 234.
' Had there been no Voltaire, there would have been no Camille
Desmoulins. Had there been no Diderot, there would have been no
Marat.' — Lord Lytton, The Paridans, ii. 183.
* ' Una pareille pensee n't-tait pas nouvelle : elle passait et re-
passait sans cesse depuis trois mille ans a travers I'imagiiiation dos
liommes, sans pouvoir s'y fixer.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien lli-f/ime,
205.
' Comte gave Ilobbes credit for being the first philosopher of this
schmj] : — ' C'est surtout a Ilobbes, en effet, que reniontent liis-
toriquement les plus iniportantei couccptions critiques, qu'un irra-
124 FRANCE.
to tlie realms of speculation, like perpetual motion
and the philosopher's stone. The practical English
mind addressed itself to the redress of present griev-
ances, and the amendment of existing laws. It ac-
cepted the State and society as it found them, with-
out dreaming of their theoretical reconstruction.
But in France, where practical political discussion
had long been unknown, and men of letters and wits
were the chief disputants, the startling theories of
the new school captivated the imagination, and in-
spired the eloquence, of a host of contemporary
writers. The minds of men were unsettled : their
faith was shaken in every principle which had hither-
to been their guide ; and no practicable aims were set
before them, to direct their future course.
Nor were the doctrines of the new school confined
Opinion in to Frauce. They reached the thrones as
uiTrnkicne well as the salons of Europe. The brilliant
eiL,'iiteentii Writings of Voltaire touched alike the coarse
^^^^ "'^' nature of Frederick the Great of Prussia,
the hard instincts of Catherine of Russia, and the
liberal spirit of Josepli II. of Austria. Even the
Pope, Benedict XIV., was among the number of his
disciples. The spirit of free inquiry took possession
of despotic rulers, whose influence gave a further im-
pulse to the prevailing sentiment of the times.^
To believe in nothing was the new creed ; and how
tionel usage attribiie encore a nos philosophes du xviii" siecle, qui
ii'en furent essentiellement que les indispensables propagateurs. ' —
P/tilos. Pos. V. 713 ; and see Taine, Les Origines, 330.
' See Mill, Bepr. Govt. 15.
' L'irreligion etait repandue parmi les princes et les beaux esprits:
elle ne penctrait guere encore dans le sein des classes moyennes et
du peuple.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien R'gime, 220.
THE CnUnCH AND PUBLIC OriNION. 125
was it to be combated by those who held fast to the
old faith ? The philosophers, men of let- _
, 1 •. -i 1 • • , The Church
ters, and wits, were its champions : society ''^"^^ i'"^'*<^
T • 1 /-^i 1 opinion.
accepted it : the Church stood alone in re-
sisting it. But the Church had lost much of her in-
fluence since the Middle Ages. Her wealth, dignity,
and invidious privileges remained : but her spiritual
authority had been weakened by the Keformatiou
— by religious controversies — by contentions wdth the
Parliaments — and, above all, by the growing spirit of
philosopliical inquiry, which marked the eighteenth
century. The intellect of France had received a great
impulse from the revival of learning in Italy.^ Re-
ligious thought had been awakened by the Eeforma-
tion : but the Church was immutable in her teaching
and her policy : she had rejjressed all freedom of
opinion.
Having failed to exterminate the Huguenots, in one
age, she had driven them out of France, in ^,,p
another. They were the most prosperous, iJ>'K"enot3.
enlightened, and well-ordered of the king's subjects :
thev were the flower of the middle classes. If tole-
ration had been extended to them, they would have
formed a barrier between the Church and infidelity.
Their spirit was earnestly religious ; and if they had
questioned the doctrines of the Church, they would
have discussed them with reverence, while spreading
more widely a knowledge of Christian truth. But,
left to her own unchanging course, the Church con-
tinued to teach the doctrines of the Middle Ages ;
and left the people in the darkest ignorance. She
enjoined obedience, submission, and self-abasement to
' Aug. Thierry, Ensai mr VlILt. da Ticm Flat, i. 107, 108.
126 FRANCE.
a people suffering from intolerable wrongs. And, un-
conscious of danger, she was suddenly confronted by
a new class of thinkers, hostile to the Church and to
religion itself. The intolerance which had repressed
even the modest faith of the Huguenots, naturally
promoted a reaction. The Church now encountered
the most searchiiig criticism of her doctrines and
traditions, a scathing exposure of her abuses, and
ribald sarcasms upon her faith. And to those who
shrank from infidelity, were presented the most at-
tractive pictures of the perfectibility of the human
race, and of a social paradise, from which men had
hitherto been excluded by cruel barriers which the
Church herself had raised. Need it be said that the
Church was unequal to the strife ? She had lost the
great weapon of persecution ; and the intellect and
temper of the age were opposed to her teaching.^
Sometimes attempts were made to restrain the license
of the press : but they were such as to irritate, rather
than to frisrhten the writers into silence.^ Prosecuted
for irreligion, they redoubled their assaults upon the
Church and its doctrines. And authors had now be-
come the most powerful order in the State. They
were courted by kings, princes, and nobles : they
were worshipped in society : they were flattered by
ladies of rank and fashion ; and they directed the
public opinion of their time.^
' 'No Bossuet, no Pascal came forth to encounter Voltaire.' —
Macaulny's Essays, iii. 340 (Ranke's Hist, of the Popes).
^ ' Les auteurs n'etaient persecutes que dans la mesure qui fait
plaindre, et non dans celle qui fait trembler.' — De Tocqueville,
L'ancien Rer/ime, 225.
^ ' Visiblement, dans ce monde, le premier role est aux ecrivains ;
on ne s'entretient que de leurs f aits et gestes : on ne se lasse pas de
leur rendre hommage.' — Taine, Les Origines, 870. ' La vie politique
THE CHUECn AND rUELIC OPINION. 127
But tlie peasantry, and multitudes of tlie French
people, were still ignorant; few of them The lower
could read or write. Philosophical treatises classes.
were above their comprehension : even the popular
literature could scarcely reach them. But the spirit
of the new philosophy had penetrated society. The
leaders of thought and action were everywhere pos-
sessed by it. Even the courtiers of Louis XV. were
apt to mingle with their license and frivolity, a free-
dom of f)hilosophical thought which threatened their
own order. It was natural that they should think
lightly of religion : but their speculations spared
neither the Church, nor any of the traditions upon
which the State and society were founded.^ The same
freedom of discussion was observed in other circles
less exalted; and, as at the Reformation, oj)inion3
spread rapidly from the thinking classes to the lowly
and uneducated ; so the spirit of the new philosophy
gradually reached deep into the strata of French
society. And it was quickened by the growing dis-
contents of the people. If they failed to understand
the principles of a philosophy which was discussed so
freely, they were yet unsettled by the opinions of
others, and prepared to follow those who promised
relief from their sufferings, and a happier future.
They were not unfaithful to their religion, like the
higher classes : but they were moved by visions of
earthly happiness.
flit violeniinent refouk'e dans la littt'rature, et les t'crivainR, prenant
oil main la direction do I'opinion, se troiivcTent un moment tenir
la place que le;? chefs de parti occupent d'ordinaire dans les pays
libres.'— De Tocqueville, 209.
' ' Nous goutions a la fois les avantai^es du patriciat, ct les dou-
ceurs d'unc i)liilo.so])hio i)l('b('iciine,' aaid u young uoblo (Do Segur),
cited by Tuine, Les Orifjincs, o90.
128 FRANCE.
If tlie pooplo had been familiarised, by freedom,
Absence of ""'i^^ ^^^^ practical administration of public
nubHc^ affairs, they would have been less influenced
opiuiou. -^j dangerous sj^eculations. But political
intelligence had been dulled by centralisation : the
nobles had long ceased to exercise independent influ-
ence over public opinion ; and, so far as their influence
extended, it was in favour of those theories v.hich
were destined to overthrow their own order, and sub-
vert the government on which they rested. Kulers
were wholly blind to the dangers by which the State
was threatened. They had no such warnings as those
which are given in a free State, where the grievances
and sentiments of the people are made kuo"ftTi. Theo-
retical writers were confident and powerful : while those
classes, by whom the State should have been governed,
were inert and without foresight or statesmanship.
And while the new philosophy was alienating its
Classical disciplcs from the Church and religion, and
earmiio;. fjui^g them with aspiratious for the political
rights of man, the scholarship of the age dwelt with
admiration upon the examples of antiquity, and the
glories of the Greek and Roman republics. In the
courtly dramas of Corneille, and the grave romances
of Fenelon, republican virtues were gracefully repre-
sented. Ideal characters were easily transformed
into living beings, worthy of present imitation. Such
studies stimulated the prevailing sentiments of so-
ciety ; and classical names and models were hereafter
to assume a conspicuous place in the Eevolution.
Such being the condition of society and of opinion,
in the eighteenth century, the reigns of two
failures of of the kiugs who rulcd over France, during
that period, were adverse to the influence
FAILUKES OF LOUIS XIV. 129
and stability of tlie tliroue. Tlie wars of Louis XIV.,
and bis domestic extravagance, tried seyerely tlie
resources of the State. Taxes were multiplied : but
no exactions could supply the needs of tlie ex-
hausted treasury ; and the sufferings of the people
were aggravated by the final embarrassments of the
government. Nor were the disorders of the internal
administration reduced by the ascendency of France
in Europe. The ambition of Louis XIV. had over-
reached itself; and his latter days were clouded
by failures and reverses. After all the sacrifices of
France, the lustre of her great king was fading. His
taxes and exactions continued : but his glory was de-
parting.
The reign £>i Louis XV. aggravated all the evils
under which France was suffering. The neignof
monarchy was degraded by his vices : the ^^^^ ^^'
nobles and society were debased by his scandalous
court. The feebleness of his rule encouraged feuds
between the Chiirch and the Parliaments, and dis-
cussions were provoked, in which the Crown and all
the privileged orders were, in turn, assailed. By an
unwaiTantable interference with the Parliament of
Paris, to screen a minister charged with corruption,
he stirred the resentment of the Parliaments ; and
was driven at last to suppress them, with the
strong hand of prerogative. These eminent
bodies were supported by public opinion : they were
regarded as the only bulwarks against arbitrary
power ; and their fall left the people wholly at the
mercy of a corrupt court, and an oppressive and in-
caj^able government.^
' De Tocqueville, L'aiicicn Regime, 244.
6*
130 FEANCE.
Tho credit of tlie king was furfclier impaired by
Lis feeble foreign policy and military failures, by tlie
disastrous battle of Kosbacli, and tlie treaty of Paris.
France was at once oppressed and dishonoured. Yio-
lations of public faith to creditors were already fre-
quent : a national bankruptcy was threatening : the
load of taxation was heavier, and more galling than
ever : discontents were rife, and ominous disorders
prevailed throughout the country. The deplorable
policy of the government was assailed with unwonted
freedom. The speculative writings of the last fifty
years were now succeeded by controversies upon
political economy and finance, and other questions
directly affecting the administration of the State.
Still founding their views upon the abstract princi-
ples of the philosophers, they questioned every law
and institution of the State, and condemned the
abuses under which the country was suffering.^ And
never had there been a time when the monarchy
could so ill bear the scrutiny of public opinion. The
ignoble reign of Louis XY., in dishonouring the mon-
archy, had forfeited the loyal veneration of his sub-
jects, and shaken the hereditary throne of the kings
of France.^
' ' Toutes les institutions que la Revolution devait abolir sans
retour, ont ete I'objet particulier de leurs attaques ; aucune n'a
trouve grace a leurs yeux.' — De Tocqueville, L'anden Regime, 234.
' lis ont deja couyu la pensee de toutes les rc'l'ormes sociales et
administratives que la Revolution a faites, avant que I'idee dcs
institutions libres ait commence a se faire jour dans leur esprit.' —
ma, 3;35.
^ Henri Marten, Hist, de France, livre cli. ; Louis Blanc, Hist, de
la Eev. Fr. i. 432 et seq. ; Crowe, Hist, of France, ch. 35, 36.
CHAPTEE XIII.
FiLUS'CE {continued).
LOUIS XVI. — KEFORMS ARKESTED BY PRIVILEGE — ALLIANCE WITU
AMERICAN COLONIES — FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES — THE STATES-
GENERAL — TRIUMPH OP THE COMMONS — PROGRESS OF THE
REVOLUTION — FOREIGN AID INVOKED — EMIGRATION OF NOBLES
— THE KING'S FLIGHT — THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES — ABOLITION
OF THE MONARCHY — THE KING'S TRIAL AND DEATH.
Theeatendtg, indeed, were tlie prospects of France,
when Louis XYL ascended tlie throne : the Accc^s^ion
finances of the State disordered : the people xvi.'"May
discontented and turbulent : factions embit- ' " '
tered : the higher and lower classes hostile : the
Crown weakened : the nobles discredited and un-
pojDular : the Parliaments dissolved, but still intrac-
table : a public opinion aroused and inflammable ; and
a country without a single institution commanding
public confidence.^
Never was there a more amiable or virtuous king
than Louis XVI., nor one more alive to his ms
own duties and responsibilities. rLe was
' Tlio jreneral narrative of evonts during tliis reign, and thronp;!!-
out llie Revolution, is mainly founded upon tlie Histories of Thiers,
Mignet, Louis Blanc, Lamartine {Hist, dcs Girondins), Von Sybel,
Crowe {Hid. of France), De Tocqueville {L'ancicn licffime ct la
llevolutioii). With the widest divergencies of opinion among these
writers, there is a general agrcciueut as to the leading events of
the period.
132 FEANCE.
ready to redress all tlie grievances of his subjects,
with modest beneficence : but lie was himself without
capacity to govern.^ He had succeeded to a perilous
inheritance ; and, innocent himself, was doomed to
suifer for the faults of his ancestors.
His reign was opened with reforms. He at onco
His diffl- reduced the overgro^vn royal establishments,
cuities. jjg recalled the Parliaments, and commenced
the revision of the finances. But the institutions and
society of France were unfitted for the safe execution
of necessary reforms, and the king was at once in the
midst of troubles. For centuries it had been the
policy of the State to multiply privileges ; and now
the time had come when they must be overthrown.
The reforms His able minister Turgot, relying upon the
oiTiirgot. i^garty support of his royal master,^ grap-
pled at once with some of the worst abuses under
which France was suffering. He abolished at once
the obnoxious corvee : ^ he wrested trade from the
grasp of the guilds, and released it from internal cus-
toms dues : he made the system of taxation less bur-
thensome, while he extended it to the nobles and
the clergy. He even held out the hope of enlarged
political rights, by means of provincial assemblies,
and ultimately of the states-generaL
Little had the bold and honest reformer calculated
upon the opposition which his measures would en-
counter. But the privileged classes united against
* ' Prince equitable, modere dans ses gouts, negligemment eleve,
mais porte au bien par un penchant naturel.' — Thiers, Hist, de la
Bev. Fr. i. 7.
^ ' Louis xvi. a repete souvent, " II n'y a que moi et Turgot, qui
soyons les amis du peuple." ' — Thiers, Hist, de la Rev. Fr. i. 7.
^ In the preamble to the edict, the king condemned this impost in
the most forcible language. — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime^ 266.
I
BEFOKMS OF TURGOT. 133
him : and lie was without that popular support upon
which he might have relied in a free coun- opposition
try. The court cried out against his mea- vlieged^"
sures as ruinous to the Crown and the aris- ^'^'*®*^^-
tocracy ; and the Duke of Orleans fomented riots, in
the streets of Paris, against a reforming minister,
who was striving to redress the wrongs of the people.
Turgot had none to support him but the king himself;
and he, at length, gave way to the influence of his
court and the clamours of misguided mobs. A firmer
will than his might possibly have j^i'e vailed : yet how
was such a combination of powerful interests to be
overborne ? The j)eople, for whose benefit these re-
forms were proposed, were ignorant, and without po-
litical rights : there was no party or popular organ-
isation : no representative chamber. The Parliament
of Paris, itself a privileged body, hotly espoused
the cause of the nobles and the guilds. The intelli-
gence, 'as well as the power of the country, was on
the side of privilege. The minister fell : his healing
measures were summarily revoked ; and a policy of
reaction was commenced. Such reforms as those of
Turgot, approved by the people and accepted by the
pri\dleged classes, might have averted the revolution.
They anticipated, by several years, the scheme of the
revolution itself. They were the commencement of a
remedial policy, which would gradually have miti-
gated the sufferings, and appeased the discontents of
the people. Now they proclaimed abuses, without
correcting them, raised hopes and disappointed them,
and revealed the power and selfishness of the privi-
leged classes, already liated by the j)eople.^
' De Tocqueville says : — ' L'expoiience apprond que le moment le
plus diingeroux pour un mauvais gouvernement est d'ordinaire celui
134 FEANCE.
These events were soon followed by the recognition
The war of ^^ ^^^ revolted American colonies, and the
ki'depeu-"^ war with England. Here was another pro-
dence. lude to revolution. Already the minds of
men, — not in France only, but throughout Europe, —
had been disturbed by the discussion of abstract po-
litical rights ; and now the king of France was the
ally of the rebellious subjects of another monarch,
and supporting the foundation of a democratic re-
public.^ It was the realisation of the dreams of
Eousseau : it was the theory of popular philoso-
phers, reduced to practice by American statesmen,
and approved and maintained by the king of France.
And when the great republic was fully established, as
an independent State, it afforded an example of free-
dom and equality, unknown in the previous history of
the world.
Nor was it only by the spread of democratic sen-
Expenscs timcuts, that this war advanced the cause
oitiiewar. ^f revolution. Costly armaments had been
undertaken, with an ill-furnished exchequer : the re-
sources of taxation were almost exhausted : a loose
administration of the finances permitted heavy ar-
rears and deficits ; and a reckless system of loans was
ou il commence A, se reformer.' ' Le mal qu'on soufErait patiemment
comme inevitable, semble insupportable des qu'ou concoit I'idee do
s'y soustraire.' — L'ancien Regime, 259. We must, however, guard
ourselves against the conclusion, that it is safer to maintain abuses
than to correct them.
' ' La France presidait a I'origine d'une nation libre, et elle avait
mis elle-mCme la main dans ce berceau.' — Edgar Quinet, La Rev.
i.48.
' Par quel vertige les amis d'un roi absolu I'avaient-ils pousse a
tendre la main a des insurgents ? ' — Louis Blanc, Hist, dc la Rev.
Fr. ii. 43.
PROVINCLiL ASSEMBLIES. 135
hurrying on the State to bankruptcy. Meanwhile
the inordinate expenses of the court were not re-
duced. Necker, who had succeeded Turgot, fell in
attempting to restrain them : Calonne sought favour
with the courtiers, by giving free scope to their ex-
ti'avagance.
Meanwhile, the king and his ministers were intro-
ducing further reforms into the administration. In
1779, provincial assemblies were revived, in
many parts of France, and somewhat later assemblies
throughout the realm; and they applied
themselves with great zeal to the discussion of the
grievances of the people.^ In 1787, they were en-
trusted with considerable powers, — executive and ad-
ministrative, — and encroached upon the functions of
the intendants. Local self-government, so long un-
known, was suddenly endowed with life and activity.
Useful reforms were made ; and in several of the
provinces the nobles and clergy displayed a praise-
worthy desire to relieve the people, and to contribute
their due share to the public burthens.^ But generally
they exposed abuses, without redressing them, and
inflamed discontents, instead of allajdng them. Mean-
while these elective assemblies became masters of tlie
seigneurs ; and the revolution was half effected by the
State itself.^
Another critical reform, at this period, was the pub-
lication of Necker's memorable 'com2^ie rendu.' Neckcr's
A system of loans was necessarily founded r"','du.
upon public credit; and, to satisfy the capi-
' De Tocquoville, L'aneien Regime, 270.
* Taine, Leu Origines, 393-300 ; De Lavergne, Les AumnhUes Pro-
vinciales.
" De Tocquevillo, cb. vii.
136 FRANCE.
talists, whose money lie was anxious to borrow, Necker,
for the first time, published a full account of the re-
ceipts and expenditure of the State. Whatevear its
effect upon the public creditors, its consequences were
otherwise momentous. It revealed the monstrous ex-
travagance of the court : it enabled the people to con-
trast the excessive emoluments of the nobles, who
engrossed all the higher oiSces of the State, and in
the army, with the niggardly pay of the minor civil
functionaries, and of the neglected soldiers — all men
of the people ; — and it acknowledged the new principle
of public responsibility. Hitherto the government
had been accountable to no one : henceforth it became
accountable to the country and to public opinion.
The discussion of reforms had stimulated public
Piibiic opinion, throughout the country. Already
opinion. awakened by the controversies of previous
reigns,^ it had now acquired an extraordinary influ-
ence. The king was still absolute in theory : but he
was constrained to consult and to flatter it.^ The
press had cast off all restraints, and was freely dis-
cussing the measures of the government. Without
free institutions, the monarchy was surrounded by the
irregular forces of democracy.
At length, in 1787, bankruptcy could no longer be
averted, except by a new financial policy ;
An assem- . .
t'yof, and Calonne revived the remedial schemes
notables.
ire?"^"^^ of Turgot. "Warned by the experience of his
predecessors, he endeavoured to propitiate
the privileged classes, by submitting his plans to an
' See supra, p. 130.
"^ ' D6s 1784, Necker disait dans un document public, comme un fait
inconteste : "La plupart des etrangers ont peine u se faire une idee
de I'autorite qu'exerce en France aujourd'hui I'opinion publique ;
THE STATES-GENEIUL. 137
assembly of notables : ^ but, far fi'om giving liim suj)-
port, they urged liis removal from oflfice. The Parlia-
ment of Paris also condemned his measures. Again
the court, and the privileged classes, were too strong
for a reforming minister, however urgent the public
necessities ; and Calonne, like his far worthier prede-
cessors, was sacrificed to their resentment. But it
was not enough to reject his schemes : the evils he was
attempting to surmount were beyond dispute, and de-
manded instant remedies. His successor, De Brienne,
appealed to the Parliament of Paris for its assent to
new taxes. It refused ; and the king endeavoured to
coerce it, and other Parliaments who made common
caose with it, by an arbitrary use of his prerogatives,
ua;5uited to the times, and resented by public opinion.
Ho even exiled the members of the Parlia-
ment of Paris — 235 in number — to Troyes,
by lettres de cachet And having recalled the Parlia-
ment, he ventured, in ominous imitation of Charles L,
to arrest two of its leading members — D'Espremenil
and Goislart — in the hall of the Parliament itself. It
was now too late to govern by prerogative ; and the
two bodies which had been consulted, on behalf of
the nation, were opposed to the Crown.
Some new course was inevitable ; and the Parlia-
ment of Paris had already demanded that Thostates-
the states-general should be assembled, to s^"^'"'''-
devise measures for the relief of the country.' It was
ils comprennent difficilemeiit ce que c'est cette puissance invisible,
qui commande j usque daus lo palais du roi.' — De Tocquoville,
L'ancien Regime, 25G.
' There had been no assembly of notables since 1G2G, under llicho-
lieu.
« Thiers, Ilist. de la Rev. i. 14.
138 FE-\NCE.
nearly two hundred years since tliis disused and almost
forgotten body had been called into existence.^ The
policy of reviving such an assembly, at this critical
time, was distrusted by the government as uncertain,
if not dangerous. But it was advocated by powerful
classes, who hoped to strengthen their own interests :
it was honestly desired by many, as a national council
suited to the emergency : it was prayed for by the dis-
tressed peasantry, as the only hope of relief ; and it
was demanded by the enemies of the court and the
government, as a means of embarrassment, and possi-
bly of disorder. And, at length, the king, distracted
by divided councils, but leaning to a liberal policy,
Jan 24 resolved uf)on this hazardous venture, and
1789. convoked the states -general.^ Meanwhile
De Brienne retired, and Necker was restored to
power.
The approaching experiment was fraught with dan-
ger. Under an established constitution it is
the experi- difficult to forecast the result of an appeal to
the people : but in France everything was un-
certain — the electors, the members, and the constitu-
tion of the body itself, and the relations of its different
orders. The notables were again assembled to advise
upon these matters : but afforded little aid to the gov-
ernment. The ministry settled that the deputies of the
tiers-etat, elected by nearly universal suffrage, should
be double the number of the other orders. Yet it was "
not determined whether the three orders should sit
apart, as in former times, or sit and vote together, in
a single chamber. The one course assured the ancient
' Its last meeting was in 1614. See supra, pp. 95, 96.
5 For May 5, 1789.
THE STATES-GENEEAL. 139
ascendoncy of tlie nobles and the clergy : the latter
at once transferred their power to the lowest order,
which had hitherto been without political influence.
This critical question was hotly discussed by the two
parties : the nobles denouncing any infraction of their
rights : the popular party insisting upon a scheme
which promised them an easy triumph. And it was
asked why was the number of the commons double
that of each of the other orders, unless with a view
to their powers of voting ? Meanwhile the elections
were held, with this important question still unsettled.
This uncertainty increased the excitement, which
was marked by some threatening riots. The
f)opular cause was signally advanced by an-
other incident of the elections. In each district, the
electors were invited to prepare a statement of their
grievances, for the instruction of the deputies, known
as caMers ; and thus were brought together, and dis-
cussed, the most formidable indictments against the
entire polity of the State.^ They were generally
drawn up by the lawyers, who, having been familiar
with the sufferings of their neighbours, promptly as-
sumed the position of their advisers and leaders at
this crisis. The discontents of the people were uni-
versal ; and they received exf)ression in such a form
as to command attention. Eeforms amounting to
' Cliassin publislied a collection of these caldcrs, wliicli De Tocque-
ville justly calls ' un document unique dans I'bistoire.' Again Lo
says, ' Quand je viens a reunir ensemble tous ces vceux particu-
liers (des trois ordres), je m'aperf;ois avec uno sorte de terreur, quo
ce qu'on reclame est rabolition simultanee et systematique de toutes
les lois, et de tous les usages ayant cours dans le pays : je vois sur-
le-cliamp qu'il va s'agir d'une des plus vastes et des plus dangc-
reuses revolutions qui aient jamais paru dans le vaondQ.' ■— L' ancien
Rrfjime, 211.
140 FRANCE.
revolution were everywhere demanded ; and a new
and untried assembly was about to consider them.
At this time, the king and his ministers were at
state of issue with the nobles, and in conflict with
parties. f^Q Parliaments: the treasury was empty:
the people were famishing : factions were raging furi-
ously; and public opinion was disturbed and threat-
ening. Even the fidelity of the troops was doubtful :
the officers leaning to their noble order ; and the sol-
diers sympathising with the wrongs of the peasant
class, and having discontents of their own.^
The result of the elections marked the dominant
feelings of the country. Many of the nobles,
tioii of the indoctrinated with the new philosophy, were
reformers and philanthropists: but the ma-
jority sternly maintained the rights of their order.
The great body of the delegates from the clergy were
cures,^ having an earnest sympathy with the peojile.
They had boldly demanded the redress of all the pop-
ular grievances, and they asserted the right of the peo-
ple to tax themselves, through their representatives.^
Of the 600 deputies from the iiers-etat,^ there were no
less than 374 lawyers ; ^ — the authors and instigators
of the cahiey^s: there were men of letters, artists, and
citizens ; but few country gentlemen. The noble, Mi-
rabeau, expelled from his own order, and the Abbe
' Four months after the opening of the states-general, there were
16,000 deserters roving about Paris. — Taine, Les Origines, 515.
' Mr. Carlyle says of them, ' who, indeed, are properly little other
than commons disguised in curate-frocks.' — Fr. Rev. b. iv. ch. 4.
" De Tocqueville, L'anden Regime, 168, 169 ; Louis Blanc, Hist.
de la Rev. Fr. ii. 221.
* The total number of deputies to the states-general was 1314,
one half of whom were from the ticrs-etat.
^ Bonill6, Mem. i. 68.
THE STATES-GENERAL. 141
Sieyos, liad cast tlieir lot with the commons. It was
a body intent upon reforms, and a sturdy foe to privi-
leges. Its mission was to satisfy the complaints of
the people ; and it was burning to resist the preten-
sions of the nobles and the Church.^
On May 5, the states-general were opened, by the
king himself, in the Salle des Menus, at Ver-
sailles, according to the stately ceremonial th^gmes-
of 1614 The clergy assembled on his right, ^^^^"^^ '
the nobles on the left, and the modest commons at the
lower end of the chamber.^ The king and his minis-
ters were welcomed with hearty acclamations, and his
majesty's generous and earnest speech was received
with applause. But here ended all that was hopeful,
on this remarkable day. Neither the king nor his
ministers, Barentin and Necker, who afterwards ad-
dressed the states, proposed a certain policy, or spe-
cific measures of relief: but, proclaiming the urgent
necessities of the country, they appealed to the wis-
dom and patriotism of the assembly ; whom they cau-
tioned against extreme measures, and invited to union.
The supreme question of the separate or united
voting of the orders, was left to the deter- ^., .
^ / Sittings
mination of those rival orders themselves : v/ P"'
Estates.
not, however, without intimations that the
' ' Ce ne sont ni les impots, ni les lettres de cachet, ni tous les au-
tres abus de I'autorite, ce ne sont point les vexations des iiitendants,
et les longueurs ruineuses de la justice qui ont le plus irrite la na-
tion : c'est la prejuge de la noblesse par lequel elle a nianifeste plus
de haine.' — Rivarol, Mem. cited by Taine, Le8 Origines, 419.
* The ceremony was marked by a significant incident. When the
king, being seated upon his throne, put on his hat, the clergy and
nobles proceeded to cover themselves, according to ancient custom ;
when, for the first time, the commons asserted the like privilege, in
the presence of royalty.
142 FRANCE.
ancient usage was favoured by the government. This
fatal hesitation was due to the distracted councils
of the king's advisers. The king himself would have
shared his prerogatives with the people, for the com-
mon good : but neither the clergy, the nobles, nor
the court were prepared to sacrifice their own inter-
ests or privileges. They had successfully resisted the
king and his reforming ministers, Turgot, Necker and
Calonne ; and they would not submit to the despised
commons. The position was, indeed, embarrassing.
If the orders voted separately, there was little hope of
satisfaction to the people : if they voted together, there
was immediate hazard of revolution. But to leave the
orders, who hated and distrusted one another, to de-
termine their own rights, was an invitation to anarchy.
The two higher orders now sat apart in their re-
The com- spectivc chambers, leaving the commons, as
sumltT the largest body, in possession of the great
National ^^^^ ' ^ ^^^ proceeded to the separate verifi-
Assembiy. catiou of their powers. The commons, being
resolved that there should be no separation of orders,
insisted that the verification of the powers of the three
Estates should be conducted by the entire body;
and awaited the coming of the two other orders.
Their inaction assured their ultimate triumph. They
were united to a man ; while many of the nobles were
on their side : they commanded the sympathies of the
inferior clergy ; and they were supported by the peo-
ple. After five weeks of fruitless negotiations, the
June 17 commons took a bolder step; and declared
1789. themselves 'the National Assembly.'^ It was
' La Salle des Mats.
^ Edgar Quinet truly says, ' Ce nom, qui evoquait la nation, ctait
dC'ja la victoire.' — La Ecvolution, i. 76.
THE STATES-GENERAL. 143
an act of usurpation whicli marked the commencement
of tlie revolution. Nor was it a mere declaration of
right : it was followed by decrees designed to ensure
their own authority. Taxes imposed by the Crown
were declared illegal : but their collection was pro-
visionally allowed, during the sitting of the National
Assembly. The public debts were consolidated, to
the great satisfaction of the public creditors ; and a
committee of subsistence was appointed to provide
for the wants of the people. As they were thus as-
suming superior legislative power, it was clear that
they must be put down, or that the Crown, and the
tv/o other orders, must associate themselves with their
labours. The court persuaded the king to adopt the
former course : and, on the plea of an approaching
royal seance, the doors of the hall v/ere closed against
the Assembly. The commons at once adjourned to
the racket court, where they swore not to
separate until they had given a constitution
to France. The racket court being soon closed against
them, they adiourned to the Church of St.
. . June 22.
Louis ; and here they were joined by the
majority of the clergy.
On the following day the king came, in state, to the
hall of the states-general, rebuked the As- ^iieking
sembly, and annulled its decrees as illegal, ^{""^^{/"he
He directed that the separate orders should Asseini!iy"
be maintained: announced certain reforms, J""^'^^-
comprised in thirty-five articles, which he invited the
states-general to accept ; and intimated that, unless
they were agreed to, he should himself promote the
welfare of his people.^ At the same time, he threat-
ened them with a dissolution. In conclusion, bo
' ' Bcul je forai Ic bica do mes ijeuples.'
144 FBANCE.
ordered the deputies to separate. The nobles and
the clergy at once left the hall : but the commons
refused to move. Beminded of the king's orders by
his usher, De Breze, they re^Dlied, by the mouth of
Mirabeau, * Go, Monsieur, tell those who sent you that
we are here by the will of the people, and that nothing
but the force of bayonets shall send us hence.' They
resolved to persist in their decrees, which the king
had Just condemned ; and voted the inviolability of
their members. This defiance of the king's authority,
instead of being met by the threatened dissolution,
was submitted to by the court ; and from that day,
power passed into the hands of the Assembly.
Another victory was soon gained by the popular
Union of party. The Assembly, resuming its sittings
the oiiiers. jjj ^jjg church of St. Louis, was at once
joined by the clergy, who had sat there before, and in
a few days by forty-seven nobles, including
the Duke of Orleans, and at last by the en-
tire body of the nobles and clergy. The union of the
orders was now complete, and the ascendency of the
commons was assured.^ The two foremost Estates of
the realm were, in truth, effaced from the constitution
of France; and the Crown itself had lost its sove-
reignty.^
The court had sustained a grave discomfiture : but
Dismissal ^^ ^^^ ^^^ eveu yet too late to initiate re-
of Necivcr. forms and assume the direction of the popu-
lar movement : but, unhappily, the reactionary party
again prevailed in the king's councils. It was deter-
' 'Jusqu'ii ce jour, du moins, la bourgeoisie fut la Revolution:
elle futle peuple.' — Louis Blanc, JTifit. de la Bev. Fr. ii. 315.
"^ ' La royaute n'ttait plus au palais de Louis xvi. : elle etait a la
Sa]]e des Etats.'— Ibid. 813.
ALAEMING DISOEDERS. 145
mined to overawe tlie Assembly : its liall was sur-
rounded by a foreign soldiery ; and large bodies of
troops were concentrated upon Versailles, upon Paris
and its en\-irons. Wlien these military pre-
parations were completed, Necker was dis- '^"'^^^'
missed, and banished from France.
Hitherto the issue had been between the court and
the Assembly : it was now a conflict between ^ , .
•^ TaKinc; of
the government and the people. The Pari- ^''^ is^istue.
sians rushed to arms, and the troops refused to fight
against them : the Bastile was stormed; and j„, ,jj
the caj)ital was in the hands of the populace.^ ^^^^^•
The king now came to the Assembly, assured them of
his confidence, and promised the immediate withdrawal
of the troops from Paris and Versailles. On the fol-
lowing day he visited Paris, without guards,
and was received with loyal demonstrations. " ^ ' '
But he was forced to humble himself before the peo-
ple. Waving his hat, decked with the insurrectionary
cockade, from the windows of the Hotel de Ville, he
aroused transports of enthusiasm from the crowd be-
low. He had made his peace, for a time, with his
capital : but he had worn the badge of the
revolution, nnd played the part of a citizen lociucd.
king.^ The policy of the court had been
foiled ; and Necker was recalled from his exile.
Paris, with its popular magistrates and national
guards, reconciled for a time to the king, was, how-
' On hearing of these events from the Duke de Liancourt, the king
said, ' C'est une revolte I' ' Non, sire,' replied the Duke, ' c'estune
revolution.'
^ ' Le souverain f eodal venait de disparaitre ; il ne restait plus en
France qu'un monarque, chef des bourgeois. ' — Louis Blanc, Uist. ii.
422.
VOL. IT. — 7
146 FILVNCE.
ever, independent. Otlior cities followed its exam-
ple, and electing new magistrates, and enrol-
diso^eW. ling national guards, sided with tlie popular
"^'^'^°' cause. In the provinces there were grave
disorders : castles were burnt down : nobles and coun-
try gentlemen were murdered; and their title-deeds
destroyed by the peasantry: monasteries and farm-
houses v/ere plundered: estates were forcibly occu-
pied by squatters: rents and services were withheld
fi-om the proprietors : tax-gatherers were hunted down
like wild beasts : the peasantry roved over fields and
forests in pursuit of game, which they cooked on the
spot with wood from the plantations of their seigneurs.
Life and property were a prey to agrarian anarchy.^
The three orders being now united, the Assembly, —
henceforward called the Constituent Assem-
tions of the bly, — cousisted of more than twelve hundred
Assembly. , , • <> t ti
members: a number excessive for delibera-
tion, and liable to sudden and uncontrollable im-
pulses. Its members had come recently from their
constituents, who were aroused to a keen sense of
their wrongs, and expected immediate relief from their
representatives : while the prevailing excitement in
Paris, and in the provinces, could not fail to influence
tlieir deliberations. As public life in France had long
been suppressed, by centralised administration, there
Avere no men, in all this vast body, trained to states-
- So early as July 1790, the Constituent Assembly received a re-
port that ' property was everywhere the prey to brigandage : that
on all sides castles were burned, convents wrecked, and farms given
up to pillage : that all seignorial rights were at an end : that the
laws were without force, the magistrates without authority, and
justice but a phantom which was sought in vain in the tribunals.' —
Nettement, Vie de M. la Marquise de la HocJuja'juelein, 71.
DELIBEEATIONS OF THE ASSEMBLY. 147
mansliip, or qualified by experience, or political repu-
tation, to direct its counsels, and guide it througli
the fearful dangers by which it was surrounded. The
nobles were unaccustomed to deliberative bodies : they
had never practised public speaking, or the politic man-
agement of men of different classes.^ No ministers of
the Crown were there to concert a policy, upon which
the executive and legislative authorities might agree :
but jealousy and suspicion were rife between them.
There were parties indeed, — the right, or royalist;
the centre, or constitutional ; and the left, or demo-
cratic: — but there was little party organisation, or
concerted action, which might have given consistency
to the policy of the Assembly. It was without any
rules or traditions of order. A hundred deputies
would rise together, and insist upon being heard.
They even read their speeches.^ Motions were made,
and decrees passed, Avithout notice, and upon the sud-
den impulse of the moment.^ Its galleries were filled
with strangers, Vv'ho cheered and hissed, without a
check, and interrupted the debates with threatening
clamours. Its foremost member was Mirabeau, — a
man distinguished, above all his rivals, by genius,
eloquence, and statesmanship ; and, in the early stages
of the revolution, all his influence was used to forward
the popular cause. The Abbe Sieyes, great in con-
' 'Jamais conducteurs d'hommes n'ont tellement desappris I'art
do conduire les hommes, art qui consiste a inarclier sur la memo
route, mais en tcte, et a guider leur travail en y preuant part.' —
Taine, Lcs Orif/i7ics, 64.
^ Arthur Young's Travels, i. Ill et seq.
' This practice was continued throughout the revolutionary pe-
riod, and has not boon corrected in recent times. Under tlio ])resi-
dency of M. Tliiors, critical votes were taken witliout notice. c.(/. on
the vote of confidence, Nov, 30, 1873.
148 FEANCE.
stitution-inaking, found ample scope for his iuventive
talents, in tliis political chaos; and Talleyrand, the
bishop of Autun, was preparing to sacrifice his Church
to the revolutionary cause, and his own ambition.
General Lafayette, overflowing with vanity, moved by
a restless ambition, and fresh from American politics,
was ready to proclaim the rights of man, while he se-
cured his own ascendency. D'Orleans, a prince of the
blood, sat dark and silent, on the left, as an enemy of
the court. Eobespierre was there, not yet a conspicu-
ous figure, but brooding over the future.
The people were clamouring for reforms, and the
Assembly promptly ministered to their im-
Renuncia- , . rni i • •
tionof patience. There was a general uprising
Aujiust 4,' against feudal ricirhts ; and in a sudden out-
1789. o '
burst of enthusiasm, the orders agreed to
the renunciation of class privileges, and a wholesale
redress of grievances. Feudal rights were redeemed,
and personal servitude abolished : tithes were discon-
tinued : exemptions from taxes renounced : plurality of
oflices surrendered : the exclusive rights in game, and
various other feudal privileges and jurisdictions, con-
demned. In a single night, nearly all the grievances
of the people were redressed.^ The nobles and the
Church renounced the privileges which it had taken
them centuries of struggle and usurpation to acquire.
Just and necessary as were these concessions, they were
made, not with the judgment of lawgivers, but with
the rashness and impulsiveness of revolutionists ; and
so sudden an interference with existing rights, with-
out securities for the maintenance of order, gave a
fresh impulse to anarchy.
' Thiers, Hist. i. 123 dseq.; Mignet, Elst. i. 100; Von Sybel, Hist.
i. 84 ; Louis Blanc, Hist. ii. 484.
PiUlTIES IN THE ASSEIJBLY. 149
The reYolution had now wrested power from the
hands of the king, and privileges fi'om the ^ ^^ ^
Church and the nobles : but it had not yet ""^^'-^e
overthrown the framework of the govern- '^''*°-
ment. The king still reigned, but with a limited
authority : an Assembly representing all classes of the
people, and generally animated with sentiments of
patriotism and moderation, was preparing to secure
the fruits of the great national movement to which it
owed its birth. At this jDeriod, indeed, it seemed
possible that the revolution would assume a constitu-
tional form. But the Assembly was divided
■• • PirtiGS
into three principal parties, whose principles in the
and aims, and whose relations to the govern- ""'''^ ^'
ment, prevented the solution of constitutional diffi-
culties. The right, consisting chiefly of nobles and
ecclesiastics, clung obstinately to the old regime : the
centre desired moderate reforms, and constitutional
liberty : the left were the revolutionary party, — advo-
cates of the rights of man, — enemies of the Church
and the nobles, — and though not yet republicans,^
hostile to the Crown. The work of reconstruction
was discusssed : but in vain. An idle, vapouring, and
mischievous declaration of the rights of man was, in-
deed, adopted : ^ but a definite constitution could not
be agreed upon. A senate, or second chamber, was
proposed : but the nobles naturally desired to make it
the means of recovering their power ; and who could
' Caraille Desmoulins said, ' Nous n'otions pas alors plus do dix
republicains en France.' — Louis Blanc, Bev. Fr. livr. ii. ch. 4.
'^ ' La France rompant avec lo passe, et voulant rGmonter it I'tlat
de nature, dut aspirer ;I donner une declaration complete de tous les
droits de I'liomme et du citoyon.' — Thiers, Hist. i. 137. See also
Comte, PhU. Pos. vi. 358, SCO, 3'J8.
150 FEANCE.
seriously hope that the commons, who had so lately
triumphed over the two other Estates, would suddenly
agree to restore a separate chamber, of equal authority
with their own ? Again, it was proposed to secure to
the king a veto upon all legislative acts of the Assem-
bly : but this was considered by the popular party too
great a power, and the veto was restricted to the dura-
tion of two assemblies.^
But, in truth, the passions of the different parties
Condition concerned in the revolution, were too heated
of Paris. J.Q allow a peaceful settlement of the mo-
mentous questions now at issue. Paris was excited
and turbulent : the clubs were maintaining a danger-
ous agitation; and multitudes of the people were
starving. At the very time when the central
nient of government had been dangerously weakened,
the power of the municipality of Paris was
no less dangerously increased. Its mayor was a great
political personage : its national guard was an army of
30,000 men, ever on the spot ; while the king's forces
were jealously removed from the capital. Its general,
Lafayette, at once a soldier and politician, was mas-
ter of the city and of the State. Its constitution was
essentially democratic. The municipal administra-
tion was vested in a large body of representatives, —
originally 120, but soon increased to 300 : while every
section had its own noisy assembly to dictate to the
Hotel de Yille.
Every great city has its dangerous classes : they
swarm in the back stTeets, courts and alleys :
Its people. , , . . _ in
they are to be seen amidst the crowds of
the greater thoroughfares. No one can walk among
' Thiers. Ilisf. i. 141-153.
» STATE OF PARIS. 151
tliom, watch tlieir countenances, and overliear tlieir
language, without wondering how the peace and safety
of society can be guarded. But Paris, at this period,
surpassed all other cities, — except perhaj)s ancient
Rome, — in the disproportionate numbers of its poor,
wretched, unemployed, and desperate inhabitants, —
included in the comprehensive term of 'proUtaires.
France had, for generations, been infested with
crowds of vagrants and beggars.^ Of these, multi-
tudes swarmed to the capital : the disorders of the
time increased their number : thousands of workmen
were thrown out of employment by the disorganisa-
tion of society : the smaller employers suifered as
much as the workmen ; and there was a fearful scar-
city of food. A partial and inadequate poor-law was
quite unequal to cope with such prodigious pauper-
ism ; and the police, in Paris, as elsewhere, was scanty
and ill-organised. Such were the elements of disor-
der and violence, at a time of fevered political excite-
ment. The people, suffering and excited, grossly ig-
norant and credulous, were exposed to the wildest
delusions. Democratic newspapers aroused their pas-
sions ; and inflammatory placards appealed to them,
upon all the walls of the capital. Journalism was a
new force in the Revolution.'^ The artful whispers of
revolutionary agents, and the declamations of mob-
orators, goaded them to madness. There were turbu-
lent meetings, in the sections and in the Palais Royal :
there were riots in the streets, — sometimes the natural
fruits of anarchy, — sometimes provoked by the secret
' In 1789 the number was estimated at 2,000,000. — Louis Blanc,
Hint. livr. iv. cli. 2.
"^ A full account of the journali.sin of this period will be found
in Louis Blanc, Uist. tie la llCv. Fr. iii. 121 ct scq.
152 FRANCE.
macliinations and tlie bribes of revolutionary dema-
gogues. Society was seething witli tempestuous pas-
sions ; and the gold of Orleans, and other dark con-
spirators, was not wanting to inflame them.^
Order was partially maintained by the municipal
authorities and the national guard : seditious meet-
ings in the Palais Eoyal were prohibited : restraints
were put upon the press : ^ a police force was organ-
ised by General Lafayette : public workshops were
provided for the unemployed poor : the municipal
funds were exhausted in furnishing cheap bread to
the people ; and at length, the State was obliged to
save the multitude from starving.
Immediate danger was averted by these expe-
dients : but the general condition of Paris was aggra-
vated. Cheap bread, and public wages for nominal
work, attracted crowds to the capital, bringing with
them fresh elements of discontent and turbulence ;
and not long afterwards it was found necessary to
close the public workshops.^ It was soon to be seen
how little these masses could be controlled by au-
thority ; and how easily they could be stirred to in-
surrection.
'For evidence as to these transactions, see Mirabeau, Cott.;
Bailly, Mim. ii. 293 ; Croker, Essays, pp. 50, 70 ; Von Sybel, Hist. i.
76, 114, 119, 124, 133 ; Lord Auckland's Corr. ii. 365 ; Ducoin,
Philippe (V Orleans, 72. Spealting of the alleged bribes of the Duke
of Orleans, M. Thiers says : — ' Du reste, cette influence n'est point
a compter parmi les causes de la revolution, car ce n'est pas avec un
peu d'or, et des manceuvres secretes qu'on ebranle une nation de
vingt-cinq millions d'hommes.' — Hist, de la Rev. Fr.\. 80. This
portion of his history is strongly criticised by Croker.
* No printed matter was to be issued without the name of an
editor.
3 July 1, 1790.
THE CLUBS. 153
But tlio force of tlie revolution was mainly derived
from tlie clubs and political associations. ^,i,Q^.)^^,g
Here men were brought together to discuss
their grievances, and give vent to their fierce pas-
sions. The club orators were the true apostles of
the revolution. Speculation gave way to political
action ; and the ambition of leaders, and the hot
zeal of partisans, lashed an ignorant and famishing
people to fury.^ The most powerful and dangerous
of these clubs was that of the Jacobins, which was to
play a decisive part in the revolution. For Danton
and other revolutionists, however, even this club was
not violent enough ; and they founded the more hot-
headed Cordeliers. Another club, — the Feuillants, —
established by Lafayette and Bailly, was too mod-
erate to excite the passions of the crowd.^ These
clubs were formidable enough in themselves : but
they became more dangerous by the union and corre-
spondence of numbers of affiliated societies.^
While the popular party were busy in the Assem-
bly, in the clubs, and among the populace Reaction
of Paris, the court were smarting under the byThi'*'^'^
indignities to which the king had already """^ '
' ' Jamfiis les livres ne produiront une revolution durable, si Ton
n'y ajoute la parole publique. C'est elle seule qui porte et com-
munique la vie.' 'Si la seizieme siicle n'avait eu que dcs ecri-
vains, jamais il n'aurait enfantu la Refoniie. II fallut que les the-
ologiens devinssent missionnaires. Les livres de Luther, de Cal-
vin, de Zwingle firent des theologiens. Leur parole vivante re-
pot''c, oommentt'e par des orate urs emus, fit Ig revolution religieuse.'
— Edgar Quinet, La R'v. i. 73.
* Thiers, UinL de la Rev. Fr. i. 213, ii. 12 et seq. ; Carlyle, Ili^t. of
tJic Fr. Rev. b. ii. ch. 5.
3 ' The Paris Jacobins became the mother society, Pociote M^to ;
and had as many as three hundred shrill-tongued daughters iu direct
correspondence with her.'— Carlyle, Hid. of the Fr. Rev. b. ii. ch. 5.
7*
154 FEANCE.
been exposed, and the abasement of tlie nobles.
They were powerless in the Assembly ; and despaired
of recovering their position otherwise than by force.
The king still had an army. Why not leave Ver-
sailles, and, surrounded by his faithful soldiers, defy
his enemies, and trample down sedition ? Reaction
was again attempted by a display of military force
at Paris and Versailles ; and sinister rumours were
spread of a sudden dissolution of the Assembly, and
a couv d'etat. They were confirmed by the
The ban- -^ .
quetsof festivities of the kind's bodyguard at the
the kind's .
body" castle, in which the officers, with loud de-
oct. 1 and monstrations of loyalty, trampled upon the
' ' â– national cockades, and decked themselves
with the white cockade of the Bourbons. These
threats of military reaction, while they irritated and
alarmed the revolutionists, were not sufficient to over-
awe them. They were met by frantic excitement in
^ , , ,, Paris, by the celebrated march of the women
Oct. 5 and 6. ' -^
upon Versailles, by the invasion of the cas-
tle itself by a riotous mob, and by the enforced re-
moval of the king and his family to Paris.
The king was henceforth at the mercy of the mob.
The king Deprived of his guards, and at a distance
at Pans. from his army, he was in the centre of the
revolution ; and surrounded by an excited and hungry
populace. He was followed to Paris by the Assem-
bly ; and, for the present, was protected fi'om further
outrages by Lafayette and the national guards. Mira-
beau, who was now in secret communication with the
court, warned the king of his danger, in the midst of
the revolutionary capital. *The mob of Paris,' he
said, * will scourge the corpses of the king and queen.'
He saw no hope of safety for them, or for the State,
THE KING AT PAEIS. 155
but in their withdrawal from this i3ressing danger, to
Fontainebleau or Eoiien, and in a strong goyernment,
supijorted by the Assembly, pursuing liberal mea-
sures, and quelling anarch}-. His counsels were fr-us-
trated by events ; and the reyolution had advanced
too far to be controlled by this secret and suspected
adviser of the kiug.-^
Meanwhile, the Assembly was busy with further
schemes of revolution and desperate finance, other
France was divided into departments : the "fTh"°^
property of the Church was appropriated to '""^â„¢ ^'
meet the urgent necessities of the State : the disas-
trous assignats were issued : the subjection of the cler-
gy to the civil power was decreed : the Parliaments
were superseded, and the judicature of the country
was reconstituted, upon a popular basis : titles of
honour, orders of knighthood, armorial bear- j^^^^ „q
ings — even liveries — were abolished: the ^™°-
army was reorganised, and the privileges of birth were
made to yield to service and seniority.^ All French-
men were henceforth equal, as 'citoyens:' and their
new privileges were wildly celebrated by the plant-
ing of trees of liberty. The monarchy was still recog-
nised : but it stood alone, in the midst of revolution.
This new constitution was accepted by the king,
' The relations of Mirabeau with the court have since been fully
revealed in the interesting Corrcspondance entrc le Comtc de Mira-
beau et U Comte de la Marck pendant les annees 1789, 1790 et 1791.
Par M. de Bacourt, 1851. Mr. Reeve ' can discover no c\ndcncc of
the common, but conjectural belief, that if the life of Mirabeau had
V)een prolonged, it would have fared otherwise, with the French
revolution.' — Royal and RepvJIdican France, i. 230.
5 Thiers, IHd. i. 22G et Hc.q. It is to be noted that on Feb. 34, 1790,
the Constituent Assembly decreed the equal division of property,
among children, without a single protest on the part of the nobles.
156 FRANCE.
and consecrated by a pompous ceremony in the
Cliamp do Mars : but the revolution, as it
New con-
Btitution advanced, had raised hosts of enemies who
prdclaimcd. i • • • -n
Jaiy i-z, were combining to arrest it. Every power,
interest and privilege had been assailed ; and
the most powerful classes of society were arrayed
against it. The king had sworn to observe the new
constitution : but he found himself stripped of his
kingly attributes, separated from his friends, a pris-
oner in the midst of a jealous and turbulent mob, and
• exposed, at any moment, to insult and outrage. The
nobles had lost their power, their privileges and their
titles : the clergy their property and independence :
the provincial parliaments, judges and other function-
aries, their time-honoured jurisdictions : officers in the
army their birthright of promotion. And large bodies
of moderate and thoughtful men were alarmed by the
rapid movements of the revolution, the collapse of
every recognised authority, and the absorption of
power by popular municipalities, national guards,
revolutionary clubs, restless agitators, and a riotous
populace. The hasty and impulsive legislation of the
Assembly had spread anarchy throughout France.
In vain the nobles and the clergy attempted to stir
Forein-n aid ^P ^^^^ people, in the proviuces, against the
invoked. Assembly. With the country at large the
new laws were popular : they had redressed many
flagrant abuses, and had relieved the peasantry from
oppression and wrong. Nor had absentee nobles
much influence over neighbours and dependents, to
whom they were only known by their exactions.
Failing to arouse a sj)irit of reaction, within the king-
dom, the nobles began to cherish hopes of assistance
from abroad. Twice the display of an armed force
FOREIGN AID INVOKED. 157
had precipitated the king into deeper troubles : but if
his faithful troops could be supported by friendly
powers, and the reactionary party encouraged by for-
eign sympathies, the good cause might yet prevail.
With these hopes great numbers of the nobles began
to emigrate. Many, indeed, had already fled to save
their lives : their homes had been laid waste : their
families outraged.^ Surrounded by dangers, they
were powerless to save the king. If they submitted
without resistance to the revolution, they appeared to
acquiesce in it : if they attemj)ted to resist it, they
were denounced as rebels to the king, in whose name
it was conducted. They were glad to quit a country
in which their lives and property were in danger,
and where they had lost their dignity and influence.
They had bsen trained to arms, and hoped to return
at the head of triumjihant armies. They were invited
to serve the royal cause, by the king's nearest re-
latives, and foremost adherents, and were swayed
by the example of the flower of the French nobil-
ity. And if they were accused of appearing in arms
against their country, they replied that they were
supporting the king against his rebellious subjects.^
Nor were there wanting examples in the history of
France in which foreign aid had been invoked by
' Madame de Sta6l, in her Considerations sur la Rtwlution Fran-
raise, says : — ' jusqu'eii 1791, remigration ne fut provoquce par
aucune sorte de dangers, et qu'elle dut etre considi'rre conime une
ceuvre depart! ; tandisqu'en 1793, 1'emigration futn'ellement forcee.'
But their dangers had commenced in July 1790. See sitpra, p. 145.
" The best defence of the emigrants is to be found in Nettement,
Vie de Madame de la Rochejaquelein, 71 et scq. He says that even
Napoleon acknowledged that the emigrants ' merely obeyed the sum-
mons of their princes, whom they regarded as their captains-general.'
—Ibid. 73.
158 FRANCE.
political parties.^ But, whatever tlieir motives, tliey
left the king surrounded- by his dangerous enemies,
and exposed to the charge of waging war against his
country. The violence of parties threatened civil war
at home, while the emigrants were planning invasion
from abroad.
The political condition of Europe, indeed, favoured
Situation ^^® hopes of the emigrants. Kings had been
of Europe, appalled by the revolutionary movements of
a neighbouring country. Their ambition and rivalries
were for a time forgotten, and the Emperors of Austiia
and Eussia, and the Kings of Prussia and Sweden,
were regarding France as the common enemy of Eu-
rope.^ In England, not only the king, but the great
majority of the governing and educated classes, re-
sponding to the impassioned appeals of Edward
Burke, dreaded the revolution as a pressing danger.
To minds so prepared, the appeals of the emigrants
were not made in vain. A formidable confederacy of
European States^ was concerted against France ; and
crowds of distinguished emigrants assembled under
the banners of the Prince de Conde and the Count
d'Artois.
Meanwhile, the king was ill at ease in Paris. He
was little more than a State prisoner : he was not even
> ' Pendant la Ligue, les catholiques avaient pu s'appuyer sur les
Espagnols ; les Protestants sur les Allemands et les Anglais ; pen-
dant la Fronde, Conde avait donne la main aux Espagnols, et Mazarin
avait pu revenir avec une ai-nice d' Allemands, sans exciter I'indig-
nation que de pare illes alliances exciteraientaujourd'hui.' — Ibid. 74.
^ In May 1791 a convention was secretly signed between the king
and the Geraian emperor, providing for the invasion of France with
100,000 men in the following July.
^ Austria, Russia, Prussia, Spain, Sardinia, and Smtzerland. —
Mignet, Hist. i. 190 ct scq.
FLIGHT OF THE KING. 159
allowed to drive to his palace at St. Cloud : Lis queen
was exposed to insults and obloquy : lie was
111 • 1 1 1 • Kestraints
surrounaed by a riotous populace ; and, since mwu the
the decrees of the Assembly against the ^"^'
Church, he had become entirely estranged from the
revolution. His friends had long urged his flight;
and on one occasion had even attempted to carry him
off fi'om the Tuileries.^ The efforts of his troops, and
of his partisans and allies, could avail him little
while he continued in the hands of his enemies ;
and at length he fled. It was a bold scheme. Had
he eluded the vigilance of his j)ursuers, and placed
himself at the head of the armies of France piirrht of
— supported by his allies — he might yet have froai Paris.
overcome the revolution, and recovered his ^."^'If'
power. But his flight was clumsily carried ^â„¢^-
out. In a light caUche he might perhaps have es-
caped : but he chose a lumbering berlin, drawn by
eight horses, — at once slow and inviting suspicion.
His untoward arrest at Varennes proved fatal to him-
self and to the monarchy. He was suspended from
his functions by the Assembly : a guard was mounted
over him ; and the rei^ublican party now ojDenly
avowed its aims.
The relations of the king to the revolution, and to
his own people, were hopelessly changed. ji,.].jii^„g
He had fled to join the enemies of his coun- [;[ l\]'^_ J.^'^^.
try, to crush the revolution, and to restore ^""'^"•
the old regime. The revolutionary party were no
longer under any restraint, in exasperating popular
prejudices against tlie king. Even calm and mode-
rate citizens, who had not aided the revolution, were
• Miguet, Ilvit. i. 183.
IGO FRANCE.
shocked that the king should seek the aid of foreign-
ers against his own country : they dreaded the re-
newal of feudalism, and the triumph of the haughty
nobles. The revolution was still poj)ular with the
masses of the jDeople ; and all who had profited by it,
viewed with dismay an attempt to wrest from them
their recent gains, by force of arms. Were they to
pay tithes again? Were feudal rents and services
ac^ain to be wrung from them ? Were the Church
lands, which they had bought cheap, to be restored ?
In truth, the king's ill-omened flight united all classes,
except the nobles and the clergy, against himself,
and in support of the revolution.
The king had been thus laid low, and the revolu-
tionists elated, when the Emperor of Austria and the
King of Prussia issued the memorable decla-
tionof'" ration of Pilnitz, in which they demanded
Piliiitz .
July 2?, that the king should be restored to power
and freedom, and the Assembly dissolved,
under pain of an immediate invasion.^ Need it be
said, that so haughty a dictation to a great people
aroused indignation and a determined spirit of re-
sistance, instead of submission? The king's cause
was gravely compromised by the indiscretion of his
friends.
Another step in the progress of the revolution was
about to be made. The Constituent Assem-
forthenew bly, lu a false spirit of self-denial, had de-
creed that no member of the Assembly
should be capable of re-election, or of accepting, for
four years, any office from the king.^ Nothing could
' Mignet, Hist. i. 204.
^ Mirabeau had insisted, in the Assembly, that deputies should be
able to hold offices in the government, in order to bring ministers
ELECTIONS FOE THE NEW ASSEMBLY. 161
have been more fatal to tlie stability of tlie laws and
policy of France. The Assembly had consummated a
great revolution : but it comprised many statesmen
and patriots ; and the majority were disposed to mode-
rate councils. It had represented the sentiments
of the middle classes rather than of the multitude :
it had aimed at the redress of grievances and con-
stitutional reforms, and not at revolution ; and it had
striven to maintain order, and moderate the violence
of extreme parties. But now an assembly of new
men, without experience, or the responsibilities of a
tried public life, was to be summoned, under an ex-
tended franchise. No State can break safely with the
past ; and such was the condition of France in the
very throes of a revolution. Not less injurious was the
exclusion of ministers of the Crown from seats in the
National Assembly. No single measure could have
contributed so much to bring the executive govern-
ment into harmony with the legislature, as the choice
of the foremost men of the majority as ministers, and
the ascendency of their influence and eloquence in
the Assembly.^ At the same time, Lafayette resigned
the command of the National Guard ; and Bailly,
the mayoralty of Paris. Both had lately striven to
maintain order in the capital; and their retirement
increased the perils of the king. The future was
dark : but every circumstance seemed to be conspiring
against him.
into bamiony with the legislature ; but the Assembly, wishing to
weaken the government, and jealous of Mirabeau, Avho was suspected
of aspiring to power, determined otherwise. — Von Sybel, Hist. i.
137, 149.
' See some excellent remarks upon this question in the Quarterly
Uevicii}, July 1872, p. 48.
162 FEANCE.
The new 'National Legislative Assembly' met on
October 1, 1791. Its constitution was natu-
Lcgi^ative rally more democratic than tbat of tlie late
Assembly, ^gggj^l^^jy^ The nobilit}^ and the clergy, rely-
ing upon help from abroad, had not cared to use their
influence in the elections ; and accordingly there was
no party in favour of the old regime. The most con-
servative party was that of the Feuillants, who were
prepared to maintain the constitution lately decreed.
The Girondists, so called from their eminent leaders
Yergniaud, Guadet, and others who represented the
Gironde, were more advanced : but, in the main, were
adverse to extreme measures.^ There was a third
party, far more democratic, sometimes acting with the
Girondists in the Assembly, but closely allied with
Robespierre and the Jacobins, Danton and the Corde-
liers, and the Parisian demagogues. The two latter
parties, both favouring democracy, together formed a
large majority in the Assembly. These parties were
distinguished as the right, the centre, and the left ;
the extreme section of the latter being afterwards
known as the Mountain.^
The early relations of the Assembly with the king
were unfriendly. His Majesty received its
Its relations p ■. • i- i m i i i i.'i
^dth the formal communications coldly and naughtily ;
^'^' and the Assembly retorted by voting that,
on coming to the Chamber, the king should have a
chair, like that of the President, instead of the royal
tlirone, and should not be addressed as ' sire ' or ' his
majesty.' This insulting vote, however — agreed to in
a sudden fit of ill-humour — ^was revoked the next day,
' Von Sybel represents them as far more democratic tlian they
would appear, from other authorities, to have been. — Hist. i. 814
€t seq. "^ Cut of 745 members no less than 400 were lawyers.
POSITION OF THE KING. 163
and the king was received â– vritli the accustomed cere-
monies. He was greeted with cordial acclamations,
and his conciliatory speech was well calculated to
bring the throne and the Assembly into friendly ac-
cord. This result was desired by the ting himself,
by his ministers, and by the Feuillants, or constitu-
tional party in the Assembly, to which they belonged.
But it was rendered hopeless by the court, the emi-
grants, the armed coalition, and the clergy on one
side, and the more advanced parties on the other.
What was the ]position of the king himself? He
had sworn to observe the new constitution, position of
to which he had assented : but his family, and *'"^ '^'"s-
most zealous personal friends had protested against it,
as a surrender of the rights of his crown. His nearest
relatives, and the first nobles of the land, were in arms
against their country, in order to recover his preroga-
tives; and crowds of emigrants were on their way,
to serve under their standards. Upwards of fifteen
thousand had assembled, at Coblentz: officers from
the king's army had joined them : arms were being
forged for them at Liege: horses were bought to
mount their cavalry in the German fairs :• an army of
Frenchmen was threatening the frontiers of France,
and its leaders were loud in their cries for vengeance.
His cause was espoused by an armed coalition of pow-
erful allies, who were preparing to invade his realm.
By his flight, he had shown his repugnance to the
revolution, if not his sympathy with the enemies of
his country.
Such being his relations with the party of reaction,
he was soon brought into conflict with the
Assembly. That body, in preparing for the witii the
defence of the State, could not overlook the
104 FRANCE.
emigrants, or tlie disaffected nonjuring priests, wlio
were fomenting disorders in tlie provinces. Three de-
crees were accordingly passed : the first required the
king's eldest brother, Monsieur, to return to France
on pain of forfeiting the regency : the second was
directed against the emigrants assembled on the fron-
tier ; and the third against the nonjuring priests. To
the first of these decrees the king assented; to the
second and third he signified his veto. But, at the
instance of the Assembly, he called upon the German
princes to repress the hostile assemblage of French
emigrants in their States, or otherwise threatened
them with war. He further gratified the Assembly
by choosing a new ministry from the Girondist party,
which, by the remarkable eloquence of its leaders, and
by its holding more advanced opinions than the con-
stitutionalists, for the time, commanded a majority.^
Upon the advice of his new ministers, he proposed to
War with ^^^^ Assembly to declare war against Austria.
Austria. rj\^Q jj^jjjg .^^s thus drawu into a war against
his own friends : but it availed him nothing with his
people. It was destined to complete the triumph of
the revolution, and to precipitate his fall. "War had
been originally provoked by the king's friends, in
order to repress the revolution : ^ but its mission was
to propagate democracy throughout Europe.
' Tlie court sneered at it as the sans-culotte ministry.
^ Most historians concur in this view : but Von Sybel says, ' The
war was begun by the Gironde to do away with the monarchical
constitution of 1789 ; ' and he treats the combination of the king, the
emigres, and the foreign powers as a mere pretext to secure the
support of the people. — Hist, of Fr. Rev. i. 381. He furthers says,
' the whole future policy of the Gironde was comprehended in this
debate (Dec. 17, 1791). War in all directions, without regard to the
law of nations ; and by means of war, the revolutionary rule over
WAR WITH AUSTFJA. 165
The commencemeut of the war was disastrous to the
French arms ; and the Jacobins saw in sue- Disasters
cessive defeats the treachery of reactionists, ° ^ °^''^'^'
and complicity with the invaders. The Assembly
voted its sittings permanent, disbanded the king's
guard, decreed the formation of an army of 20,000
men in Paris, and armed the people with pikes.
And, to discourage internal troubles, it decreed the
banishment of the nonjuring priests. The king dis-
missed his ministers, and refused his assent to the
decrees relating to the army of Paris, and the priests.
Again he resorted to the constitutional party, which
was weaker than ever. Its restoration to power re-
vived the hopes of the reactionists : while it threw
the Girondists more into the hands of the Jacobins.
Their intentions were not yet hostile to the mon-
archy : but, in order to recover power, they allied
'themselves with the people, and adopted the tactics
of the Mountain.
The population had been incited to petition in
favour of the late decrees ; and on June „.
. . Riotou8
20, a tumultuous assemblage of petitioners mob of
' , . petitioners.
marched to the Hall of the Assembly. A jnneao,
deputation was admitted, and after a violent
speech from its spokesman, the whole mob of peti-
tioners, numbering 30,000, — men, women, and chil-
dren, — some carrying revolutionary flags and em-
blems, others armed with pikes, and shouting popular
watchwords, were allowed to file through tlie hall.
Such a degradation of the Assembly showed, but too
clearly, that legitimate authority was to be over-
borne by the violence of the populace. The mob,
France, and the extension of the revolution throughout tlie neigh-
bouring States. '--Ibid. 394.
166 FRANCE.
tlius encouraged, marclied on to the king's palace,
forced their way into the royal apartments, and
passed noisily before his majesty, demanding his
sanction to the decrees of the Assembly. With calm-
ness and dignity, he declined to pledge himself to
grant the prayer of the petition : but he appeased
their clamours by putting on a red cap of liberty,
which was handed to him on the top of a pike.^
Such outrages as these caused an apparent reac-
Partiaire- tiou in favour of the king, which Lafayette
action. ^^^ ^YiQ constitutional party endeavoured to
turn to account : but they received no encourage-
ment from the court, which now cherished more hope
from its allies abroad, than from any party at home.
Meanwhile the Girondists were daily becoming more
hostile to the court : the relations of the king with
the enemies of his country were openly denounced ;
and his deposition was not obscurely threatened.*
The The Assembly declared the country in dan-
cLarc'dm^^ ger, and called the people to arms. The
anger. revolution was now identified with the de-
fence of the country. The king was declared to be in
league with the enemies of France ; and both must
be resisted by an uprising of the people.
At this perilous conjuncture, the Duke of Bruns-
Tho Duke "wick, who Commanded the confederate army,
\t^ck-'s"'^ issued an extravagant manifesto, — more in-
juiyis^'^' jurious to the monarchy than any of the
^'''•'^- machinations of its enemies. In the name
' Of June 20 Edgar Quinet says : — ' La journee du 20 Juin avait
laisse en lui (le roi) une elevation morale, qu'il garda jusqu'a la fin,
et qui le livra, les mains liees, a la Revolution. L'liomme gran-
dit, le Chretien se montra, et le prince f ut perdu. ' — La Bivolution,
i. 386.
INSUKRECTION m PARIS. 167
of tiie Emj)eror of Austria, and the King of Prussia,
he declared that the allies were marching to juiyss,
put down anarchy in France, and to restore ^''^~'
the king to his rights and liberty. He threatened
vengeance upon any towns which should dare to de-
fend themselves, and especially upon Paris, which
would be given up to destruction. All the members
of the Assembly, and other functionaries, were to be
Judged by military law. To complete the insults of
this missive, the people of Paris were promised that,
if they obeyed these haughty mandates, the great
potentates would intercede with the king for the par-
don of their offences !
This ill-judged manifesto, identifying the king
throughout with the invasion, and chiding
and scolding a great people like children, twniu
was the deathblow of the monarchy. The Ausnkio,
1792.
Girondists were now prepared to depose the
king, by a vote of the Assembly: but the Jacobins
were bent upon more violent measures, and organised
an insurrection in the capital. The faubourgs were
armed : the national guard was deprived of ammu-
nition : impassioned federes from Marseilles, and other
cities, inflamed the popular excitement; while the as-
semblies of the sections of Paris, sitting en permanence^
voted the deposition of the king, and sent commis-
sioners to the Hotel de Ville, to supersede the muni-
cipality, as a new commune.
On August 10, the insurgents marched against the
Tuileries ; and the troops and national guards showed
themselves unwilling to defend the palace. In this
imminent danger, the king, accompanied by the queen,
sought protection in the hall of the Assembly, saying
that he came to prevent a great crime. After the king
168 FRANCE.
had left tlie palace, it was assailed by the insurgents,
his Swiss guards were massacred, and the royal apart-
ments overrun by a howling mob. The assailants led
to this decisive outrage were but a few thousand : but
when the deed was done, they were joined by the popu-
lace of Paris. A knot of conspirators, with their re-
solute band of ruffians, were able to overthrow the
monarchy of Franco.^ The revolution, which had com-
menced in the discontents of the country, was con-
summated by the violence of a mob, fi-om the streets
of Paris. The Assembly was immediately besieged
by importunate deputations, insisting upon the depo-
sition of the king. These demands were acceded to
by the suspension of the king, the restoration of the
Girondists to power, and the convocation of a national
convention.
The unhappy king, to whom every stage of the
The kill- revolution brought yet darker troubles, was
TemTe""^ scut to the Temple as a prisouer. The 20th
of June had overthrown the authority of the
Assembly : the 10th August completed its ruin. The
king was cast down, and the authority of the Assem-
The com ^^^ ^^^ rapidly passing into the hands of the
Tads ""^ commune of Paris. Tliis revolutionary body
usurped power in the name of the people,
and, with the aid of the sections and the mob, dictated
1 1
' Au moment du combat, il n'y avait guere parmi les assaillants
que trois mille hommes ; apres le succes, ce fut un peuple immense.
Des poignees d'hommes decidaient de tout. Plus tard, quand cette
tete fut detruite, il resta, comme par le passe, une nation etonnee de
ce qU'elle avait fait, prete a renier ses guides.'
' L'ame vivante de la revolution etait dans un petit nombre : voila
pourquoi la nation s'en est si vite lassce. Elle suivait les audaces de
quelques-uns, passive encore jusque dans ses plus fieres revoltes.'—
Edgar Quinet, La Revolution, i. 303.
THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES. 169
its will to the Assembly. Its leaders, the Jacobins,
were now masters of France. The commune had
insisted upon the imprisonment of the king in the
Temple ; and now it decreed the removal of the
statues of the kings and the destruction of every em-
blem of the monarchy ; and it forced the Assembly
to appoint an extraordinary criminal tribunal. Sus-
pected persons were arrested and put upon their trial
by the sectional assemblies. The revolutionary army
of Paris was increased to 100,000 men : the democracy
of the capital was armed, and disciplined to do the
bidding of its leaders. The bourgeoisie of the national
guard was generally disarmed. The property of the
emigrants was confiscated. All ground rents were
abolished as feudal dues. The church plate was
seized and melted, for the use of the commune. Dan-
ton was the leading spirit of the commune, and with
him were associated Marat, Tallien, and others who
became memorable in the blood-stained history of
the revolution. These desperate leaders knew that
the revolutionary party formed a minority of tlie
French people, and were resolved to overcome the
majority by terror.^
At length the Prussians had crossed the frontier,
and were advancing towards Paris. While
, Pie 1 • T T-i Massacres
schemes oi deience were being discussed, it of sent.
1792
was the terrible Danton who first proposed
' At this very time, wlien the revolution appeared victorious, Dan-
ton said, 'Le 10 aout a divise la France en deux partis, dont I'un
est attache a la royaute, et I'autre veut la republiquo. Celui-ci,
dont vous ne pouvez vous dissimuler I'extrrme minorite dans I'Etat,
est le seul sur lequel vous puissiez coriipter pour combattro.' —
Mignet, i. oOl : thus admitting that the republicans were in a mino-
rity.
vol.. IT.- 8
170 TEANCE.
to subdue the royalists by terror, and to enlist tlie
wild and maddened spirit of tlie revolution in defence
of France. Tlie commune, carried out his scheme of
intimidation, by domiciliary visits, by constant arrests,
and, lastly, by the wholesale massacre of the royalists
confined in the various prisons. It was the com-
mencement of that reign of terror to which so many
Frenchmen fell victims, and which ultimately avenged
them by the punishment of its authors. Terror was
not confined to Paris: but commissioners were des-
patched into the provinces, with instructions ' to let
the blood of all traitors be the first sacrifice offered
up to liberty, so that when we march against our
enemies, we may leave none behind to molest us.' ^
These atrocious massacres were executed by a mere
handful of wretches, who did the bidding of Danton
and Marat ; and Paris, surprised and stupefied with
terror, remained a passive witness of murders which
public indignation ought to have arrested.^ The com-
mune of Paris publicly avov/ed these monstrous
crimes, saying that ferocious conspirators, detained in
the prisons, had been put to death by the people, and
inviting the Vv^hole nation to imitate their ex-
Milit.irv „_
spirit of the ample. To resist the invasion the tocsin was
nation. ^
sounded, cannon were fired, and masses of
armed men were reviewed on the Champ de Mars,
and despatched to the frontier. The revolution was
supreme, and the invasion was repelled.^ No one will
' Circular of Danton : Blondier-Langlois, i. 2G2.
'^ These horrors are fully described in Thiers, Hist, de la Rev. P/\
ii. ch. G.
2 It was about this time that Danton said, ' II nous faut de I'au-
dace, et encore de I'audace, et toujours de I'audace.' — Moniteur,
Hist. Pari. xvi. 347 ; Thiers, Hist, ii, 316.
ABOLITION OF THE MOKiKCHy. 171
now be persuaded tliat this cruel and wicked system
of terror was necessary for tlie defence of France from
her foreign enemies : the national enthusiasm might
have been aroused by worthier means : but its terrible
efficacy cannot be questioned. Internal resistance to
the prosecution of the war was crushed : the royalists
were overawed ; and a wild and passionate enthusiasm
was excited in the revolutionary party. The irresistible
powers of the democracy were yet to be develoi^ed : but
this first essay revealed its capabilities.
The revolution was now to advance with giant
strides. Violence and terror had been used
throughout France to secure the return of of the
revolutionary candidates to the National s.pt. 2u, '
Convention. The Parisian deputies were all
ultra-democratic : but in the provinces, candidates of
the moderate parties, notwithstanding every discour-
agement, very generally prevailed. The great major-
ity of the convention, however, were republicans.
That the extreme party were in a minority was con-
fessed. * All France is against us,' cried the younger
Bobespierre, in the Jacobin Club : ' our only hope is
in the citizens of Paris.' And proofs abound that, in
every period of the revolution, the party of order,
throughout France, and even in Paris itself, was sup-
ported by a majority of the people.^ The first act of
the National Convention was to abolish the monarchy
and proclaim a republic. Its revolutionary enthusi-
asm, and contempt for the past, were further dis-
played by decreeing that henceforth the revolution
' See supra, 168, 1G9 ; tn/r«, 205-211 ; Mortimer-Ternaux, Uistoire
de la Terreur, 1792-1794 ; Adolplie Sclimidt, Tableaux de Id lir volu-
tion Franraise ; Dauban, La Dcmagoyie, en 1793, a Paris ; et Paris
en 1794 et 1795.
172 FEANCE.
should date from tlie first year of tlie French repub-
lic.^
The Girondists, advancing with the revolutionary
rp,,g passion of the times, had now become repub-
Giioiidists. licans : but the ideal of this refined and in-
tellectual party was a republic governed by capable
statesmen, and resting upon the intelligence and patri-
otism of the most enlightened classes.^ They had no
sympathy with the ignorance and passions of the pop-
ulace, and they revolted from cruelty and bloodshed.
But the time had passed for the trial of a philoso-
phical republic. This party had, indeed, a majority
in the convention : but there was little earnestness,
and neither party organisation nor discipline. They
were also too far compromised by their share in the
revolution to be able to arrest its progress. Their
sympathy with the revolution was colder than that of
the Mountain, and consequently less popular : while
it went far enough to precipitate the greatest events
of this momentous time.
Their dangerous rivals, the Mountain, cared little
,p,^3 for the votes of the convention. Their reli-
Mountain. ^^qq ^^^g upon the commuue of Paris, upon
the Jacobins, and the populace of the faubourgs.
' Up till this time, 1793 was the fourth year of liberty : the year
of our Lord having been discontinued in 1789.
^ ' lis se proposaient de faire une constitution repnblicaine, a;
I'image de cette seule classe devant laquelle venaient de s'evanouir
la royaute, I'eglise et I'aristocratie. Sous le nom de republique, ils
sous-entendaient le r6gne des lumifires, des vertus, de la propriete,
des talents, dont leur classe avait desormais le privilege.' — Lamar-
tiue, Hist, des Oirondins, iv. 90.
' Ce parti . . . ne voulait pas la republique qui lui echut en 1793 ;
il la revait avec tous ses prestiges, avee ses vertus, et ses mceurs
sev^res.' — Thiers, Ilist. ii. 13.
GIRONDISTS AND JACOBINS. 173
Tlie commune ruled the capital, and the capital domi-
nated over France. If the Mountain v/as in a minority
in the chamber, it could rely upon the acclamations of
the galleries, upon savage threats to its opjjonents ;
and upon the clubs, and armed mobs of Paris. The
time had passed when eloquence, or reason, or the
votes of the representatives of the people, were to guide
the councils of the State. The destinies of France
were in the hands of those who swayed the revolu-
tionary i:)roUtaires} The leaders of this redoubtable
party were the too notorious Danton, Eobespierre, and
Marat. Of Robespierre it has been well said by a
thoughtful historian, that he owed it to his inferior
abilities that he apj)eared among the last of the revo-
lutionary leaders — a great advantage in a revolution ; ^
for the earlier leaders are certain to be swej)t away.
These two parties were jealous and hostile : their
principles and their ambition alike brought ,p^g ^^^.^
them into conflict. The Girondists, utterly paries.
condemning the September massacres, denounced the
blood-stained democrats who had brought them about.
They strove at once to discourage such revolutionary
excesses, and to overthrow the rival party which had
been guilty of them. They appealed to the better
feelings of the country, in the hope of conducting the
new republic upon principles of moderation and jus-
tice. There was a third and intermediate party in the
convention, called the Plain, which sided now with the
right and now with the left, according to their convic-
tions, or their fears. Such a party has been common
' ' Les clubs acquii-rent a ccttc cpoqiie une plus grande importance.
Agitatours sous la constituanto, ils dcvinreiit dominatcurs sous la
legislative.' — Ibid.
" Mignet, Uifst. dc la Rev. i. 323.
174 FEANCE.
to most popular assemblies ; and its action lias gene-
rally been more mischievous than useful.
Upon one point all parties were agreed. "Whatever
their domestic policy, they equally favoured
Eevolution- ,â– , . p . , , . ,
ary piopa- the Waging oi wars against kings, and a cru-
sade in support of republicanism, and the
rights of man, in concert with the oppressed nations
of Europe. This was the popular cry of the commune
and the faubourgs ; and no party could hope for tole-
ration unless they joined in it. The Girondists, as
authors of the war, were not less zealous than the
Mountain, in the revolutionary war-cry. The Jaco-
bins encouraged it, as strengthening the revolution,
and uniting different parties in its cause, which were
Qpj j9 otherwise moderate or reactionary. This pas-
1793. gJQjj -fQj. y^Q^y. ^g^g further encouraged by the
desperate state of the finances. The property of the
Church, and of the emigrants, had been sold; and
even their bankers were ordered, under pain of death,
to take to the exchequer all their effects and papers.
Assignats had been recklessly multiplied: but still
the exchequer was empty. It was now time to levy
contributions upon other countries ; and the armies of
victorious France were to be supported by the enfran-
chised peoples of Belgium, Holland, and Germany.
In November the convention declared that France
j^„^. jg offered her help to all nations who were
17112. struggling for freedom ; and that her generals
should be ready to support them. This decree was
ordered to be translated into all languages, and distri-
buted among the peoples.^ In reply to deputations
from Nice and Savoy, Gregoire, the president of the
» Monitcur (1792). 1379.
THE king's TIIL\L. 175
conrention, said: 'All governments are our enemies:
all peoples are our allies : we shall fall, or all nations
will be free.'
But in what sense this promising alliance was to be
carried out was soon disclosed by another j^^^ ^g
decree of the convention. It was decreed ^'^s^-
that the conditions of French military aid should
be the abolition of taxes, tithes, feudal rights, titles,
and all other privileges : the confiscation of the pro-
perty of the State, of corporations, and of royalists :
the administration of the government by French com-
missioners ; and the maintenance of the French armies,
at the cost of the rescued people.^
But the Mountain were preparing a stroke, which
should give a decisive impulse to the revolu- T,^eMoun-
tion, and frustrate the policy of their rivals, [he'^t^hi^of
In the revolutionary clubs and coteries, the ^^^ ^^°-
fate of the unhappy king had been discussed ynth
ominous severity : petitions were presented to the con-
vention calling for vengeance upon Louis Capet; and
the Jacobins were stirring up the people to cry aloud
for his blood.
The popular anger against him was further inflamed
by the discovery of papers at the Tuileries, Discovery
which betrayed his secret relations with the at thi"^'^^
emigrants, the priests, and the coalition. He "' ^"*^'''
was accused, in a report to the convention, of having
plotted to betray the State, and overthrow the Revo-
lution. Evidence was also discovered of liis previous
intrigues with Mirabeau, and other pojjular leaders.^
' Ihirl. (1702), 1496.
* Thiers, Hist. ii. 197. Von Sybel casts doubts upon this part of
the case ; and gives it a secondary ini])ortanco (ii. 2C5). Danton
had aroused suspicions as to tho good faith of these discoveries by
176 FRANCE.
The momentous question was now proposed to tlie
Discussions Convention — What should be done with the
warof'"^ illustrious prisoner at the Temple? Such
^ '""â– was the state of public feeling, and such the
constitution of the convention, that none were found
bold enough to defend the king, and justify his con-
duct. A committee reported that the king ought to
be tried by the convention. The Girondists,
of the however, endeavoured to save him fi'om a
Girondists, . • i l i • -i t i i
trial, upon tecnnical grounds , and pro-
posed to consider whether he should be continued in
captivity, or banished the realm.
The Mountain, represented by St. Just and Robes-
and of the pierre, contended, with characteristic vio-
lence, that Louis was not an accused person,
nor the convention his judges, but that he stood
already adjudged and condemned ; and that nothing
remained for the convention but to decree his death,
as a traitor to France, and a criminal to humanity.
So monstrous a proposal was naturally repugnant to
the great majority of the convention : but it gratified
the revolutionists of Paris, and increased the em-
barrassment of those who were attempting to save
the king. Ultimately, the majority chose the middle
course, and following the opinion of its own commit-
tee, resolved that the king should be brought to trial
before the convention itself.
Never did the king acquit himself with greater
dignity and courage than when his deepest
conduct of troubles were gathering round about him.
the king. <^ o
Summoned to the bar of the convention, he
going alone to open the iron armoury, in wliich the papers were
concealed.
' The conduct of the Girondists, throughout these proceedings, is
fully described by Lamartiiie, Hist, des Giroiidins, liv. xxxvii.
THE KING CONDEMNED. 177
answered tlie questions put to him calml}^, and with
singular readiness and judgment. He asked for coun-
sel, and his demand was granted. To Malesherbes,
who had offered to undertake this perilous office,
Louis said nobly, in prison, ' I am certain they will
take my life : but, no matter, let us apply ourselves
to my cause, as if I ought to gain it ; and, indeed,
I shall gain it, since my memory will be without a
stain. '
His defence was delivered by Deseze,^ a distin-
guished young advocate ; and nothing was nis
wanting to persuade a just tribunal, — not '■''^^^^•
under the influence of fear, and revolutionary zeal, —
that his reign had been one of beneficence to his peo-
ple, and that none of his acts could be adjudged as
crimes against the State.
The Girondists could still have saved him ; —
but they were irresolute, temporising, and Aci,iudgcd
alarmed.^ The Mountain were, as usual, ^"'"^•
loud and threatening : the galleries were crowded
with armed Jacobins ; and the multitude, thronging
the courts and corridors of the convention, clamoured
for vengeance. After many days,^ the Convention
unanimously pronounced him guilty : but some, in
the hope of saving him, proposed that his punish-
ment should be referred to tlie primary electoral as-
' Malesherbes was too old and nervous to speak before the Conven-
. tion. Target declined the arduous task, on account of ill health:
but published a pamphlet in support of the king ; and so the de-
fence fell to Desc'ze.
'^ When Vergniaud pronounced 'La mart,' Danton whispered to
Brissot, 'Vantez done vos orateurs. Des paroles sublimes, des actes
luches.' — Lamartlne, Hist, des Qirondins, v. 60.
* The proceedings upon this trial commenced on December 26, and
were not brought to a close until January 19.
8"-
178 FKANCE.
semLlies : some desired his imprisonment or banish-
ment : others, chiefly Girondists, were for passing
sentence of death, with a reprieve. When the votes
were taken, sentence of death was declared by a ma-
jority of twenty-six. Many had voted in the hoi)e of
securing a reprieve : but this was rejected ; and the
dread sentence was at once pronounced.
The judgment was not that of a court of justice, nor
the srave vote of a popular assembly : but it
C'liinionr
and intimi- -^as secured by clamour and intimidation,
datioii. "^ 1 1 J • p
inside and outside the chamber,^ lasting lor
many days, and organised by the Jacobins. The
Mountain exulted, but the great body of the people
mourned. In vain, however, were all sympathies with
the fallen monarch. The blow had been dealt so sud-
denly, that loyal subjects and peaceful citizens were
stunned by its shock.^
The unhappy Louis was doomed to die, not for
crimes which he had committed, but to advance the
fierce designs of the Jacobins. They had resolved to
Aims of the crush their enemies by terror ; and the royal-
jucobius. jg^g were stricken by the same blow as the
king. They sought to triumph over the Girondists
and moderate republicans, by appealing to the wildest
passions of the revolution ; and by this audacious
' ' Les tribunes accueillaient par des murmures tout vote qui
n'etait point pour la mort ; souvent elles adressaient ii I'assemLlee
ellememe des gestes mena^ants. Les deputes y repondaient de"
Finterieur de la salle, et il en resultait un echange tumultueux de
menaces, et de paroles injurieuses.' — Thiers, Hist. iii. 252.
* ' Dans Paris regnait une stupeur profonde ; I'audace du nouveau
gouvernement avait produit I'effet ordinaire de la force sur les
masses ; elle avait paralyse, rt'duit a silence le plus grand nombre,
"et excite seulement I'indignation de quelques ames plus fortes.'
—Ibid. ui. 260.
EXECUTION OF THE KING. 179
deed, tliey liurled defiance at tlie sovereigns wlio had
espoused tlie cause of the fallen king, and committed
the French nation irrevocably to the yvm: It was by
terror that they designed to overawe hostile majori-
ties, to gratify the democracy of Paris, and to lay
France at their feet.
The weakness of the Girondists had cost the kincr
Lis life ; and in quailing before the lawless
. .. „ ,, 1 i- ,1 . Weakness
spirit oi the revolution, they were preparinfic "•". "'^â–
tor themselves the same inevitable doom.
Louis met his cruel fate with calmness and dignity,
and with a clear conscience. To Malesherbes Execution
he said, 'I sv/ear to you, in all the truth of jau''iif"^- a ^^
my heart, as a man who is about to appear ^^^'^- io«^»^ '^
before his God, — I have constantly desired the happi-
ness of my people, and never have I formed a wish
which was opposed to it.'
Among the long roll of kings, of modern Europe,
few have been distinguished by more virtues, ^j^
or stained by less vices. The revolution was character,
caused by no faults of his ; and if moderation and self-
denial could have averted it, they were found in his
gentle rule. In such evil times, more force of charac-
ter, and a greater mastery over his friends and coun-
cillors, would have served him better than all his
virtues : but the revolution was an irresistible force,
wliich probably no firmness or sagacity could have
checked, or diverted from its fearful course.
CHAPTER XIV.
FEANCE (continued).
TRIUMPH OF THE MOUNTAIN — MEASURES OF DEFENCE AGAINST THE
COALITION — OVERTHROW OF THE GIRONDISTS — THE CONVENTION
AND THE PEOPLE — REVOLUTIONARY VIGOUR — THE REIGN OF
TERROR — FALL OF ROBESPIERRE — REACTION — THE DIRECTORY —
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ARMY — FIRST CONSUL AND EM-
PEROR — HIS FALL — RESULTS OF THE REVOLUTION.
The execution of tlie king was a national crime, and,
in tlie interests of France, a political error :
of'th^'^ but it was a crowning triumph to the revolu-
tionists. Tlieir dread policy had prevailed,
and the ascendency of the Mountain was assured.
France was irrevocably committed to the revolution,
and to the impassioned rule of its leaders. These
desperate men, having shocked all but their own
headstrong followers, and defied Europe, were driven
to rely more than ever upon violent courses, and upon
the passions of the multitude. In the words of Marat,
'They had broken down the bridges behind them.'
And their hands were strengthened by the dangers
which threatened their country. The coali-
tion against tiou, wliicli had received a fresh impulse
from the defiant attitude of France, enabled
them to appeal to the frenzy and fanaticism of the
populace. Their country must be defended against
MEASUEES OF DEFENCE. 181
the invaders : tlie aristocrats wlio conspired witli tliem,
must be put down : the entire nation-must rise in the
names of ' Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity : ' the
law must bow before the will of the people.
France was compassed round about by foreign ene-
mies. Eno;land had, at length, ioined the ^.r
o ' o ' J Measures of
coalition : ^ Holland, Spain, the Eoman States, defence.
and Naples had taken the same side : all Germany
was now united against the republic. The convention
decreed a new lev^' of 300,000 men ; and, under pre-
tence of maintaining security at home against the
enemies of the revolution, the Mountain secured the
nomination of a revolutionary tribunal of nine mem-
bers, with undefined powers, — an evil augury to the
future of the revolution.^ The army was revolution-
ised by the fusion of the volunteers with the regular
army, and by the election of two-thirds of the officers
by the soldiers themselves. General Dumouriez, at
first victorious in Belcjium, suffered si<:;;nal reverses in
Holland. The latter were ascribed, by the Jacobins,
to the treachery and incompetence of the Girondists
' This war was not sought by England. After the king had been
cast into prison, she had withdrawn her ambassador from Paris, but
with assurances that she had no desire to interfere in the internal
affairs of France ; and, notwithstanding grave provocations, these
assurances were afterwards repeated. The French ambassador, M.
de Chauvelin, was not ordered to quit London until after the execu-
tion of the king and the marching of a French army upon Holland :
when, on Feb. 1, 1793, war was declared by France herself, not by
England. Such was the attitude of France towards other States,
that war could not have been long averted : but the blame of this
rupture cannot justly be laid upon England. See Von Sybel, lUd.
ii. 246 et seq. ; Thiers, JIxHt. iii. 283.
' Ministers, generals, and members of the convention were ex-
empted from its jurisdiction, unless impeached by that body it-
self.
182 FRANCE.
and tlieir generals, who were held up to popular exe-
March 10, cration. The Jacobins were so impatient to
1793. p^jjj their rivals that they even conspired to
take their lives in the convention : but their infamous
conspiracy was frustrated.^ Untaught by recent ex-
The perience, the Girondists still hoped to main-
Girondists. ^g^^ their ground by noble sentiments and
fine speeches : while the Mountain rested upon the
commune, the clubs, the sections of Paris, the tocsin,
and an armed populace. It was an unequal strife be-
tween words and force :^ but throughout their perilous
struggle, the Girondists maintained a lofty courage,
and defied their truculent foes, in the heroic strains
of Roman patriots.
Every danger to the State afforded a new power to
the revolution. The insurrection of La Yen-
Committee , , p n n i . ,
of Public dee was lollowed by severe measures against
Sclfctv
the j)riests and emigrants, who were placed
out of the pale of the law. The alarming defection of
Dumouriez led to the appointment of the Committee
of Public Safety.
The battle of jDarties was rapidly approaching a
The strife of crisis. The Jacobins accused the Girondists
parties. ^f being in league with the traitor Dumou-
riez. The convention, besieged and threatened by the
mob, resolved to jDut down the commune, by whom
these disorders had been encourafjed. A committee
o
' In liis eloquent denunciation of this conspiracy Vergniaud finely
said, with the spirit of a prophet, ' Citoyens, il est a. craindre que
la revolution, coinme Saturne, ne devore successivement tous ses
enfans, et n'engendre enfin le despotisme avec les calamites qui
raccompagnent.' — Buzot, Mem. 107 ; Mignet, Ilist. i. 375.
* Danton said of them, ' Ce sont de beaux diseurs, et gens de pro-
cedes, Mais ils n'ont jamais portc que la plume, et le baton d'huis-
sier.' — Mem. de Baudot, quoted by Edgar Quinet, i. 303.
THE CONVENTION EITFADED EY THE MOB. 183
of twelve was appointed to inquire into the authors
of these conspiracies ; and Hebert, an active member
of the commune, was arrested. This vigour â„¢
' _ o Theconven-
on the part of the convention, was resisted ''^dcjib
by insurrection. The commune, attended by "'" â„¢"'^-
deputations fiom different sections of Paris, and by a
revolutionary mob, invested the convention. Insist-
ing upon the dissolution of the committee of ^j.,^, g-
twelve, and the release of Hebert, they took ^'^^^.
possession of the benches, and voted with the Moun-
tain, in favour of their own importunate demands. The
nest day these irregular and scandalous votes were
rescinded : but the Jacobins, resolved to tri- ^,,n^5„„ p,
umi^h over the convention, organised the mob "'"^ '"""•
. . . . May 1.
of Paris, j)ut arms into their hands, and paid
them forty sous a day. The tocsin was sounded, the
ragged rout was marshalled in the faubourgs, and
marched upon the convention. A hundred thousand
men were under arms, that day, in Paris. There
were horse, foot, and artillery, — a revolutionary army.
Again the suppression of the committee of twelve was
demanded tumultuously, at the bar, and was con-
ceded to clamour and intimidation. But this was not
enough for the Jacobins : tliey had resolved to put
down the Girondists, and the agitation of Paris was
continued. The dreadful tocsin was sounded once
more, and deputations, petitioners, and the
armed mob invaded the convention, and de- f'o 'inron-
mandod the arrest of the members who were junes,
conspiring against their country. Marat, who
had contrived this outrage, himself designated tlio
conspirators; and the foremost members of the Gi-
rondist party were placed under arrest. Henceforth
the convention was at the feet of Marat, Pobespicrre,
184 FRANCE.
and the Jacobins. Moderation must ever be sacrificed,
in revolutionary times; and tlie Girondists, witli all
tlieir eloquence and public virtues, had committed
errors which precipitated their fall. They had been
the only barrier against the worst excesses of the
revolution, and they were now swept away.^
The wild course of the revolution was made more
Contact of furious and uncontrollable by the close con-
tionwur"' tact of the convention with the people.
the people, rjij^^j.^ ^^^^ ^^ |ggg ^i^^^ tweuty-four tri-
bunes for spectators. These were crowded by the
popvilace of Paris, of whom one or two thousand
gained admission. The upper benches of the conven-
tion reached up to the tribunes ; and the deputies
held free converse with the audience. The passions
of the multitude swayed the deliberations of the As-
sembly. Mobs, not satisfied with the tribunes, some-
times invaded the hall of the convention itself. Dep-
utations were constantly presenting themselves at the
bar. Crowds of men and women forced themselves
into the middle of the hall, and fraternised with their
representatives. Political cries, threats, and compli-
ments were bandied about between the depu-
ties and the mob. Deliberation was impos-
sible in the midst of tumults.^ The debates were
1 ' Ce parti tomba de faiblesse et d'indecision, comme le roi qu'il
avait renverse.' — Lamartine, Hist, des Oirondins, vi. 151.
' La pensee, Tunite, la politique, la resolution, tout leur manquait.
lis avaient fait la republique sans la vouloir : ils la gouvernaient sans
la comprendre.' — Ibid. 153.
^ ' The experience of France has shown other dangers, arising from
the number of spectators, equalling or exceeding that of the Assem-
bly.' . . . ' There are some men, who, surrounded with the popu-
larity of the moment, would be more engaged with the audience
than with the Assembly ; and the discussion would take a turn moro
THE CONVENTION AND THE PEOPLE. 185
conductecl with frenzied anger: insults, threats, and
denunciations were exchanged : yiolent gesticulations
added force to words : daggers and pistols, grasped
with furj, showed the violence and lawlessness of the
»en who held the destinies of France in their hands,
it was a wild scene of revolution and anarchy, such as
the world had not witnessed since the latter days of
the Roman republic. The resolutions of the conven-
tion were passionate and impulsive. The hall, ill-
lighted by day as well as by night, was a fit abode for
gloomy thoughts, imaginations, and passions.
Yet this convention, urged on by the force of the
revolution, achieved some great reforms. It .f t ^
' o Its useful
abolished slaverv, and condemned the slave ni«asi"e9-
trade : it founded a system of national education : it
made provision for the sick and aged : it promulgated
a civil code, which was to be the foundation of the
Code Napoleon : ^ it inaugurated the decimal system :
it established uniformity of weights and measures;
and it created the Institute of France.
But the revolutionists were not allowed to enjoy
their triumph without a further struggle.
The Girondists and the royalists raised for- tion;^ in the
• t -, -, • ,. • 11 • -I provinces.
midable insurrections m the provinces ; and
La Yendee was more threatening than ever. Lyons,
Marseilles and Bordeaux were in arms ; and no less
tlian sixty departments supported the insurrection.
The country was shocked at the violence and usurpa-
tion of the revolutionists of the capital ; and resented
favourable to the excitements of oratory, than to logical proofs.' —
Bontham, ' Political Tactics ;' Bovvring's Ed., Worls, ii. 33G.
' This code was the work of Cambaccres, Thibaudoan, and other
jurists of the convention, who reproduced their own work in 1803,
and allowed Napoleon the credit of it.
186 FBANCE.
the outrages committed against its representatives.
The fanatical vengeance wreaked upon Marat, by the
heroic Charlotte Corday, was but an example of the
indignation which burned against the blood-stained
leaders of the Mountain.^
While insurrection and civil war were raging in
France, the country was surrounded by ene-
invasionof mies : and the treachery of Dumouriez, and
France. ' , . en-
the disorganisation of his army, had opened
the northern frontiers to the invaders.
To repel such dangers demanded extraordinary
New con- vigour ou the part of the Mountain. Nor
stitution. .^g^g ji; wanting either in the men, or in the
democracy, which they governed. A new constitution
was framed, founded upon the sovereignty of the
people, with universal suffrage, and an assembly an-
nually chosen. This constitution did homage to the
revolution : but it formed no government for such a
crisis : nor did it secure the absolute rule of its au-
thors. This was not a time for trifling with political
theories and sentiments : but for giving force and con-
centration to the national will The constitution was
Franco in therefore suspended ; the committee of pub-
anns. ^q safety was reconstituted ; and a levy of
all citizens, between the ages of eighteen and twenty-
five, was decreed by the convention. France was
transformed into a huge camp, and military arsenal :
fourteen armies were raised : twelve hundred thou-
sand men were under arms : they were supported by
forced requisitions : a warlike frenzy possessed the
entire people. ' The young men shall go to the bat-
' Of Marat, Lamartine says :— ' L'Evangile etait toujours ouvert
sur sa table. La revolution, disait-il a ceux qui s'en etonnaient, est
tout eutiere dans I'Evangile.' — Hist, dea Girondins, v. 313.
FRANCE IN AEMS. 187
tie,' said Barrere: 'it is tlieir task to conquer: tlio
married men shall forge arms, transport baggage and
artillery, and provide subsistence : tlie women sliall
work at soldiers' clothes, make tents, serve in the
hospitals : the children shall scrape old linen into
surgeons' lint : the old men shall have themselves
carried into the public places, and there, by their
words, arouse the courage of the young, preach hatred
to kings, and security to the republic.'^ The pubKc
dangers, and revolutionary fanaticism combined to
secure enthusiastic support to the prodigious efforts
of the executive. The poorer citizens of Paris, sub-
sidised with forty sous a day, flocked to the meet-
ings of their sections, and applauded every revolu-
tionary measure. Nor were the amusements of the
peoi^le forgotten. Even free theatres were opened, —
after the manner of the Athenians. The sovereignty
of the people in other lands, and 'war to the castle,
peace to the cottage,' were proclaimed, in the conven-
tion.^
But at what a cost were these warlike preparations
made ! Forced loans : requisitions for mili-
tary stores and equipments : extravagant tionaiy
fines ujion citizens, for pretended offences ^
against the people: confiscation of the property of
aristocrats, and emigrants : spoliation of churches :
wholesale plunder and robbery : — such were the means
by which the armies of the republic were sent forth
to the war. These lawless and tyrannical measures,
however successful, were ruinous to the country. Not
' Moniteur : Di'hats, August 2.3, 1793.
* Fehruarj- 1, 1793. C'aubon concluded liis speech in favour of the
revolutionary ])ropaganda abroad with these words — 'Guerre aux
chateaux : paix aux chaumieres.' — Thiers, Hist. iii. 285.
188 FEANCE.
only was tlie property of citizens forcibly and capri-
ciously taken, for the service of the State : but it was
injured, wasted, and stolen. While industrious citi-
zens were ruined, the public treasury was still empty ;
and regiments were marched to the frontier, half-
clothed and ill - provisioned. In France itself, the
troops were maintained, as in an enemy's country.
Nor could regular taxes be levied upon those who
had already been plundered and impoverished.
NotAvithstanding these prodigious armaments, the
armies of France were ill-disciplined and irregular.
The revolutionary sentiments of the time had de-
moralised the troops. Hatred of aristocrats bred
disobedience to officers ; and liberty and equality
were not congenial to discipline. The elected officers
were ignorant and incapable : the soldiers unruly :
and as most of the recruits had been driven to the
standards by force, the regiments were alarmingly
thinned by desertion. But these evils were vigorously
checked; and a reorganisation of the army Avas ef-
fected. That it was extravagautly and wastefully man-
aged, there can be little doubt : that it was led with-
out regard to the cost of life and materials is certain :
but, with all its shortcomings, it achieved the most
signal victories and conquests.
These great wars were conducted by civilians with-
Men of the ^^* experience — by men whom the revolution
revolution. ^^^^ tlirowu to the surface. Lawyers, priests,
men of letters, newspaper writers, clerks, were the
great administrators. The lawyer, Merlin de Thion-
ville, defended fortresses : the Protestant minister, St.
Andre, was made an admiral, and reorganised the
fleet : the student, St. Just, fought with the armies of
France, and was, at once, a political leader and an in-
MEN OF THE EEVOLUTION. 189
defatigable administrator. The trained leaders, upon
wliom a State is accustomed to rely, had emigrated, or
were hostile to the republic ; and it was necessary to
choose other men to take their place. The revolution
had suddenly reduced France to the condition of a
new country, and her humble citizens were serving
her in the cabinet, in the office, or on the battle-field.^
As the revolution advanced, a lower class was gradu-
ally rising to power. The free-thinking nobles and
gentlemen had given the first impulse to the Eevolu-
tion : the lavv^yers, men of letters, and the middle
classes continued it : the fanatics and low adventurers
completed it.^ At no time did a peasant or artisan
take the head of the proletariat. There was no Masa-
niello, or John of Leyden : but lawyers and men of
letters, like Marat, St. Just, and Eobespierre, and
others above the working class, were the leaders of
the poj)ulace. The only peasant-leader was Catheli-
neau, the royalist voiturier of La Yendee, under whose
standard the highest nobles — De Lescure, de la Roche-
jacquelein, de Charette, and de Bonchamps — were
content to serve.^
' The same phenomenon was witnessed seventy years later, iu the
civil war of America : when lawyers, railway-managers, and trades-
men suddenly appeared as generals, and officers of cavalry and
artillery. The emergencies were alike, and produced the same re-
sults.
^ Collot d'llerbois was a half-starved actor from Lyons. Hi'bert
had been ticket-collector at a theatre before he became editor of
the infamous Pere Duchesne. Billaud-Varennes, son of a poor advo-
cate at La Rochelle, married his father's maid-servant, and became
an actor, a pamplileteer, and a teaclicr. Henriot, Avho played so im-
portant a part in the Commune, had been a domestic servant, a petty
officer of customs, and a police spy. — Von Sybel, Hid. iii. 09.
"Nettemeut, Vie de Madame de la lioc/icjacqudcin, 11)5, I'Jl, &-c.
190 FEANCE.
The policy of tlie Mountain would have been im-
Law perfectly carried out without a scheme of
^fspertcd terror, and accordingly the law against sus-
persous. pected persons was decreed. Every one sus-
pected of unfriendliness to the government, was at
the mercy of the committee of public safety. The
nobles had fled : but France abounded with royalists
and moderate republicans of other classes, whom it
was necessary to overawe. Many worthy citizens
were thrown into prison, — there to be detained until
the peace. Not in Paris only, but throughout France,
the new law was put in force, with no less caprice
than injustice and cruelty.
These extraordinary efforts were everywhere crown-
, ^ ed with success. Insurrection was trampled
Trinmpli of . . . ^
French out lu the pro\dnces : invasion was repelled
arms. â– â– â– _ â– â– â–
fi'om the frontiers of France. A regular
government, aided by the patriotism of the people,
might have achieved these astonishing triumphs :
but a revolutionary executive, supported by a furious
jDopular enthusiasm, superior to the usual restraints of
law, and subduing hostile parties by terror, wielded
powers hitherto unknown in the history of the world :
they were used with passionate resolution, and the
result was the triumj^h of France, and of the revolu-
,^ , ^. tion. No despot was ever more absolute
Absolutism ^
of the than the republic, nor was the will of rulers
republic. ^ ^ '
ever enforced with more rigorous severity.
A national cause and a despotic executive, wheth-
er under a king or a republic, are the best instru-
ments of military prowess. Under the monarchy, all
executive power had been centred in the Crown :
under the republic, it was wielded by revolution-
ary leaders. The jirerogatives of kings had been
REIGN OP TERROR. 191
above tlie law, and were now usurped by the revolu-
tion.^
Meanwhile, we recoil with horror from the cruelty
and bloodthirstiness, with which the reputed cmeitics
enemies of the revolution were pursued. Momuain.
All men were accounted enemies, who did ^''"^^'
not heartily join the revolutionary party. The local
clubs and committees were formed of needy mal-
contents who hated the rich. In their eyes, every
rich man was an aristocrat, and an enemy of the re-
public. It was well for him, if they were satisfied
with extortion and plunder. Thousands of quiet mer-
chants and traders, who had taken no part in politics,
but had naturally held themselves aloof from the
Jacobins and sans-culottes, were cast into prison, and
dragged to the guillotine. At Strasburg, St. Just
boasted to Robespierre that all the aristocrats of the
municipality, the courts of justice, and the regiments
had been put to death.^ Everywhere the law was set
at naught ; and society was shaken to its very founda-
tion.^
Such was the revolutionary rule throughout France,
where there had been no rising of royalists or
yi- T T en-' ^ Severities
Girondists. Let us now follow it into places asiinst
(V T 1 insurgents.
where resistance had been oiiered to the re-
public. The insurgents of Lyons, Marseilles, Toulon
and Bordeaux, were punished with pitiless severity.
Lyons had revolted, and the convention decreed
' De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 277 et seq.
^ Robespierre, in tho Jacobin Club, November 21, 1793, cited by
Von Sybel, iii. 233. Another revolutionist thus spoke f)f these atroci-
ties : — 'Sainte Guillotine est dans la plus brilhiutc activito ! Quel
maitre bouchcr que ce gar(;on la, ! '
•' Do Todiuevillo, L'aacieu llf'jiine, cli. 7.
192 FRANCE.
the destruction of the city, the confiscation of the pro-
perty of the rich, for the benefit of the ]3atri-
^°°^" ots, and the punishment of the insurgents by
martial law. Couthon, a commissioner well tried in
cruelty, hesitated to carry into execution this mon-
strous decree, and was superseded by Collot d'Her-
bois and Fouche. Thousands of v/orkmen were now
employed in the work of destruction : whole streets
fell under their pickaxes : the j)risons were gorged :
the guillotine was too slow for revolutionary ven-
geance, and crowds of prisoners were shot, in murder-
ous mitraillades. The victims were cast into the
Ehnne, or buried on the spot ; and when the musket
had failed to do its work, the spade was uplifted
against the dying, before they were hurled into the pit.^
At Marseilles, twelve thousand of the richest citi-
zens fled from the venf^eance of the revolu-
tionists, and their property was confiscated,
and jDlundered.
When Toulon fell before the strategy of Bonaparte,
_ , the savage vengjeance and cruelty of the
Toulon. ^ . . .
conquerors were indulged without restraint.
All the inhabitants were compromised by the insur-
rection, and Freron, the commissioner, seemed bent
upon their extermination. The dockyard labourers
were put to the sword : gangs of prisoners were
brought out and executed hjficsillades : the guillotine
also claimed its victims : the sans-culottes rioted in
confiscation and plunder.
At Bordeaux, Tallien threw fifteen thousand citi-
„ , zens into prison. Hundreds fell under the
Bordeaux. n . n i
guillotine ; and the possessions and pro-
' Carlyle, Ilist. iii. 185, who cites Deux Amis, xii. 351-263.
heign of terror. 193
perty of the ricli were offered up to outrage and rob-
bery.
But all these atrocities were far surpassed in La
Vendee. There, the royalists had made the
most determined stand against the revolu-
tion. Nobles, gentry, and peasants, devoted to the
Catholic faith, and to the monarchy, had long main-
tained an heroic struggle against the overwhelming
forces of tlie republic.^ When they were, at length,
overcome, no quarter was given to the wounded or
prisoners : unarmed peasants were shot : old men
and women were put to the sword : whole villages
were reduced to ashes. The barbarities of warfare
were yet surpassed by the vengeance of the conquer-
ors, when the insurrection was, at last, overcome. At
Nantes, the monster Carrier outstripped his
rivals in cruelty and insatiable thirst for
blood. Not contented with wholesale mitraillades, he
designed that masterpiece of cruelty, the noyades ;
and thousands of men, women, and children who es-
caped the muskets of the rabble soldiery, were de-
liberately drowned in the waters of the Loire. In
four months, his victims reached fifteen thousand.
At Angers, and other towns in La Vendee, these hid-
eous noT/ades were added to the terrors of the guillotine
and the fusillades. The bounds of human wickedness
were passed ; and men had assumed the form of devils.
While these horrors were covering the revolution
with infamv, the unhappy Marie Antoinette, ^
after revolting cruelties and insults, was sent "'' ^}>]'\^
to the scaffold, as a defiance to Europe.
' Nettement, Vie de Mad. de la Rochcjacquclcin, 123, 128-133,
&c. ; 'L'A.hhd Trcsvaux, La persicution revolutionnaire en Bra-
tar/ne.
VOL. II. — 9
194 FRANCE.
The Girondist deputies were delivered from their
Andoftiie prison to the executioner. The temperate
Girondiets. ^^^ high-principkd Bailly, who had pre-
sided over the National Assembly, and, as mayor of
Paris, had moderated the violence of the revolution,
â– was sacrificed for the crime of halting behind the
rapid strides of the Jacobins. Even Egalite, Duke
of Orleans, fell an unpitied victim of the jealousies
of the Mountain. The fury which had possessed the
Jacobin leaders was not that of democracy, but of an
unprincipled faction, bent upon the ruin of its rivals.
It was the bloodthirstiness of Marius, Sulla, and the
triumvirs, in the anarchical period of the Boman re-
public. It was the murderous fi-enzy of St. Bartholo-
mew. The civil feuds of France had ever been infa-
mous for a savagery, which culminated in the reign of
The com- terror.^ The committee of public safety, now
public "^ wholly of the Mountain party, exercised ab-
^'^ ^ ^' solute power in the name of the convention,
and arrested its enemies, at pleasure ; while the revo-
lutionary tribunal condemned the accused, almost
without a hearing, in the name of liberty.'
One of the redeeming characteristics of the revolu-
tion — in the midst of its violence, its rash-
Heroism of T ', • .,1-1 . »..
therevoiu- uess, and its crimes — is the heroism of its
principal characters. The victims of the
guillotine displayed the noblest courage and endu-
1 ' Les Franrjais, qui sont le peuple le plus doux, et meme le plus
bienveillant de la terre, tant qu'il demeure tranquille dans son
naturel, en devient le plus bavbare, des que de violentes passions
Ten font sortir.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, 275 ; Freeman,
Hist, of Fed. Govt. i. 60, n.
* In the midst of this reign of terror twenty-tliree theatres were
open every night in Paris, and sixty dancing saloons. — Mercier,
Mem. ii. 124.
EXTEAVAG.VNCES OF THE REVOLUTION. 195
ranee. The king and queen died in the spirit of Chris-
tian martyrs : Madame Koland, Danton, and the Gi-
rondists met their doom with the calm fortitude of
the ancient stoics. Condorcet hid himself in Paris
until he had finished his Progres de Vespirit kumain,
when he came forth from his hiding-place to die.
In the midst of events so momentous, we read of
the childish reformation of the Calendar
with a sad smile. History and Christianity tioir^Tfho
were to be effaced, by dividing time upon a
new republican model. The Sabbath was ingeniously
suiDj^ressed, by changing the familiar weeks into pe-
riods of ten days, and by a strange nomenclature.
An extravagance, yet more profane, disgraced the
revolutionary party. The commune, headed
by Hebert, insisted upon substituting for the niilp o^"
Christian faith the worship of Reason. The
noble cathedral of Notre-Dame was consecrated, in
the presence of the convention, to the god- November
dess of Reason, personated by a ballet dancer, ^*^' ^'"^•
in the transparent costume of the stage. But the
committee of public safety, under Robesjoierre, main-
tained the worship of the Supreme Being, and as-
serted the principle of religious liberty. The great
mass of the people, inflamed by the revolutionary
spirit, had been hostile to the Church, as a privileged
body : but infidelity had not taken deep root amongst
them. The frantic leaders of the revolution were in-
fidels of various types: but their hatred of Chris-
tianity was alien to the principles of democracy, and
to the general sentiments of the French people.^ The
Church of Rome survived their assaults. There was
' De Tocqueville, Vancicn Regime, 275.
lOG FRANCE.
no new faitli to supplant it : ^ but it was opposed by a
negation of all faitli, or by strange and idle fantasies,
wliicli appealed neither to the sentiments nor the
reasonable judgment of the nation. The revolution,
hostile to all religion, found support from none;^
and while it abased the Catholic clergy, its contempt
for every creed restrained it from religious perse-
cution.^
The commune and the committee of public safety
Ascon- shared in all the iniquities of the reign of
uphis^^ terror : but the commune surpassed their
Pierre. rivals in revolutionary extravagance. Mean-
while, in the party of the Mountain itseK were men
who, having so far advanced with the revolution, now
desired a pause in its career of violence and blood-
shed, and some legal restraints upon the tyranny of
the executive. Foremost among them were the re-
doubtable Dauton and Camille Desmoulins. Eobes-
pierre, and the committee of public safety, were as-
sailed by both these parties : by Hebert and the com-
mune on one side, and by Danton and his friends on
the other. With consummate cunning, Kobespierre
effected the ruin of both. The former were con-
demned as anarchists, the latter as enemies of the
revolution.* Eobespierre was now master of the con-
' ' line religion ne peut 6tre extirpee que par une autre religion.' —
Edgar Quinet, La Rev. ii, 36. 2 ly^^ j jg^
^ ' II y a deux inanieres de resoudre les questions religieuses : ou
I'interdiction, ou la libertt'. La revolution n'a employe ni I'une ni
I'autre de ces moyens. Les revolutionnaires proscrivaient, en fait,
les cultes, et ils gardaient, en theorie, la tolerance ; ce qui I'utait, a
la fois, I'avantage que les modernes tirent de la tolerance, et I'avan-
tage que les anciens ont tire de la proscription.' — Ibid. i. 128.
* At this time Robespierre thus described his policy : — ' Le ressort
da gouvernement populaire, en revolution, est a la fois la vertu et
ASCENDENCY OP EOBESPIEERE. 197
vention, of the commune, of the committee of public
safety, of the revolutionary tribunal, and of France.
He justified his uncontrolled power as * the despotism
of liberty against tyranny.'
The committee of public safety, known as the De-
cemvirs, were insatiate of blood, — not from TUecom-
any natural cruelty or ferocity of character, pni.uc "
but from a settled conviction that terror was ^^ ^'^'
necessary for uniting the forces of the revolution
against foreign and domestic enemies. There was
also a cold calculation that death was the only secu-
rity against their enemies. In the words of Earrere,
*I1 n'y a que les morts qui ne reviennent pas.' The
dread triumvirate most guilty of these monstrous
outrages upon humanity were Robespierre, St. Just,
and Couthon, who ruled the committee of public
safety. The first is said to have been the least blood-
thirsty of the three. Before his revolutionary career,
lie had resigned a judgeship at Arras rather than con-
demn a fellow-creature to deatli.^ But he was a fa-
natic, who believed in terror as a sacred duty. St.
Just was a philosopher, of intense convictions, rather
than a fanatic — bold, resolute, and without human
pity. ' Dare,' said he, — * there lies the whole secret
of revolutions.' Couthon was another fanatic, whose
countenance bespoke gentleness : but his devilish
creed of terror steeled him against mercy.
Yet these men, whose rule was the shedding of
1)lood, who were blind to justice and insen- a republic
sible to the common principles of humanity, virtues pro
whose cold and calculated cruelties are with-
claiined.
la terreur : la vcrtu, Bans laquelle la terrcurest funeste ; la terreur,
Bans la(iuolle la vortu est iinpuissanto.'
' Carlyle, Hid. i. 124.
198 FEANCE.
out a parallel in tlie history of nations, were plan-
ning a model republic, representing all tlie virtues.
Its watcli words were 'liberty, equality, and frater-
nity : ' its first principle was virtue : its worship the
Supreme Being : the rule of its citizens probity, good
sense, and modesty. This hideous mockery of prin-
ciples, which were hourly outraged in practice, was
gravely inaugurated by its authors. Fetes were de-
creed in honour of the Supreme Being, truth, justice,
modesty, fiiendship, frugality, and good faith !
This new republican creed was celebrated through-
„ ^ . out France, on the 20th Prairial, 1794 At
Robespierre . . . '
itsiiigh Paris, Robespierre ofiiciated as its high
priest. ' _ ■■• ^ o
20 Pn.iriai, priest. Attired in a sky-blue coat and black
breeches, and holding a bouquet of flowers
and wheat-ears, he strutted fifteen paces in fi'ont of
the convention. This strange augury of the new re-
public was not lost upon observers. In the high
priest of liberty and equality, men perceived the com-
ing usurper.
Robespierre had triumphed over all his enemies,
and he mic-ht now rest awhile. Surely blood
Increased '-^ -^
fuiyof the enouojh had been shed! Not so thouc^ht the
tnbiiual. ^ '^ ^ _ '^
triumvirs. The revolutionary tribunal was
too slow, and trammelled by too many forms. The
accused had found defenders : none should hence-
forth be allowed. They were now tried singly : let
them hereafter be tried in battalions : They had
been judged according to revolutionary law : let them
now be judged by the conscience of the jury. Mem-
bers of the convention could not be judged without
the consent of their own body : this privilege they
were forced to renounce, and henceforth they were
the slaves of the committee of public safety. The
DECLINE OF ROBESPIEREE. 199
tribunal could not condemn its victims fast enongli ;
and it was divided into four, that its vengeance miglit
be fourfold. Fouquier Thinville, and his colleagues,
were' now able to send fifty victims daily to the
hungry guillotine. Pretended plots were discovered
among the helpless prisoners : and their overcrowded
cells were cleared by the nightly tumbril, which bore
them to ruthless trial and execution.
But the end of this murderous tyranny was ap-
proaching. The terrible Robespierre had i^ppuneof
struck down the leaders of every party : he pjeJ^'^r.g
was himself the idol of the populace : the I'^wcr.
leading spirit of the Jacobins : all powerful with the
commune of Paris : supreme in the convention : the
chief of the revolution. But in his blood-stained
career, he had raised against himself implacable ha-
treds, jealousies, and suspicions. In his own com-
mittees,^ through which he governed, and in the con-
vention, which he had subdued to his will, he had
enemies and rivals, who distrusted him as an usurper.
Thwarted by his colleagues, he withdrew from the
committees and the convention, and threw himself
more than ever upon the Jacobins and the demo-
cracy of Paris. With tliese he plotted the overthrow
of the committees, and of the convention. First he
endeavoured to arouse the convention against tlie
committees: but all parties united to oppose him,
and he was foiled. He had lost his influence over
that body, which had lately been terrified into sub-
mission.
From the convention, he appealed to the demo-
' TLere was the committee de aalut publ'iffue and de surete gmS'
rule.
200 FRANCE.
cracy : he denounced his recent defeat as the proscrip-
^ tion of the patriots, and conspired with the
upon the commune and the Jacobins, to overthrow his
convention. '
mkio7" enemies by an armed coup d'etat. Before it
was effected, the triumvirs again tried their
strength in the convention : but their conspiracy was
already known, and they were denounced and arrested.
TJie commune released them from their arrest, and
conducted them to the Hotel de Ville : the tocsin was
sounded, and the people were called to arms. For a
time the convention was in imminent danger : even its
own guns were turned against it: but the gunners,
seduced for a moment, refused to fire. The conven-
tion confronted its dangers with courage : it placed
the conspirators beyond the law ; and its commis-
sioners, hastening to the insurgent sections, brought
them over to the side of the convention. While the
conspirators were preparing to march against the
Fall of the Tuileries, the convention invested the Hotel
triumvirs. ^^ YiHe. The triumvirs and their confede-
rates were at bay, and there was no escape. Kobes-
pierre endeavoured to elude his enemies by blowing
out his brains : but was seized, with his jaw broken.
Couthon also vainly attempted suicide : St. Just
awaited his arrest with composure.^
Kobesj)ierre was carried upon a litcer, shattered and
bleeding, to the committee of general safety,
of Robes- There he was assailed with taunts and re-
proaches, and. sent on to the Conciergerie.
Condemned by his own revolutionary tribunal, with
upwards of twenty of his confederates, he was borne
' There are different versions of tliis arrest, but tliis is tlie most
generally received.
FALL OF ROBESPIEERE. 201
to the scaffold, amidst the execrations and rejoicings
of the multitude. The brutal mob was ever ready to
exult over the shedding of blood. It had loThermi.
yelled at the execution of royalists and Gi- '^°''' ^''*^-
rondists, of Danton and Hebert ; and now it revelled
in the death of Kobespierre. The leader of the
Jacobins seemed to have no friends. He had lately
been extolled as the incorruptible ; and now he was
condemned and reviled as infamous. Even the Jaco-
bin clubs forswore him. A few months before, Danton
had said — 'I carry Robespierre with me: Robespierre
follows me ; ' and his prediction was now fulfilled. The
crimes of which he had been guilty were, at length,
avenged upon his own head. The leaders of every fac-
tion, which had borne a part in this bloody revolution,
had now been brought to the scaffold, or had died a
violent death — roj-alists, constitutional revolutionists,
Girondists, Hebertists, Danton and his followers, and
at last, the arch-revolutionist and his confederates.
The fall of Robespierre was followed by the first
svmptoms of reaction, in the revolutionary fe-
vcr. Blood enough had been shed to sicken
all but fanatics and savages ; and the majority of the
convention, differing in many points, were agreed that
tlie reign of terror should be closed.
The revolutionary tribunal was susjoended ; and its
hateful president, Fouquier Thinville, was nThcrmi-
/ tried and executed for his crimes. The tri- '^"'â– â–
bunal was re-constituted ; and the regular procedure
of a court of justice restored. The suspected, who
had escaped the guillotine, were treated with indul-
gence, and gradually released from prison. The sec-
tions of Paris, instead of meeting every day, were
restricted to a meeting once in ten days; and the fee
202 FRANCE.
of forty sous a day was -witlidrawn from tlie poorer
citizens wlio attended.
So far this was a return to law and order; and
Acrentsof tliose wlio Were now brought to judgment,
terror'puu-^ Were uot the suspected enemies of the revo-
ished. lution, but the most guilty agents of the reign
of terror, who had cruelly and wantonly shed the
blood of innocent men, women, and children.
The followers of Robespierre, however, led by Bil-
laud-Varennes, Collot d'Herbois, and Carrier,
ers of Ro- Were not content to submit to the dominant
e^piene. p^j,^^. ^^ ^^q convention,^ by whom they had
been threatened with punishment for their past mis-
deeds. They had lost their influence in the convention,
and in the commune : but they had still the support of
the Jacobins, and were busy in the faubourgs of Paris.
They complained of their proscription : patriots, they
said, were now thrown into dungeons, from which
aristocrats had been released : the convention was de-
nounced; and dangerous appeals were addressed to
the populace.
But this was a period of general reaction, and the
jennes^e couveutiou boldly profited by its support,
doree. jj^ -p-^^ dowu the famous confederation of
clubs.^ It met the agitators upon their own ground,
in the faubourgs, and appealed to the sections for sup-
port against the disturbers of order. The most no-
ticeable sign of reaction, however, was found in the
jeunesse doree, a body of young men who marched
through the streets, as defenders of order.^ Armed
' Since tlie fall of Robespierre, this party had been called the
Tliermidorien party. ' Supra, p. 153.
^ They wore grey coats with black collars, and crape on the arm,
in memory of the reign of terror ; and wore long hair plaited at the
temples.
BEACTION. 203
witli loaded canes, they boldly charged the revolu-
tionary mobs, and took the Jacobin club by storm.
This formidable club was now closed, by order of the
convention, and the revolutionists were de23rived of
their chief rallying point.
The conservative character of the convention was
also strengthened, by recalling sixty-seven continued
members who had been excluded for their reaction.
moderation ; and twenty-two members of the con-
ventional and Girondist parties who had been pro-
scribed.^ The decree for the exile of the nobles and
priests was rej)ealed ; and public worship was re-
stored.^
Nor was the reaction confined to remedial laws.
To satisfy justice, and to guard against a re- proceed-
vival of the revolution, Billaud-Varennes, '"s^
' ' agumst the
Collot d'Herbois, and other prominent ter- t^='â„¢iists.
rorists, were brought to trial, and numbers of public
functionaries of that party were removed. Again the
faubourgs were aroused. Great numbers had been
implicated in the events of the last two years ; and
who could say how far the proscription of the patriots
would be pressed ? The agitation was increased by
wide-spread sufi'ering among the people. There was
great scarcity of provisions : prices had risen, and the
forty sous a day had been withdrawn fi'om the poor.
Trade had been ruined by the disorders of the time.
There was little demand for manual labour : the rich
had been driven into exile, guillotined, or imprisoned :
employers, in terror of their lives, subject to requisi-
tions, without security for their capital, and embar-
* They had been absent for eigliteen months.
" A few months afterwards, in consequence of the activity of the
royalist priests, this latter conce.ssion was withdrawn.
204 FRANCE.
rassed by worthless assignats and tlie extravagant law
of the maximum, were paralysed in their enterprises.
Here were accumulated the most dangerous elements
of revolution ; and they soon threatened the over-
throw of the reactionary government.
First, a rising was attempted to save the terrorist
insurrcc- chiefs from trial. A mob of petitioners
tions. marched upon the convention, but were
routed by the jeunesse doree. While the trial was
proceeding before the convention, armed insurgents
forced the guard, and made their way into the very
chamber of the convention. A second time the con-
vention was rescued by friendly citizens : the tocsin^
was sounded, and the neighbouring sections flew to
arms and repelled the insurgents.
A third insurrection, more deeply planned, was well
Invasion ^^n^ successful. The deliberations of the
convention, couveution Were interrupted by the intrusion
1 prairial, of an armed mob, clamouring for bread and
the constitution of 1793. The chamber be-
came the scene of a fearful fray. Deputies drew their
swords : the guards rushed in to their rescue : shots
were fired by the insurgents : one deputy was killed,
and another wounded : most of the deputies fled ; and
the mob gained possession of the chamber. Boissy-
d'Anglas, the temporary president of the convention,
behaved with noble firmness. With pikes at his
breast, the mob insisted upon his putting to the vote
the demands of the insurgents : but he refused, and
rebuked them for their violence. But the other depu-
ties, who had kept their places, being in league with
' This fonnidable signal had been taken from the commune, and
was now the safeguard of the convention.
ROYALIST EEACTION. 205
the insurgents, at once proceeded to decree their de-
mands, which released the 'patriots,' restored the
constitution of 1793, and placed the government in
their hands.
Meanwhile, the commissaries of the convention,
who had been despatched to the sections for
aid, returned at the head of a body of armed the con-
citizens, drove out the insurgents at the point
of the bayonet, and recalled the deputies, who had
fled for safety, to their places. The decrees of the
false deputies and the usuri3ing mob were forthwith
annulled ; and twenty-eight of the conspiring dej)uties
were arrested and sent out of Paris. The sections
were now disarmed : they had already lost
. . The
their leaders and their organisation; and sections
henceforth the populace of Paris ceased to
rule the destinies of France. The government was
restored to the moderate party in the convention — the
representatives of the middle classes.
The extreme party of the revolution had fallen :
but not until by its extraordinary vigour, it
. . TT r* France vic-
had made France victorious over all her en- toiious in
. the wars.
emies. Her troops had occuj)ied the Neth-
erlands, and held possession of the Ehine. Prussia
and Spain had made peace. The country was safe
from invasion ; and its very safety contributed to the
fall of the extreme party, whose violent and arbitrary
measures could no longer be necessary for its de-
fence.
But the reaction did not rest here. The royalists
rejoiced at the fall of the terrorists : but they Royalist
spared the revolution : they respected the
republican convention no more than the committee
of public safety. Their single aim was the res-
206 FRANCE.
toration of the monarcliy.^ They differed widely, in-
deed, among themselves : the priests and nobles would
have restored the ancien regime, with all its privileges :
the middle classes and bourgeoisie desired a consti-
tutional monarchy, with free institutions. The old
jealousies of orders and classes were not forgotten,
but they all agreed in enmity to the republic. The
convention stood between the royalists on one side,
and the violent revolutionists, whom it had lately re-
pressed, on the other. The jeunesse doree, lately the
champions of order, and defenders of the convention,
now sided with the royalists, and threatened the re-
public.
France was just escaping from the revolutionary
Royalist ^eigu of terror; and now the royalists, in
excesses. ^j^g proviuces, Were wreaking vengeance uj)on
their late oppressors. At Lyons, at Marseilles, and
other towns, they nearly rivalled the commissaries
of the committee of public safety. Eevolutionista
were slaughtered in their prisons, pursued and cut
down in the streets, or cast headlong into the river.
The revolution was still demanding its victims ; and
it was the turn of its authors and agents to suffer.
Meanwhile, "the convention, opposed to both ex-
New consti- tremes, and intent upon restoring peace and
tution. order to- France, was maturing a new con-
stitution. The executive power was invested in a
Directory of five members : the legislative in two
councils or chambers, — the council of five hundred,
and the council of ' ancients,' consisting of two hundred
and fifty. One-third of each of these bodies was to be
' The Dauphin, only son of Louis XVI., died in prison on June 8,
1795 ; and his succession to the throne had fallen upon Loviis XVIII.,
then in command of the emigrant army.
ROYALIST mSUEEECTION. 207
renewed every year, but, in order to frustrate tlie de-
signs of the royalists, it was provided that, at the first
election, two-thirds of the council of five hundred
should be chosen from members of the convention.
The Directory was to be nominated by the council of
five hundred, and appointed by the council of an-
cients.
The royalists revolted against the new constitution,
and especially the re-election of members of
the convention, whom they had hoped to iLunec-
sup2)lant ; and raised a formidable insurrec-
tion in Paris. The convention entrusted its defence
to Barras, and to Napoleon Bonaparte, who had al-
ready shown his generalshij^ at the taking of Toulon.
The appointment of this extraordinary man changed
the course of the revolution, and of the history of
Europe.^
The convention was about to be assailed by an
armed insurrectionary force of forty tlfbu- Defence of
sand men, and was defended by five thou- tlonlfy"^^'^"
sand. Bonaparte, with the cool judgment of Bonapane.
a consummate soldier, drew up his troops and miXT '^'^"
artillery so as to place the convention be- i^"^^^-
yond the reach of assault. He dealt with the insur-
gents as with an enemy on the field of battle, and
routed them — not by street fighting, but by military
skill and strategy. His terrible artillery, loaded with
graposhot, swept them from the quays and streets,
and the insurrection was at an end. That day proved
the mastery of an army over a mob, and foresha-
dowed the time when the sword should overcome the
revolution.
' M. I.aiifroy lias thrown much new light upon his character ;
nist. de Napoleon I".
208 FEANCE.
Wlieu the insurrection had been repressed, the new
constitution was completed. The two coun-
cminciis cils, wheu Constituted, appointed the Direc-
elccted. ^ -l x
tory,^ and the new government was complete.
The convention, which had passed through so many
vicissitudes,^ was no more ; but among its last acts it
had decreed an amnesty, and had changed the Place
of the Revolution into the Place of Concord.
A more settled form of government had now been
established : each of the extreme parties
under the had, in tum, been overcome : the moderate
Directory. , ,. . , ,, ,
republicans were m power ; and the people,
exhausted by their struggles and sufferings, were sigh-
ing for repose. Passionate faith in the revolution
had been rudely shaken : illusions had vanished : but
a republic had been secured. The Directory were
confronted by bankru23t finances, by disorganised
armies, and by famine : but they met these evils with
energy and ' judgment. Their moderation inspired
general confidence. They put down the lingering in-
surrection in La Vendee : they discovered and pun-
ished the conspiracy of the communists under Ba-
bceuf,^ and the plots of the royalists in the army. The
first signs of political calm were followed by a marked
social revival. Society began to resume its wonted
habits and luxuries : commerce improved ; and the
working classes, whose labour had been set free from
all restraints, by the abolition of corporations and
privileges, were prosperous. At length, the wounds
' La Reveillere-Lepeaus, Eewbell.Letourneur, Barras, andCarnot.
- The convention liad lasted from Sept, 21, 1793, to Oct. 20, 1795.
' This seems almost, if not quite, the first outbreak of commu-
nism. The conspirators proclaimed the ' common good ' and ' a di-
vision of property.'
THE DIRECTORY. 209
of the revolution appeared to be healing. Paris gave
itseK up once more to pleasure and gaiety. Released
from terror, the Parisians wantoned again in the de-
lights of their bright capital.
Prosperity and confidence were reviving in France :
but the war had been languishing, and the
The wr
treachery of Pichegru had exposed the re-
public to serious danger. Prompt measures were
taken for restoring the military power of the country.
Bonaparte, Jourdan, and Moreau vrere entrusted Avith
the command of three great armies ; and to Bona-
parte was given the army of Italy. By the marvel-
lous victories of this great general, Austria was forced
to submit to a disastrous peace : republican institu-
tions were further extended beyond the bounds of
France ; and the victorious general became master of
the republic. He created the Cisalpine re-
public of Milan and the Boman States,^ and
the republics of Venice and Genoa.^ The arms of the
French republic had overthrown the monarchies of
Europe ; and the foundation of republics everywhere
followed her victories. Emperors and kings had com-
bined against democracy ; and democracy had been
spreading, like a flood, over their fairest domains.
Hitherto the Directory had been well supported by
the councils : but in the elections in May, „ ,. ,
1797, the rovalists obtained a maiority in i"the
' • . . councils.
both assemblies. The traitor Pichegru was
elected president of the council of five hundred ; the
royalist Barthelemy was nominated to the Directory.
' The Roma^a, Bologna, and Ferrara, were ceded by the Pope,
and united to the Cisaliune republic of the Mihuiais.
'' By the treaty of Campo Formio, Venice was afterwards given up
to Austria.
210 FRANCE.
The reaction, whicli had already been strong in the
provinces and in the streets of Paris, was now for a
time master of the legishiture, and had gained a foot-
ing in the executive. It was supported and encour-
aged by crowds of emigrant nobles and priests, who
had returned from their exile. The republic and the
government were too strong to be suddenly over-
thrown by the royalists in the legislature. But what
if another election should fill it with royalists ? Their
leaders counted upon this result, and were plotting
to overthrow the Directory.
The new constitution threatened the ruin of the
republic; and the Directory determined to
Measures ■•• . «
<>f the appeal suddenly from the royalists of the
Directory. ■'•■'■_ -^ . "^
legislature, and the provinces, to the repub-
lican armies of France. Threatening addresses were
presented to the councils. ' Tremble, ye royalists,' said
the army of Italy ; ' from the Adige to the Seine is
but a stop.' Menaces were promj^tly followed by
deeds. Troops were brought from the army of
the Sambre-et-Meuse, and quartered at Versailles,
18 Frncti- Meudou, and Vincennes. On the night of
3Aug"st,' August 2, the troops entered Paris under
Augereau, and early in the morning oc-
cupied the Tuileries, and arrested Pichegru and
the leading members of the royalist party. The
councils were dispersed, and ordered to meet at
the Odeon and the School of Medicine. The direc-
tors Carnot and Barthelemy were also placed under
arrest.
Whatever the constitution of France, she was
France clearly to be governed by the sword. Bona-
tke^'^^o'd P^'i'te had saved the republican convention
by his artillery; Augereau had overthrown
BON.iPAETE AND THE .iEMY. 211
the royalist councils at the point of the bayonet.
To this had the republic come. The monarchy had
been struck down : the king and queen had died
upon the scaffold : thousands of royalists had suffered
death, exile, or the dungeon : libert}', equalit}', and
fi'aternity had been proclaimed among men : a subtle
constitution had been framed to ward oft' usurjDers ;
and noAV a military coup d'etat, after the example of
Cromwell, was necessary to save the republic from a
royalist reaction !
This bold coup cVetat was followed by a general pro-
scription of the royalist party. Hitherto „
IIP 1 • '111 Proscnp-
each defeated party m succession had been 'ion ofthe
. royalists.
sent to the guillotine : but now the pro-
scribed royalists were transported to Cayenne or the
island of Be — a hopeful change in the bloody annals
of the revolution. But the proscription was not less
thorough. Hostile journalists, and active partisans
in the elections, were banished : the law permit-
ting the return of priests and emigrants was re-
pealed : the elections of many departments were
annulled, to make room for republican candidates.
Throughout France the royalists were again beaten
down by force, and by violations of the new constitu-
tion.
Meanwhile, the army had saved the republic at
home : it had scattered the enemies of France
The
abroad. The armed coalition was at an end : rcDnbiican
and England was the only power still at war
with the republic. Bonaparte was received in Paris
with all the honours of a Iloman triumph ; and the
coming Cassar was welcomed with enthusiasm. But
what should now be done with the army, and with its
too 2)owcrful general ? The Directory had won its
212 FRANCE.
present power by tlie sword, and was not yet pre-
pared to submit to its rule. The troops could nei-
ther be kept at home, nor disbanded with safety ;
and, above all, Bonaparte must be dispatched to a
Expeditioa distant enterprise. With these views, an ex-
to Egypt. peclition to Egypt was projected, to v/ound
England through her Indian possessions. Bonaparte
readily accepted the command, which promised fresh
victories and glory. Its distance, its difficulties, and
even the vagueness of its objects, ax3j)ealed to the
imagination : it was another chapter from the life of
19 May, Csesar. Sailing from Toulon with a fleet of
^â„¢' four hundred sail, bearing part of the army
of Italy, he took possession of Malta, and passed on
to the fabled land of Egypt.
There were other enterprises nearer home, for the
To switzer- rcstless valour of the army. The republican
'^"'^' constitution of Switzerland was no protec-
tion against French democracy ; and the Directory
soon found occasion to establish the Helvetic Repub-
lic, upon French revolutionary principles, by force of
arms.^
Rome was also changed by French arms into a re-
Propa- public. Naples was soon afterwards added
fherevoiu- to the number of revolutionised States, as
the Parthenopean Republic. The victories
of French arms became everywhere the triumphs of
democracy. Revolutionary France was making con-
verts, as Mohammed had made them, at the point of
the sword : but the flashing sword of France, however
terrible, was not destined to continue much longer
the harbinger of democracy.
' See supra, vol. i., 394-403.
TROUBLES OF THE DIEECTOKY. 213
The Directory, which had lately been seeking out-
lets for its troops, was snddculy surprised Renewal
by events which demanded all the military coaiiuon
resources of France. Negotiations with the Fiance.
emperor at Kastadt were broken off; the ^^^^•
French plenipotentiaries, on their return home, were
murdered : the coaKtion was renewed : and France
was again at war with Europe. Under like circum-
stances, the revolutionary government had relied
upon a levy en masse : but the Directory introduced
the more regular system of a conscription, which at
once placed at its disposal two hundred thousand
men, and laid the foundation of the military ascen-
denc}^ of France.
The first issues of the war, however, were disas-
trous to the French. Thev were defeated
Tronhles
in Italy, on the Rhine, in Holland, and in oft'"-'
"^ . . Directory.
Switzerland ; and the invasion of France was
threatened on every side. Military failures are gen-
erally fatal to an executive government ; and they were
not the only troubles by which the Directory was be-
set. In the elections of May, 1798, the prostration of
the royalists had led to the triumph of many of the
extreme revolutionary or ' anarchist ' party, whose
elections were annulled by the Directory. Again, at
the elections of May, 1799, conducted in the midst of
military disasters, the extreme republicans, and other
candidates hostile to the Directory, prevailed over
the friends of the government. Hitherto the Direc-
tory, when at variance with the legislature, had over-
come it bv force of arms and liigh-handed iRjunc,
violations of the constitution : but weakened '"
and divided, it was now forced to yield to the angry
majority in the councils, and resigned.
214 PEANCE.
In the new Directory, the moderate and extreme
The new republicans were both represented ; ^ and
irectoiy. gaj-j-ag, having belonged to each of the revo-
lutionary parties in turn, now began to intrigue with
the royalists.^ In the midst of distracted councils,
the parties into which France had been divided, dur-
ing the revolution, were seeking for mastery. The
hopes of the royalists had been revived by the threat-
ening advances of the coalition, which, however, were
soon checked by French victories. The revolutionists
and the moderate republicans were watching each
other, in the Directory and in the councils, and were
plotting the overthrow of their rivals. Barras was in
correspondence with the Bourbons ; Sieyes, whose
ideal had long been a moderate republic, was prepar-
ing to defend the constitution against the revolution-
ists, by another military coup d'etat.
In this critical condition of parties, Bonaparte re-
Bonapartc tumed from Egyj)t. His exploits had been
from"' brilliant, but unfruitful : he saw no field, in
'^^' ' that distant realm, for further glory ; and
political affairs at home demanded his immediate
presence in the capital. He was the foremost citizen of
France, her greatest general, the idol of the army, an
adroit and resolute negotiator, the creator of foreign
republics ; and his career had kept him aloof from
domestic factions. His ambition was as vast as his
genius ; and he was without scruples. Force was his
' The new directory were Barras, Sieyes, Moulins, Eoger-Ducos,
and Goliier,
"^ ' Ayant tralii, tour a toiir, tons les partis, renie toutes les opinions,
il ne representait plusqu'une chose, rimmoralite : niais telle etait la
corruption publique et privt^e, que c'utait encore la une force.' —
Lanfrey, Hist, de Nap. I", i. 434.
â– I
i
BON-VPAETE AND THE ARMY. 215
ideal of goyernment. Before Lis expedition to Egypt,
lie had conceived projects of usurpation, which would
have been carried into effect if the Directory had
failed in its coup tVctat against the councils (3rd Aug.
1797), and had the time seemed ripe for action.
In his journey through France, and in Paris, he
was received with ovations. He was courted
by all parties, but committed himself to none, tionrwuh
Sieyes, wlio was seeking a general to over- ^^^'''"
throw the Jacobins, penetrated the dangerous ambi-
tion of Bonaparte, and hesitated to confide to him his
scheme. But they were brought together by mutual
friends : the suspicions of Sieyes were allayed ; and
Bonaparte found in the practised politician an o23por-
tune ally.
On November 9 their arrangements were completed.
The council of ancients, alarmed by tales of
Jacobin conspiracies and the renewal of the d'etat.
reign of terror, were easily persuaded, by ac- niahâ„¢'
complices of the crafty Sieyes, to decree the ^'''^'
removal of the legislature to St. Cloud. Bonaparte
was appointed general of the seventeenth division,
and entrusted with the execution of their decree. All
had been prepared: Bonaparte was ready with his
troops and with proclamations to the people. The
Directory, taken by surprise and deprived of their
guard, oifered no resistance. But there were
grave dangers yet to be surmounted. The and lua
republicans of Paris were provoked to frenzy
by tlie daring plot. Bonaparte was execrated as a
Caisar and a Cromwell, and however anxious for a
time to wear a mask, his proclamations had betrayed
his ambition and egotism. He reproved the Directory
with the airs of a potentate. ' What have you done,'
216 FBANCE.
he said, ' witli this France which I left you so glori-
ous ? I left you peace : I find war. I left you victo-
ries : I find reverses. I left you the millions of Italy :
I find everywhere spoliation and misery. What have
you done with a hundred thousand Frenchmen whom
I knew — all my comrades in glory ? They are dead.'
In vain he assured the people that any attempt upon
the liberties of France would be a sacrilege. The
dictator stood revealed, and the men who had made
so many sacrifices for fi-eedom gnashed their teeth
with rage. Would Paris rise, in its might, against the
ambitious soldier ? Would his troops be true to him,
or to the republic ? The submission of the Directory :
the adhesion of the council of ancients : a vague dread
of the Jacobins : confidence in the constitutional party,
and the prompt measures of the conspirators, com-
bined to avert a rising of the populace of Paris. But
there was still the council of five hundred to over-
come, and it proved the greatest peril of the enterprise.
On the following day, the councils met at the palace
The council of St. Cloud, whicli was surrounded by troops.
of ancients, gjgy^g^ cunuing in the tactics of revolution,
had counselled the previous arrest of his most dan-
gerous opponents. Bonaparte despised their impo-
tence, and trusted to the bayonets of his soldiers.
First presenting himself at the bar of the council of
ancients, he complained of the calumnies against him-
self, and professed his devotion to liberty and equal-
ity. He was desired to swear obedience to the con-
stitution : but having recounted, with great presence
of mind, how often the constitution had already been
violated, he said that new guarantees were required.
The ancients were satisfied, and applauded. As they
had already made themselves parties to the cokjj cVeiat,
THE COUP d'etat. 217
their compliance was to be counted upon. But it
was otherwise with the five hundred.
Flushed with his recent success, Bonaparte pro-
ceeded to the hall of the five hundred, at-
' The Conn-
tended by some soldiers, whom he left mside cii of Five
111-11 1 1 Uundicd.
the door, while he advanced alone and un-
covered to the bar. But the deputies, on seeing the
soldiers, shouted ' Down with the dictator ! ' and one
of them, taking him by the arm, rebuked him so
sternly that he withdrew, escorted by his soldiers.^
In the council there was tumult : cries were raised to
place the tyi-ant beyond the law, and his brother
Lucien, the president, left the chair. Sieyes and
Bonaparte, informed of the tumult, sent troops into
the council, who returned with Lucien Bonaparte.
The latter assured the troops that daggers had been
raised against their general in the council : that the
majority of the deputies were held in terror by their
colleagues. Bonaparte gave orders to clear the coun-
cil, and a body of grenadiers marched into the hall
and turned out the indignant deputies at the point of
the bayonet. The plot was ill designed and clum-
sily executed, but it was successful. Like Cromwell,
Bonaparte was too strong to be resisted : but to assem-
ble the councils merely to disperse them, by a coarse
display of military force, was a wanton and perilous
outrage, which, for a time, was on the point of failure.'^
' ' Venu pour intimidcr, le general pillit, il torabo en defaillance
dans les bras de ses grenadiers, qui I'eutrainent liors de la salle.' —
Lanf rcy, JJUt. de Nap. I", i. 473.
" Louis Napoleon, half a century later, perpetrated his daring
and unscrupulous coup d'Hat with far more judgment. He arrested
the leaders of the Assembly in the night ; and did not allow tho
meeting of the body, which he had resolved to overthrow. Soo
infra, chap, xvii,
VOL. II.— 10
218 FRANCE.
From this time forth, it was idle to speak of any
government hut that of the sword. Through-
forii&rty out the revolution, indeed, there had never
therevoiu- been any semblance of liberty. How had
each party, in succession, gained the ascen-
dent? By tumults, by violence, by mobs, by terror,
by the guillotine, by armed insurrections, and by mili-
tary force. The Directory had violated the constitu-
tion again and again, against royalists and Jacobins.
No party had scrupled to use force, to acquire or to
retain power. Bonaparte was preparing to trample
upon all parties alike. He acknowledged no party:
he recognised no principles : but, filled with a selfish
ambition, he was resolved to rule by the sword. Sieyes
and his party, and probably the republican soldiers
who had obeyed the orders of their general, believed
that he was merely repressing anarchy: but he had
made himself master of the republic.
The republican leaders knew that the republic was
no more : but the people, after years of revo-
First cou- lution and popular misrule, were slow to
realise the danger of a military despot. The
royalists flattered themselves that the Bourbons would
be restored : while the moderation of the new rulers
went far to allay suspicions of the dictator. A pro-
visional government was announced, consisting of three
consuls, — Bonaparte, Sieyes, and Eoger-Ducos; and
of two commissions for the preparation of another
constitution.
Sieyes was once more in his element, framing an in-
genious and impracticable constitution. Af-
tion^of" ter all his experience of the revolution, he
^^^^^' was still contriving to shackle ambition, and
enchain factions, with constitutional cobwebs. He
BONiVPAETE FIRST CONSUL. 219
offered tlie ambitions soldier, who had the republic
at his feet, the high-sounding office of pi^oclamateur-
cledeur, with great diguit}'', and reyenues, but with
power little more than nominal. Bonaparte contemp-
tuously asked how any man of talent could be ex-
pected to play the part of a hog fattening upon some
millions;^ and the scheme was at once put aside.
The constitution of Sieyes, amended by Bonaparte,
laid the foundations of an imperial throne. The ex-
ecutive power was entrusted to the first consul, with
whom two consuls were associated for consultation.
The senate, nominated by the consuls, the legislature
elected by the senate, the tribunate and the conseU
d'etat, were the institutions of an autocracy. The
first consul was everything : the people were ignored.
This narrow constitution was, nevertheless, apjjroved
by more than three million citizens.^
The reaction against revolution, and in favour of
order, and a settled government, was general, q^^^^^^^
A series of revolutions without liberty: a action.
succession of rulers, arbitrary, violent, and oppres-
sive : disorders, anarchy, mob-rule, and the reign of
terror, had wearied the i3eople of revolutionary ex-
periments. Among this party of reaction were to be
reckoned the new owners of the soil, who had bought
church lands and confiscated estates. These men
dreaded, above all things, any disturbance of their
rights : they were in fear of the return of the royalists,
on one side, and of renewed revolutions, on the other.
' 'Voulut se rcsigner au rule d'un coclion a, I'engrais de quelques
millions.'
" Tlio jjlcbiscitc was not now introducod for the first timo. The
constitution of 179:' had bfion ap])rovod by less than two millions;
and that of the year III. by little more than one million votes.
^20 FRANCE.
Hence they welcomed a government founded upon tlioi
principles of tlie revolution, and supported by the army.
Bonaparte was now chief of the State : but in wield-
Theruieof iug the sccptre, he did not lay aside the
MaTand^ sword. He recouquered Italy at Marengo,
June, 1800. g^mj returned, after a brief absence, with new
glories, and increased popularity. In civil affairs,
his first efforts were directed to the conciliation of
parties. Superior to all, and connected with none,
he desired to bring the best men, of every party, into
the service of the State. This policy, however, was
rudely interrupted. His assassination was attempted,
by an infernal machine, planned in England, by royal-
ists (chouans). Attributing the plot to the republicans,
he arbitrarily transported one hundred and thirty
members of that party ; and created special military
tribunals for the trial of offences. These arbitrary
acts at once alienated the republicans, and the consti-
tutional party, who protested against violations of the
law. They served also to betray the despotic spirit
of the chief of the republic.
The peace, at length concluded with the European
Peace of powers, left the first consul free to apply
Marci'25 himself to the internal condition of Francci
1802. ]3-y a^jj amnesty, and by indulgence to the
emigrant nobles and refractory priests, he endeavoured
to restore society to its accustomed relations. He en-
couraged industry and commerce. By his celebrated
codes, he designed a new body of law for a country
which, having cast off its ancient traditions, and
passed through a period of convulsion, specially
needed a new system of jurisprudence. France was
without liberty, but she prospered under the enlight-
ened despotism of the first consul
bon.u'aiite's ambition. 221
While restoring peace, order, respect for law, aud
the material welfare of liis country, he was
at the same time filled with schemes of paitu-s
ambition. He was already maintaining the
state and ceremonies of a court, at the Tuileries ;
and he cherished visions of the imperial purple. He
was preparing society, and the institutions of France,
for its acceptance. By re-establishing the Catholic
Church,^ he calculated upon the supjiort of the Poj3e,
and of a grateful clergy, to his future throne. Sunday,
and the Catholic fete days were restored, and the
revolutionary calendar was discontinued.
This ecclesiastical revivalyt — utterly repugnant to
the spirit of the revolution,^ — was celebrated ^
â– â– â– ' Ceremony
by a grand ceremony at Notre-Dame. The ^^^''^'
first consul drove to the cathedral in the
state carriages of the Bourbon court. The senate,
the legislative body, and all the high officers of state
attended high mass, and large bodies of troops added
brilliancy to the festival. A proclamation announced
to the people the reconciliation of France with the
sovereign pontiff ; and the streets were illuminated in
honour of the great event.
Having thus allied himself with the clergy and the
Catholic laity, it was time to gratify the
army. This he attempted by the creation of of Honour,
the Legion of Honour, which he designed
for the double purpose of rewarding military services,
and of reviving honorary titles in French society.
' By a concordat with the Pope, ratified August 15, 1801.
' It was happily said by General Del mas to Bonaparte : — ' C'etait
une belle capucinnde : il n'y manquait qu'un million d'liommes qui
ont etc tues pour dOtruire ce que vous retablissez.' — Miguet, Hist. ii.
300.
222 FBANCE.
This reactionary policy was received witli great re-
pugnance : but it formed part of liis scheme for over-
throwing the republic ; and his will could not be
resisted.
, These measures were but preparatory to the further
aRgrandisement of his own power and dig-
Bonaparte Ofcl . -, I ry . /-I
first consul mtj. He was appointed, by a benatus-ton-
May6,i802. sidtum, fimt cousul for ten years; and three
Angusts, months later, first consul for life. A new
^^^" constitution followed, under which the senate
was empowered to change constitutions : to suspend
trial by jury : to annul the judgments of tribunals : to
place departments beyond the constitution; and to
dissolve the legislative body and the tribunate. The
first consul had with him the army and the clergy.
The new political bodies, — the conseil d'etat, the senate,
the tribunate, and the legislature, — were his creatures.
No more pov/er was possible to the chief of a re-
public : but higher flights of ambition were
emperor. before him. The renewal of the war with
June 1803. England, in 1803, raised fresh visions of glory
and conquest ; and some months later the obsequious
senate invited him, in the interests of his
May 18, ' couutry, to assume the hereditary dignity of
emperor. This imperial crown he accepted,
as he affirmed, *in order to secure irrevocably the
triumph of equality and public liberty.' A military
empire was established upon the foundations of de-
mocracy.^ A modern Csesarism was created, after the
' The Napoleonic scheme of exercising absolute power in the name
of the people had already been conceived by Frederick the Great,
and fonns part of his code. — De Tocqueville, L'ancien Regime, note,
p. 336.
' Desceudez an fond de sa pensce, vous verrez qu'il avait pour
N.iTOLEON EMPEROR. 223
models of Rome and Byzantium. The grateful clergy
perceived, in the French empire, the linger of God,
and the order of providence ! The people submitted,
without a murmur, to a despotism far heavier than
that of the Bourbons, as it still proclaimed the prin-
ciples of the revolution.
It was fit that the emperor should have his satel-
lites ; and he surrounded himself with princes ^hc impe-
and marshals of the empire. His court glit- ""^ '^°"''*"
tered with chamberlains, pages, and a pra3torian guard.
Tliat his rule would be absolute was soon shown. The
press had already little liberty enough : but it was
withdraAvn : the tribunate was docile : but its sittings
were henceforth secret. No voice was to be heard in
the preparation of laws : but the will of the emperor
would be made known in decrees and proclamations.
The last act of this reactionary drama was the coro-
nation. This was celebrated at Notre-Dame, The coro-
by Pope Pius VII. in person, with all possible Nl,poieon.
pomp and splendour. Napoleon was there iJec. 2, 1804.
enthroned, wearing the imperial purple, and crown,
and holding the coveted sceptre in his hand : the
crown and sword of Charlemagne were borne before
him. The usurping consul was made ' God's anointed'
by the hands of the Pope : heralds proclaimed him
' Emperor of the French : ' thanksgivings were ad-
dressed to heaven, in the solemn strains of the Te
iJeum ; and cannon aimounced the joyful tidings to
mankind.
The French had renounced their revolution ! They
idi'al I'ompire de Constantin, et do Tlirodoro ; et cctte tradition, il
la tenait de ces ancr-tres, comine tous le.s Oliibelins Italiens.' — Edgar
Quinnt, Jjd lli'T). ii. 8()B.
' L'e£;i)rit Ijutiu de Uumc viciUic so retrouvo eii tuut.'— ibid.
224: FEANCE.
had overtlirown tlieir ancient monarcliy : tliey had cast
down their Church : they had abjured the
The revo- •' i n i
iuti.,n Christian faith ; and now they had chosen
renounced. _ i i i
a military autocrat to rule over tliem : they
saw him crowned and anointed, in the metropol-
itan cathedral, by the head of the Church which
they had humbled ; and they heard praises offered
to God, according to the rites of a religion at which
they had lately scoffed ! They had abolished titles,
and confiscated the estates of the nobles : but rank
and dignities were revived, and the nobles were soon
to recover the greater part of their property.^ No-
thing remained of a revolution which had cost such
sacrifices. Not a hero of the republic was held in
popular veneration : not a single fete was continued,
to commemorate its glories.^
Napoleon had no faith in the principles of the
revolution. He had known how to flatter
Napoleon
and the republicans, and found republics : he had
levouition. ■•■' . -^
learned the familiar language of his coun-
trymen : but he believed that Frenchmen had no real
affection for liberty, equality, and fraternity ; and
were moved by one sentiment only — that of honour.^
Upon this belief he acted. He did not scruple to
sacrifice liberties which he deemed to be so little
prized.; and he appealed, with confidence, to that
sentiment of honour, which ministered to his own
ambition.
The principles of the revolution, which the arms of
1 Niebuhr, History of Rome, iii. 374. See infra, p. 246.
^ * Le peuple n'a pas garde una seule des fetes de 1789 a 1800 : cet
immense boiileversement n'a pu deplacer iin seul saint de village.'
■— Edgar Quinet, La Rev. ii. 131.
3 Mem. inalits de Thibaudeau, cited by Miguet, ii. 301.
EEPUDLiTION OP REPUBLICS. 225
the republic liad forced upon foreign States, were now
to be renounced. Democratic propagandism
at once became a mockery, under the empire, tion oi;
The military ascendency of France con-
tinued : but kingdoms took the place of republics.
The cisalpine republic which Napoleon had created,
became a kingdom ; and he was crowned king of
Italy at Milan, with the ancient iron crown May 21,
of Lombardy. Genoa, which he had formed ^^'^'
into the Ligurian republic, was united to the empire.
He endowed his sister and her husband, the Prince
of Piombino, with the little republic of Lucca.
The towering ambition of Napoleon was now more
dreaded by the sovereigns of Europe than ^^ oieon's
the propagandism of the republic. It threat- ^'^-jJ-J^
ened universal domination ; and Europe was
again in arms against him. But his own genius, and
the valour and devotion of his soldiers, routed his
enemies, and increased the ascendency of France.
The zeal of his armies was influenced by victories
and honours : the enthusiasm of his people, under all
their sacrifices, was sustained by the sentiment of
national glory.
After Austerlitz, and the peace of Presburg, he
received, from his admiring subjects, the Napoleon
title of Napoleon the Great. It was their -'^
homage to the greatness of France, which he repre-
sented. At home he recast the institutions of France,
upon the model of a military empire. An ^^^
hereditary nobility was restored ; and it was
his aim to reconstitute the ancienne noblesse of France :
military schools, or lycees, replaced the central schools
of the republic ; and the civil administration of the
State was organised so as to execute, with mechanical
10*
226 FKANCE.
obedience, tlie dictates of a single will. Tlie central-
isation of the monarchy, and the arbitrary powers of
the republic, had prepared the way for his imperial
rule.
Abroad the domination of Napoleon was continu-
Domination ^^^J extended by his marvellous triumphs.
cf Napoleon jjjg Q^yjj Jjingdom of Italy was enlarged by
Europe. couqucsts from Austria, and the Pope : Wur-
temburg and Bavaria, raised into kingdoms by his
arms, owed fealty to his crown : he deposed Ferdinand,
king of Naples, and placed his brother, Joseph Bona-
parte, on the throne, as king of the Two Sicilies : he
converted the republic of Holland into a kingdom,
and sent his brother Louis to reign over it : fiefs of
the empire were multiplied in Germany and Italy : he
constituted himself mediator of the Swiss republic ;
and protector of the German princes who formed the
confederation of the Rhine. Such was his influence
in Germany, that Francis II. renounced his proud title
of emperor. Having humbled and despoiled Austria,
he partitioned Prussia. He erected the kingdoms of
Saxony and Westphalia, and conferred the
1806-7 .
latter upon his brother Jerome. He placed
his brother Joseph on the throne of Spain, and trans-
ferred the crown of Naples to his brother-in-
1S08
• law Murat. He wielded the sceptre of Charle-
magne ; and his vassak did homage from the north,
and from the south. He dethroned the Pope, and
seized his remaining territories : he deposed
his brother Louis, and added Holland to the
empire. Bernadotte, one of his own generals, was
elected to the throne of Sweden.^
' He was elected hereditary prince, and adopted by tlie king,
Charles XIII.
napoleon's divorce. 227
Great was the empire of Napoleon. It threatened
to be universal ; and it was hereditary : but
lie had no son. Hence the flagitious di- (iivo?;ce°and
vorce of the Empress Josephine, and his ill- '"'^™'*=®-
judged alliance with Marie Louise of Austria.^ The
last link which connected him with the revolution was
broken. He had been raised to power by the repub-
lican armies of France : he had established a military
empire, and supported it by victories and glory : ho
had proved himself a greater enemy to crowned heads
than the republic itself; and the poj^ular ardour,
which had sustained the republican arms, followed
the victorious emperor through his wonderful career
of conquest and dominion. Though absolute master
of France, he was still a son of the revolution. But
his second marriage connected him with the old regime.
He was admitted to the great family of European
kings, and severed from the people. Legitimacy was
beyond his reach : it was the heritage of another race :
but, to the revolutionary origin of the usurper, he
now added the pretensions of a legitimate sovereign.
Hitlierto his nobility had been formed of his mar-
shals, generals, and high officers of state — the new
men of the revolution — now he sought to surround
himself with the ancient nobles of France, and to
blend the old regime v/ith the empire. The Rirth of the
first object of the marriage was, however, ko,',h"
attained. An heir was born to the imperial ^''"'''' ^"^^•
crown, and from his cradle, bore the title of King of
Home.
But this dazzling career of power and aggrandise-
' ' Que do vies g('nereuses n'avait-il pas fallu iinmolcr, do part et
d'autre, pour qu'une semhlable alliance fut possible ontre Tancien
et le nouvcau Cesar.' — Lanfrey, llist. de Nap. I" , v. 177.
228 FBANCE.
ment was about to be cliecked. Napoleon's scheme
of a continental blockade, to ruin the com-
Napokfon'g merce of Enerland, liad pressed severely upon
tlie maritime States of the North, and upon
the general commerce of Europe. The haughty do-
mination of Napoleon had aroused the hatred of every
independent State ; and now he provoked the hostility
of the commercial interests of his own, and other
countries. In Spain his armies were defeated by the
valour of the English troops, and the genius of Wel-
lington. His rash march upon Moscow, and his dis-
astrous retreat, brought ruin upon his arms, and
upon his empire. A great army was destroyed : his
own prestige of victory was lost ; and combinations
against a falling power were encouraged. His domi-
nation over Europe was everywhere endured with re-
pugnance. The States he had created turned against
him, and made common cause with the kings whom he
had conquered and despoiled. His military genius
shone more brilliantly than ever: but the battle of
Leipsic nearly completed the ruin which the retreat
from Moscow had commenced.
Pressed by defeats, disasters, and defections abroad,
Discontents his positiou at home was no less threaten-
in France. • ^^^^ Coustaut victories had long sustained
the national ardour : an exhausting conscription and
burthensome taxes had been borne for the sake of
glory : but defeats quickly awakened the people to a
sense of their sacrifices and sufferings. They had
surrendered their liberties for honour : their sons had
bled on every battlefield in Europe : their industry
and thrift had been burthened with the cost of pro-
digious armaments: their commerce had been crip-
pled by rigorous blockades; and yet their beloved
DECLINE OP napoleon's FORTUNES. 229
country, stripped of her conquests, was again tlireat-
ened with invasion. They were weary of wars, and
they had lost faith in their restless and exacting em-
peror. Formidable parties in the State were again
scheming against his power. The priesthood, who
had been gained over by the re-establishment of their
Church, had since been alienated by the dethrone-
ment of the Pope, and the spoliation of the Holy
See. Their natural sentiments were in favour of the
Bourbons and the old regime; and their rupture with
Napoleon, and his impending ruin, quickened their
loyalty to the fallen House. The royalists, who had
never despaired of their cause, foresaw in the re-
verses of the emperor, and the successes of the con-
federate sovereigns, an early realisation of their long
deferred hopes, and 23lotted actively against the gov-
ernment. The party of the revolution, who had been
their most formidable opponents, were now inert and
indifferent. Napoleon had outraged them ; and they
cared not for his fall.
The feelings of the country found expression in the
legislative body. Until Napoleon's retreat t,,,. Le^jg.
from Leipsic, they had ever been obsequi- ^^|,';;^,^,j]y
ous to his will : but now, instead of offering
aid, in the prosecution of the war, they demanded a
surrender of his conquests, and the restoration of
liberty.
The enemies of Napoleon were closing in upon him
on every side. In vain were fresh victories, Napoicon-s
and the most brilliant campaigns oi his
wonderful career. He was overpowered by numbers,
and weakened by defections : the allies entered his
capital, and the senate deposed him from Apmn,
his throne. His abdication, on behalf of
230 FRANCE.
liimjelf and liis son, was soon forced uponliim at
FonLainebleau ; and he exchanged for his vast Euro-
pean empire, the sovereignty of the petty island of
Elba.
France had now struggled, suifered, and bled for
^ , , five-and-twenty years, through a fearful rev-
Results of J J J o
ttie revo- olution and ruinous wars ; and what were
lutiou.
the results ? Her enemies were m posses-
sion of her capital : all ^er conquests were surren-
dered ; and the Bourbons were restored to the throne
of their ancestors.
But these were not the only consequences of the
late convulsions, to France or to Europe. France,
indeed, was governed by another Bourbon king : but
the anden regime was no more : the oppressive privi-
leges of feudalism had been abolished ; and a consti-
tutional charter was granted by Louis XVIII. But
all these benefits had been secured in the first two
years of the revolution, before the monarchy had
been destroyed, without a reign of terror, and with-
out desolating wars. She had gained nothing by her
crimes, her madness, her sacrifices, and her suffer-
ings, since the constitution of the 14th September,
1791.
Upon Europe, the effects of the revolution were con-
Effects of spicuous. The old regime of France was sub-
uoVupon" verted ; and in most European States, where
Europe. ^ similar system had been maintained, since
the middle ages, its foundations were shaken. The
principles of the revolution awakened the minds of
men to political thought ; and the power of absolute
governments was controlled by the force of public
opinion. The earlier campaigns of revolutionary
France also spread democracy abroad, and created
EESULT3 OF THE EETOLUTION. 231
a democratic party, in many States, wliere such a
party liad been hitherto unknown. The French rev-
olution, in its expansive force, resembled the reli-
gious reformation of the sixteenth century, which
stirred the whole of Christendom.* The sympathies
of every people in Europe were aroused : the princi-
ples proclaimed in France were common to all nations
alike : they were preached with the ardour of a new
faith : liberty, equality, and fraternity were not only
the rights of Frenchmen, but the universal * rights of
man : ' they were to politics, what the right of private
judgment was to religion.^ The principles and cha-
racter of democracy were changed, as well as the rela-
tions of rulers to their subjects.
The passionate, sentiments which the revolution had
at first aroused, in other States, were natu-
rally repressed by the rough domination of po^^ition of
the French republic, and the haughty ascen-
dency of Napoleon. The principles of the revolution
were also discredited by the reign of terror,^ and the
military empire. But a change had come over the po-
litical life of Europe. Subjects had sometimes been
' ' La revolution franr;aise est done une revolution politique qui a
operc il la nianirre, et qui a pris, en quelque chose, I'aspect d'une
revolution religieuse.' — De Tocqueville, L'ancicn lityime, IG,
* ' Comma elle avait I'air de tendre a la regeneration du genre hu-
main plus encore quTi la rt'forme de la France, elle a allume une
passion que, jusque-la, les n'volutions politiqucs les plus violentes
n'avaient jamais pu produire.' — Ibid. 19. See also Lecky, Itaiional-
ism in Europe, ii. 240.
" ' La terreur est ce qui a fait perdre, en partio, au monde le sens
de la revolution. La libert(' paiut un mensonge, le jour ou on I'iii-
voqua, une bacLe il la main. LV'galite donna le frisson, mCme S,
ses amants, quand elle fut I't'-galitc' devant I'cchafaud. La frater-
nite? Quelle enigme, quand on vit les honimes s'cutr'egorger en
son nom.' — Louis Blanc, Ilinl. dc In lic-v. xii. 51)8.
232 FRANCE.
provoked to rebellion by oppression, and wrongs : but
loyalty, and reverence for tlie divine riglit of kings,
had become a tradition, and almost a faith. This
sentiment was severely tried by the French revolu-
tion, and the empire. Kings were dethroned, and re-
publics created, to give place to new kings with no
other title than the will of a foreign despot. The al-
legiance of subjects was transferred from one ruler
to another, by the sword of the conqueror. Crowns
seemed but baubles, to be worn for a day, and put
aside, or snatched by some other hand. The tradi-
tional reverence for thrones^ could not withstand the
teaching of such examples. With reverence less un-
doubting, there arose an assertion of popular rights,
and a questioning of the laws by which States were
governed. A marked change came over the relations
of rulers and subjects, which was hereafter to show
itself in revolutions, and constitutional charters;
and everywhere, in the abatement of prerogatives
and privileges, and the extension of popular influ-
ences.
But while the principles of the revolution were
silently working political changes in Europe,
reaction in they wero naturally abhorrent to rulers.
The dangers of democracy had been pain-
fully revealed : its excesses had aroused the horror
and indignation of the civilised world : all that was
noble in the revolution had been overshadowed by its
crimes. Hence a reaction, dangerous to liberty itself,
succeeded the first outburst of sympathy with the re-
' ' There's such divinity doth hedge a king.
That treason can but peep at what it would,
Acts little of his will.' — Hamlet, act iv. sc. 5.
RESULTS OF THE REVOLUTION. 233
generation of a great people, Monarclis dreaded de-
mocracy, as dangerous to their thrones : the governing
classes feared it, as subversive of order, and the rights
of property ; and liberty was everywhere confounded
with democracy. For several years after the revolu-
tionary period, political reaction was general through-
out Euroi^e.
CHAPTER XV.
FRANCE (continued).
THE RESTORATION— LOUIS XVIII.— WEAKNESS OP THE MONARCHY —
STATE OF PARTIES — THE ROYALISTS— CHARLES X. — THE PRIEST
PARTY — THE POLIGNAC MINISTRY — THE THREE DAYS OP JULY —
LOUIS PHILIPPE RAISED TO THE THRONE— EFFECTS OF THE
REVOLUTION OF 1830 UPON EUROPE.
Louis XYIII. was recalled to the throne of his ances-
tors by the senate of his own country : but,
ofthe^re"^ in truth, he was imposed upon France by the
btoration. ^^j'g^j govereigns, whose victorious armies
occupied the capital.^ Such a title, accepted by royal-
ists who had supported the prerogatives of Louis
XVI. by force of arms, was humiliating to France,
which had passionately resented foreign intervention.
It was repugnant alike to the revolutionary party,
whose schemes were frustrated, and to the adherents
of Napoleon, who had derived his power from the
Eevolution, and had assumed to represent its senti-
' In the narrative of the period of the restoration (including the
reigns of Louis XVIII. and Charles X.) the following works have
been mainly relied on, viz. : Lamartine, Histoirc dc In Bestauration ;
Capefigue, Hist, de la Restaur ntion, par un homme d'etat; Lacretelle,
Hist, de la Restaur ation ; Lubis, Hid. de la Restaur ation ; Chateau-
briand, Memoires d' outre tombe; Louis XVIII., Lettres et Instructions
au Comte de St. Priest, pn'cedees d'une notice, par M. de Barante ;
Politique de la Restaumtion d 1823 et 1833, par le Comte de Mar-
cell us.
THE CHAETER OF 1814 235
ments. The revolution tad been in vain: the con-
quests of France had been wrested from her : her vic-
tories had been followed by crushing defeat. The
restoration of the monarchy, under such conditions,
was unj^ropitious. Nor were the acts of the king such
as to win popularity.
Even in granting a constitutional charter, the
Bourbon stood confessed. He declared him- â„¢ , ,
Charter of
self to be in full possession of his hereditary ^°?j'^j
rights, while he desired so to exercise the May 27,
1S14
authority which he had received fi-om God
and his fathers, as to place ' limits' to his own power.^
France was to receive her liberties as the fi-ee and gra-
cious gift of the king, who ruled over her by divine
right and hereditary title. And, still further to ignore
the revolution, the charter was dated 'in the nine-
teenth year of our reign.' The revolution was further
spurned by the abolition of the national tricolor,
under which the greatest glories of the French armies
had been achieved, and the restoration of the white
Hag of the Bourbons, which had almost come to be
regarded as the standard of an enemy. Well miglit
Napoleon say of the Bourbons, ' lis n'ont rien appris :
ils n'ont rien oublies.'
The insecurity of the Bourbon crown, notwithstand-
ing its divine and hereditary title, was soon j^^^,,^,, ^^
disastrously proved by the triumphant return j^o,\"'^.;;j^
of Napoleon from Elba, and the flight of
Louis from the realm, which he had so lately recov-
ered. After an exile of a hundred days, he was again
restored by his victorious allies, who had triumphed
over the French armies at Waterloo ; and he returned
' Speecli of the Chancellor M. d'Ambray.
236 FRANCE.
under tlie very shadow of the British and Prussian
standards.^
France was doubly humbled by this second resto-
second ration. Again her capital was occupied by
restoration. fQ^gjgjj armies : her destinies were at the
mercy of her enemies: the Louvre was stripped of
the treasures of art which she had taken from foreifm
galleries : her frontiers were contracted : an indem-
nity of upwards of 60,000,000L was exacted by her
conquerors : prodigious armies were for a long time
quartered upon the country ; ^ and when they were at
length withdrawn, a hostile army of occupation,^ to be
supported by herself, was left in her fortresses. The
monarchy was restored : but, in its cause, the patriot-
ism and honour of France were deeply wounded.
And what support had the king upon his throne ?
_ , France, which he was now called upon to
of the govern, was the France of the revolution and
moaarchy. ^ .
the empire. The principles, the passions,
the parties, and the interests of a transformed society,
stood between him and the monarchy of his forefa-
thers. There was a royalist party, indeed : but the old
nohlesse had been crushed by the revolution : their es-
tates had been confiscated, and a great part of their
domains had passed into the hands of new proprie-
tors — the creatures of the revolution. They were
eclipsed by the new nobility of the empire, whose
names were associated with the military glories of
their country. The Church, once a great territorial
' The provisional government, in a message to the Chambers, on
the 7th July, 1815, stated that ' Tous les souverains s'etaient enga-
ges a replacer Louis XVIII. sur la trone, et qu'il doit faire ce soir,
ou demain son entree dans lacapitale.' — Lamartine, Hist, de la Rest.
V. 117. * No less tlian 1,140,000 men. ^ 150.000 men.
WEAKNESS OF THE MONAECHY. 237
power, had lost her possessions, and was a humble
pensioner of the State. Nor could her influence be
soon recovered. The wild irreligion of revolutionary
times was not to be suddenly checked by a weakened
and impoverished clergy. All the sympathies of the
army, it was but too well knowTi, were with Napoleon
at St. Helena. Could Louis rely upon the tradition-
ary devotion of the people to his royal house ? Un-
der the old monarchy, loyalty was a tender Decay of
sentiment of affection and duty, akin to reli- ^°^*"y-
gion. It passed away with the revolution, and could
not be revived. Napoleon had awakened it for a time,
as the representative of national glory : but the ancient
sentiment had not survived the revolutions, factions,
and political changes of the past generation. Nor
had Louis any personal claims to the attachment of
his people. After his long exile, he was as much a
stranger to them, as if he had dropped from the
clouds. Meanwhile, France herself had been trans-
formed by time and the revolution. Her manners, in-
stitutions, sentiments, — all were changed. France was
as strange to Louis, as he to France.^ Loj-alt}' — the
great strength of monarchies — was shaken, and respect
for the law had been lost, amid the convulsions and
anarchy of the revolutionary period. Authority had
been too long known as an arbitrary and capricious
force : it had slio-^Ti itself in executions, pillage, ter-
ror, prisons, and the guillotine ; and, without confidence
in a government, there can be no respect for the law.
' ' Tout etait chang«' dans la patrie — mccurs, institutions, esprit
religieux. Une generation nouvelle t'tait nt'e ct croissait a I'ombre
des opinions et des idLCs de la revolution fian^aise. . . . Unc cour
vieillie et France jeuue, I'einigration etla revolution allaient Ctreen
presence.' — Capefigue, Uist. de la licst. i. 404.
238 FPvANCE.
The revolution and the empire still lived in the
Political hearts of Frenchmen. Many clung to the
parties. « rights of man,' and ' the sovereignty of the
people :' many had profited by the ruin of the Church
r and the noblesse : all were proud of the glories of
French valour, under the republic and the empire.
Formidable parties were opposed to the Bourbon
dynasty,* — the republicans, a section of the liberal or
constitutional party ,^ and, above all, the imperialists.
The latter commanded great power and influence,
notwithstanding a reaction against Napoleon, after his
recent disasters. It comprised the foremost men in
the army, and in the State ; and was strengthened
by the glorious memories of the greatest soldier of
France. There was scarcely yet an Orleans party :
but an influential coterie, attached to the interests of
the Duke, formed a section of the liberal party. But
none of these parties were so embarrassing to the
king, or so dangerous to his throne, as his too zealous
friends, the royalists.^ They formed the party of re-
action : they saw in the restoration a revival of the
ancien regime: they abhorred all the principles of the
revolution ; and they were burning for vengeance upon
their enemies. They had suffered exile and confisca-
tions : they had witnessed the ruin of every institu-
' ' Toutefois, les parties politiques etaient testes debout. Jamais
les passions baineuses, les exigences des factions, n'avaient ete plus
grandes ; et le spectacle des malbeurs de la patrie, qui devait etre si
puissant sur des coeurs fran^ais, n'arretait pas ce debordement des
opinions.' — Capefigue, Hist, de la Best, iii. 2.
^ One section of this party was really constitutional : another was
estranged from the Bourbons, and opposed to the dynasty. — Cape-
figue, Hist, de la Best. iv. 83.
' ' Les royautes neuves perissent par leurs ennemis, les restaura-
tions par leurs amis.' — Lamartine, Hist, de la Best. viii. 413.
THE EOYALISTS. 239
tion, and the violation of every principle, wliich tliey
had learned to cherish ; and, at length, the good time
had come when their wrongs were to be redressed
and avenged.
The monarchy was now constitutional : but prero-
gative was still to be paramount, in the gov-
ernment of the State. One of the king's first prTroga-
acts was to issue a royal ordinance altering
the electoral law, and summoning a new legislative
body, with an extended suffrage. By another ordi-
nance he reconstructed the chamber of peers, and made
it hereditary. The king further relieved all publica-
tions, except journals, from the censorship. Some of
these measures were liberal : but they were the acts
of prerogative, not of the legislature.
Before the elections, the temper of the royalists had
been displayed in many parts of France, and
especially in the south. At Marseilles, at of th'^*^°
Nismes, and at Toulouse, the violence of roy- '^"^'^
alist mobs recalled the atrocities of the Jacobins in
1793. An overwhelming majority of royalists found a
place in the legislature, bent upon vengeance against
the imperialist party, and upon a reactionary policy
in the State. Their first measures provided for the
punishment of seditious cries, for indefinite arrest,
and for the trial of political offenders by courts-
martiak Tliey insisted upon the trial and execution
of Marshal Ney, and his brethren in arms, who had
returned to the standards of Napoleon.^ When a
' Of this act Lamartino says : — 'Un sentiment plus dangereux que
la colr-re, parce qu'il est plus durable, couva dans les couirs de la
jeunesse inipartialo, de rarnn'e oiitragre, du peu])l(3 rccoiuiaissant.
Ce fut le degout pour la pusillanimite de cette cour (|ui ii';ivait pas
comVmltu, et qui laissait rcpaudre jxjur sa cause uu sang populaire
240 FRANCE.
general amnesty was proclaimed, they opposed the
king's act of clemency. This party was far more roy-
alist than the king himself; and was soon in open
opposition to his government. They defeated a new
electoral law, which threatened their own influence :
they resisted the budget, and were opposed to the
moderation, and remedial measures of the ministers.
Boyalism was becoming one of the chief dangers of
the State ; and while the government was embarrassed
by royalist zeal on one side, it was threatened, on the
other, by dangerous republican conspiracies at Paris,
Grenoble, and Lyons.
To meet these difficulties the king resorted to the
Coup characteristic expedient of French policy, a
Sept. 5, coup d'etat. He suddenly dissolved the legis-
•'^^'^- lative body, and by a royal decree pro-
claimed a new electoral law, with a suffrage restricted
to persons paying three hundred francs direct taxa-
tion to the State, and generally resembling that pro-
vided by the charter of 1814. It was considered as a
middle-class franchise, comprising the small proprie-
tors and tradesmen, and it was founded upon the prin-
ciple of direct representation. This stretch of pre-
rogative provoked the bitterest denunciations of the
royalists : ^ but it was condoned by the republican
and imperialist parties, as promising increased influ-
ence to themselves. It was clear that constitutional
government had not yet taken root in France; and
et glorieux, en libation a I'etranger sur un sol foule encore par nos
ennemis.' — Lamartine, Hist, de la Best. iv. 59.
' ' Dissoudre la seule assembli'e,' said Chateaubriand, ' qui depuis
1789 ait manifesto des sentiinens purement royalistes, c'est, & mon
avis, une etrange maniere de sauver la monarcliie.' — La Monarchie
selon, la Charte. (Euvres, xviii. 431.
LIBERAL MEASURES. 241
that neither the excesses of the old monarchy, nor of
the revolution had been forgotten.
At the elections, the relations of parties were sin-
gular. The moderate party and the repub-
Defeat
licans supported the crovernment : the roy- of the
, , . rni royalists.
alists were everywhere opposed to it. The
new electoral act, however, had been so dexterously
contrived that the ministerial party secured a majority.
The new chamber immediately passed another electo-
ral law, founded upon the same principles as the last or-
dinance, which was constitutionally agreed to
by the chamber of peers and the king. The law of
restrictions upon the liberty of the press, and
the liberty of the person, were also continued for a year.
The royalist ministers were removed, and the govern-
ment was formed entirely from the moderate ljij^jj^i
liberal part}^ which commanded a majority ^ii^isure?.
in the chamber. By the late electoral law one-fifth
of the chamber was to be renewed annuall}^, and the
successive elections of 1817 and 1818 increased the
strength of the liberal, and even of the democratic
party ; and was gradually excluding the royalists from
the chamber. The firmest friends of the monarchy
were losing ground ; and were supplanted by the revo-
lutionarj' and imperialist parties. The moderate min-
istry of the Duke de Riclielieu was broken up, and
succeeded by a ministry of more advanced opinions,
under General Dessoles. Oblivion of past offences was
the main policy of this ministry. The officers of Na2")0-
leon were restored to commands in the army ; and the
magistracy and civil service were filled with adherents
of the revolution and the empire. The censorship of
the press was removed; and the trial of offences of
the press entrusted to juries.
vuj.. n. -11
242 FEANCE.
The royalisis, powerless in the representative cham-
ThckiiK' ber, still commanded a majority in the cham-
opposed to Ijqj. Qf peers. There they insisted upon a
royalists. change in the electoral law, which had been
the ruin of their party. They were answered by the
March 8 Creation of sixty-three new peers, all of the
^^^"^^ liberal party, among whom were six of Napo-
leon's marshals. By one couj) cVc'tat the king had over-
come the royalists in the legislative body : by another
he overthrew them in the hereditary chamber. The
reliance of the crown was now placed upon the very
parties which had opposed the restoration of the
monarchy. The king was pressed by a hard alterna-
tive. If he cast in his fortunes with the royalists, he
hazarded revolution : if he severed himself fi*om them,
he was drifting into the arms of his enemies.
The latter danger was aggravated by the elections
, . of 1819, which resulted in the return of a
Increasma: '
tiiLâ„¢c'n'''o"^ large majority of the democratic party. The
cratic party. Jjing, alarmed by the rapid advances of de-
mocracy, was persuaded that another revision of the
electoral law was necessary for the security of his
throne. As his liberal ministers did not concur in
this view, a new ministry was formed under M. De-
cazes, to carry it into effect. This rupture with the
liberal party provoked the most violent attacks of
the enfranchised press, and fresh conspiracies against
the monarchy. When the excitement caused by this
change of policy was at its height, the assassination
Royalist re- °^ ^^® Duke de Berri, produced a sudden re-
action, action in favour of the royalists; and the
Duke de Richelieu was restored to office, with the
support of that partj^. Its policy was the revival of
the censorship of the press, a continuance of discre-
EOYALIST REACTION. 2i3
tionary arrest (in the nature of a suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act), and a new electoral law. Not-
withstanding a violent opposition in the chambers
and in the press, and serious disturbances in the
streets of Paris, and elsewhere, these three measures
were passed. By the electoral law, a new constitu-
ency was created, favourable to rank and property;
and the king supported the roj^alist party with all the
influence of the crown. Before the elections, he ad-
dressed a lithographed autograph circular to every
elector in his realm, advising him to vote for candi-
dates devoted to his throne, and to the charter. The
result of the elections could not be doubtful. The
new fi'anchise, and a strong reaction in favour of the
king, secured the royalists and their allies, the priest
party, a large majority. The moderate, or constitu-
tional, party was unable to hold its ground; and a
royalist ministry was soon appointed, under M. de
Villele. The State was ever destined to be impelled
from one extreme to another.
The first measure of the new ministry was a law
imposing fi'esh restrictions upon the press, Royalist
and withdrawing the trial of press offences
from juries. It was passed : but the exas-
l)eration of tlie liberal party was extreme. Power
had been wrested from their hands ; and the policy
of roj'alist reaction had been avowed. There were
popular commotions, and some insurrectionary move-
ments in the provinces, which were promptly sup-
pressed. But the worst symptom of the time was the
formation of secret societies, in correspondence with
the Italian Carbonari.* Lafayette, who, thirty years
' ' La carbonaiisinc, dont I'origine se perd dans la nuit du moyou-
iige, commc la irauc niaroiURrie, dont il I'ut, tour u lour, I'allk' et
iniuistry.
1821.
2M FR^lNCE.
before, had played so active a part in the great revo-
lution, was not yet weary of revolutionary intrigues :
but was the chief promoter of these dangerous demo-
cratic conspiracies.^ The extreme parties of the rev-
olution were again in full activity, and moderate
constitutional councils, which had been the con-
stant aim of the king, were exposed to the obloquy
of royalists on one side, and of republicans on the
other.
Successive elections continued to increase the
spani.-h strength of the royalist party. Meanwhile,
^''''"' the death of Napoleon had depressed the
hopes of the imperialists ; and a diversion had been
caused, from the fierce conflict of parties, by the bril-
liant success of the brief war in Sj)ain. That war
was, indeed, a royalist war. It was concerted with
the despotic powers at the congress of Verona,^ and
French armies were marched to support the King of
Spain against a popular revolution. Such a jDolicy
was repugnant to tlie liberal party in France, and
throughout Europe : but militarj^ glory has ever ral-
lied the French people round their rulers, whether
royal or republican. For a time, the monarchy was
strengthened by this siiccess : but the pretensions of
the royalists were dangerously encouraged.^ France
had accepted the repressive policy of the Holy Alli-
ance ; and her rulers were to become yet more defi-
ant of the principles of the revolution.
I'ennemi, ctait une sorte de Jacobinisme Italien.' — Lamartine, Ilist.
de la Best. vi. 312.
" Lamartine, Hist, de la Best. vii. 26 et seq. ; Capefigue, Hid. de la
B^st. vii. 308.
- Capefigue, Hist, de la Best. vii. 345 et seq.
2 Lamartine, Hist, do la Best. vii. 323.
CHAELES X. 245
The policy of Louis XVIII. liimself liad been one
of moderation, clemency, and justice ; and Death of
at liis death, in September, 1823, he left xviTi.
France apparently more safe from the war of Sept. le,
factions, than at any period of his troubled
reign. ^
It was a fortunate moment for the commencement
of a new reign ; and the king's brother, the
Comte d'Artois, who succeeded him, as of
Charles X., had many showy and popular
qualities to recommend him to the favour of the
French people. His first act was to conciliate the
press, by the abolition of the censorship ; and the
Journals proclaimed the inauguration of freedom, and
mutual confidence between the king and his people.
But his popularity was shortlived. With generous
sentiments, Charles X. cherished a lofty ideal jjj^
of his own prerogatives : as leader of the ^''^'-icter.
royalist party, in the late reign, he was identified with
their principles;^ and having grown devout, after a
' ' Si la restauration, le plus difficile des gouvernements, n'eut que
ce rcgne, ce fut la faute de son dge, ce ue fut pas celle de ,sa po-
litique. II avait en lui le genie flexible, tempero et m'gociateur des
restaurations.' — Lamartine, Ilist. de la Rent. vii. 340.
' All conseil rareraent il inclinait pour les partis violens : il savait
que dans un pays agite par les revolutions, les termes moyens sont
encore ce qui vit le plus long temps.' — Capefigue, Hist, de la Rest.
X. 381.
'^ Loui.-i XVWI. said to one of his ministers : — ' Mon frcTC est im-
patient de devorer mon regno, mais qu'il se souvienne que s'il no
change pas, le sol tremblcra sous lui.' — Capefigue, Hist, de la Rest.
(title-page).
On his deathbed Louis XVIII., warning his brother against the
royalists, ' lui peignit, par des mots entrecoupes et faibles, les diffi-
cultes de son regno, Ic moyen d'eviter les ecueils qu'uno trop grande
exaltation des opinions royalistes pouvait produire,' adding, ' Agissez
246 FEANCE.
youtli of gaiety, lie was surrounded by priests and
Jesuits. The evil influence of the latter determined
his policy, and was fatal to his crown. During the
late reign, the poverty of the Church had been re-
lieved by increased endowments : the religious feel-
ings of the people had shown signs of revival ; and
the Church promised, at no distant time, to recover
her spiritual influence. But there was still a strong
jealousy of the priesthood, and a repugnance to the
political domination of the Church.
The king continued the royalist ministry in power ;
PriePtiv ^^^ -^^ constituted a priestly camarilla his
intiuence. secret couucillors, and keepers of his con-
science. His palace was made gloomy with incessant
prayers and masses : his household was filled with
creatures of the Jesuits ; and many important offices
of state were entrusted to the priest party. Such
favour to the ultramontane faction was unpopular in
itself ; and the priestly policy was disastrous.
The army was oifended by a large scheme of super-
unpopuiar aunuatiou, designed to remove from active
measures, service the marshals and generals of the em-
pire. An indemnity of 40,000,000^. was granted to
the royalist emigrants, whose estates had been con-
fiscated during the revolution. A law of extreme se-
verity was passed against sacrilege. An attempt was
made to restore the rights of primogeniture, to which
the people were passionately opposed : but it failed,
even in the house of peers. A doleful religious jubilee
was celebrated throughout France, for six tedious
weeks ; and Thanin, the narrow ultramontane bishop
comme jo I'ai fait, et vous arriverez i1 cette fin de pais et de trau-
quillitC-.'— Ibid. x. 377.
OPPOSITION TO THE COUET. 247
of Scrasburg, was appointed preceptor to the young
Due de Bordeaux.
These measures had provoked the vehement oppo-
sition of the press ; and their secret authors j^^^^^^^,
were scourged with merciless invectives. It *^"'^''-
was not from priestly rulers that tolerance of free dis-
cussion could be expected ; and they retaliated by
proposing a severe law against the press. Such was
its severity, that, resisted by intelligent men of all
parties, it was defeated in its most stringent provi-
sions ; and served but to increase the enmity of the
journalists, and the intellectual classes. The ill-feel-
ing caused by the reactionary policy of the cabinet
and the camarilla was yet rife, when the king reviewed
the national guard of Paris, and expression was given
to the popular discontents by some soldiers of the
tenth legion. Cries were raised of 'A has les ministres!
a has les Jesuites!' It was a breach oi discipline, de-
manding prompt repression and punishment : but the
king was advised, by his dangerous councillors, to as-
sert his dignity by a signal mark of his displeasure.
He, at once, disbanded the entire national guard. If
this severity was necessary, prudence would have
suggested the disarming of the force : yet 40,000 men,
offended and resentful, were left in possession of their
arms and accoutrements.
But the incapacity of the priestly statesmen was
soon to be shown upon more momentous . ,
/â– . , Dissolution
occasions. Their maiority m the chambers "l "'^â– ,
■' _ •' ^ (hambcr of
had been shaken by their recent policy ; and i>«p<'ti«s.
they found themselves exposed to bold criti-
cism, and often to serious resistance. The country
was far more hostile to the government than the
chambers : yet a dissolution was determined upon,
248 FR^mCE. '
at tills critical time. No sooner was tlie session closed
than the censorship of the press was re-
June 1827. it t t^t i
stored by a royal ordinance, in JSovember,
no less than seventy-six peers were created ; and the
chamber of deputies was dissolved. The impolicy of
the dissolution was soon made evident. Even the
higher class of electors, who had been created to se-
cure the success of royalist candidates, turned against
the court. There were riots in Paris, where liberal
candidates were returned, in the midst of dangerous
popular excitement ; and the temper of the leaders of
the liberal party threatened a determined onslaught
upon the government.
The ministry of de Villele yielded to the coming
Liberal storm, aiid withdrew before the meeting of
the ncw^ °^ the chambers : but did not escape censure
chambers. ^^^ ^^^ chamber of deputies. The minis-
try of de Martignac had been constituted to appease
the anger of the liberal party : but, being obnoxious
to the king and his camarilla, it was to be dismissed
when it had served its purpose. The new chambers
showed a reforming spirit, repugnant to the policy
of the court. They restrained the army of govern-
ment officers from voting at elections, and they re-
stored the liberty of the press. And, in order to
satisfy the prevailing sentiment against the Jesuits,
the king was prevailed upon to issue ordinances sup-
pressing schools under their management, and limit-
ing the number of students for holy orders. This
ministry having neither the confidence of the king,
nor of the chambers, was dismissed, and was suc-
ceeded by the famous royalist administration of the
Prince de Polignac.
This ill-omened minister, with many eminent quali-
THE POLIGNAO MEsISTEY. 249
ties, was in statesmansliip little better tlian a priest :
his policy ivas that of a past age. He re- ^^^
garded the iirero^atives of the crown as sa- i''.'ii?nac
f J. o ^ ^ mmisiiy.
cred, and above all laws and constitutions : Angu^t
and freedom of worship as ' an outrage against
the altar of the true God.' ^ Such a minister was
dear to the inmost hearts of the Jesuits : but to the
French people, just recovering from the wild license
of the revolution, his nomination was a defiance.
The new ministers were everywhere denounced. The
press foretold the downfall of the monarchy : Guizot
and Thiers deplored the blindness and infatuation
of the king: Lafayette organised the political socie-
ties ; and made a tour of agitation in the south of
France.^
In March 1830, while this popular excitement con-
tinued, the chambers were opened ; and the
. . . . Want of
deputies, in their address to the kinp;, con- comidLiice
i ' >=>' in the
veyed, in measured and respectful terms, p<.'ivini-ic
'' ^ . ■'• . ministry.
their want of confidence in the Polignac
ministry. The king resented this address as an as-
sault upon his prerogative. Denying the March 2,
right of the chamber to advise him in the ^^^'
choice of his own ministry, he would not allow the
Prince de Polignac to resign : but prepared for a
contest with his antagonists. He replied to the ob-
noxious address in language which bespoke his de-
termination ; and on the following day the chambers
were prorogued, before any of the business of the
' Lamartine, Ilist. de la Erst. viii. 329.
' ' La contre-revolution pleine ct enthre arrivo avec M. de Polig-
nac : alors le sol a tniinble sons les pas de Charlos X., pour nous
Bervir do la prophutique expression de son frcre.' — Capcfigue, ZJist,
de la Best. x. 394.
11*
250 FRANCE.
session had been transacted. The breach between
the king and his parliament was now complete.
That it was full of danger to the monarchy, none
but the blindest councillors could fail to see ; and
the infatuation of the high-prerogative faction jDre-
cipitated the impending crisis. Prosecutions were
commenced against several newspapers, which in-
creased the exasperation of the popular party : while
the royalist journals openly exhorted the king to exer-
cise his prerogatives for the defeat of disloyal factions.
Notwithstanding the unmistakable public sentiment
Another agaiust the policy of the court, ministers re-
^*^°Jg"°"" solved upon another appeal to the people ;
1830. and in May the chambers were dissolved.
As every one but ministers had foreseen, an over-
whelming liberal majority was returned. The verdict
of the country was unequivocally pronounced against
the reactionary policy of the king and his advisers :
Coup but they resolved to brave it. The hostile
jii'iy 25 chamber of deputies could not be safely en-
1830. countered, and it was dissolved before the
day appointed for its meeting. So far, the king,
though taking a violent and dangerous course, was
acting within his prerogative. But how was another
hostile majority to be averted ? By a new electoral
law, under the sole authority of a royal ordinance !
This illegal ordinance was accompanied by another,
prohibiting the publication of any newspapers, with-
out a license from the government. The misguided
king had been advised that the fourteenth article of
the charter ^ permitted such an exercise of prerogative ;
and it was affirmed that Louis XVIII. had issued simi-
' ' Le roi . . . fait les reglemens et les ordonnances neces-
saires pour I'exccution des lois, et la surete de Tctat,'
THE THEEE DAYS OF JULY, 1830. 251
lar ordinances without objection. But it was forgotten
that the king was now repealing express acts of the
legislature, which had been passed since the ordi-
nances of the late reign ; and that he was unquestion-
ably exceeding the powers of a constitutional sove-
reign.^ His contest with the popular party had already
been fraught with danger : but, by this plain violation
of the law, he gave his adversaries an overwhelming
advantage, by which they were not slow to profit.
The king had committed himself to a violation of
the law and the constitution : he had offended
the press, the liberal party, and the people, pripaia-
His policy was that of force. He had taken
his stand upon his own prerogatives, and should have
been prepared to defend the dangerous position he
had assumed. Yet such was the blind confidence of
his advisers in the royal authority, and such their ig-
norance of j)opular sentiments, that, while provoking
insurrection, they had taken no measures to repress
it. Paris was the great centre of political movements,
the source of all former revolutions : it had a turbu-
lent populace, a discontented hoitrgeoisie, a disbanded,
but not disarmed, national guard, two hundred thou-
sand men trained to arms, and bold leaders versed in
the tactics of street-fighting. What were the forces
prepared to resist these formidable elements of dis-
order? In Paris tliere were about ten thousand
ti-oops, of all arms, of whom 4,600 were of the royal
guard, and twelve guns,'~ with six rounds of grapc-
' Even the Duke of Wellington, one of the best friends of the
Bourbons, and certainly no unfriendly critic of prerofrativo, ad-
mitted ' that the throne of Charles X. had fallen from his own acts.'
« Four of these were at the Invalides, and were not brought into
action.
252 FEANCE.
sliot. No attempt liad been made to strengthen tlie
garrison, from other stations, and Marshal Marmont,
who had just been apjDointed to the command, being
ignorant of the impending coup (Vttat, had made no
preparations for the defence of the capital. His
scanty force vras ill supplied with food and ammuni-
tion, and without the means of securing immediate
reinforcements, or supplies.
Such was the condition of Paris when the ordi-
nances were published. The leading oppo-
tioniu sition joumalists, advised that they were
July s6, illegal, refused obedience to the law for the
1830. .
regulation of the press, and published a pro-
test, in which they proclaimed their determination
to resist it. This protest was signed by forty-four
journalists, among whom was Thiers. Attempts tq
seize the refi'actorv iournals, and close their
July 27. , " . .
oiiices, provoked disorders in the streets.
"While a meeting of thirty liberal deputies, including
Casimir Perier, Dupin, and Guizot, were deliberating
upon the perilous situation of affairs, a general insur-
rection had broken out in Paris : barricades were
erected : the people were arming themselves with
pikes and seizing arms : the disbanded national guards
were in the midst of them, not ranged on the side of
order, but in arms against the handful of troops,
which had been left to defend the capital, and tlie
monarchy. This small force, half-starved, thirsty, ill
provided with ammunition, and wearied with excessive
duty, was wholly unequal to cope with the over-
whelming masses by which it was surrounded : but it
succeeded in carrying several of the barricades, and
other strong positions of the insurgents. At length,
however, the troops of the line, who had been left for
AEDICATION OF CHAELES X- 253
hours in conversation with the people, were seduced
h'oni their allegiance, and offered no further resistance
to the insurgents. The royal guard continued faith-
ful to the last : but the insurgents had gained posses-
sion of the Hotel de Ville, the Louvre, and
the Tuileries : the tricolor flag was flying from
the towers of Notre-Dame ; and the insurrection was
everywhere triumphant.
Meanwhile, the liberal leaders, who had been in fre-
quent consultation during tliese events, were ^j^^ ]j^j^|.j^j
encouraged, by the progress of the insurrec- leaders.
tion, to place themselves at the head of the movement.
Guizot, Thiers, and Villemain shrank from taking j^art
in the insurrection : but Lafitte, Lafayette, and others
resolved to make common cause with the insurgents.
Lafayette accepted tlie command of the insurrection-
ary forces, and established himself at the Hotel de
Ville, at the head of a provisional government ; while
other leaders were busy with plans for giving a safe
direction to the successful movement.
When the king was fully informed of the state of
the capital, he revoked the obnoxious ordi- r^^^^ ^. »
nances, and dismissed his ministers : but it j*„']y ^q^" \
was too late ; and a proclamation was issued, ^^^- i
fi'om the Hotel de Ville, declaring that Charles X.
had ceased to reign in France. On the folloAving day
he abdicated in favour of his grandson, the Due de
Bordeaux.' His abdication was accepted: but the suc-
' ' Telle f ut la fin de la restauration, — gouvernemont Ic plus difficile
de tous ceux que I'histoire retrace en legon aux homraes, et ou les
fautes sont les plus inevitables, meme aux plus droitcs intentions,
parce que les choses abolies pur la r<'vohition, ct pcraonnifu'es.dans
les dynasties proHcrites, s'efforceiit, par nature, de revonir avec ccs
dynasties, et portent outrage auxclioses nouvelles.' — Lamartiue, Hid.
do la Rest. viii. 441,
254 FEANCE.
cession was repudiated by all but the defeated royal-
Abdica- ists ', aud tlie unfortunate monarcli, anxious
Charles X. to avcrt tlie shedding of more blood in his
"^''*'' â– cause, retreated to Cherbourg, where he em-
barked for Edinburgh. There was no attempt to
arrest his flight ; and the revolution was spared the
embarrassment of determining the fate of a captive
king. The examples of English history were followed.
One king had been brought to the scaffold : another
was suffered to escape.
The throne was vacant ; and how should Franco be
governed? The republicans had been the authors of
the revolution, had fought in the streets, and had con-
quered : Lafayette, their leader, was in command of
their armed multitudes, — a revolutionist of more than
forty years' experience, and ambitious of being the
founder and dictator of a new republic. The empire
had multitudes of friends : but the death of Napoleon,
and the youth of the King of Bome, discouraged any
attemjDts in favour of that dynasty. But there were
wiser heads at work upon another scheme. They had
taken no part in the insurrection : they had incurred
no danger : all the fighting had been done for them :
but they now sat in conclave to distribute the fruits
of the victory. Lafitte, the banker, Guizot, Thiers,
and other journalists were determined, if possible, to
rescue France from another period of revolution, and
mob-rule. Lafitte had long maintained the closest re-
lations of confidence with the Duke of Orleans ; and
during the last two reigns had assumed the lead of
the Orleanist party, or coterie. The chief journalists,
being men of political moderation, were either as-
sociated with that party, or friendly to the objects
which it had in view. With rare address and manatre-
LOUIS PHILIPPE KING. 255
ment, this little knot of clever men issued a procla-
mation recommending the Duke of Orleans to the va-
cant throne. Thej overcame the irresolution of that
prince himself: they prevailed upon the deputies
and peers then in Paris to offer him the crown :
they extolled the claims of their candidate in all
their nev/spajjers : they outwitted Lafayette and the
republicans ; and obtained their reluctant acquies-
cence in 'a throne surrounded by republican institu-
tions.' ^
In a few days every difficulty was surmounted : a
new constitution was prepared : Louis Phi- ^onig
lippe accepted the crowTi, as 'King of tHe kin'<^''orthe
"French,' and swore to observe the constitu- ^[f.r'lf^t'
tion. The new settlement of the crown re- '^^"^i'-'-
sembled that of England in 1689. The essential laws
of the State were little changed : the charter of Louis
XVIII., with the exception of the 14th article, which
had caused tlie fatal errors of the late reign, was gen-
erally maintained : the tricolor flag was restored ; and
the trial of press offences was once more remitted to
juries.
The revolution of July had changed the d^masty of
France, and founded a constitutional mon-
arch}'. It was th^ work of few hands : it of the
was no national movement : but it was ac- on foitiga
cepted by the nation, as the overthrow of
royalist principles repugnant to the constitution. In
other European States it encouraged a revolt against
the absolutist policy which had been maintained since
the peace of 1815. The vague declarations of the
' Of these proceedings, it is cleverly said by ^Ir. Reeve, ' The
crown was disposed of by a liand-bili, and the dynasty enthroned by
a [>lacard.' — Roydl and Ri publican France, ii. 52.
25 G FEANCE.
Holy Alliance ^ acquired significance at Troppau, at
Laybacli, and at Verona. The great powers, — dread-
ing a revival of the revolutionary spirit, v/hich had
shaken thrones, and disturbed the peace of nations, —
had combined to repress popular movements in Na-
ples, in Piedmont, and in Spain ; and they had ex-
ercised their influence everywhere in discouraging
democracy. Greece alone had been aided in her
struggle for freedom and independence, by the liberal
policy of England, and the religious sympathies of
Russia.
The revolution of July suddenly fi'ustrated the re-
pressive policy of the great powers, and was the com-
mencement of a new era in the liberties of Europe.
It gave an impulse to the revolution in Belgium : to
the insurrection in Poland; to the democratic con-
stitutions of Switzerland : to political reforms in seve-
ral of the States of Germany ; and to parliamentary
reform in England. Its influence was felt in Italy, in
Spain, and Portugal : in Hungary, and in the Sclavonic
provinces of Austria. And, even beyond the bounds of
Europe, it reached fi^om Egypt and Syria, in the east,
to South America, in the west. The period of reaction
was now closed, to be succeeded by the progressive
development of constitutional freedom.
1 On September 26, 1815, tlie Emperors of Russia and Austria and
the King of Prussia had entered into a convention, known as the
Holy Alliance, to give efEect to the precepts of justice, Christian
charity, and peace; but its true objects were subsequently disclosed.
CHAPTER XYL
FEANCE {continued).
REIGN OF LOUIS PHILIPPE — STATE OP PAKTIES — KELIANCE UPON
THE MIDDLE CLASSES — INSURRECTIONS— LOUIS NAPOLEON AT
STRASBURG AND BOULOGNE — REFORM AGITATION — THE SPANISH
MARRIAGES — THE FALL OF LOUIS PHILIPPE — EFFECTS OF THE
REVOLUTION OF 1848 UPON THE DIFFERENT STATES OF EUROPE.
Upon Louis Pliilippe liad devolved tlie difficult experi-
ment of a constitutional government, — to be r^^^ ,.. ,g
maintained against royalists on one side, and fiifficuities.
republicans and Bonapartists on the other : with rival
parties supporting his throne, and hostile factions
plotting to subvert it : v/ith all the principles of the
revolution in full activity ; and with few of the safe-
guards of an established monarchy.^ Journalists had
been the king-makers of this crisis, and were rewarded
' The followiug are tlie principal works relating to the reign of
Louis Philippe. They differ essentially in principles, aims, and party
views : but they agree generally in their narratives of the chief
events of the period : — Louis Blanc, Hist, de Dix Arts, 1830-1840 ;
and Hist, de Huit Avs, 1840-1848 ; Capcfigue, Dix Ans de Louis
PMlippe ; Lamartine, Hist, de la Rev. de 1848 ; Gamier Pages, Hist,
de la Rev. de 1848 ; Duvernier de Hauranne, Hist, du Gouv. Pari.
1814-1848 ; Kegnault, Hist, de Huit Ans, 1840-1848, and Hist, du
Gouvcrnement Provisoire ; Qranier de Cassagnac, Hist, de la Chute de
Louis Philippe, d:c.; Quizot, M('m. pour servir a I'Histoire de mon
Temps; lyilaussonville, Hist, de la Politique exterieure du Goiiverne-
ment Franrais, 1830-1848 ; Beaumont-Vassy, Hist, de m<m Temps;
Amcdce Boudin, Hist, de Louiis Philippe.
258 FKANCE.
"by a considerable sliare of power under tlie new dy-
nasty. But Louis Philippe, whose chief characteristics
were prudence and caution, was constrained to form a
ministry of such social pretensions as befitted a great
monarchy, and commanded the confidence of the aris-
tocracy, as well as of the democracy. Accordingly his
first ministry was formed under the Due de Broglie :
but Guizot was Minister of the Interior ; and Lafitte,
Dupiu, and Casimir Perier were not forgotten, but had
seats in the cabinet, without office. The democratic
party, however, were greatly dissatisfied with the
share of power which had fallen to their lot : the re-
publicans were smarting under their recent discom-
fiture ; and the disorganisation of French society pro-
mised little political repose to the citizen king. A
revolution had raised him to the throne : revolutionary
sentiments had been revived by the triumph of the
barricades ; and the problem to be solved was how a
constitutional king should govern a democracy, which
he was obliged at once to propitiate and to restrain.^
All the parties of the late reigns were as irrecon-
state of cilable as ever : royalists, Bonapartists, doc-
parties. triuaires, liberals, reiDublicans, and the now
dominant party of the Orleanists. But the royalists
were no longer supporters of the throne. They had
been devoted adherents of the restored monarchy,
which represented, in tlieir eyes, the sacred principle
of hereditary right, as well as a time-honoured insti-
' ' Riea n'etait vrai dans cette royaiit6, qu'un trone et un peuple
egalement frustres. Tot outard, il devait s'aneantir, comme il avait
surgi, dans uu souffle.' — Lainartine, Hist, de la Best. {Preanibule, 9).
' Entre I'lieredits, qu'il avait bannie, et I'election nationale, qu'il
avait eludee, que pouvait-il faire ? Manoeuvrer, negocier, ateiinoyer,
capter, corrompre : gouvernement a deux visages, dout aucuu ne
disait une verite,' — Ibid.
EEIGN OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 259
tution, to uliicli tliey and tlieir ancestors had owed
allegiance. But now tliey were the bitterest enemies
of the sovereign, who had usurped the throne of their
legitimate king.
The main reliance of Louis Philippe was upon
the large society of the middle classes who Reliance
dreaded democracy, on one side, and pre- n\'J^J|ie^®
rogative, on the other. And it became the classes.
policy of his reign to secure the adhesion of these
classes, by favouring enterprise and industry: by
placing the chief power of the State in their hands :
by lavishing upon them patronage and profits ; and by
an extended system of political corruption. Unable
to rely upon the traditions or sentiments of his peo-
ple, he was driven to appeal to their interests.^ The
bourgeoisie were naturally attracted to the sober rule of
the citizen king ; and their relations with their work-
men, at this time, further ensured their ad- socialism.
hesion. After the revolution of 1830, the ^^^'
' Of these classes Louis Blanc says : ' Comme classe mllitante, la
bourgeoisie a bien merits de la civilisation. EUe possede d'ailleurs
des qualit'-s : I'amour du travail, le respect de la loi, la haiue du
fanatisme, et de ses emportements, des mocurs douces, I'economie,
ce qui compo.se le fond de.i vertus doniestiques. Mais elle manque
en gL-neral de profondeur dans les idees, d'ek'vation dans les senti-
ments; et elle n'a aucune vaste croyance.' — Ilist. de Dix Ans, v. 332.
According to Guizot : ' Et lorsqu'elles out cte amenees, en 1830, a
fonder une monarchie nouvelle, los classes moyennes ont porto, dans
cette difficile entreprise, un esprit de justice et de sincerity politique
dont aucun evenement ne pent leur enlever I'bonneur. Eu dopit de
toutes les passions, de tons les perils qui les assaillaicnt, en depit
de Icurs propres passions, elles ont serieuseraent voulu et pratiquii
I'ordre constitutionnel ; elles ont efifectivement respectt'et maintcnu,
au dedans et pour tout, la liberti-, a la fois legale et vive, au dehors
et partout, la paix, la paix active et prosp^re,' — Dc la Democratic en
France, 44.
260 FEiVNCE.
principles of socialism, founded upon St. Simon, were
more widely adopted by the working classes of Paris.
Their creed was shortly this : that they should regu-
late the prices of their own labour, and distribute its
products among themselves : that the inheritance of
property should be forbidden : that marriage should
be abolished ; and that the community should take
the place of families.^
One hopeful contrast is to be observed between the
crmtrast Spirit of the revolution of 1789 and that of
nsQund 1830. In the first, a ferocious thirst for
^^'^' blood disgraced it in the eyes of Europe and
of history : in the second, no blood was shed save in
the streets of Paris, during the three days of July.
Prince de Polignac, and some of his colleagues, had
not escaped, like their royal master ; and were
brought to trial for their crimes, against the law.
Their trial was watched by the people, with threaten-
ing demonstrations. In 1793 their lives would have
been sacrificed to the popular fury : but now they
were calmly judged by the chamber of peers. They
had violated the law, and were condemned : but their
crimes were punished by transportation and impri-
sonment, not by death.
The troubled course of Louis Philippe's reign may
Summary ^6 briefly followed. The Due de Broglie's
November ministry soon fell, and was succeeded by
10, isio. ^j^g^|. q£ Lafitte, the king-maker. It was their
policy to prevent the revolution from drifting into
anarchy ; and they had the courage to dismiss the re-
publican chief Lafayette from the command of the na-
March 13, tioual guard. This ministry soon gave place
^^^" to another under Casimir Perier. To gratify
' Seo Louis Blanc, Hist, de Dix Ans, ii. 268.
ABOLITION OF HEREDIT.UiY TEEK^GE. 261
tlie popular party, the elective franchise was now
extended, and the electors were at once in- Elective
creased from 99,000 to 108,000, and in the *'"'''^'"^^'-
course of the next ten years to 224,000.^ Ministers
had pledged themselves to govern by the chambers
alone ; and the first election under the new law,
left them in a minority of one, in the chamber of
deputies.
The revolution was again asserting its influence,
and the first sacrifice made to it was the Abolition
hereditary peerage. An overwhelming ma- ditary*^'
jority of the deputies were bent upon its ^^^^'^s^-
abolition, and the luckless upper chamber was co-
erced, by the creation of thirty-six life peers, into
the surrender of its privileges. The nobles had lost
their territorial power and social influence : the po-
litical ascendency of the middle classes had been se-
cured by the electoral law ; and the fall of the here-
ditary peers was demanded at once by the bourgeoisie,
and by the democracy. Henceforth the upper cham-
ber consisted of life peers only, created by the crown.
The general policy of an hereditary chamber, as part
of a constitutional monarchy, was little concerned in
this determination. Such was the political and social
state of France, that no upper chamber, whether here-
ditary or not, could withstand the popular influences;
and the hereditary principle excited too much jeal-
ousy, to be maintained against the revolutionary sen-
timents which were still in the ascendent. The here-
ditary peers had done nothing to save Napoleon or
Charles X., and they could do no more for Louis
Philippe. They had neither supported the crown
' Speficl) of Guizot on electoral reform, February 10, tS43.
2G2 FBANCE.
against tlie people, nor upheld liberty against pre-
rogative : tliey had no will or policy of their own,
but had been overborne, again and again, by large
creations, and made obedient to the dictates of the
king's ministers, and the chamber of deputies.
The kins; was now left face to face with the revolu-
, tiou, to guide it as best he could ; and he
Discontents " ^ .
and insur- -^ag eucompassed by the gravest difficulties.
rectious. , ■■■•^ <-' IT
The working classes were suffering and dis-
contented : trade was injured by the shock which com-
mercial confidence had sustained from the late revo-
lution : there were fierce contests between workmen
and their employers, concerning the rate of wages :
the disorders of society were multiplied, and the pas-
sions of political parties were not appeased. The
dangerous spirit of the working classes was shown in
November the iusurrectiou at Lyons. The troops were
20, 1831. driven out, and the city fell into the hands
of the insurgents. Nor was it reduced to submission
until the arrival of Marshal Soult, a fortnight after-
jj^ wards, at the head of forty thousand men.
There were plots and conspiracies on every
side. The republicans were plotting, and fomenting
disorders at Paris, Strasburg, and Grenoble. The ad-
venturous Duchesse de Berri was vainly raising the
Bourbon standard at Marseilles and in La Vendee.
But it was in the streets of Paris that the govern*
ment was threatened with its greatest danger.
Insurrcc* • â–
tion in A risiug had long been projected by the rest-
less democrats of that irrepressible city ;
and at the funeral of the popular general Lamarque,
they assembled in vast crowds, and attempted another
jnnos revolution. For a time it seemed as if the
1833. three days of July, 1830, were about to be
DTSUKRECTIONS. 263
repeated ; and Lafitte, Lafayette, and other leaders
of that time were watching the course of events, and
preparing to take the lead again, if the insurrection
should prove successful. Three-fourths of the cit}"-
fell at once into the hands of the insurgents, and their
rapid advance was threatening the Tuiieries : but now
tlie government were amply prepared. Marshal Soult
was in command, with sixty thousand regular troops
and twenty thousand national guards,^ and one hun-
dred and twenty pieces of artillery. With this large
force, he stormed all the barricades and other posi-
tions of the insurgents. The insurrection was crushed ;
and the monarchy was saved.
But this formidable insurrection was the turning-
point in the reign of Louis Philippe. It had ,p,,^ y
been at once his policy, and his own earnest "xl.'^^'/ife
wish, to govern France according to the con- '"^'^•
stitution, which he had sworn to observe. But the
people of his capital had defied the law, and appealed
to arms. The normal reign of law was for a time
superseded by force ; and for the first time in his reign
he was constrained to transgress the bounds of the
constitution. While Paris was still in arms j,,^^ ^^
against him, the printing presses of the re- ^*^~
publican journals were seized and broken up, to pre-
vent them from aiding the insurgents ; and when the
insurrection was quelled, Paris was declared in a state
of siege. This measure placed the capital under mar-
tial law ; and all ofiences connected with the late ris-
ing, — even offences of the press, — were witlidrawn
from trial by jury, and entrusted to courts martial.
Hundreds of persons were arrested without being
' About 30,000 of this force failed to appear to the muster.
264 TEANCE.
brought to trial, and tlie journals were pursued witli
unrelenting severity. These exceptional measures
•were a painful anomaly in the reign of a constitu-
tional king ; and they united against him the repub-
licans, the royalists, and the Bonapartists. He could
not expect popular support in so rigorous a policy :
but one incident of the insurrection went far to rally
around him the middle classes of France. The work-
men had taken the chief part in the insurrection : the
insurgents had fought under red banners, and many
had worn the red caps of the revolution. These dread
emblems of the ' red republic ' were a terror to indus-
trious and thriving citizens : they recalled memories
of mob-rule and the guillotine : they threatened ruin
to trade, and danger to life and property. Louis
Philippe had, at least, saved them fi-om these calami-
ties; and a large, but not demonstrative, 'party of
order' was forming itself, upon whom every succes-
sive government has since relied, in resisting revo-
lution. Notwithstanding the rancour of parties, so
complete a victory over insurrection, at Lyons, in La
Vendee, and in Paris, secured the confidence of France
and of Europe, in the stability of the government.
This confidence Marshal Soult's ministry increased by
the success of the armed intervention of France, in
concert with England, in the affairs of Belgium.
Casimir Perier had died before the late events ; and
in October was succeeded, as premier, by
scfuu's^ Marshal Soult, who presided over a doctri-
miui=try. j^Q^[y.Q cabinet, including the now celebrated
names of Thiers and Guizot. That a marshal of the
empire should be first minister of the citizen king,
pointed to the unwelcome truth that the revolution
was still to be combated by the sword. The first act
THE king's EEKiTION TO PARTIES. 2G5
of tlie new minister was tlie creation of sixty-three
peers, in order to ensure the cordial support of the
upper chamber. Whether the peerage was heredi-
tary, or for life, constant creations seemed to be the
law of its existence.
Louis Philippe was in open war with the revolu-
tion ; he was estranged from the legitimists ;
and he relied upon the middle classes, who ticking to
dreaded anarchy, and upon the Bonapartists,
whose leaders he trusted, and whose sentiments he
often took occasion to flatter. The adherence of the
latter was further favoured by the death of j,,, ^
Napoleon's heir, the Due de Eeichstadt. His ^'^~-
policy was therefore marked out for him. It was that
of repressing the revolution on one side, and of con-
ciliating the electors and the chamber of deputies on
the other.
One of the most formidable instruments of the revo-
lutionary party was found in the secret so-
... T , 1 p n • Repressive
cieties; and a law was proposed lor their mear^ures
repression. Though vigorously opposed in
the chamber of deputies by Odillon Barrot, Gamier
Pages, and other members of the liberal party, it was
passed by large majorities. The revolutionists, how-
ever, determined to resist its execution ; and they suc-
ceeded in exciting so much popular feeling against it,
that insurrections broke out at Lyons, St.
Etienne, and Paris : but they were promj)tly ^^"
suppressed.^ These strong measures increased the
resentment of the revolutionists: but tliey effectually
discouraged further insurrections. That they were
ajoproved by the electoral body, and the moderate, or
' Lafayette, who Lad been one of the most active promoters of in-
Burrections, died on the 20tb of May.
VOL. II. — 13
266 " FRANCE.
juste milieu, party, was proved by tlie overwhelming
majority with vv'hich they supported the government,
at the dissolution.^
It was to this class and this party that Louis
Philippe continued to look, for confidence
orrup 1 n. ^^^ political support ; and upon a limited
constituency he was able to bring to bear the influence
of a vast government expenditure and patronage. Ho
could not rule by a military despotism : he could not
rely upon the loyalty of the people ; and he was driven
to the use of corrupt influences, over the classes who
alone were disposed to support constitutional govern-
ment. The policy of William III. , of England, was now
to be repeated in France, and parliaments and electors
were to be swayed by the influence of the crown.^
The day of armed insurrections had passed for
Attempts to awliile : it was now the turn of the assassin,
tiifkfng^^ In July 1835, the king narrowly escaped
July 28, from the infernal machine of Fieschi ; and on
1835
several other occasions^ his life was sought
by the hands of assassins. His personal danger was
great : but his throne was strengthened by acts which
aroused the indignation of all good citizens of every
party. The crime of Fieschi, however, provoked new
measures of repression, especially against the press,
' There had been ministerial changes : but the policy of the govern-
ment was unchanged.
* There were 140,000 civil offices, besides commissions in the army.
For evidences of corruption during this reign, see Cassagnac, i. 97 ;
Regnault, iii. 47, &c. ; Capefigue, vs.. 335 ; Louis Blanc, Dix Ans, v.
329.
' Attempt of Alibaud, June 25, 1836 : plot of Hubert, December,
1837 : attempt of Darmes, October 17, 1840 : attempt of Quenisset,
upon the lives of the Due d'Orleans and the Due de Nemours, Sep-
tember 13, 1841 : attempt of Lecompte, April 16, 1846.
LOUIS N.VrOLEON AT STRASBURG. 267
wticli furtlier inflamed tlie hatred of the revolution-
ary party.
In the conflict of great principles and parties, ordi-
nary changes of ministry require no special ^^.^^^...
notice : but the formation of an administra- J}\\?^^-
1830.
tiou under Thiers, in February 1836, affected
the future policy of the State. There had long been
a divergence of opinion between that statesman
and his distinguished colleague, Guizot, increased
by their rivalry, and by the restless ambition of the
former. The policy and instincts of Guizot were con-
servative : the sympathies of Thiers were with the
revolution, controlled by force, as in the reign of
Napoleon. Hence his ministry was of a somewhat
democratic character ; and Guizot found no place in
it. In a few months he fell, and was succeeded by
Count Mole, at the head of a conservative and doc-
trinaire ministry, which included Guizot.
At this time, the country was suddenly startled by
Louis Napoleon's attempt to seduce the gar- LQ„ij,j;fjj
rison at Strasburg. Its failure, indeed, was P'''e<'" it
as sudden as the enterprise : but the defec- ^gg^""^^'' ^*^'
tion of the artillery, and the extraordinary
excitement caused by the familiar cry of *Vive I'Em-
pereur ! ' betrayed tlie sentiments which still clung to
the memory of Napoleon. Louis Napoleon was ban-
ished to America: but, so strong was the popular
sympathy with his cause, that, in defiance of conclu-
sive evidence, his accomplices were all acquitted.^
With many changes, the ministry of Count Molo
continued for five years, sorely embarrassed conflict of
by the strife of parties. In 1838, a disso- '"'■^"^''•
' Jerrold, Life of Napoleon HI. B. iii. ch, 7-14.
268 FRANCE.
lution secured a small majority in tlie chamber of
deputies ; and fifty-tliree new peers were created, to
souit'8 ensure the support of the upper house.
mfni'itry. This ministry, however, could not long
ay i8;i9. j^qJ^^j j^g grouud ; and the insurrection of
Barbes again brought Marshal Soult to the head of
affaii'S.
It was not until May, 1839, that the latent spirit of
inisurrec- the revolution again broke out in insur-
BarbL. rectiou. This insurrection had long been
planned by Barbes, Blanqui, and several
other members of a secret society, which first called
itself La Societe des Families, and afterwards the So-
ciete des Saisoiis. The insurrection was of so limited a
character, and was so promptly repressed, that its
chief interest lies in the objects for which it was
planned, and the principles of its promoters. It was
intended as the first step in a social revolution : its
objects were, not so much to resist the government, as
to overthrow the existing order of society. The con-
spirators, like their predecessors in the revolutionary
struggles of France, maintained the popular doctrines
of equality, and the sovereignty of the people. But
these formed a small part of their creed. Like all re-
publicans, they denounced aristocrats : but T\^ho were
aristocrats ? ' All monied men, bankers, contractors,
monopolists, great proprietors, stock-jobbers.' Such
men governed the people by force ; and who were the
people ? The people were all citizens who worked, —
the proletaires. They were treated by the rich as
slaves and negroes. Their tyrants had silenced the
press, and had repressed societies. They governed
by force, and by force they must be overcome. The
social revolution would humble the rich, and the State
PAELI^VMENTABY T.UITIES. 269
and society would liencefortli bo governed by work-
ing men.^
Sucli were the socialist principles of tliis movement.
Tliey had already taken deep root among the revolu-
tionary members of the working classes, and their
growth was destined to bring serious calamities upon
the country. Who can wonder that the citizens of
France, against whom the movement was directed,
should earnestly support the government in the main-
tenance of order, and in the repression of the red re-
public ? The electoral body, and all political parties,
in both chambers, condemned these dangerous princi-
ples, however much they differed upon other ques-
tions afiecting the policy of the State.
While Soult was minister, Thiers, now leader of the
parties of the gaicche and gaiccJie centre, was
aiming at an early restoration to power, with ^''^^H^'^
a liberal ministry. The contest of rival
statesmen and parliamentary parties was like that of
whigs and tories in England. They advocated, in dif-
ferent degrees, the liberty of the press and of associa-
tions, the extension of the franchise, and economy in
the public establishments : but they were all faithful
to the monarchy, and to the constitution of France.
They were struggling for power among themselves,
under Louis Philippe : but outside the chambers,
republicans and Bonapartists were ever plotting the
overthrow of the monarchy, and profiting by the strifes
of tlie parliamentary parties.
In what manner momentous consequences followed
the comparatively trivial contentions of par- A-itation
liamentary parties, may be briefly told. In
' Ilistoirc des Soci't's S'crHea, ii. 1!) ; Louis Blanc, Hid. de Dix
Ans, V. 410 ct mi-; Capufiguc, Blx, Arm de Louis ridlippc, x. 53.
270 FEANCE.
1839, tlie opposition, led by Thiers and Odillon Barrot,
commenced a movement in favour of the extension of
the suffrage, or parliamentary reform. At the same
time, they urged the responsibility of ministers to
the representative chamber. Both were natural and
proper subjects, to be advanced by a parliamentary
opposition. But the king, who was throughout his
reign the chief of his own cabinet, had been growing
more and more conservative. His fierce conflicts with
the revolutionists, and the frequent attempts upon his
life, had naturally led him to recoil from changes
which might strengthen the forces of revolution. The
middle-class electors had supported his throne, and
helped him to repress anarchy.- His natural caution
and his increasing age, confirmed his unwillingness to
entrust power to untried hands. Hence, he feared an
extension of the suffrage as the first step in the course
of revolution : while he resisted the full responsibility
of ministers to the chambers, as an infringement of
his sovereign rights. Like George III. of England,
he was slow to admit limitations upon his prerogative
of choosing ministers, and directing their policy. His
confidence was placed in Soult, Guizot, and the con-
servative party ; and their resistance to constitutional
changes gravely affected the political prospects and
ultimate fate of the monarchy.
Upon the fall of Soult's second ministry, Thiers, the
Ministry leader of the opposition, was once more
Feiminr' I'estored to power. He conciliated the revolu-
23, 1840. tionary party by a further amnesty, by con-
secrating a sepulchre for those who fell in the glori-
ous days of July, and by raising a monument to their
memory, in the Place de la Bastille. The statue of
Napoleon had already been restored to its place on
LOUIS NArOLEON AT BOULOGNE. 271
tlie column of the Place Vendome ; and now lie gratified
tlie Bonapartists, by the removal of the remains of
their idol from St. Helena to the Invaiides. In cele-
brating these events, he delighted the multitude by
fetes and pageantry. But the popular excitement
showed the undying force of parties. The revolution
and the empire still had their devoted adherents, and
their old sympathies were revived.
Louis Napoleon, having returned to Europe from
his banishment across the Atlantic, had since
been active in revivinj^ the hopes of his party. p<iit<>" --^t
J. */ liuulo^'uc.
His work, ' Les Idees Napok'oniennes,' pre-
sented the policy of the Emperor in its most attractive
aspects ; and friendly newspapers dwelt upon the
glories of the empire, and the freedom and happiness
of France under its beneficent influence. Too con-
fident in the strength of his party, and impelled by a
fatalism, which had taken possession of him, lie re-
solved upon another desperate enterprise. Without
awaiting the arrival of the ashes of Napoleon in
France, and the enthusiasm of such an occasion, he
made his memorable descent upon Boulogne. The
incidents of this adventure and its failure August 6,
were covered with ridicule : but his procla- ^^"'
mation appealed to the sentiments of the French
people. Glory and freedom were his watchwords ;
and he trusted to a resjionse from republicans and
Bonapartists alike. Condemned to imprisonment for
life in the castle of Ham, his visions of empire were
as clear as ever ; and in the solitude of his prison he
])repared himself, by patient study and contemplation,
for his great destiny. His prison doors had Derombcr
not long closed ui^on him, when tlio onihusi- ^''' '*^"
astic cries of 'Vive I'Eiapcreur ! ' which hailed the
272 FEANCE.
obsequies of Napoleon, at tlie luvalides, gave fresh
encouragement to his aspirations.^
The flattery which Thiers had offered to republi-
sudcien fall caus ou oue side, and to Bonapartists on the
of ihiers. Q^j^gj.^ j^^jj j^q^ been without risk to the throne
of Louis Philippe. Meanwhile, the professions of
the leader of the opposition were not realised by the
responsible minister, and the liberals murmured at
his shortcomings. But his fall came suddenly, fi'om
an unexpected quarter. It was not from the king,
nor from the chambers, nor from the streets of Paris,
that a blow was struck at his power : but from the
cabinet in London. The ignominious failure of his
diplomacy in the affairs of Turkey and Egypt : the
isolation of France fi-om the other powers of Europe :
the brilliant exploits of the English fleet on the coast
of Syria : the evasion of the French squadron from the
scene of those achievements, in which it had no part
to play ; and war angrily threatened, but not declared,
— were humiliations which no minister could survive.
Power was restored to the conservative party. The
veteran Soult was, for the third time, premier,
third and Guizot became minister for foreign af-
October 39, fairs. Heuceforth, the councils of the State
were directed mainly by the latter f and
the conservative policy of the king was maintained
throughout the remainder of his reign.
One measure demands special notice. Thiers had
Fortiflca- P^oposed the fortification of Paris ; and this
Paris"' scheme was now vigorously carried out by
Soult. It had been recommended for de-
* Jerrold, Life of Na'poUon III. vol. ii. B. iv. v.
^ He did not. become president of the council, or premier, until
September 1847.
DISCONTENTS. 273
fence against foreign invaders : but the detaclied forts
â– were no less designed to command the streets of Paris.
This object was but too manifest to the revolutionists,
and thej denounced the scheme as another menace to
the liberties of the j)eople.
At this time France was prosperous : but its expen-
diture was excessive : and its people were Discontents
heavil}^ taxed. The multiplication of offices ^^volkfncr
and contracts continued to afford to the '^'''*'^^''^-
government vast influence over the chambers and the
electoral body. In the chamber of deputies there
Avere one hundred and thirt}^ placemen : in the coun-
try there were one hundred and thirty thousand of-
fices at the disposal of the executive.- The wealth
of the country was constantly increasing : the land
was laboriously cultivated by the peasant proprie-
tors :^ commerce and manufactures were flourishing ;
and railways were opening up fi-esh fields of enter-
prise and industry. Merchants, traders, and the mid-
dle classes generally, were satisfied with a government
to which they owed so much. But the ouvriers were
still discontented : they were in perpetual conflict
with their employers, and sometimes in open revolt :
republican and socialist doctrines were gaining ground
amongst them ; and they scowled with sullen aversion
upon the rule of the hourgeoisie. They denounced its
corruption, its selfishness, its treachery to the popu-
lar cause, and its reckless extravagance. Above them
> De CsiTn^, Etudes mrVUst. du Oouv. repr. 1789-1848, ii. 238, 280,
321.
^ At this time there were 10,800,000 separate properties in land,
supposed to belong to about 6,000,000 Y)Toj)TietoYs.—8tntistiqne.i de
la France, vii. 90 ; Regnault, Hist, de Huit Am de Louis PUlippe,
ii. 276.
12* •<
274: FEANCE.
was a large class, excluded from the narrow franchise,
wlio demanded admission to the privileges of the con-
stitution. Nothing short of universal suffrage would
meet the political aims of the ouvriers : but they
espoused the cause of parliamentary reform, as an
assault upon the unpopular chamber of deputies.
They aimed at social revolution : but they were not
the less ready to strike an immediate blow against
the dominion of their masters in the chambers, and
in the government of the State.
Such being the political and social condition of
France, electoral reform became the fore-
reform.'* most question of the time. During the min-
istry of Thiers, an active agitation had been
organised : reform banquets had been celebrated in
Reform various parts of the country : eloquent ad-
june"juiy dresses in support of the cause were de-
Axvnist livered by Arago, Odillon Barrot, Garnier
1840. Pages, and other popular leaders : the press
shared eagerly in the discussions ; and the question
was ably debated in the chamber of deputies. But it
found no support from the liberal minister.
No interference had hitherto been afctemj)ted with
^j.^j^ the political banquets : but, soon after the
banquet accessiou of the Soult-Guizot ministry, a
N^YsTi'^'"' Polish banquet, in which the French demo-
cratic leaders were to take part, was pro-
hibited by the prefect of police. Such an exercise
of power was naturally resented by the democratic
press : the government retaliated with prosecutions,
and provoked the fierce hostility of the liberal party,
and of the press. The indignation of the press was
further aroused by a judgment of the chamber of
peers, which held newspapers guilty of moral com-
RETCilM AGITATION. 275
plicity in crimes committed by others, after tlie pub-
lication of inflammatory articles.^
In 1842, the question of electoral reform was pre-
sented, in the chamber of deputies, in a very Electoral
modest form. It was proposed that the fi-an- J!?!^â„¢-
chise should simply be extended to all per- ^^^•
sons qualified to serve upon juries : but it was resisted,
and Guizot declared his opinion that the agitation for
reform was promoted by the enemies of social order.
This, indeed, was the conviction of the king, and of
his ministers ; and they dreaded lest any enlargement
of the franchise should weaken the security of law
and order, in a country distracted by factions, and
still convulsed by the passions of the revolution.
Another proposal, for disqualifying future deputies
for office, was also resisted by the govern-
ment. Ministers had determined to take tiveresis-
their stand upon a limited fi'anchise, and po-
litical corruption. They could not hope to conciliate
democracy by moderate concessions : but they might
have strengthened the monarchy against its enemies,
by forming a wider basis of representation. By re-
fusing any change, they repelled numbers of good
citizens, beyond the narrow circle of the franchise,^
wlio, in a growing society, would have formed a bul-
wark against democracy. They took up the same
position, in regard to electoral reform, as that as-
sumed by the Duke of Wellington, in 1831. The con-
stitution was perfect, and there was no reasonable
ground for change. In England, this question was
soon brought to an issue by a strong parliamentary
• Caso of tin; Jminuil du Peuple, Novonibor 1841.
' At this time there were ^24,000 electors ouly.
276 FRANCE.
party : in France, being left to democratic agitation,
it was preparing the way for revolution.
The melancholy death of the Due d'Orleans, in
July 1842, was a serious shock to the present
the Due dynasty. Under a more settled monarchy,
July 13, ' his infant heir, the Comte de Paris, would
have sufficiently represented the royal line :
but, under a government recently founded upon revo-
lution and the choice of the people, it could not be
doubted that the sudden removal of a manly and
popular prince from the succession, threatened the
stability of the throne.
With many causes of anxiety, the conservative policy
was successfully maintained for some years.
Continued ,^, , . . . ,
opposition iiie parliamentary opposition was becoming
more formidable, in talent and in numbers :
but ministers commanded a steady majority. The
press continued hostile : the revolutionists were disaf-
fected ; and the national guard were not to be trusted.
Neither the king nor his ministers were popular.
Even the middle classes of Paris were alienated by
the narrow principles of the conservative party : but,
with the support of a fi'iendly parliament and a faith-
ful army, the steady course of administration was pur-
sued.
In May 1846, Louis Philippe was reminded, by the
escape of Louis Napoleon fi'om Ham, of the
Louis presence of a dangerous pretender to his
May 35, ' tliroue. The prince courted, at once, the
friends of the revolution and of the empire :
he addressed himself to their sympathies : he pro-
mised them freedom and glory : but as yet his preten-
sions were but the dreams of a few conspirators — not
the watchword of a party.
THE SPANISH MAREUGES. 277
A dissolution soon afterwards confirmed the minis-
terial majority. Everything promised peace T,,ggpj^„i^,j
and security to the throne, when Louis Phi- juiy'i'^g;
lippe's unworthy intrigues to bring about the j„iy ^^ q^.
Spanish marriages^ suddenly disturbed his to^^'''is4G.
cordial relations with England, and shook his credit
for good faith, in France and throughout Europe. In
addition to charges of domestic misgovernment, his
enemies were now able to accuse him of sacrificing
the honour of France, to his own family ambition.
The estrangement of England from France was fol-
lowed by a marked opposition in their foreign policy.
In Ital}^ and Sicily, in Spain, Portugal, and Switzer-
land, England was found in sympathy with the liberal
party, and favouring constitutional freedom : while
France, dreading revolution everywhere, was concert-
ing measures with the absolute powers of Europe,
to discourage and repress all popular movements in
those States.^ In foreign and domestic policy, the
citizen-king was now reverting to the traditions of
the Bourbons. This contrast between the policy of
England under a liberal ministry, and that of France
under a conservative king and ministers, could not
fail to embitter the hostility of the democratic party;
and the 'king of the barricades' was de- ^g^Q_^^_ '
nounced as the enemy of freedom, at home
' Mucb additional lij^lit has been thrown upon these intrigues by
the Manoirs of Baron Siockmar, 11. 130-207; and the first volume
of Mr. Theodore Martin's Life of the Prince Consort.
' ' Les grandes puissances de I'Europe venaient tcmoigner a la
France le dt'slr de se concerter avec ellc, a Texclusion do I'Angle-
terre. Notro cabinet avait accepto leurs ouvertures : un jour I'tait
pris (le 15 Mars) pour donner aux arrangeniens dt'jji. debattus uno
forino arrrtre et precise.' — D'llaussonville, Ilist. de la Politique cxt.
du Com. Fr. I«a0-l«-iy, 11. 381.
278 FRANCE.
and abroad. Popular discontents were further in-
flamed by scarcity and high prices, and severe com-
mercial and financial pressure.
While the government was thus surrounded by
troubles, some scandalous transactions were
conuption. revealcd on the part of M. Teste, lately minis-
ter of public works, and others, connected
with a concession of certain salt mines.^ This, and
some other discoveries of a like nature, confirmed the
accusations of corruption, by which the chambers
and the government had long been assailed, shook
.public confidence, and threw fresh weapons of offence
into the hands of the democratic party.
The present unpopularity of the government en-
couraged the revival of agitation for electoral
agitation reform. Nor was this movement confined to
the liberal opposition and the revolutionists.
The Bonajjartists supported it, with the hope of over-
throwing the ministers, if not the monarchy. The bour-
geoisie of Paris, which had been gradually becoming
more liberal, and less satisfied with the government,
supported the opposition leaders. The advocates of
the cause resolved to excite the public feeling in its
favour to the utmost. Thiers, as leader of the oppo-
sition, stood foremost in the cause ; and was supported
by Odillon Barrot, Duvergier de Hauranne, and other
Reform public men ; and the revival of reform ban-
banquets. quets was choseu as the best form of agita-
' In tliis reign the public works had been one of the chief means
of corruption. ' Pour qu'on put agrandir la sphere des faveurs a dis-
tribuer, et donner pature aux ames venales, la direction des travaux
publics, enlevee a I'etat, est devenue un instrument d'agiotage pour
les banquiers, un moyen d'aclialandage electoral pour les ministres.'
— Louis Blanc, Ilist. de Dix Ans, v. 333.
EEFORM BANQUETS. 279
tion. Tliese banquets commenced in July 1847 ; and
tlie parliamentary leaders, resting upon the revolution
of July 1830, advocated reforms consistent with the con-
stitution : but Lamartine, already a popular leader, ex-
pressed more revolutionary sentiments ; and at some
of the banquets, the socialists did not miss the opj)or-
tunity of advancing their peculiar principles of social
revolution.^ Partly from these divisions, but mainly
fi'om the absence of any real earnestness in the cause,
the banquets had no striking success ; and before the
meeting of the chambers at the end of December,
the agitation showed symptoms of failure. December
In the chamber of deputies, a laboured as- ^> ^**''-
sault upon the policy of the government also failed,
and the opposition saw that, without more vigorous
action, their cause was lost.
A reform banquet, announced for January 19, had
been postponed, in consequence of a prohibi- Reform
tion of the police, under a law of 1790 : but ^''^"'i'"''-
' On January 37, 1848, M. de Tocqneville had said, in tlio chamber
of deputies : — ' The working classes are not agitated, as they some-
times have been, by political passions ; but can you not pei'ceive
that their jjassions, which were political, are now social? Can you
not see that opinions and ideas are spreading amongst them, which
tend not only to overthrow this or that law, this or that minister, or
even this or that government, but society itself, and to shake the
foundations on which it rests? Can you not hear what is daily rc-
I)eated, that everything which is above their own condition is inca-
pable and unworthy to govern them : that the present division of
wealth in the world is unjust : that property rests upon no equitable
basis? And are you not aware that, when such ojunions as those
take root, when they are widely diffused, wlicn they penetrate the
masses, they will bring about, sooner or later — I know not when, I
know not how — the most tremendous revolutions? Such, sir, is my
conviction : we are slumbering on a volcano. I am certain of it.' —
Reeve, lioyal and Republican France, ii. lliO.
280 FEANCE.
the leaders now determined to defy this proliibition,
February ^^ illegal, and announccd a banquet for Feb-
14, 1848. ruary 22. As the time approached, however,
public excitement had been so much aroused by the
impending collision between the reformers and the
government, that the leaders, alarmed at the crisis
which they themselves had raised, readily listened to
a compromise. It was agreed that the meeting should
separate at the first summons of the police ; and that
the right of meeting, and the legality of the prohibi-
tion, should be determined by a court of law. But,
to prevent the complete failure of their demonstra-
tion, they announced that there would be a procession
to the place of meeting, in the Champs Elysees, in
The pro- wliich the national guard were invited to at-
tend, in uniform. This demonstration was
obviously far more dangerous than the banquet, which
had been abandoned ; and the government determined
to prevent it, by force of arms. Again the leaders of
the movement shrank from the dangers wliich they
had provoked ; and exhorted the people to give up the
procession. The popular gathering being thus aban-
doned by its promoters, the military preparations for
preventing it were discontinued.
Meanwhile, though no procession was attempted, a
^ large concourse of people assembled in the
2-i^m8^ streets of the capital. The republicans, in-
dignant at the desertion of their parliamen-
tary leaders, had encouraged a peaceful demonstration
in favour of reform : many were ignorant that the pro-
cession had been countermanded : multitudes, indif-
ferent to the cause, gathered together, in expectation
of disorders, or in search of excitement, and to gratify
curiosity. All day the streets were occupied by agi-
THESES AND ODILLON BARROT. 281
tated and expectant crowds : bnt no disorders were
committed until tlie evening, when some troops of
cavalry were pelted by the mob, and attempts were
made to raise barricades. Such another day, how-
ever, could not safely be encountered, and the govern-
ment resolved upon a military occupation of the city
by troops of the line, and the national guard. The
latter promptly answered to the call : but they assem-
bled, — not to fight against their fellow-citizens, but to
make common cause with them against the government.
Their disaffection was too soon declared. Defection
They shouted ' Vive la re/orme I ' and placed national
themselves between the soldiers and the peo- ^'"'"' "
pie. The troops could not disperse the mob, without
a conflict with the national guards, and were thus re-
duced to inaction. There was no fighting : but the
people were efiectually protected by the artful inter-
vention of their armed allies. Without a blow, au-
thority had been overcome ; and the mob had tri-
umphed over the government.
Guizot resigned, and was succeeded by Thiers, to
whom Odillon Barrot was soon added. So Ministry of
far, the cause of reform, and the ambition of odiium'"
the opposition leaders, had prevailed. But
in the streets and in the offices of the democratic
journals, the * Reforme ' and the ' National,' the de-
fection of the national guards, the victory of the
populace, and the surrender of the government, were
triumphs too great to be satisfied by a change of min-
istry. They wore an encouragement to revolution ;
and while the national guards returned home, after a
day of equivocal distinction, the republicans organ-
ised armed bands of revolutionists to marcli through
tho streets, and renew the popular excitement. A
282 FRANCE.
sliot being fired at tlio soldiers on guard at the Hotel
of Foreign Aiiairs, they replied with a volley. Up-
wards of fifty of the mob were killed, and their bodies
were carried through the streets, and exhibited as
the victims of an atrocious tyranny. The
Paris '^^"^ ghastly spectacle aroused the fury of the
populace, and Paris was soon in a state of
insurrection. In presence of this new danger. Mar-
shal Bugeaud was promptly appointed to the military
command of Paris, and General Lamoriciere to the
command of the national guard. The marshal lost no
time in restoring order. Not a shot was fired : but
every barricade was levelled, every position of the in-
surgents taken ; and in a few hours the military oc-
cupation of the capital was completed. The insur-
rection was overcome : authority was vindicated ; and
nothing was nov/ wanting, but to ins])ire the people
with confidence in the new ministers. At this very-
moment, when the government had been rescued from
its danger. Marshal Bugeaud received an order to
withdraw his troops from their positions ! Thiers
and Odillon Barrot had resolved upon this fatal or-
der, to conciliate the people, and avert further disor-
ders. But it proved the death-warrant of the mon-
archy. Abashed and dispirited, the troops withdrew ;
and Paris was left at the mercy of the republican
leaders and the populace. Thiers, scared by the
mischief he had done, resigned in favour of Odillon
Barrot : but it was now too late to arrest the dancjer.
The mob had occupied the Palais Royal, and was
advancing to the Tuileries. The troops were fra-
Abdication tcmising with the people. The king, as-
-mg. g^j.Q(j ^jjg^^ jj^g cause was lost, signed his
abdication in favour of his grandson, the young
FAILUEES OF LOUIS PHILIPPE' S REIGN. 283
Comte de Paris. Tlie royal family had scarcely
time to escape from the palace, when it was in the
hands of the mob, to be wrecked and rifled at their
pleasure.
The courageous Duchesse d'Orleans hastened to
the chamber with her two sons, the Comte The
de Paris and the Due de Chartres ; and orieanf and
the chamber, by acclamation, declared the
young prince king, and his mother regent. But, sud-
denly an armed mob burst into the hall, and in the
midst of tumult and violence, a provisional govern-
ment was appointed, with Lamartine at its head.
Meanwhile another provisional government The pro-
had been proclaimed at the Hotel de Ville : ^rovoru-
but a fusion was effected, under the presi-
dency of Dupont de I'Eure; and the republic was
proclaimed by Lamartine, from the front of the Hotel
de Ville. A Parisian mob had overthrown the mon-
archy, and, in opposition to the chambers and the
vast majority of the people of France, had suddenly
established a republic ! ^
Thus ended the trial of constitutional government
under Louis Philippe. Whatever his faults p,,i,„rt-sof
and failures, there had been more of liberty }:',;i',ippc,g
and respect for the law, and more material •'''«'"â–
prosperity, during his reign, than in any former pe-
riod in the history of France. On every side, there
had been disastrous errors. The foundations of his
throne, which liad always been narrow, were further
contracted by the reactionary policy of the last years
' ' Donner la France do 1818 -X la monarchic, c'clait la doinu'r aux
factions. Le pays devait prendre Ka dictature. La dictatiire du
paya c'est la republiquo.' — Lamartine, Hist, de la Rest. {Pream-
Inilr, 10).
284 FBANCE.
of liis reign. Less reliance upon corruption, and
more confidence in tlie people, might have saved his
throne. The reform agitation had been grossly mis-
managed by the opposition, on one side, and by the
conservative ministry, on the other. In the crisis of
the revolution, the king and his family were timid
and irresolute : but the crowning error was that of
Thiers and Odillon Barrot. The insurrection, which
brought them into power, was trifling compared with
those which had been repressed by Marshal Soult ;
and it had been already overcome, when they de-
livered up the capital to the populace. Their royal
master was the king of the barricades : they were
themselves the creatures of the present crisis ; and
they shrank from the unpopularity of a conflict with
the people. As for the republican journalists, the
leaders of secret societies, and professional revolu-
tionists, they found their opportunity in the anar-
chy which they had encouraged, and which minis-
ters and liberal deputies had weakly suffered to gain
ground.
The revolution of 1830 had awakened the democracy
state of of Europe : the revolution of 1848 aroused it
from'isM to stiU greater activity. Eighteen years had
to 1848. worked many changes in European politics
and society. During that period, France had been
governed by a constitutional king, deriving his power
from the people, and renouncing the old traditions of
the Bourbons. England had strengthened her popu-
lar institutions, and reformed the abuses and corrup-
tions of centuries. A new political life, — healthy,
vigorous, and hopeful, — was animating her people at
home, and throughout her colonial empire. Her ex-
ample, and the liberal foreign policy of her statesmen,
STATE OF EUEOPE 1830-18tt8. 285
"was giving encouragement to tlie aspirations of patri-
ots in other lands. In Greece, the birthplace of Eu-
ropean liberties, an historic peoj)le had cast off the
Turkish yoke, and were enjoying independence and
constitutional freedom, under the protection of Eng-
land, France, and Russia. In Belgium, the new mon-
archy, guided by the consummate judgment of King
Leopold, presented a consj)icuous example of freedom,
reviving prosperity, and contentment. Spain, aided
by English sympathies, had overthrown the absolut-
ism of the Bourbons, which had been fastened ujDon
her by French intervention in 1822 ; and secured
guarantees for constitutional government, under the
youthful Queen Isabella. Italy had been fretting,
more impatiently than ever, against foreign domina-
tion, and the repressive policy of her rulers. Hungary
had grown discontented with her subjection to Austria.
The States of Germany were stirred with aspirations
for national freedom, and for German unity. Every-
where was to be observed a sympathetic movement
of races, nationalities, and religions, in favour of inde-
pendence and union. Such sentiments had once been
little regarded in European politics, but were now
becoming a potential force in the destinies of nations.
While Europe was thus prepared for further poli-
tical changes, her social development had ^^^^^^
vastly increased the power of the people, changes.
Having recovered from the exhaustion of the revolu-
tionary wars, they had made unprecedented advances
in material welfare, and intellectual activity. The
inventions of science had enlarged the capacity of
human labour. Steam had extended the productive
forces of manufactures, the range of commerce, and
the communications of the world. The electric tele-
286 FEANCE.
grapli liad C9mmenced its magic operations, and was
quickening the intercourse of society and of nations.
Some restraints upon trade and commerce had al-
ready been removed : sounder principles of taxation
were beginning to be accepted : industry was encour-
aged by more enlightened laws, by bolder enterprises,
and improved organisation. Wealth and capital were
rapidly increasing : evidences of growing prosperity
were universal. The industrial classes were acquir-
ing an extended social influence.
Yet more remarkable had been the intellectual
Intellectual progrcss of society during this period. In
progress. gcieuce and philosophy there was a bold
spirit of inquiry, allied with practical aims for the im-
mediate welfare of mankind. In literature there was
unexampled variety, and a rare freedom of thought.
The labours of the learned were now popularised
for the use of the multitude. The successful pursuit
of knowledge was accompanied by its general diffu-
sion. A cheap literature found its way into every
household. It had become the wise policy of most
States to encourage the education of the people ; and
popular writers completed the work which govern-
ments had commenced. In politics, the newspaper
press had acquired extraordinary expansion, and ex-
ercised an influence previously unknown, except in
revolutionary times. All questions of public interest
were disciissed with earnestness and freedom. Even
in States where the liberty of the jiress was little re-
spected, newspapers had become an acknowledged
political power. Thus nations had been instructed ;
and public opinion had become a force which rulers
could not defy with safety.
Such being the development of European society.
A YEAE OF EEYOLUTIONS. 287
tlie revolution of February 1848 suddenly aroused
the latent discontents of many nations. In sudden
Ital}', repugnance to the Bourbons and to the rwoiu-
Austrian rule, had become irrepressible. February
Sicily was already in revolt, and Naples was
threatened with immediate insurrection, i" ^^''^y-
Milan rose in arms against the Austrians, and drove
out their forces, under Marshal Radetzky, ^^^^.^^ j
to Mantua and Verona. Venice, animated ^^js.
by the same spirit, and encouraged by the success
of the Milanese, renounced the dominion of
... T 1 • T ■• 1 March 26.
Austria, and proclaimed a provisional gov-
ernment. The Dukes of Parma and Modena fled
from the sudden wrath of their subjects. The Grand
Duke of Tuscany saved his throne by making
. , 1 I • 1 • 1 1 • March 14.
common cause with his people against his
old allies, the Austrians. The Pope hastened to allay
the discontents of the Romans, by granting them
a new representative constitution : but was driven
nevertheless, by the continued demonstra-
tions of his people, into a declaration of war ^^
against Austria. But the most signal event of this
period — decisive of the destinies of Italy — was the
determination of Charles Albert, the King of
Sardinia, to unfurl the standard of Italian
unity, and to brave the Austrian legions, as leader of
that national cause. Italy was now in arms against
her rulers ; and was entering upon that long and criti-
cal struggle, by which her foreign rulers were ulti-
mately expelled from her soil, and freedom and na-
tional union were achieved under Victor Emmanuel.
Threatened in her Italian dominions, Austria was
suiToundod by dangers yet more critical at
home. In the capital, tumultuary risings
283 FRANCE.
were followed by the concession of constitutional re-
forms, and by tlie flight of Prince Mettemicli, the
Teteran councillor of absolutism. Twice the emperor
withdrew from the continued disorders of Yienna :
nor could the city be reduced except by a besieging
army. And at length he resigned his crown into the
Dewmber ^lore yigorous hands of his youthful nephew,
2, 1*45. Francis John. Meanwhile the empire was in
danger of dismemberment. Hungaiy was preparing
to assert her independence : the jealous and hostile
races of Germans, Masrvars, and Sclayes were arrayed
aorainst each other : SclaTonic diets were conyened :
schemes of a new Selayonic monarchy were projected ;
and a provisional goyemment was proclaimed at
Prasrae. Eaces and nationalities had become an im-
minent peril to the State. Through the agonies of
this crisis the empire passed, with a fearful strain
upon its power. The Hungarian insuiTection could
not be crushed without the aid of Eussian arms : the
Selayonic troubles were overcome, for a time, by force
and by concessions. ITltimately, a fi'ee constitution
was granted to Hungary ; and the institutions of the
Austrian empire were remodelled upon a constitu-
tional basis. Throughout its dominions, the princi-
ples of absolutism were renounced in favour of fi-ee-
dom. The conflicting claims of rival races and na-
tionalities, in this composite empire, have since proved
a grave embarrassment : but Austrian statesmen have
learned to treat them with moderation and liberality,
and in harmony with the principles of a fi'ee State.
Throughout the neighbouring States of Germany,
the shock of the revolution was no less vio-
â„¢^'^' lent Notwithstanding the reforms of 1830,
these States had generally maintained their former
A YEAE OF REYOLUnONS. 289
laws and cnstoms. In every kingdom, or feudal prin-
cipality, were to be seen an old-fashioned conrt, an
exclusive society, a grotesque worship of rank, titles,
pedigrees, and armorial quarterings, a tenacious eti-
quette, invidious privileges, and a narrow political
rule. Prussia, under Frederick the Great, continued
to be the type of the German States, in the nineteenth
century. Wise councillors had long foreseen the ne-
cessity of timely concessions to the advancing public
opinion of the time : but an inert conservatism had
resisted change, and was now to encounter revolution.
Nowhere was society more ripe for political changes
than in Germany. In the midst of old-world customs,
had arisen a learned and speculative generation of
thinkers, who had ventured, with singular originality
and boldness, into every department of serious study.
In history, in philosophy, in politics, and in religion,
they had questioned the received opinions of the
world. As defiant of authorities and prejudice as
the French encyclop?edists, they were far deeper and
more earnest in their researches, and more demon-
strative in their reasoning. The novel speculations of
professors were eagerly caught up by enthusiastic
students ; and the educated classes were trained to
original thought. German literature was animated
by a free spii'it of inquiry ; and an expanding society,
which bore little part in the government of the coun-
try, had learned political principles opposed to the
narrow policy of their rulers.
Everywhere the revolutionary spirit of the time
revealed itself. The Grand Duke of Ba-
den averted tumults by promptly conceding tionar>-'
libei-ty of the press, a national guard, and
trial by jury. Popular demonstrations at "\\'iesbaden,
VOL. II.— 13
290 FEANCE.
Frankfort, Diisseldorf, Cologi:e, and Hesse-Cassel
were followed by concessions of political franchises.
In Bavaria, the art-loving king Ludwig, who had
made his capital a classic city, vras forced to abdicate.
At Dresden and Hanover, popular movements were
satisfied by constitutional guarantees. Disorders
spread from the cities to the country, where a peasant
war was imminent. Castles were stormed : their ar-
chives were burned ; and the frightened inmates fled
for their lives. Throughout the whole of Germany a
strong agitation arose in support of German unity,
May 13 "which resulted in the meeting of a national
^**^- assembly a,t Frankfort. At Berlin the king
endeavoured to allay the popular excitement by liberal
concessions, and by adhesion to the cause of national
unity. But there were disastrous collisions
between the troops and the populace ; and
the square beneath the very windows of the royal
palace was stained with blood. The king bowed down
before the people, and accepted the revolution. He
rode through the city, wearing the colours of the Ger-
man democracy,^ and promised to take the lead of
German liberty and unity. Without pursuing further
the progress of events in Germany, it may be briefly
said that the revolutionary storm had burst over the
land, and that everything was changed. Feudalism,
pri\dleges, and old-world traditions gave way before
the force of public opinion, and the pressure of a new
society. Democracy was held in check by the politi-
cal and social conditions of the fatherland : there
were numbers of speculative politicians, — democrats,
of every creed, republicans and communists, — and so-
' The tricolour of black, red, and yellow.
A YEAE OF REVOLUTIONS. 291
ciety Tvas, for a time, disturbed and demoralised : but
the free institutions of England formed tlie ideal of
the German liberals.^ Constitutional freedom was
achieved ; and, after many years, the dream j^^^^^^^
of German unity was realised in the conquer- i*- ^^^^•
ing sceptre of the Emperor William.
While other countries were thus convulsed by the
irresistible force of the revolution, the moral
strength of free States presented an instruc- iuuf'""^
tive political example. Belgium, so lately '^^^^ '
enfranchised, contemptuously repelled the insignifi-
cant efforts of French and native revolutionists.^ In
England, the time-honoured home of freedom, the
government, enjoying the hearty confidence of the
people, easily repressed the threatening movements
of chartists and repealers. Those governments only
were secure which rested upon the broad basis of
public opinion and national support. And from this
critical year of revolutions the moral may be drawn,
that fi-eedom is the surest safeguard against demo-
cracy.^
' On Marcli 26, at a great meeting at Heidelberg, Ilerr Welcker
said, ' Let England be our model : she has long enjoyed free insti-
tutions : she alone now remains unshaken by the storm which is
howling around ; and it is to her we must look as our model and our
guide.'— Anil. Rig. 1848, p. 363.
- 'Belgium,' wrote the Queen of England to King Leopold, 'is a
bright star in the midst of dark clouds.' — Theodore Martin, Life of
the Prince Consort, ii. 23. Among the most striking portions of this
interesting work are the admirable letters of the Queen herself.
2 For a fuller narrative of the events of 1848, in different parts of
Europe, see Lord Normanby, yl Tear of Revolution ; Cayley, The
European Revolutions of 1848 ; the Annual Register , 1848 ; Tlieodore
Martin, Life of the Prince Consort, vol. ii.; Lamartiue, Uitit. de la
Rev. de 1848.
CHAPTER XVn.
PKANCE (continued).
THE KEPTJBLIC OP 1848— LOUIS NAPOLEON ELECTED PRESIDENT —
HIS RELATIONS WITH THE ASSEMBLY — THE COUP D'ETAT OP
DECEMBER 3, 1851 — THE SECOND EMPIRE — FALL OP THE EM-
PEROR—THE REPUBLIC OP 1870 — THE COMMUNE, 1871 — THE
REPUBLIC UNDER THIERS AND MARSHAL MACMAHON.
Feance was now under a democratic republic ;^ and
after nearly five-and-forty years of Imperial
public of and monarcnical rule, democracy was again
in tlie ascendant.^ Its cliaracter and aims
' The following are the principal authorities upon the Eepublic of
1848 and the Second Empire : — Laniartine, Hist de la BJv. de 1848 ;
lb. Mem. imdits ; Granier de Cassaguac, Hist, de la Chute du Boi
Louis-Philippe, de la Bepuhlique de 1848 et du BCtdblissement de
V Empire ; Louis Blanc, Pages d'Hist. de la Bev. de Fevrier; lb.
Hist, de la Bcv. de 1848 ; lb. Bivilations Historiques ; Regnault, Hist,
du Gouverncment Provisoire ; Lord Normanby, Tear of Bevolutions ;
Caussidiere, Mem.; Emile Thomas, 2Ks«. des Ateliers Nationaux ;
Proudhon, Confessions d'un Bevolutionnaire ; Guy, Hist, de Napoleon
III. ; Lespez, Hist, de Louis-Napoleon ; Prevost Paradol, La France
Noutelle, 1869 ; Memoir cs posthumes d'Odilon Parrot ; Jules Simon,
Souvenirs du ^ Septemhre : Origine et Chute du Second Empire; lb.
Oouvernement de la Defense Nationale ; lb. La Liberie; Mauduit,
Bemlution Militaire ; Xavier Durrien, Le Coup d'Etat ; Hippolyte
Magen, Hist, de la Terreur Bonnpariiste ; LaY&nte, Becucil d'Actes
Ojftciels ; Annuaire.
' Writing in 1849, M. Guizot thus speaks of democracy :— ' C'estle
drapeau de toutes les esperances, de toutes les ambitions sociales de
EEPUBLIC OF 1848. 293
liad undergone some ctanges : but its fundamental
principles were tlie same as ever. Tlie revolution of
February, 1848, was characterised by the same lenity
as that of 1830. So far from attempting to arrest the
royal family in their flight, the provisional govern-
ment forwarded money to speed them on their way.i
The late ministers were threatened, to gratify the
people : but, in happy contrast to the reign of terror,
suffered no molestation. And, further, a decree was
issued abolishing capital punishment for political
offences. Otherwise the new republic resembled its
celebrated prototype of 1792.^
Once more the almost forgotten words, 'Liberte,
Egalite, Fraternite,' appeared upon all the ^^^ ^
public buildings : again ' citoyen ' and ' cito- ^or*,f ^'f t,ie
yenne ' took the place of * monsieur ' and * ma- K^-'^o'i'twi-
rhumanite, pures ou impures, nobles ou basses, sensces ou insen-
sees, possibles ou chimeriques.' — De la Dhnoeraiie en France, 3.
' L' empire du motdcmocratie n'est point un accident, local, passagcr.
C'est le developpement — d'autres diraient, le dccliainenient — do la
nature humaine tout eutiure, sur toute la ligae et fl toutes les pro-
fondeurs de la societe ; et par consequent la lutte flagrante, gene-
rale, continue, inevitable, de ses bons et de ses mauvais penchants,
do ses vertus et de ses vices, de toutes ses passions et de toutes ses
forces, pour perfectionner et pour cori-ompre, pour elever et pour
abaisser, pour crCer et pour dctruire. C'est la dcsormais I'ttat
social, la condition permanente de notre nation.' — Ibid. 5.
1 Lamartine, Ilist. de la Ji'v. de 1848, livre x. cb. 2-11 ; Lord Nor-
manby, A Year of Revolution, i. 180 (t scq.
^ ' La rcpublique, telle que I'entendait Lamartine, n'iitait point un
bouleversement a tout hasard de la France et du monde ; c'ctait un
av.'nement revolutionnaire, accidental, soudain dans la foimo, nniis
rc'-gulier dans son developpement de la democratic ; un progres dans
les voies do la philosopliie et do rbumaniti' ; une seconde et ])lu3
heureuse tentative d'un grand peuple pour se tirer de la tutolle dea
dynasties, ot pour apprendre ilse gouverner lui-mCmo.' — Lamartine,
Hint, de la Rev. de 1848, livro ix. ch. 7.
294 FRANCE.
dame : ' all titles of honour were abolislied : ' tlie streets
received revolutionary names : trees of lib-
Pl'GCGCl Silts
of irya erty were planted, and a red ribbon was ap-
pointed to be worn in the button-liole of every
good citizen. Such were the playthings of the revo-
lution.
In its more serious form, the revolutionary spirit of
former times was also revealed. The tranquil rule of
the bourgeoisie was overthrown. The clubs, which had
Clubs re- been closed, were now reopened, and re-
opyiiB . sumed their dangerous activity. The streets
and environs of Paris were still crowded by the insur-
gents, by workmen out of employment, and by the
convicts, thieves, and ruffians of that vast city.^ To
avoid general plunder, it was necessary that this hun-
Natioiiai gry multitude should be fed. The provi-
worv.shops. g-Qjjg^j government decreed that employment
should be ensured to all citizens ; and, by opening
national workshops, they at once met this pressing
danger, and gratified the socialists. The city was still
in possession of the populace : the municipal guard
had been disbanded, and the troops sent out of Paris ;
and, for the double purpose of protection and of the
employment of dangerous proletaires, the government
' This was done without the consent of Lamartine, who said, ' Ne
commeugons pas la revolution par un ridicule ; la noblesse est abolie,
mais on n'abolit ni les souvenirs ni les vanites.' — Hist, de la Rev. de
1848, livre x. ch. 1.
^ The populace of Paris may be compared with that of Rome, in
the days of Catiline, as described by Sallust ; — ' Sed urbana plebes,
ea vero prjeceps ierat multis de causis. Primum omnium, qui
ubique probro, atque petulantia maxume priBstabant : item alii, per
dedecora, patrimoniis amissis ; postremo omnes, quos flagitium, aut
facinus domo expulerat, hi Romam, sicuti in sentinam, confluxe-
rant.' — Bellum Catilinarium, 30.
REPUBLIC OF 1848. 295
organised the Garde 3IohiIe from tlie men who had
lately fought upon the barricades.
The revolution had been mainly the work of red
rejjublicans and socialists, and the country Red Re-
was in danger of falling into the hands of ''"
that desperate party. These men were imbued with
the principles and examples of the revolution of 1789.
They were burning to establish the dictation of the
mob, by terror, by confiscations, by the dungeon and
the guillotine. France was not to govern herself by
fair representation : but was to be ruled by the clubs
and demagogues of Paris. Their appropriate signal
was the red flag. Their followers were the proUtaircs
of the capital, — the dregs of the populace.^ They
clamoured for the red flag, as the standard of the
republic : but Lamartine bravely maintained tlie na-
tional tricolour. They fiercely claimed dominion, in
their turn, over the bourgeoisie, 'who had sold the
sweat of their brows to the monarchy.' They de-
manded immediate war against all thrones and aris-
tocracies : terror to traitors ; and the suspension of
the axe of the people over the heads of their eternal
enemies.^
But the most important characteristic of the revolu-
tion is to he found in the increasing power
. T Socialists
and activitv of the socialists and commu- ""J <:<>"i-
•^ niuuists.
nists. Of these there were several schools.
All aimed at the suppression of proiierty, and commu-
nity of goods : some by direct means : others, of whom
Louis Blanc was the cliicf exponent, by the organisa-
tion of labour, which, without confiscating projierty,
was calculated to exhaust capital.'^ There were the
' Lamanino, ITist. de la licv. de 1848, livre vii.
2 Ibid. i. ;J71, 393. « Ibid, livrc xii.
296 FBANCE.
«
discij)les of Fourrier, whose doctrine of the commu-
nity of goods tliey clierislied as a religious faith.^
They were peaceful enthusiasts, — not conspirators.
There were the followers of Cabet, of Pierre Le-
rous, of Proudhon, and of Raspail, — some practical,
some metaphysical, and some even religious, in their
schemes of communism. The aims of all these philo-
sophic sects of communists were, at least, philanthro-
pic. If they were wild and impracticable, they had in
view the happiness of the human race, according to
their own Utopia. These theories gave a certain air
of political wisdom and morality to the wildest specu-
lations. They had the merits, no less than the de-
fects, of a false religion. But other communists, with-
out the excuse of such theories, aimed simply at
destruction and pillage. They hated and envied the
rich ; and were bent on sharing the good things of
this world, which the favoured few had hitherto appro-
priated to themselves.^ In the midst of these danger-
ous factions, the provisional government, by assuming
a position of firm moderation, propitiated the upper
classes and the bourgeoisie, and gained the confidence
of foreign powers : but were estranged from the com-
munists and red republicans.^ They dissatisfied these
violent factions : but they saved France from anarchy.*
The socialist views of the rights of labour were
partially ci;ratified by the establishment of
tion of national workshops, in which upwards of
100,000 were soon employed, at two francs a
' liamartine. Hist, de la Rev. de 1848, livre vii,
' Ibid, livre vii. xi.
'•' Ibid, livre ix. Lamartine sadly confessed, ' II n'y a pas de
genie humain qui soit a la hauteur d'une fausse situation.'
* Ibid.
^ REPUBLIC OF 1818. 297
day. Louis Blanc vainly attempted to organise these
establishments, upon the favourite socialist principle
of community of labour and profits among the work-
men, without the control of employers.^ The para-
mount interests of workmen were also regarded in the
legislation of the republic. It was decreed that the
hours of labour should be limited in Paris to ten
hours, and elsewhere to twelve.^ Promises were given
that wages should not be reduced in times of March 26,
depression. No wonder that thousands of ^'^^'
workmen were now discharged, and thrown upon the
national workshops. By another decree, the taxes
on salt and other articles of consumption
. New taxes.
were remitted ; and the direct taxes were in-
â– Louis Blanc, Pages de mist, de la Revolution de Fevrier, 63.
' Le coeur de Louis Blanc eclatait en sentiments f raternels, sa
parole en images, mais son systc'me en tcnebres.' — Lamartiue, Hist,
de la Rev. de 1848, livre ix. ch. 21.
The principles and aims of Louis Blanc maybe briefly explained in
liis own words: — 'La vie, le travail, toute la destince liumaine tient
dans ces deux mots supremes. Done, en demandant que le droit de
vivre par le travail soit regie, soit garanti,on fait mieux encore que
disputerdes millions de malheureux si I'oppression de la force ou du
liiisard: on embrasse dans sa generalite la plus liaute, dans sa signi-
fication la plus profonde, la cause de I'etre liumaine ; on salue le
Createur dans son oeuvre.' — Organisation du Travail, Intr. 4 (5meed.)
' Le gouvernment serait considere comme le regulateur supreme
de la production, et investe, pour accomplir sa tacLe, d'une graude
force.'— Ibid. 102.
' Une revolution sociale doit Ctre tentee.' — Ibid. 117.
See also Louis Blanc, Uist. de dix Ans, ii. 277-282, iii. 109, 110;
Le Play, Organisation du Travail ; and Organisation de la Famille ;
Emile Thomas, IJist. dcs Atel. Nat.
^ Reduced to eleven on April 2. In England, the Imurs of labour
of women and children in factories and worlcshops have been
al)ridged by laws whicli have also indirectly affected the einph)v-
ment of men. In other trades, the hours of labour have been short-
ened by combinations of workmen.
13*
298 FRANCE.
9
creased forty-five per cent. Tlio proprietors of land
in the provinces, who had taken no part in the revo-
lution, recognised in this decree a scheme of the com-
munists of Paris, for relieving themselves at the ex-
pense of their neighbours, and were resolved to seize
the first opportunity of resistance.
It was, indeed, by the firmness of Lamartine, and
Firmness of some of his collcagucs, that the princij)les of
Lamartine. ^Jjq j.q^ republicans were not suflered to pre-
vail. He disclaimed revolutionary propagandism : he
assured Europe of the pacific disposition of the re-
public : ^ he turned a deaf ear to Mr. Smith O'Brien
and his deputation of Irish republicans : he resisted
the ultra-democratic schemes of Ledru Eollin, Louis
Blanc, and the red republicans : he braved the vio-
lence of Blanqui, Barbes, and their revolutionary
mobs.^ And, instead of usurping power for a faction,
he appealed to the free judgment of his country-
men.^
The good faith of the provisional government was
' ' La guerre n'est done pas le principe de la rc'publique fran^aise,
comme elle en devint la fatale et glorieuse necessity en 1793.'—
Manifesto a I'Europe ; Lamartine, Ilist. de la Rev. de 1848, livre ix.
cli. 15.
' Lord Palmerston et le cabinet anglais paraissent avoir compris,
avec une haute sagacite, le caractere pacifique, modure et civilisa-
teur de la rt'publique, dirigee au dehors dans un esprit de respect et
d'iuviolabilite aus institutions diverses des peuples.' — Ibid, livre
xi. ch. 10.
'â– ^ All these events are graphically detailed by Lamartine himself,
in his history of the revolution of 1848, and in his Trois Mois au
Pouvoir.
' ' Les hommes serieux, partisans du gouvernement democratique,
dans le conseil du gouvernement provisoire, voulaient que la rcpub-
lique fut un droit et non une escroqueriede la force ou la ruse d'une
faction.' — Lamartine, Hist, de la Rev. de 1848, livro vi. ch. 8.
EEPTJBLIC OF 1848. 299
sliowu in the prompt convocation of a national as-
sembly, to determine the future constitution ^, ^. ,
â– > ' _ National
of France.^ Universal suffrage was the basis Assembly
of representation : no narrower franchise
would have suited a democratic republic, or satis-
fied the revolutionary party.^ Secret voting was also
established. The assembly was to consist of nine
hundred members, each of whom was entitled to
twenty-five francs a day during the session.^
Paris alone had achieved the revolution. Would
France ratify it ? Its authors and leaders
were the rulers of the State : their principles to tuu eiec-
were in the ascendant. Would France ap-
prove and confirm them? Such were the questions
which agitated the capital and the provinces, the
members of the provisional government, and the
red republicans. Commissioners were despatched to
every part of France to secure support to the govern-
ment and the republic : doubtful prefects were dis-
missed : impassioned exhortations were addressed to
the electors : threats were uttered of another appeal
to the barricades. The socialists and red republicans
of Paris naturally distrusted the provincial electors.
At present they were masters of the situation : they
had the clubs and populace at their command : the
' ' Nous comptons les jours. Nous avons bate de remettre la re-
publique a la nation,' said the provisional government, in a procla-
mation to the people.' — Lamartine, livre xii. ch. 5.
'^ ' L'election appartient a tons sans exception. A datcr do cetto
loi, il n'y a plus de prolctaires eu France.' — Proclamation of the pro-
visional government.
'•' The decrees for convoking and constituting the asFCinhly were
issued on the 5th and 12th March, 1848. The elections were fixed
for the 27th April, and its meeting was appointed for the 4th May,
the anniversary of the assembling of the states-general in 1789.
300 FKANCE.
government were without troops : tlie national guards
were a democratic force, drawn from the working
classes ; and Ledru Rollin and other members of the
provisional government were known to favour their
extreme opinions. Should they await the verdict of
the provinces, or at once assail a weak government,
which seemed in their power? Their choice was
made in the true spirit of French revolutionists.
On March 17 they organised a threatening procession
to the Hotel de Ville. The socialists were
the H6tei represented by Louis Blanc and Albert : the
de Ville .
red republicans by Blanqui, Raspail, and the
democratic clubs : red flags were waved above the
companies as they marched : the procession extended
from the Champs-Elysees to the Place de Greve, and
mustered more than a hundred thousand men.' A
deputation from this vast body was admitted ; and
Blanqui, as their spokesman, demanded the postpone-
ment of the elections, and the absolute submission of
the government to the will of the people, as repre-
sented by the democratic clubs. Even Louis Blanc
was shocked by the extravagance of these demands :
nor was Ledru Eollin prepared to surrender his pov/er
to Blanqui and his confederates. The provisional
government, therefore, firmly withstood the deputa-
tion, who retired sullen and revengeful, to
rcction lead away their discomfited followers. They
thwarted. . t , i i , , i . • • -i
immediately plotted an insurrection, m order
to take the Htjtel de Ville by storm, to postpone the
dreaded elections, and to force themselves into the
provisional government. The storming of the Hotel
de Ville, however, by an organised mob, was prevented
' ' On I'evaluait a cent ou cent quarante mille hommes.' — Lamar-
tine, Hist, de la Btv. de 1848, livre xii. cli. 9,
REPUBLIC OF 1848. 301
by the courage of Lamartine and the military skill
of General Cliangarnier ; and France was again saved
from the red republic.^
At length the elections -were held, and the national
assembly met in Paris. In the capital, and j[ygtij,g
the great towns, the republicans of different °^J^',f,yy^
types were triumphant : but in the depart- "^i"'' ~^-
ments, a general reaction against the revolu- '^^^^ "*•
tion could not be disguised. The leaders of the red
republicans, Blanqui, Barbes, Rasj^ail, and Cabet,
found no places in the assembly. One of the first
acts of the assembly was to appoint an executive com-
mission, to supersede the provisional government.^
Not one of the extreme democrats was chosen. Min-
isters were nominated by the commission. Not one
belonged to the extreme party. Their cause was evi-
dently lost, unless it could be restored by force. They
had striven to overthrow the provisional government,
and now they directed their forces against the assembly.
Under pretence of presenting a petition for the
relief of Poland, a mob burst into the hall
of the assembly, turned out the members, of the "
declared the assembly dissolved, and pro- '''' "^"^ ^'
claimed a new provisional government. Among the
new rulers of France were Barbes, Blanqui, j^j.^^ j^
Louis Blanc, Raspail, Albert, and Proudhon. ^^•'^•
Happily the rule of these red republicans and so-
cialists was short. The hall of the assembly was
soon cleared by the national guards : the members of
the new provisional government were besieged and
' I.amartine, Hist, de la R'v. de 1848, livre xiii. cli. 10-34 ; Lord
Nomianby, Year of Revolutions, i. 332-^3(5.
* They were Arago, Uariiiur-PagiJs Marie, Lamartine, and Ledru-
Rollin.
302 FRANCE.
*
arrested, in the Hotel de Yille, and the Prefecture of
Police : the democratic clubs "v^'ere again closed ; and
order seemed to be restored.^
But these dangerous conspirators were not discour-
Now eiec- 3,ged. In June there were several new elec-
tions, tions, and Paris returned Proudhon and other
socialist leaders. The general result of these elec-
tions, however, was not favourable to that party:
while Count Mole, Thiers, and several other statesmen
of the monarchy recovered seats in the assembly ;
Prince ^^^ ^^ ^^® same time Prince Louis Napo-
Napivieon ^^ou was elected by no less than four depart-
eiected. meuts. He had been supported not only by
Bonapartists, but by red republicans, and even by
communists, to whom his speculative writings had
commended him.^ Many parties confronted one an-
other in the assembly : but the ultra-democrats formed
an insignificant minority. Growing more desperate
as political power eluded their grasp, they were plot-
ting another insurrection, when the assembly deter-
mined to disperse the idle and dangerous workmen in
the national workshops, who had now risen to one
hundred and twenty thousand.
' Lamartine, livre xv. ch. 1-15.
^ Jerrold, Life of Napoleon III., ii. 395-400. The Prince wrote to
the President of the Assembly: — 'Je u'ai pas cherche I'honneur
d'etre representant du peuple, parce que je savais les soupgons in-
jurieuses dont j'etais I'objet. Je rechercherais encore moins le pou-
voir. Si le peuple m'imposait des devoirs, je saiirais les remplir.' —
Ibid. 405. He resigned his seat in tlie Assembly, and in September
was again elected for no less than five departments. — Ibid. 410. He
now ' went quietly to the Hotel du Rhiu, in the Place Vendume,
from the windows of which he could see towering over the capital
the figure of the great man whose genius had been the guiding star
of his life.'— Ibid. 411.
CAVAIGNAC DICTATOE. 303
This moment of discontent was promptly seized
upon. The clubs and the red republican and jjj<,^rrec-
socialist leaders appealed to the worlimen, j°',eoo_25
to the revolutionary prolctaireSy and to the ^^^•
fargats,^ and Paris flew to arms. Of all the insurrec-
tions of the revolutionary period, this was the best
planned, the most skilfully executed, and the most
formidable. It was not a riotous gathering of the
people, with uncertain purposes : but the insurrec-
tionary forces were distributed with military strategy :
the most important positions in the city were occu-
pied by barricades of stone, bricks, and earthworks :^
the windows were crowded with tirailleurs to fire uj^on
the troops ; and the insurgents were inspired with a
desjDerate courage and resolution. So immi-
nent was the danger, that General Cavaignac cavaignac
was appointed dictator. It was not until June 24,'
1848
after hundreds of bloody fights, on four suc-
cessive days, with fearful loss of life on both sides,
that this terrific insurrection was overcome. On either
side, there were prodigies of bravery : but the most
memorable incident of the strife was the heroic self-
sacrifice of Monseigneur Afire, Archbishop of Paris,
who fell upon the barricade in the Place de la Bastille,
in a vain attempt to arrest the slaughter.^
The red republican insurrection was crushed: a
terrible danger had been surmounted : but
France was more than ever awakened to against the
the perils which threatened her peace and
' It was estimated that no less than 10,000 of this latter class took
part in the insurrection. Lainartine, Hint, de la R>'v. dc .1818, livre
XV. ch. 14-17 ; Lord Normanhy, A Yiar of Itcvobtlions, ii. 27.
' There were nearly 4,000 liarricades in diflorent parts of the city.
^ Lord Normanby, Yca/r of licvoluiions, ii. 59.
304 FKANCE.
social order. Her caj)ital had been desolated by a civil
war; and if the insurgents had conquered, her for-
tunes would have been at the mercy of red republi-
cans and socialists. The reaction against democracy
was universal ; and Frenchmen of all classes were
resolved that their noble country should not fall a
prey to the canaille of Paris.
The dictatorship of Cavaignac was continued : the
Measures of Capital was surrouudcd by troops : the na-
cavaignac. tioual workshops Were closed : the disaf-
fected or untrustworthy legions of the national guard
were disbanded : the democratic newspapers were sus-
pended : repressive laws against the press were re-
vived : the clubs were suppressed. Liberty was sur-
rendered for a time, to save the State from anarchy.
But the extent of the reaction was soon to be
New constl- , . i m • i> rrn
tutioii. shown m a more striking form. The per-
Nov.' 4, manent constitution of the republic was yet
1&48. .
to be determined; and the assembly, after
much deliberation, decreed that the future govern-
ment should be vested in a single chamber, and in a
president, to be elected for four years, by universal
suifrage.
The principal candidates for the presidency were
Louis Cavaignac, the dictator, who had saved
eiected'^'^ France from the red republic ; Ledru-RoUin
presi CD . ^^^ Lamartine, — the most eminent members
of the late provisional government, — and Prince Louis
Napoleon. Cavaignac still commanded all the influ-
ence of the government : he was known to be an earnest
republican ; and his late services, in the cause of order,
deserved well of his country : but Prince Louis Napo-
leon was chosen by 5,434,226 votes. He also pro-
fessed devotion to the republic, and proclaimed the
LOUIS N.\POLEON PRESIDENT. 305
sovereignty of tlie people.^ But was lie chosen to
maintain the republic, or to restore the empire?
That he secured the votes of all Bonapartists, and of
millions who still cherished the glorious memory of
the great Emperor, is certain : ^ but his election was
also an emjihatic protest of the middle classes and of
the proj3rietors of the soil against the red republic
and the mob-rule of the capital.^ For the prince him-
self, the long dream of his life was realised.* Like
his uncle, he was chief magistrate of the French re-
public ; and his foot was well nigh upon the steps of
the imperial throne.^ 'In the presence of God, and
before the French people represented by the national
assembly,' he swore ' to remain faithful to the demo-
' So far back as October 21, 1843, he wrote from liis prison at Ham:
— 'J'avais une haute ambition, iiiais je la pouvais avouer — I'ambi-
tion de reunir autour de mon nom populaire tons les partisans de
la souverainete du peuple, tous ceux qui voulaient la gloire et la
liberty.' — Delord, Hist, du Second Empire, i, 46. And this continued
to be the strain of Ms later appeals.
"^ ' Le peuple ne savait pas, en definitive, de la revolution que ce
qu'il ajiprenait dans les ecoles et dans Ics camps — les vraies ecoles
de I'Empire : il croyait en Napoleon, rcdempteur de la France et du
peuple, crucifie par les rois sur le Calvaire de Saintc-Helene.' — E'e-
lord, nint. du Second Empire, i. 121.
^ ' 11 s'agit moins pour le pays, dans le mouvcmont de reaction
auquel 11 est livre, de revenir a tel on tel des regimes dt'chus, qiie
d'avoir raison enfin d'uii esprit de subversion qui s'attaque indis-
tinctement a, tous les regimes, et qui depuis soixante ans n'a consent!
u en laisser durer aucun.' — Dunoyer, Jai R^v. de 24 Fcvricr, 188.
* ' Le jcune pretendaut dut entendre i)lus d'une fois, au fond des
bo.squets d'Arenenberg, des voix qui lui disaient : " Tu regneras.'"
— Delord, Hist, du Second Empire, i. 28.
' On January 9, 1849, Walter 'Savage Landor wrote : — ' Necessity
will comjiel liira to assume the imperial imwcr, to which tlie voice
of the army and people will call him.'— Jerrold, Life of Napoleon
III. ii. a70.
306 FEANCE.
cratic republic :' but visions of tlio empire were ever
floating before his eyes.
We will not follow Louis Napoleon tlirougli Lis
liis presi- brief presidency. His ambition and bis des-
"°*'^' tiny were divined, alike by republicans,
legitimists, and Orleanists ; ^ and all parties united
in resistance to his aims. They were naturally hos-
tile to his pretensions. Red republicans and social-
ists dreaded the strong hand of a ruler supported by
the army and the party of order. Eex)ublicans de-
tected, in his fair promises, the betrayer of the re-
public, and the crafty usurper. Royalists, who, in
the fall of Louis Philippe and the anarchy of the
revolution, had cherished hopes of another restora-
tion, feared lest an empire should again stand be-
tween the Bourbons and their inheritance. Orlean-
ists, who had lately been cast down from their high
places, were fretting for the recovery of their power.
In vain he endeavoured to allay suspicions of his
ulterior designs, by profuse protestations of his alle-
giance to the republic, and his respect for the laws.^
' Granier de Cassagnac, Hist. ii. 34 et seq.
' Before liis election in December, 1848, he said : — ' Je ne suis pas
un ambitieux. Eleve dans des pays libres, et a I'ecole du inalheur,
je resterai toujours fidele aus devoirs que m'imposeront vos suf-
frages et les volontes de I'Assemblee.' And after his election, he
said : — ' Le serment que je viens de preter commande ma conduite
future. Mon devoir est trace : je le remplirai en homme d'hon-
neur. Je verrai des ennemis de la patrie dans tons ceux qui ten-
teraient de changer, par des voies illegales, ce que la France entiere
a etabli.' — Dunoyer, Le Second Empire, i. 146, 147. And to the
Assembly he addressed these words, on December 20, 1848 : — ' Vous
voulez, comme moi, travailler au bien-etre, a la gloire, a la pro-
sperite, du peuple qui nous a elus, et, comme moi, vous pensez que
les meilleurs moyens d'y parvenir ne sont pas la violence et la ruse,
mais la fermete et la justice.' — Ibid. 147, At Lyons, on August 13,
LOXnS NAPOLEON PRESIDENT. 307
His GiDponents distrusted his assurances, and multi-
tudes of his supporters were already prepared to wel-
come the revival of the empire.^
He met with opposition on every side. The revolu-
tionists of Paris were a<]rain busy with plots :
f^ J L January 29,
but one insurrection ignomiuiously failed, i^o-
and another was easily repressed. A social- june 13,
ist insurrection at Lyons was promjjtly over-
come, with great slaughter. Within the walls of the
assembly, he encountered difficulties of another kind.
He was the elect of France, and was bent upon as-
serting his personal rule, — the onlj^ rule hitherto
known in France to king, president, or emperor. The
assembly, chosen like himself by universal suffrage,
and having a title equal to his own, disputed with
him the government of the country. They claimed
that his ministers should have the confidence of the
majority of their body : the president, resting uj)on
the confidence of the people, assumed the right of
nominating ministers at his own discretion. Hence
jealousy and contrariety of views could not fail to
arise between the executive and the legislature.
Such were the relations of parties to the president
and to one another, that an orderly government, by
I^arliamentary majorities, was naturally beset with
difficulties. Similar difficulties, however, had lately
been overcome by Louis Philippe ; and miglit have
been successfully encountered by Louis Napoleon, if
he had been faithful to the republican constitution.
1849, lie said : — 'Les surprises et I'usurpation pcuvent rtre la rcve
des i)arti.s sans appui dans la nation ; mais I'clu de six millions de
sulTra^'es ext'cute les volontes du peuple : il ne les trahit pas.' — De-
lord, Jlint. du Second Empire, i. 194.
' Dunoycr, Lc Second Empire, i. 14.G ct seq.
808 FBANCE.
But liG was not disposed to share his power with
political rivals : he regarded the representatives of
the people as obstacles to his own supremacy ; and
was actively scheming the restoration of the empire,
upon the ruins of the republic.
After the elections, in May 1849, the president dis-
missed the ministry of Odillon Barrot, which had com-
manded a majority of the assembly ; ^ and formed a
new ministry of obscure men, from all parties. He
explained his purpose by declaring to the assembly
October 31 that he needed men who acknowledged ' the
1849. necessity of a single and firm direction,' in
other words, men who looked to Iiimself, and not to
the assembly, for guidance.^ Such a declaration in-
creased the estrangement of the assembly. Alarmed
March 10, at the elcctiou of six socialist candidates
in Paris, they passed a bill ^ requiring three
years' residence for the exercise of the franchise, and
otherwise striking at the revolutionary ^ro?c'to ires, of
' According to some authorities, tlie strength of the republican
party was increased in tlie national assembly : but Delord says : —
'L'Assemblee constituaute etait republicaiue : I'Assemblee legisla-
tive qui lui succedait se composait en grande majorite de royalistes.'
— Hist, du Second Empire, i. 153. So also Jerrold, Kap. III. iii. 87.
Bat, however that may have been, the president resolved to set
himself free from the restraints of party government.
^ In his message to the assembly, he said : — ' La France, inquiete
parce qu'elle ne voit pas de direction, cherche la main, la voloute,
de I'olu du 10 dt'cembre.' The national will had been expressed by
the election of a Napoleon ; and ' ce nom est a lui seul tout un pro-
gramme.' — Dunoyer, Le Second Emjnre, i. 155.
" ' It was afterwards alleged that this measure had been passed
in opposition to the wishes of the president : but, according to
Delord, ' I'histoire ne trouve aucune trace de cette pretendue repug-
nance de M. Louis Bonaparte, ni dans ses discours, ni dans ses con-
versations.' — Hist, du Second Empire, i. 187. But see Jerrold, ]^ap
III. iii. 134.
THE PEESIDENT AND THE ASSEMBLY. 309
all nations, wlio infested Paris. They opposed tlio
angmentation of tlie president's salary : tliey denied
liim tlie nomination of mayors ; and they appointed
an unfriendly commission, from the different parties,
to control him during the recess.^
Meanwhile the president, opposed by all parties in
the assembly, — which, however adverse to Thopregi-
one another, were ever ready to combine the at"
against him,^ — appealed to the sympathy of ^^'" ^''
the people,^ and the attachment of the army. At
Lyons, at Strasburg, and other large towns, his pre-
sence was greeted with enthusiasm. At re- Q^^^^^^.Y ^^
views he was cheered with cries of * Yive Na- ^'^^*'-
poleon ! ' and at Satorj^ the cavalry, as they passed
him, shouted *Vive Napoleon! Vive I'Empereur ! ' ^
The infantry, in obedience to the orders of November
their general, Neumeyer, were silent ; and the
general was soon afterwards removed from his com-
mand. At other reviews the like cries were heard.^
Soon afterwards. General Changarnier issued an order
to the troops under his command,^ reminding them
that the law and military regulations forbade thorn to
utter cries while under arms. Two months afterwards
' Granier de Cassagnac, ii. 147-160.
' ' On voyait toujours quatre partis prets a fairo cause commune
coutre un seul.' — Dunoyor, Le Second Empire, i. 31.
^ At Dijon lie said, on January 1, 1850 : — ' J'appelle do tous mes
voeux le moment ou la voix puissanto de la nation dominera toutes
les oppositions et mettra d'accord toutes les rivalitrs.' — Biscmirs ct
Proclamations, 150.
* Dolord, nint. du Second Empire, i. Ifl3.
' ' Lo pri'sidnnt pendant ce tcnifjs-la j)asse des revues ofl on crio,
' Vive reinpereur ! ' commo aa temps ou lea legions faisaient dea
Cesars.'— Delord, IliHt. i. 207.
" ITe was commander of tlio troops of Paris and tbo department of
the Seine.
«
310 FRANCE.
he was superseded.^ Other generals were promoted,
who enjoyed the entire confidence of the president;
and officers friendly to his ambition were carefully
sought out and encouraged.^ He was constantly pro-
claiming his reliance upon the fidelity of the army.^
While making these appeals to the people and the
army, he continued his professions of fidelity to the
constitution, and endeavoured to disarm suspicions
by affecting a lofty disinterestedness. To the assem-
bly he said, on November 30, 1850 : ' The noblest ob-
ject, and the most worthy of an exalted mind, is not to
seek, when in power, how to perpetuate it, but to la-
bour to fortify, for the benefit of all, those principles
of authority and morality, which defy the passions of
mankind and the instability of laws.'
The suspicious policy of the president was met by
January 14, ^ rcsolutiou of the assembly, declaring that
^^^^' it had no confidence in his ministers. He
changed his ministry : but not a single minister did
he choose from among the members of the assembly.
After a continuance of the strife for some time, he
April 10 invited Odillon Barrot to form a ministry;
is^i- and, on his failure, he again resorted to the
assembly for a cabinet. The new ministry, however,
did not embrace any of the leaders of parties ; and
was not designed to conciliate their support. The
president's policy of personal rule was incompatible
with representative government ; and his ulterior aims
alienated all parties but his own.
The time was approaching when a revision of the
constitution was demanded : but while a ma-
theconsti- jority of the assembly approved it, a vote
of three-fourths, as required by the constitu-
' Dunoyer, Le Second Empire, i, 159. " ibj^, i_ iei_ s ibj^ 174
THE PRESIDENT AND THE ASSEMBLY. 311
tion, could not be obtained. The powers of the presi-
dent were limited to four years, and he was juiyao,
disqualified for re-election. He was already ^^^'
straitened in his civil list ; and he must soon lay
down his power, and retire into poverty and obscurity.
An event so fatal to his ambition, he was resolved to
avert. His ultimate reliance was u^^on the army and
the people : but, in the meantime, he sought, by a
popular measure, to increase his influence and popu-
larity. If he found the assembly intractable, other
means must be tried to ensure the continuance of his
power. Believing that the restoration of universal
suffrage would favour his own claims, he now urged
the repeal of the law of May 31, 1850. His ministers,
fearing a socialist majority in the next assembly, ob-
jected to the change, and resigned ; and, with the
advice of a new ministry, the proposal was made by
the president to the assemblj-. But his ob- xovembor
ject in seeking an extension of the sufirage '*' ^^''^'
was too well known to find favour with his opponents.
The republicans were drawn towards him by so demo-
cratic a measure : but the royalists were no less op-
posed to it than to its author.^
The distrust of the assembly in the designs of the
president was now further aroused by a
i Distrust
speech addressed by him to the officers of "fi'i'
some regiments lately arrived in Paris, se-
lected as faithful to his cause. He told them that he
had placed at their head men wlio had his entire
confidence ; and that, if the gravity of affairs should
compel him to appeal to their devotion, he was as-
sured that he should not be disappointed. He would
' Delord, ITist. du ^Second Empire, i. 249-355.
312 FRANCE.
not say to them, * March, and I will follow you : ' but
he would say, ' I march : follow me.' Such words as
these seemed to betray some hidden purpose, not war-
ranted by the foreign or domestic necessities of the
State. General St. Arnaud, the new minister of war,
also issued an order of the day, protesting against
the power of the assembly to require the aid of a mili-
tary force. To guard against surprise from the mas-
ter of many legions, the assembly looked about for
some means of defence. Accordingly, the quasstora
submitted a motion for giving effect to a decree of
May 11, 1848, which empowered the president to re-
quire the armed force of the State for its protection.
November A Committee adopted this motion ; and no
17, 1851. j^gg than three hundred members supported
it by their votes in the assembly.^
A serious conflict between the president and the as-
Thepre«i- sembly was now imminent. Prefects, mayors,
the as-"*^ and the Bonapartist press espoused the cause
sembiy. q£ ^j^^ president, and rebuked the assembly
as factious and unpatriotic. It was accused of thwart-
ing his enlightened measures, and even of plotting
against his authority. But, in truth, the president
had himself provoked the contest, by dissociating
himself from the representatives of the people, by his
alarming appeals to the army, and by his ill-concealed
designs of personal ambition.^ The strife, however, was
' Delord, Hist, du Second Empire, i. 255-266.
2 ' Des projets de decrets prepares dans le cas ou. I'Assemblee serait
obligee de requerir la force publique ne sont pas des actes de con-
spiration.' — Delord, Hist, du Second Emjnre, i. 272. According to
De Tocqueville, ' Les amis de M. Louis-Napoleon, pour excuser Facte
qu'il vient de commettre, repetent qu'il n'a fait que prendre les
devants sur les mesures hostiles que I'Assemblee allait adopter con-
tre lui. Cette maniere de se defendre n'est pas nouvelle en France.
THE PRESIDENT AM) THE ASSEMBLY. 313
unequal. The president -was armed with all the powers
of the State : the assembly was utterly defenceless.
Its diflferent sections might concert measures for the
protection of the republic : they might resolve and pro-
test : they might beat the air, but they could not com-
mand the services of a single soldier or policeman.^
Meanwhile the president was busy with a daring
scheme of usurpation. It could not be at- prepara-
tempted without assurances of the support ti"e%(^
of the army, and these were obtained at a November
confidential meeting at General Magnau's, ~~. it^i-
where twenty-one general officers engaged to obey
his orders, and to save France.^ The army was safe,
and the president was acquiring the command of the
police, the magistracy, and all the executive depart-
ments, for carrying out his designs against the as-
sembly.^ His advisers were not responsible ministers,
Tou3 nos revolutionnaires en oat use pendant ces soixante deruitres
annees. . . . L'Assembk'e, loin de cousi)irer centre Louis-Napol-'on
et de lui cliercher querelle, a pousse la moderation et le desir de
vivre avec lui en bon intelligence jiresque a un degre voisin de la
pusillauimite.' — Letter to the Times, November 11, 1853. IMr. King-
lake says : — ' It is not true, as was afterwards pretended, that tlie
executive was wickedly or perversely thwarted either by the votes
of the assembly, or by the speeches of its members : still less is it
true that the representative body was engaged in hatching plots
against the president.' — Kinglako, Invasion of tJie Crimea, i. 20G
(4th edition).
' For some obscure evidences of the defensive plans of the as-
sembly, see Lcspez, ii. 351 ; Ashley, Life of Lord Palmcrsion, i.
286; Jerrold, Nap. III. iii. 304-317.
" Dolord, UiHt. du Second /Empire, i. 244.
3 De Tocqueville, writing to Mr. Senior on November 28, said : —
' 11 ne pent plus aboutir qu'il de grandes catastrophes. Cette previ-
sion si claire et si prochaine me remplit le ccjcur d'nno douleur si
profondc et .si amere que je cliorclic, autant quo jo lo puis, a en do-
tourner ma ■[>cu^t''e.'—(j!/uvre8 et Oorr. incdilcs, ii. 183.
VOL. II. — 14
old FRANCE.
â– whose names y/ould have been a guarantee for consti-
tutional measures : but were creatures of his own, do-
voted to his cause, — daring and unscrupulous men,
who were fitted for the dark schemes of conspirators.
There was no more persistent schemer ihan the presi-
dent ; and he found in his confederates — De Morny,
Fleury, Persigny, St. Arnaud, De Maupas, and De
Beville — men bolder and more resolute than himself.
To make their services effective, the most important
offices were entrusted to them. De Morny as Minister
of the Interior, St. Arnaud as Minister of War, and
De Maupas as Prefect of Police, commanded the civil
and military forces of the State ; and were ready to
use them, without scruple, for the overthrow of the
Kepublic.
The plan concerted by them was more deeply plotted
than that of the 18th Brumaire, of which it was other-
wise the parallel : it was matured with the secresy
and craft of a conspiracy, and carried out with a self-
ish and cruel resolution which recalls the deeds of
the terrorists of 1793.^
On the night of December 1 everything was ready,
when the president took final counsel with his
of Dec. 3, secret advisers, the Comte de Morny, General
St. Arnaud, De Maupas, Prefect of Police,
De Persigny, and Colonel de Beville ; and the bold
enterprise was at once carried into execution. They
had at their disposal all the powers of the State, the
army, the national guard, the police, the civil admin-
istration, the courts of justice, the State printing-
office, and a Bonapartist press, while the assembly
was divided and disarmed. The parliamentary leaders
' Supra, p. 315.
COUP d'etat, DECEMBER 2, 1851. 315
â– were fast asleep in their beds at two o'clock in the
morning of December 2, wlien tliey were aroused by
tlie police, and carried off to prison. The most dis-
tinguished generals shared the same fate. The fore-
most men of France^ were treated like felons, and
carted away in the dead of night to ignominious cells.^
The hopeful career of many was stopped for ever, and
all hopes of liberty or constitutional government were
extinguished. The chief revolutionists of the clubs
and secret societies were at the same time arrested
and imprisoned. Eighty-four of the men w^hose resis-
tance was most feared were in safe custody. All but
the Bonapartist newspapers were seized and silenced.
Before daylight the walls of Paris were placarded
with a proclamation,^ announcing to the astonished
world the dissolution of the assembly, the repeal of the
law of May 31, 1850, and the election of another as-
sembly by universal suffrage. The council of state v/as
dissolved, and Paris was declared in a state of siege.
The president accused the assembly of forging the
arms of ci-vdl war, and plotting to overthrow the power
whicli he held from the people. At the same time, he
submitted the scheme of a new constitution, consist-
ing of a chief magistrate elected for ten years, a cabi-
' 'Centre qui sont dirigees les premieres et les plus grandes vio-
lences de M. Louis Bonaparte ? Est-ce centre les d*'magogues et lea
iinarclustes? Non ; c'est contre les amis de I'ordre les plus connus,
les plus considrrables, les plus di'voues.' — Dunoyer, Le Second Em-
pire, i. 18;j. ' Les adversaires do son ambition, voila les veritables
objets de sa liaine et les ennemis (ju'il faut surtout domptcr.' — Ibid.
181.
^ They were conveyed, ' de i)ropos dt'libi'n', dans les voituros do-
stin I'es au transport des criminels condamnrs au bagne.' — Ibid. 2:51.
" Tliis proclamation bad been i)rinted at the State printing-office,
the printers Laving wuiliud in custody of the police.
316 FBANCE.
net appointed by himself alone, a new council of state,
a legislative body chosen by universal suffrage, and a
second chamber of illustrious m*en. And he asked
these favours on behalf of the cause of which his
name was the symbol.^
When the members of the assembly, who had been
spared by the police, learned the arrest of
members their coUeagues, they hastened to concert a
of the . o ' J
assembly resistance to the coup d'etat. They met at
different places. Some found their way into
the hall of the assembly itself, whence they were
driven by force, twelve of their number being seized
and hurried off to prison. At length two hundred and
twenty deputies assembled at the Mairie of the 10th
Arrondissement, where they decreed the deposition of
the president, and declared that the executive power
had passed to the national assembly. Their delibera-
tions, however, were soon interrupted by the entry of
soldiers and police ; and as they refused to disperse,
they were marched off as prisoners to the cavalry
barracks on the Quai d'Orsay.^ Hence, after nightfall,
they were conveyed, in prison vans, to Yincennes and
to the prison of Mazas.^ Two hundred and thirty-
five representatives of the people, including twelve
statesmen who had been cabinet ministers, were
treated as felons.* Many were afterwards banished
fi'om France.^
The high court of justice, while deliberating upon
' ' Si vous croyez que la cause dont mon nom est le symbole — c'est-
a-dire, la France regeneree par la revolution de 1789, et organisee par
I'empereur — est toujours lavutre, proclamez-leenconsacrant lespou-
voirs que je vous demande.' — Delord, Hist, du Second Empire, i. 282.
5 Delord, Hist, du Second Empire, i. 309-333.
3 Ibid. 335, 336, 34-4 et seq. 3G3.
* Kinglake, Invasion of the Crimea, i. 251, 252. ^ Ibid. 390.
COUP d'etat, decembee 2, 1851. 317
the violations of the constitution, which it was its
function to restrain, was interrupted by the
police, and was closed by force.^ Every con- court ot-
stituted authority was silenced ; and sca-ttered
deputies and journalists vainly attempted to arouse a
popular insurrection against the president. The hour-
geoisie and the people were divided, the assembly was
unpopular, and the president still professed his fidelity
to the republic. There was no common ground of re-
sistance to the coujJ d'etat. Parties and classes were
disunited and surprised : while the executive wielded
the army, the police, and the civil administration of
the State. The red republican party had been shot
down in the street fights of June, 1848, imprisoned,
and transported ; and their surviving leaders had just
been captured.
The troops, among whom the president had dis-
tributed fifty thousand francs — the last re-
p t • • I p I 9 1 • 1 The massa-
mams oi his private fortune '^ — continued ere on the
p • ,^ P -I , -i ' 1 t ,1 ' boulevards.
laithtui to his cause; and under their pro-
tection he rode through the streets of Paris. He was
received with acclamations : but the people, jj^^. „
taken by surprise, and uncertain as to the
true purport of the startling events of the morning,
were curious and wondering rather than demonstra-
tive.^ The capital was commanded and held in check
by an overwhelming force : yet several barricades were
raised, which for a long time were not assailed by
' Delord, Hist, du Second Empire, i. 335-328, 254-355 ; Annuaire,
p. '5(.j.
'' Granior de Cassagnac, ii. 431.
^ Mr. Kinglake says, ' Upon tlie whole, the reception ho met with
seems to liave hofii neither fricindly nor violently hostile, but chill-
ing, and in a quiet way .scorulul.' — Lovasioii, of the Criiiica, i. 245.
318 FEANCE.
the troops, but at lengtli, on December 4, they were
easily carried. All who were found upon the
Dec 4 .
barricades were put to death: no quarter
was given to insurgents. But the gravest incident of
this day was the firing of the troops upon the win-
dows of the houses on the boulevards, and upon the
loiterers on the pavement.^ In vindication of this
murderous fire, it was alleged that the houses were
occupied by insurgents, who threatened the passing
troops : but the assertion is contradicted by the best
contemporary evidence. The extent of the slaughter
may have been partly due to misapprehension and
panic: but there is too much reason to believe that
the assault was designed to strike terror into the
people, and to display the resolution of the troops.
The contrivers of the coup d'etat were almost discon-
certed by the tame submission of the people. Where
was the danger which had justified these daring vio-
lations of the law? This unwarrantable massacre at
once magnified an abortive insurrection, and proved
the vigour of the usurper. Charles X. and Louis
Philippe had quailed before the populace of Paris:
but Louis Napoleon had no pity upon insurgents.
The capital was subdued and terror-stricken, and the
sjDirit of resistance was trampled out in blood. No
act during the numberless conflicts in the streets of
Paris was remembered with so much bitterness and
resentment. The coup d'etat was successful: but it
was stained with innocent blood, the shedding of
which was never forgiven.^
' Delord, Eist. du Second Empire, i. 367-384 ; Kinglake, Eist. of
the Crimean War, i. 265-274 ; Ann. Beg. 1851.
^ See the account of the coup d'etat iu the Times of December 11,
1851, written by M. de Tocqueville, who was one of the deputies
COUP d'etat, DECEMBER 2, 1851. 319
Great numbers of citizens were known to be faith-
ful to tlie republic. They had taken no part Measures of
in the street fights : they had not opposed *^"'''''^*°"-
the irresistible forces of the coup d'etat : but they were
dangerous, and must be disabled. All men who had
been members of secret societies were declared liable
to transportation to Algeria or Cayenne ; ^ and for this
cause thousands of active citizens were transported
without a triah Within a few weeks after December
2 no less than 26,500 persons were transported as
guilty of divers offences against the State.^ About
two thousand republican journalists, lawj^ers, physi-
cians and other educated men, were imprisoned until
all fear of popular movements had passed away. The
revolution had been wholly the work of the rulers of
arrested on December 2. — Reeve, Royal and Republican France, ii.
136, 137. Also letter of Captain Jesse to the Times, December 13. —
Ann. Register. De Tocqueville says, in one of his letters, ' This gov-
ernment has establifihed itself by one of the greatest crimes recorded
in history.'— Ibid. ii. 138.
' II faut qu'on le sache bien, en eilet, nulle transaction avec I'esprit
revolutionnaire, avec ce detestable esprit de violence et de frauds
dont I'attentat du 2 dccembre a ete la plus odieuse manifestation
parmi nous, ne saurait ttre de nature a nous assurer la paix.' —
Dunoyer, Le Second Empire, i. 115.
' II est manifeste pour tout hom-me de bon sens qui prend la peine
d'examiner les faits, que cette acte d'insigne f clonic n'Otait neces-
salre, ni pour la conservation des pouvoirs It'gaux du pn'sident, ni
pour la defense de la socicte contre la demagogie socialistc, ni pour
la conciliation des partis modertis.' — Ibid. i. 145.
One of the best, but most severe, accounts of this grievous inci-
dent is to be found in Mr. Kinglake's //irrtfflon. of the Crimea, i. 2Go-
274 (4th edition). Mr. Jerrold justifies this and every other incident
of the coup d'etat more boldly than any French writer {Life of Na-
2>oleon III. iii. B. 8).
' Decree of December 8, 1851.
' Qranier de Cassagnac, ii. 438 ; Delord, Uist. da Second Empire,
11. Oi.
320 FRANCE.
France : it liad met witli a feeble resistance : yet tlie
proscription which ensued was as merciless as if the
people had risen in arms against a lawful govern-
ment. In any other country, such deeds would have
been followed by the execrations of Europe : but
in this land of revolutions, where force had long
been the arbiter of laAvs and liberty, they were too
easily condoned by Frenchmen, and by European
opinion.
The capital was subdued by force, and the jDro-
vinces were under control. Twelve dej^artments
round Paris were in a state of siege: thirty-two depart-
ments were placed under martial law ; and elsewhere,
the prefects, the mayors, and all other functionaries
were ordered, under pain of instant dismissal, to se-
cure the adhesion of the people in the approaching pU-
hiscite. In overthrowing the assembly and the consti-
tution, the president was everywhere proclaimed as the
champion of order, and the unrelenting enemy of so-
cialists and red republicans. By supporting his au-
thority good citizens would put down socialism and
anarchy. Commissaries were despatched into the
provinces to overawe resistance, and the priests were
active in leading their flocks to the poll. No meet-
ings were permitted : the press was silenced : the dis-
tribution of negative voting-papers was forbidden : the
The pie- army had already voted * Yes,' and few out
of the mass of affrighted electors ventured to
say * No.' They had but to say * Yes ' or * No ; ' and in
this form the acts of the president and the new con-
stitution were ratified by the votes of 7,439,216 elec-
tors ; and Louis Napoleon, absolute master of France,
was left to choose his own time for the restoration of
the empire.
.VFTER THE COUP d'eTAT. 321
His aims were soon disclosed. Ho immediately
replaced the Eoman eagle upon the national j^^^^j^
standards, and took up his residence at the fft^°thT
Tuileries.^ His new presidency, or dictature, '^''"^ d'Uat.
"was celebrated at Notre Dame, with a pomp which re-
called the glories of the First Napoleon.^ His powers,
under the new constitution, were little less than im-
perial.^ He was president for ten years: he com-
manded all the forces of the State, by land and sea :
he made treaties with foreign powers : with him rested
the initiation, the sanction, and the execution of the
laws ; justice was administered in his name : he exer-
cised the prerogative of mercy. The legislature was
stripped of every inconvenient privilege. It could
neither initiate laws, nor ask questions of ministers.
No amendments could be discussed without the pre-
vious approval of the Conseil cTEtat. The budget was
no longer voted in chapters, or articles, but in minis-
terial departments.^ The president, in truth, was
already emperor, save in name ; and this consumma-
tion was not long delayed. In all his proclamations
and addresses, the empire was held up as the ideal
of national happiness and glory.^ And, while gratify-
ing the army, and the natural j)ride of Frenchmen, by
' January 1, 1872. — Delord, IlisL du Second Empire, i. 397.
2 Ibid.
' ' In the making of such laws as he intended to give the country.
Prince Louis was highly skilled, for ho knew how to enfold the crea-
tion of a sheer oriental autocracy in a nomenclature taken from the
polity of free European States.' — Kinglake, Invasion of the Crimea,
i. ?,m.
* 'Par ministore.'— Delord, i. 401, 402.
' In distributing eagles to the army, on May 10, he said : — 'L'aigle
romaine, adoptre par rempcreur Napoleon au commencement do ce
sit^cle, fut la signification la i)lus ('clatanto de la regeneration et de
la grandeur dc; la France.' — Ibid. 4l»7.
14*
322 FRANCE.
recollections of tlie military prowess of the first em-
pire, he apjDealed to the prudence and sobriety of the
middle classes, and the susceptibilities of foreign
powers, by proclaiming the forthcoming empire as the
inauguration of peace. ' L'empire, c'est la paix,' he
said at Bordeaux ; and his words were accepted as a
pledge that, in succeeding to the throne of Napoleon I.,
he renounced his policy of war and aggression. The
State functionaries and the Bonapartist press were
busy in preparing public opinion for the impending
change : conspicuous demonstrations in honour of the
coming Caesar were concerted : he was greeted with
enthusiastic cries of 'Vive I'Empereur! ' and at length
he announced that the signal manifestation, through-
out France, in favour of the restoration of the empire,
imposed upon him the duty of consulting the senate.
That body was devoted : the people accepted a i^Zt'^is-
cite restoring the imperial dignity by 7,824,129 votes ;
December ^^^ Louis Napoleon accepted the proffered
1, 1852. crown as Napoleon III.^
The second empire was proclaimed with becoming
The second ccremouies, and an imperial court was formed
empire. Qf j-are magnificence. The scattered mem-
bers of the Bonaparte family appeared again upon
the scene, as princes and princesses of the empire.
The authors of the coup cVetat, and other friends and
followers of the emperor, were rewarded with dignified
and lucrative offices. The imperial household was
graced by numbers of stately functionaries, with high-
sounding titles. The representation of the empire
was arranged upon a scale of splendour and extrava-
gance, which recalled the times of Louis le Grand.
' His title was ' Napoleon III., by tlie grace of God, and by the will
of tbe people, Emperor of the French.'
TEE SECOND EMPIEE. 323
But tliis grandeur was incomplete "without a consort
to preside over the society of the court ; and
the dynasty was insecure without an heir emperor's
to the crown. The emperor, having vainly
sought a bride in the royal houses of Baden and
Hohenzollern, hastened to offer his hand to the beau-
tiful Spaniard, Eugenie de Montego. She could boast
of no royal lineage : but the Austrian alliance of the
First Napoleon had proved the worthlessness of such
a union to a revolutionary throne ; and the fair lady
of his choice was well fitted, by her graces and vir-
tues, to adorn the new imperial court.
After the coup d'etat, Louis Napoleon had already
restored titles of honour ; and he now en-
deavoured to surround himself by the most
illustrious nobles of France. The nobiKty of the first
empire were naturally the chief ornaments of his
court : but the old Legitimist and Orleanist nobles
generally held themselves aloof from the Bonapartist
circle, and affected the more select society of their
own friends in the Faubourgs St. Germain and St.
Honore.^ But if the old nobility were absent from
the Tuileries, there was no lack of aspirants for new
honours and distinctions. Military dukedoms, and
' At first 'la majorite du parti legitimiste semblait plus disposce
u suivrerexcmpledu clergc, devenu ardent Bonapartiste, qu'a se ral-
lier a la voix de I'lieritier des lis.' — Delovd, Uid. du Second Empire, ii.
122. Several accepted public employments : but they became more
and more estranged from the empire, and the greater part absented
themselves from the court. ' In France, for the most part, the gen-
tlemen of the country resolved to stand aloof from the government,
and not only declined to vouchsafe their society to the new occupant
of the Tuileries, but even looked coldly tipon any stray i)erson of
their own station, who suffered himself to be tempted thither by
money.' — Kinglake, Invamn of the Crimea, i. 333.
324 FEANCE.
otlier titles of nobility, were created, as in tlie first
empire. Plebeian names were dignified by the en-
nobling prefix, so mucb cherished in French society ;
and the legion of honour was lavished with such pro-
fusion, that to be without its too familiar red ribbon
was, at length, accounted a mark of distinction.
A court so constituted could not represent the
highest refinement of French society. It;
inipeiiai was gay, luxurious, pleasure-seeking, and
extravagant :^ but adventurers, speculators,
and persons of doubtful repute,^ were in too much
favour to win for it the moral respect of France or of
Europe. Nor did it gain lustre from the intellect of
the age.'^ Men of letters were generally faithful to
the fallen monarchies or to the republic ; and were
not to be won over by the patronage of the empire.
They had been cruelly scourged by Louis Napoleon,
and neither the principles of his rule, nor the charac-
ter of his associates, attracted the intellectual classes.^
' ' La cour donne un bal aujourd'hui : demain c'est le ministre,
apres-demain le directeur-general : la semaine prochaine le chef de
bureau. Le luxe sevit d'un degre a I'autre de I'eclielle des families
comme une epidemie. Ce fleau moral epuise la nation : depenser
plus que Ton ne gagne, voila I'economie politique du luxe : tous les
moyens sont bons pour gagner de I'argent, telle est sa morale.' —
Delord, Hist, du Second Empire, i. 508.
* ' Un pouvoir cree par la force, avec la rapidite d'un changement
de decor a vue, ne groupe autour de lui que des hommes assaillis
d'embarras d' argent, prets a embrasser la premiere cause que leur
offre une chance de se delivrer de leurs creanciers.' — Ibid. ii. 2.
2 ' There is an absolute divorce between the political system and
the intellectual culture of the nation.' — Lord Lytton, The Parisians,
i. 187.
* ' La presse, I'academie, les salons, I'universite, toutes les forces
intellectuelles du pays, sauf le clerge, etaient tous en hostilite,
ouverte ou cachee, contre le gouverneraent, reduit a les comprimer
pour assurer son existence.' — Delord, Hist, du Second Empire, ii. 872.
TEE SECOND EMPIRE. 325
Material force, wealth, and splendour were tlie idols
of his court, and the i^oet and philosopher were ill at
ease in such a company.
The empire was now firmly established, and Louis
Napoleon wielded a power as great as that
„„ ,. T-»i_i 11 Pi'inciples
of any former king or emperor. Hm Jie ruled of govern-
by a different title, and upon other principles
of government. His empire, founded upon the sove-
reignty of the people, was a strange development of
democracy. He had been chosen by universal suf-
frage, yet he' wielded a power all but absolute and ir-
responsible. He ruled by the voice of the people :
but he forbad the expression of their sentiments in
the press or at public meetings. The chamber of
deputies was elected, like himself, by the whole peo-
ple. An assembly so popular in its origin ought to
have been a check upon the will of the emperor : but
it did not hesitate to accept his policy and approve
his acts. Enjoying a freedom of discussion unknown
beyond its walls, it was able to give expression to
public opinion : but it never aspired to independence.
Yet the democracy of France was not ignored : the
emperor was sensitively alive to the national senti-
ments, which he was always striving to propitiate : he
never forgot the democratic origin and basis of his
throne. Political liberties were repressed : but pub-
lic opinion, so far as it could be divined without free
discussion, was deferred to and respected.
To satisfy this public opinion, and to win the sup-
port of various sentiments, interests and par- ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^
ties, the policy of the emperor assumed many ^'"i"''^-
forms. He had proclaimed the empire as peace :^ but,
' Speech at Bordeaux, October 8, 1852 : — ' L'empire, c'est la paix.'
326 niANCE.
to gratify tlie susceptibilities of Frenclimen, lie after-
wards declared that 'not a gun should be fired in
Europe v.ifchout the consent of the Tuileries ;' and he
desired to revive the military glories of France, to re-
store his influence in the councils of Europe, and to
gratify the army, to whom he mainly owed his crown.
Hence his forwardness in bringinsr about
1854 • <~) o
the Crimean war. Urged by the same mo-
tives, he espoused the cause of Italy, against Aus-
tria, while he conciliated the reiDublicau
party and their confederates, the carbonari,
by fighting the battles of Italian liberty. He was no
soldier : but in the Italian war he took the lead of
French armies, and strove to emulate the military re-
nown of the First Napoleon. His warlike
ambition was allied to a greed of territorial
aggrandisement;^ and his services to Italy were re-
warded by the cession of Savoy and Nice. This ad-
venturous policy was popular; and it diverted the
thoughts of Frenchmen from the loss of their liber-
ties : but it was frauo-ht with dancjers.^ New
iSo9-61. ^ " ~
enterprises were planned : French armies
' * La France seule, avait dit Napoleon III., combat pour une idee.
Cette idee, pour le second empire, comma pour le premier, n'etait-
elle que FaugmeatatioQ de sou territoire.' — Delord, H.'st. du Second
Empire, ii. 664.
- De Tocqueville forecast these dangers eighteen years before the
fall of the second empire. He wrote : — ' This government, which
comes by the army, which can only be lost by the anny, which traces
back its popularity and even its essence to the recollections of mili-
tary glory, — this government will be fatally impelled to seek for
aggrandisement of territory and for exclusive influence abroad ; in
other words, to war. That at last is what I fear, and what all rea-
sonable men dread as I do. War would assuredly be its death, but
its death would perhaps cost dear.' — Reeve, Royal and Eepublkan
France, ii. 139.
THE SECOND EMPIEE. 327
were despatclied to Morocco, to Cliina, and to S^^ia ;
and a wild sclieme of intervention in the affairs of
Mexico, in order to extend tbe influence of France in
America,^ resulted in conspicuous failure and
liumiliation.^ This failure was the turninc;-
point in the fortunes of his reign ; and at length he
was hurried into a still graver error. Jealous of the
victories and aggrandisement of Prussia, and pos-
sessed by the passionate faith of his coun-
trjTnen, that the Khine was the natural fron-
tier of France,^ he brooded over schemes of conquest,
and annexation, until he plunged into the
fatal war with his too powerful neighbour,
which was to be his ruin.
In his military ambition Louis Napoleon followed
the traditions of the empire. In his domes- j)„n,csti(,
tic policy, he took examples from the empire, po''cy. ^
the reign of Louis Philipj^e, and the republic of 1848.
Wliile yet president, he had propitiated the clergy,
and outraged the republicans, by assisting
the Pope, against the Koman republic.
Wlien he threw himself into the Italian wars, he con-
â– ' M. Michel Chevalier, membre du senat, en annon^ant, dans un
recueil inijiortant, le clioix do I'arcliiduc Masimilien, "dusignc' pour
la lourdo taclie d'inaugurer la couroune mexicaino," di'clarait quo
I'expedition du Mexiqvie avait pour but d'assurer la preponderance
de la France sur les races latines, et d'augmenter I'infiuence de ces
dernieres en Ann'rique.' — Dclord, Uist. du Second Empire, iii. o49.
^ Ibid. iv. 169, et neq. America declared ' qu'il ne convient pas a la
politique des Etats-Unis de reconnaitre un gouvernement nionar-
chique clevt' en Ann'rique sur les mines d'un gouvernement rt'publi-
cain, et sous les ausjnces d'un pouvoir euro})Len quel qu'il soit.'
The Emperor Maximilian was sacrificed, and the French scheme of
Latin domination collapsed. — Ibid. iv. 241.
= Ibid. iv. 478-486.
328 FRANCE.
tinued lais patronage to his Holiness, and by otlier
measures strove to secure the good will of the clergy
and the Catholic laity. He was not less rigorous than
the First Napoleon in restraining the liberty of the
press, and of political association. He even inter-
dicted a banquet to celebrate the three hundredth
anniversary of Shakespeare.^ Not less reso-
^^^' lute was he in maintaining his personal rule,
and swaying ministers and senates, in obedience to
his will. The imperial court was maintained in un-
exampled splendour and profusion. In all things,
he revived the memories of the first empire.
Nor was he unmindful of the lessons of Louis
Philippe. That monarch's power had rested
orrupion. ^^^^^ ^i^^^ Commercial and middle classes.
The rule of the emperor was founded upon a far
wider basis : but he studied the interests of the bour-
geoisie with even greater care than the citizen king
himself. He gave encouragement to every commer-
cial and industrial enterprise. He developed, with
signal success, the material resources of the country.
The activity of the Bourse — mischievous in many ways
— afforded evidence of the abounding energies of
French commerce. By international exhibitions, he
stimulated invention, and attracted rulers and people
of all nations to his capital Notwithstanding an ever-
increasing taxation, the people were growing rich.
Not without economic errors, his policy was so far
,„„„ statesmanlike ; and in his commercial treaty
I860. ' . ''
with England he encouraged free trade, m an
enlightened spirit, far in advance of French opinion.
But, further, he practised the arts of corruption upon
' Delord, Sisi. du Second Mnpire, iii. 517.
THE SECOND EMriEE. 829
a far larger scale than Louis Philippe. By couces-
sions of railways and other public works, he -pub
riches into the hands of eager capitalists and specu-
lators. He gratified the municipalities and the in-
habitants of provincial towns with costly palaces of
justice, markets, and other public buildings, not un-
worthy of a capital. He multiplied places, with a
lavish hand ; and the legion of honour adorned the
button-holes of thousands of faithful citizens. Black
was their ingratitude, if they proved unfaithful to the
empire.
The republic had recently tried the dangerous
experiment of national workshops, which
had resulted in failure and insurrection, mentof
But the emperor found, in that communist
scheme, suggestions for an imperial design, which
united with j^ublic employment a monumental work to
the honour and glory of France. The working classes
had proved a chronic danger to the State : and he re-
solved to associate them with his policy and his am-
bition. It had been the boast of the Emperor Augus-
tus that he had found Bome brick, and had left it
marble ;^ and the French Caesar, emulous of his fame,
determined to rebuild his capital, upon a scale of
costly magnificence. In this enterprise his chosen
agent was Haussmann, the bold and spirited Prefect
of the Seine. The work of reconstruction was under-
taken : large numbers of workmen were maintained in
constant employment : the narrow and crooked streets
of the ancient city were replaced by broad thorough-
' ' Urbera, neque pro majestate imperii ornatam, ct inundationibus
incendiiscjue obnoxiain, excoluit adeo, ut juro bit gloriatiis, niarmo-
roam so rclinquc-rc, <iuam latericiam accepiHsct.' — Suetonius, i, 2r!7
(Dclph).
330 FRANCE.
fares and stately boulevards ; and a new capital arose,
wliich, — if somewhat monotonous in its uniformity,
and wanting in the j)ictnresquo features of old Paris,
— was distinguished for. its architectural grandeur.
Nor was this scheme of reconstruction confined to
Paris. The municipal glories of the capital were em-
ulated in the j)rovinces : and Lyons, Marseilles, and
Bordeaux vied with the Prefect of the Seine in archi-
tectural enterprise. A vast scheme of national work-
shops was established, without the taint of commu-
nism, while founded upon its evil principles. What if
these costly enterprises should be interrupted, or
brought to a close? What if financial difficulties
should arrest, or zealous haste too speedily complete
them? The spectres of hungry crowds, and barri-
cades, hovered over the vast creations of Haussmann.
And while architects were designing broad streets,
and boulevards, generals were planning how they
could be swept, from end to end, with grape-shot.
Meanwhile, municipal extravagance kept pace with
the profusion of the State. France was living fast in
those days, and was not yet reckoning the cost of her
ambition. The empire prospered ; and its superficial
admirers, in English society, were heard to lament
that their own country lacked the fostering care of the
wonder-working emperor.
But the end was approaching. In the midst of liis
magnificence, the emperor was ill at ease.
The war .
with Like the First Napoleon, and Louis Phi-
lippe, he had been exposed to the plots of
assassins. He was further disturbed by an increasing
2')ressure for constitutional reforms. So great and
cultivated a society as that of France, could not live
contentedly under the repressive policy of the em-
THE SECOND EMriTvE. 331
pire ; and the race of republicans and revolutionists,
tliougli subdued, were not extinct. To satisfy public
opinion, he resolved to introduce ministerial respon-
sibility, to defer to the judgment of a majority of the
chambers, and to restore a large measure of freedom
to the press. He was driven to entrust his imperial
powers to the hands of a Liberal ministry, under
Emile OUivier. Forced to make concessions to the
popular movement, the emperor once more resorted to
the familiar expedient of a plchiscite, which revealed
the repugnance of the towns to the imperial rule, and
no less than 50,000 adverse votes in the army. He
had entered upon the perilous experiment of com-
bining imperialism, and personal rule, with constitu-
tional freedom, and democracy. Many Frenchmen,
not unfriendly to the empire, murmured at the loss of
French influence, in the councils of Europe, since the
Mexican catastrophe, and the sudden ascendency of
Prussia. While still smarting under the failure of
abortive negotiations with his great rival, for an ex-
tension of the frontiers of France, his hostility was
suddenly provoked by the candidature of a
prince of the house of Hohenzollern for the
crown of Spain. Notwithstanding the withdrawal of
the prince's claims, the emperor, urged on by long-
cherished jealousies, and warlike ambition, and misled
by headstrong advisers, and by a false estimate of
public opinion, and of the sentiments of the juiv lo,
German States, persisted in his quarrel, and
rushed blindfold into a war with the King of Prussia.
The fatal issue of this conflict was soon declared.
The French had been excited by boastful jt^f^tai
assurances of a victorious march to Berlin : ''''^'"^•
but they wore met with crushing defeats and disasters.
332 FRANCE.
The emperor's throne was shaken by his first reverses,
the State being phiced under the regency of the
empress ; and when the astounding intelligence of
Sedan Sep- ^^^^ Capture at Sedan, with the whole of his
tember 1. army, reached Paris, he was at once deposed,
emperor His Overthrow was accomplished, like mauv
depoged. . .
former revolutions, by a mob. While the
legislative body was deliberating upon the measures
to be taken at this crisis, the populace, fi'om the
streets, forced their way into the chamber, and de-
manded the dethronement of the emperor, and the
proclamation of a republic. The supporters of the
government were overborne by the rioters ; and the
greater part of the deputies retired : when the mem-
bers of the opposition who remained, supported by
the clamours of the mob, declared the emperor de-
posed. These members, headed by Gambetta, then
proceeded to the Hotel de Ville, where they proclaimed
the republic, and appointed a provisional government,
or government of national defence.
The second empire, like the first, had perished
r ite of the ^^iicler military failures. The First Napoleon,
I'lie^ecoiid li^viug lost liis crowu, was conve^^ed by his
cJ^^parcd. conquerors, as a prisoner, to St. Helena.
Napoleon III. was now a captive in the castle
of Wilhelmshohe. Both had been raised to power,
and both had fallen, by the sword. In the one case,
the Bourbons had been restored by the conquerors :
in the other, the unfortunate emperor, having brought
a fearful calamity upon his country, was judged by
his own people. His first judges, indeed, were the
mob of Paris, — or 'gentlemen of the pavement,'^ as
1 '
Messieurs du pave.'
REPUBLIC or 1870. 333
tliey wero contemptuously called by Count Bismarck :
but their judgment was accepted by France. Military
failures are never forgiven by Frenchmen ; and men
of all parties, — however opposed to a republic, —
agreed that the * Man of Sedan ' could no longer rule
over them.^
France was, once more, under a republic, in pre-
sence of a terrible national danger ; and, to The govem-
the credit of a country so often stained with national
blood, it must be recorded that public order "^ '^^^^'
was maintained in the midst of revolution.^ Politi-
cal passions were calmed, in presence of a calamity
which demanded the united action of all Frenchmen
against their common enemy. The King of Prussia
had declared that he made war, not against France,
but against the emperor. The emperor had fallen ;
and hopes were cherished that an honourable peace
might now be obtained. But these hopes were quick-
ly dispelled. Jules Favre, the minister for foreign af-
fairs, in his circular to the foreign representatives of
France, said, ' We will not cede either an inch of ter-
ritory, or a stone of our fortresses ; ' and upon this
declaration, victorious Prussia, at once, took issue.
In vain the veteran Thiers hastened from court to
court, to solicit help or mediation. Concessions might
' Jules Favre, in his circular to the foreign representatives of
France, said the population of Paris ' has not pronounced the depo-
sition of Napoleon III, and liis dynasty : it has registered it in the
name of right, justice, and public saf<ity ; and the sentence was so well
ratified beforehand by tlie conscience of all, that no one, even among
the noisy defenders of the power that was falling, raised his voice
to uphold it.'— Ann. Ilqj. 1H50, p. 174.
'■* The same circular says : — ' Order has not been disturbed for a
single moment.'
334 FEANCE.
still liavo secured a peace, of wliicli tlie odium would
liave been laid upon the late emperor. But tlie lead-
ers of the republic determined upon a desperate
resistance. Their main forces had been routed, cap-
tured, or invested in their own fortresses. The victo-
rious armies of Prussia could only be encountered by
raw levies, and by scattered forces, already defeated
and disorganised. Prudence dictated peace : but,
when a hopeless struggle was continued under the
guidance of the brave, impetuous, and indefatigable
Gambetta, — the heroic bravery and sacrifices of the
French went far to redeem the dishonour which had
fallen upon their arms, at the beginning of the war.
But all their efforts were in vain : they were in the
relentless grasp of their enemy. Their forces were
everywhere defeated ; and Paris, after five months of
suffering, was starved into submission to the con-
queror, who dictated, from Versailles, the rigorous
terms of a disastrous peace. ^
The government of national defence was of neces-
sity provisional, and in the negotiations at
national Versailles it was insisted that the conditions
asseml)ly .
atBor- of peace should be ratified by a national
assembly, more fully representing France.
It was accordingly decreed that such an assembly
February shoiild be immediately elected by universal
13, 1871. suffrage ; and on February 13 it met at Bor-
deaux. Its mission was to resolve the question of
peace or war. At the elections the Bonapartists, who
had commenced the war, had not ventured to brave
the popular wrath : the republicans, who had pro-
' On January 38, 1871, an armistice for three weeks was signed,
which was continued from time to time. On February 26, the pre-
liminaries of peace were signed.
INTERNAL TKOUBLES. 335
tractecl it, to the bitter end, fouDcl little favour, save
in Paris and other great cities. Hence the Legiti-
mists, who had long been excluded from public
affairs, formed a majority of the new assembl3\ Be-
longing to the first families in France;^ commanding
great influence in the several provinces, and being
blameless of the recent calamities, they were trusted
by the people, at this crisis. So indestructible are
parties in France, that the adherents of the Bour-
bons were again in the ascendent.
Before the meeting of the assembly the govern-
ment of defence resigned, and the eminent ujgorons
statesman Thiers was appointed head of a of'the'"'^
new executive administration. By his ad- ^''''**^®'
vice, the assembly ratified the preliminaries of the
treaty which had, at length, been agreed upon — a
cession of Alsace and Lorraine, Metz and March i,
Strasburg, a ruinous indemnity, a prolonged ^^^^â–
occupation of French soil by foreign armies, and an
entry of German troops into Paris to assert their
conquest of the capital. The assembly, while forced
to accept these deplorable conditions, voted ^^^ ,o';ition
by acclamation the deposition of Na23oleon p[,''j,ror
IIL and his dynasty, declaring him to be re- confirmed.
sponsible for the ruin and dismemberment of France.
Six Bonapartist deputies only refused to concur in
this decisive resolution.
The horrors of foreign invasion were now coming to
an end; but internal troubles, not less terri- rp,,^
ble, were impending. The populace of Paris ^"'""mune.
had been armed during the siege ; and the national
' It was said by tlic Due dc Brofrlio tliat lie liad never met so many
dukes ia Lis life, ua he fouud assembled at Bordeaux.
336 FRANCE.
guard, many of whom had already proved rebellious,
had been allowed to retain their arms.^ The entire
disorganisation of labour, the prolonged sufferings
and privations of the people, and the disorders of a
beleaguered city, had demoralised the population of
the capital, — at all times abounding in dangerous ele-
ments. Red republicans and communists had been
busy in fomenting discontents, and organising their
forces ; committees of vigilance and revolutionary clubs
had been sitting ; violent harangues had been deliv-
ered ; and when the siege was raised, the firm hold of
civil and military authority was, for a time, relaxed.
No sooner had the Prussian troops marched out of
Paris, than the capital was found to be in the hands
of insurgents. They held Belleville, La Yillette, and
Montmartre : they had upwards of 400 cannon, and
were supported by 100,000 national guards. Parley
with them was tried in vain ; and ' an attempt to re-
cover the cannon miscarried.^ Some of the troops re-
fused to fight, and even joined the insurrection. Two
generals, Clement Thomas and Lecomte, were taken
prisoners, and shot by a file of national guards. On
March 18, the whole city was in the hands of the in-
surgents ; and a central committee proclaimed, from
the Hotel de Ville, the immediate election of a com-
mune for the government of Paris.
' ' Une partie de la garde nationale, la plus dangereuse, la plus re-
doutce, celle qui pendant le siege n'avait pas craint, en presence de
I'etranger, sous ses yeux, sous ses bombes, de cbercber a renverser
par des coups de main le gouvemement de la defense nationale, cette
portion baiueuse et fit-vreuse de la milice citoyenne n'avait point
rendu les amies, et sommec de le faire, avait repondu par un refus
formel aux injonctions de I'autorite.' — De Beaumont- Vassy, Hist, de
la Commune en 1871, 16.
"^ De Beaumont- Vassy, Hist, de la Commune, 28-39.
THE COMMUNE. 337
Communist working men were the leaders of this
movement, intent upon carrying out their
fjrincijjles of social revolution.* The Com- thlcom-"
mune was an offshoot of the International
Society of Workmen/ and its chief aims were to tram-
ple upon property and the employers of labour, and
to exalt workmen into the place of masters. Many
of its members, and most active confederates, were
foreigners. Prince Bismarck estimated that amongst
them were 8,000 English, Irish, Belgians, and Italians.^
Their designs were favoured by the political discon-
tents of the moment. They could declaim against the
surrender of Paris to the enemy ; the shameful peace,
and the royalist assembly which frowned upon repub-
lican deputies, and had resolved to sit at Versailles
instead of Paris. So formidable was the insurrection,
and so crippled the strength of the government, that
it was found necessary to parley with the insurgent
leaders. But these attempts at conciliation were
vain ; and the movement was gathering force by delay.
The new commune was elected, and organ- j^j,,rch''G
ised;* and at once began to issue decrees ^^'*-
and proclamations, like an established government.
Meanwhile, the authorities at Versailles were prej^ar-
ing to reduce the insurgent city. But the French
forces were disabled by the late war : a great many
' 'Quels t'taient cos liomrnes? c'est que chacun se domandait ;
coiiiiiie le.s " liorames noirs " dii porte Brranger, ces hoiumes rouges
sortaient de dessous terre.* — Ibid. 50.
'â– ' Ibid. 8.
" Speech in the Gorman Parliament, May 2, 1871.
* ' Ces horames, parmi lesquols on retrouvait presqae tous les
membres du comite central, etaient d'anciens ouvriers, ou dcs ora-
toiirs do dubs, ou d'anciens journalistes et gens de lettres de second
ordre. ' — De Beaumont- Vassy, 80.
vou n.— 15
338 FRANCE.
were prisoners in Germany ; and Prussia liad insisted
upon a reduction of tlie military forces of tlie State.
Hence tlie progress of tlie siege was slow; and the
new commune liad time to reveal its princij^les and
the character of its administration.
Socialist principles had been known from time im-
Tro^essot memorial.^ They are to be traced in the
socia ism. aucieut institutes of Menu.^ They were re-
cognised in the laws of Crete, of Sparta, and of Car-
thage.^ Plato propounded them in his celebrated
* Eepublic ; ' â– * Diogenes of Sinope, in his teaching ;
and Sir Thomas More in his ' Utopia.' The Anabap-
tists reduced them to practice.^ And they have been
found in the primitive customs of some barbarous
and half-civilised races.^ In France the genius of
' ' Les idees de la republique sociale ne sont point nouvelles. Le
monde les connait depuis qu'il existe. II les a vues surgir au
milieu de toutes les graudes crises morales et sociales, en Orient
comme en Occident, dans I'antiquite comme dans les temps mo-
dernes. Les deusieme et troisieme siecles en Afriqiie, et speciale-
ment en Egypte, pendant le travail de la propagation du cliris-
tianisme, le moyeu-age dans sa fermentation confuse et orageuse,
le seizieme siecle, en Allemagne, dans le cours de la reforme re-
ligieuse, le dix-septieme, en Angleterre, au milieu de la revolution
politique, ont eu leurs socialistes et leurs communistes, peasant,
parlant et agissant comme ceus de nos jours.' — Guizot, Do la Demo-
cratie en France, 21.
2 Book i. sec. 100 ; Book viii. sec. 37, 416 ; Book ix. sec. 44.
Franck, Le Communisme, 33.
^ Supra, vol. i. pp. 31, 68 ; Aristotle, Pol. Book ii. ch. 7, 8, 9 ;
Strabo, Book x. ; Plutarch (Lycurgus) ; Sudre, JJist. du Commu-
nisme, cb. 2.
'' See Plato, by Jowett, and Grote. Aristotle, Pol. Book ii. cli. 1.
^Catron, HUt. des Anabaptistes ; Micbelet, Mem. de Luther; Sudre,
Hist, du Communisme, ch. 8.
" See an interesting account of tbe Eskimo, in tbe Quarterly Re-
view, Oct. 1876,, Art. 2.
TEOGKESS O? SOCLVLISM. 339
Koiisseau made them attractive and popular.^ Mo-
rellj,^ Mabl}^^ and Babceuf *^ laboured to reduce them
to a practical scheme of social life. The leaders of
the first revolution avowed the doctrines of this
school, and partially carried them into effect.^ In
the Jacobin club, in 1792, Robespierre, Danton, and
Billaud - Varennes proclaimed that the governing
power rested with the sovereign citizens alone, and
that to them should be given the property of the
rich. Marat preached an entire subversion of soci-
ety. After August 10, 1792, socialist principles were
still more generally j^roclaimed. ' The rich,' ex-
claimed Marat, ' have so long sucked the marrow
of the people, that they are now suffering retribu-
tion.' The cry of the working men was to raise the
condition of the poor, by relieving the rich of their
superfluities. ' Everj^thing belongs to the people, and
nothing to the individual,' said Isore, one of the com-
missioners of the convention, at Lille.^
In 1793, the convention decreed, on the motion of
Barere, the right of every man to employ- com-
ment, graduated taxation upon the rich, and j^|"",^j'^8
the division of the municipal lands of Paris ^""^•
among the poor. And much of the legislation of
this period was leavened by the same principles.'
' Diseours sur Vinegalite parmi lea hommes ; L' economic politique;
Contrat social. " Code de la Nature, 1755 ; La Basiliade.
^ De la L'fjislation, Amsterdam, 1776.
* Pieces saisies ji I'arreslation de Babceuf.
^ ' Ce contrat social, qui dissout les societes, fut le Coran des dis-
coureurs appn'ti's de 1789, des Jacobins de 1790, des rrpublicains de
1791, et des forcenes les plus atroces.' — Mallet Dupin.
" Isore to Bouchotte, November 4, 1793 ; Legros, cited by Von
Sybel, iii. 229.
' Do Martel, Etude sur Fouche, et sur le Cornmunisme dans la pra-
3-iO FRANCE.
Later writers^ continued to maintain the like doc-
trines, wliich became more and more popular with the
ouvriers. Disputes with the employers had embit-
tered their feelings ; and while in the revolution of
1789 the nobles and the clergy had been the objects
of democratic fury, in the later revolutions of 1830 and
1848 the bourgeoisie had become the aristocrats, and
capital was regarded as the worst form of tyranny.
In 1848, the principles of socialism had been partly
carried into practice ; ^ and since that time they had
been further extended by the International Society,^
and by French* and German writers.^ But 1871 was
the first occasion upon which socialism gained
Socialism in . t i j_ a t ±i
the ascun- the asceudaut. And even now tne commune,
" ' ' â– engrossed with the defence of the cit}', and
embarrassed by prodigious difficulties, was unable to
give practical effect to its principles.
Their scheme of government was the extension of
independent communes throughout France ;
of the while the unity of the State was to be mam-
Coiiimune. , • t i ■, , • ■> <•
tained by a voluntary association oi com-
tique, m 1793. (1873.) Von Sybel, ITist of the Fr. Rev. i. 250, iii. 230
et seq. ; Stein, GescJiichte der Socialen Beicegung in Frankreich, 1850.
1 Fourier, Theorie de I'unite universeUe, &c. ; Cabet, Voyage en
Icarie. â– Supr-a, p. 294.
^ L' Internationale, par Oscar Testut, 3. Debate in the House of
Commons, April 12, 1872 ; Correspondence with. Spain, presented to
Parliament, 1872.
* Proudhon, Qu'est-ce que la propritte : Theorie de 7a propri'te ; St.
Beuve, Mudes sur Proudhon ; Blanqui, De VEeonomie politique de-
puis lea anciens jusqu'd nos jours ; Reybaud, Etudes, &c. ; Pierre
Leroux, L'Egalite, De Vhumanite, &c. ; Louis Blanc, Organisation de
Travail, &c. ^
^ Diebueck, 1847 ; Schulze - Delitzsch (H.), AssociationslnicJi filr
deutsche Handwerker und Arheiter, 1853 ; Dr. Jacobi, 1850 ; Karl
Marx, 1862 ; Das Kapital, 1867.
COMMUNIST OUTRAGES. 341
munes.^ Nor were these communes to be simple mu-
uicijjalities. Tliey were designed to carry ont tlie
principles of socialism, — the confiscation of individual
property, community of goods, and the organisation
of labour. The communists wished to divide their
fair country into 37,000 little sovereign states, or com-
munes. In each, the property of the rich was to be
appropriated for the use of the community : in each,
the individual citizen was to be merged in the State.
Frenchmen would have exchanged their country for
their commune. The intellect, the arts, the industry
of her people, all brought into the common stock,
would have been lowered to the baser function of
providing mere subsistence for the community. Her
high civilisation would have been followed by another
age of darkness and slavery.^ The leaders of the
movement further advocated the suppression of re-
ligious worship.^
To meet their immediate exigencies, the Commune
exacted loans from the Bank of France, and communist
from other administrative departments, and outrages.
appropriated the receipts of the octroi. Their con-
' Proclamation, April 19, 1851.
' Of communism, M. Franck says : — ' II supprimo la proprietc, il
snpprime la libertt' taut civile que politique, il supprimo la famillc.
On peut dire qu'il supprime la personne humaine, et, par consoquent,
la conscience morale de I'liomme, pour mettre a sa place la toute-
puissance, la tyrannic collective et necessairement irresponsable
de I't'tat.' — Le C'/mrnvniwie JKf/e j)ar riddoire, prcf. And again : —
' Ij'i'lat sera le maitro unique, absolu, des lionimes et des clioscs, des
biens et dos personnes. Nous serons en plein communisme, et le
conimunisme lui-mCme ne pourra s'c'tablir et so conserver quo sous
la n'gle du despotisme Demcurc le seal entrepreneur, le
Kcul capltaliste, I'ctat sera tout, et I'individu ne sera rien, co qui
est la marque distinctivo du communisme.' — Ibid. prof.
2 De Beaumont-Vassy, 83, 8;i.
312 PE.\NCE.
federates and followers were among tlie poor : their
enemies were the rich and the hourgeoisie ; and to gra-
tify one of these classes at the expense of the other,
they decreed that the rents of all lodgers, between
October and April, should be remitted. The sale of
articles deposited at the mont-de-jyiete was also sus-
pended. At first there were no signs of a ferocious
spirit ; and the guillotine was publicly burned in the
cause of humanity. But as the siege advanced, a
spirit of fury and vengeance took possession of the
combatants. Denouncing one another as bandits and
assassins, they waged war without truce or pity.^ The
insurgents were treated as rebels ; and Duval, one
of their generals, being taken prisoner, and shot,
the Commune threatened the most terrible reprisals.
They decreed that for every communist prisoner exe-
cuted by the government of Versailles, three hostages
should be put to death. They arrested the arch-
bishop of Paris, his two grand vicars, and several
priests and other persons, whom they detained in
jDrison as hostages. They declared their enmity to
the memory of the great Napoleon, by the destruc-
tion of his celebrated column in the Place Vendome,
as a ' monument of barbarism, and a symbol of brute
force and false glory : ' ^ they demolished the house of
M. Thiers, and confiscated his books and works of
art : they despoiled churches ; and when their ene-
mies were, at length, closing in upon them, they
' The Marquis de Gallifet, in an order of the day, said : — ' War
has been declared by the bandits of Paris ; yesterday, the day be-
fore, and to-day they have assassinated my soldiers. It is a war
without truce or pity that I wage against those assassins.' The
Commune called their enemies ' the banditti of Versailles.'
^ Journal Officid, April 13.
OVEETHROW OF THE COMSIUNE. 343
resolved upon a desperate vengeance. The city wliicli
they could no longer defend, should be destroyed ; the
conquerors should fmd nothing but a heap of ruins.
The word was given ; and the Tuileries, the Palais
Royal, the Hotel de Yille, the Ministry of
-,-,. " Pans in
Finance, the Hotel of the Quai d'Orsay, the flames.
Palace of the Legion of Honour, and other ^^
public buildings, and private houses, were in flames.
The unoffending Dominicans at Arceuil were massa-
cred. The venerable archbishop, and the
other hostages, were hastily brought before "^
a court martial, and shot. Numbers of priests, gen-
darmes, and other obnoxious persons, were seized
and slaughtered. Kuffians were let loose to feed the
raging conflagration with petroleum.^ The communists
had done their worst during their term of power ; and
it was now their turn to suffer the vengeance of their
conquerors. Overpowered by the troops
from Versailles, under Marshal MacMahon, of uie^'
they were shot down without trial, and with-
out mercy. Numbers of wretched women, accused of
incendiarism, shared their fate. About 10,000 insur-
gents lost their lives ; and the prisons were filled to
overflowing. The trials of communist prisoners were
continued when their crimes had been almost forgot-
ten. It has been the unhappy destiny of France that
most of her political conflicts have been stained Avitli
blood ; and this — the latest of a deplorable series —
' ' On a trouve sur les fedcres tui's auji barricades, et on a saisi
dans los perquisitions faites apres la chute de la Commune, beau-
CTiup d'ordros iiuHsi formels quo laconicjups, no laissant aucun douto
Hur les terriblcH intentions des homnios de I'llutol do Villo, rclutivc-
ment il la destruction par le feu de la malhourouse cite, qu'ils avaicnt
condaninre d'avance, en cas do dufaito, Ti un complet ancantisse-
meiit.' — De Beaumont-Vassy, 235.
3M FEANCE.
was as cruel and merciless as any in the dreadful
annals.^
The reign of the Commune had been maintained for
two anxious months ; and the republic was
The rcpub-
lie undui- now free to conclude its negotiations with its
Thiers.
conquerors, and to restore order, and a set-
tled government to the distracted country. It was a
republic without a constitution, and, as it was said,
withoiit republicans. The assembly was monarchical;
and the legitimists and Orleanists, if united, were
masters of the State. But Thiers, the chief of the ex-
ecutive, — a monarchist in principle, and by his ante-
cedents, — had become convinced that a republic was
then the only possible government for France. Such
being the political situation, the majority of the as-
sembly were bent upon two main purposes, — a fusion
of the royalist parties, and the prevention of a defini-
tive constitution of the republic. The reimblic might
be a present necessity : but they hoped that it would
soon give way to a restored monarchy. They elected
the distinguished chief of the executive, who had per-
formed conspicuous services to the State, as president of
the republic ; and accepted him as a provisional ruler,
until their scheme of a monarchy was ripe for execution.
And this scheme would assuredly have been accom-
Thero ai- plished, if the head of the house of Bour-
Comte'de'^" bon, — for whom the crown was destined, —
chambord. j^^d uot frustrated all their efforts. But the
' De Beaumont-Vassy, Hist, de la Commune ; Dauban, Lefond de
la Societe, 1873; Sudre, Hist, du Communisme; Leighton, Paris
during the Commune ; Reybaud, Etudes sur les Rfformateurs, ou So-
cialistes Modernes ; Maxime du Camp, Les priso7is de Paris sous la
Commune; Bevue des Deux Mondes, i.-iv. 1877. — De Pere, Paris sous
la Commune.
THE BEPUBLIC. 345
Comte de Cliambord was every inch a Bourbon, — un-
clianged and uncliangeaLle. He still clung to the di-
Tine right of kings : he would concede nothing to mod-
ern ideas : he refused to parley with the revolution.
He lost no time in proclaiming that if called jniy 5,
by France, he would come with his principles ^^'^'
and his flag, — ' that white flag which had been the
standard of Henry lY., of Francis I., and of Joan of
Arc' Some months later he declared that January
*no one would, under any pretext, obtain his ^^"''
consent to become the lei^jitimate kinjij of revolution.'
Notwithstanding these discouragements, the moderate
royalists were not without hopes of the ultimate tri-
umph of their cause. The republicans were gaining
ground, and the president seemed to be inclined to
their side. The imperialists, recovering from theii-
prostration, were giving signs of renewed activity.
The republicans were demanding a dissolution of the
assembly ; and a revision of the constitution was im-
pending, which might permanently establish the re-
public. The situation was critical for the royalist
cause ; and fi'esh efforts must be made to promote it.
The death of the ex-emperor, which checked j,in„,jjy 9
the immediate designs of the imperialists, ^''~^-
revived the hopes of the royalists. One pretender to
the throne had been removed ; and if the claims of the
two royal princes could be reconciled, tbeir united
parties were still strong enough to restore the monar-
chy. The Orloanist princes humbled themselves at
the shrine of the Chcqidle Expiatoire of Louis jj,j,„(jry 21
XVL, in commemorating the martyrdom of ^^''^•
the Bourbon king ; and submissive overtures were
made to the Comte de Chambord.
Meanwhile, discussions upon the new constitution
15*
34:G FRANCE.
were prococding, 'wliicli led to the resignation of
Marshal ^^® j)^'®^^^®^!^' -^^ "^^^ succeeded by Marshal
mesideuT'^ MacMahon, — once a legitimist, and lately in
the confidence of the emperor, — wliose sym-
pathies were certainly not with the republic. A
Ma u supreme effort was now made to effect a fusion
1873. Qf ^]jQ royal houses. The Comte de Paris jpaid
homage to the Comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf, and
withdrew his claim to the throne, in favour of his
August 5, royal cousin. The cousins embraced ; and the
^^'^' desired fusion seemed assured. Throughout
France, the royalists and the clergy were elated, and
a restoration was thought to be at hand. But as
yet, the Bourbon prince had been silent or ambigu-
ous. Negotiations were continued ; and, at length, M.
Chesnelong, who had waited upon him, at Salzburg,
with a deputation, reported his acceptance of the prin-
ciples of liberty of conscience, equality before the law,
the right of all parties to public employment, uni-
versal suffrage, and liberty of the press ; the critical
question of the flag being reserved for future consid-
eration. Encouraged by these politic concessions, the
royalists were preparing resolutions to submit to the
assembly, at its meeting on November 5, for calling
the Comte de Chambord to his hereditarv throne,
when all their hopes were suddenly extinguished.
The Bourbon prince disclaimed his supposed conces-
sions.^ He had been misunderstood : he would not
become the legitimist king of a revolution : he would
not renounce the white flag of France — the standard
of Arques and Ivry : he would submit to no conditions.
The Comte de Paris had waived the claims of the
• Letter to M. Chesnelong, dated Salzburg, Oct. 27.
EEPUELICVN CONSTITUTION COMrLETED. 347
house of Orleans in his favour : and now he stub-
bornly renounced the crown.
The royalists now turned to the president as the
only safeguard of their cause. He promised „ ,,.
•' o _ _ -t^ Republican
a conservative policy, while they promoted tj^'^ c„!''.
the extension of his powers ; and at length p'eted.
the septennate was decreed.
The president v/as secured in his rule for seven
years ; and such were his powers, and such rpj^^ g
the relations of parties, that he was more ^"cwnber
like a constitutional king than the chief of '9,1873.
a republic. The strife of rival parties continued : and
it was not until late in 1875 that the new constitution,
embracing a senate and a chamber of deputies, was
finally agreed upon. But the septennate afforded
a salutaiy pause in the momentous political issues
which still excited France. The cause of royalty was
in abeyance. The heir of Napoleon III. was in his
minority ; and time was yet required to revive his
cause and consolidate his j^arty : but his adherents
were active and confident. The republicans were
gaining strength, and hoped to prevail over all pre-
tenders to the crown. At the dissolution, in January
1876, they secured a majority in the chamber of depu-
ties ; and the most powerful section of that party,
under the leadership of Gambetta, have since dis-
played a remarkable moderation. To all these par-
ties the septennate continues to offer hopes of future
victory ; and, in the meantime, the President, secured
in the possession of his powers, has been able to
maintain public order and security. The State had
been spared from tlie fear of cwips (Vetat, or Mnyio,
popular revolutions, until May 10, 1877, wlien ^*^''"
France was again thrown into confusion by the sudden
348 FRANCE.
dismissal of the republican ministry of M. Jules Simon,
followed by tlie dissolution of the chamber of depu-
ties, and a vigorous policy of reaction.
And still the destinies of France are hanging in the
balance. After ninety years of revolutions,
future of without liberty : after bloody civil wars and
France. . -^^ . . ,
cruel proscriptions : after multiplied experi-
ments in republican, imperial, and monarchical insti-
tutions, who shall venture to forecast her political
future ? Her democratic excesses have discredited
the cause of popular government : the usurpations
and bad faith of her rulers have shaken confidence in
law and order. She has advanced the liberties of
other states, without securing her own. She has
aimed at social equality : but, — save in the levelling
spirit of her people, — she is as far from its attain-
ment as ever. The fearful troubles through which
she has passed have checked her prosperity, de-
moralised her society, and arrested the intellectual
growth of her gifted people. Yet is she great and
powerful ; and high — if not the first — in the scale of
civilised nations. Blessed with recuperative powers,
beyond those of any other state, she is rapidly effacing
the scars of war and revolution ; and, profiting by the
errors of the past, she may yet found a stable gov-
ernment, enjoying the confidence of all classes, and
worthy of her greatness and her enlightenment.
CHAPTEE XVin.
ENGLAND.
CHABACTER OF THE COUNTRY— RACES BY -WTIICH IT WAS PEOPLED —
CELTS, ROMANS, ANGLO-SAXONS, DANES, AND NORMANS — GROWTH
OF ENGLISH LIBERTIES — INCREASING POWER OP PARLIAMENT —
SOCIAL CHANGES — REACTION UNDER THE TUDORS — THE REFORMA-
TION — THE PURITANS — THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH THE TURNING
POINT IN THE POLITICAL FORTUNES OF ENGLAND.
Let us now turn from France to England, — lier neigh-
bour and ancient rival. The history of the History of
one, in modern times, is the history of demo- S"rt'of'^
cracy, not of liberty : the history of the of'ciemc^°'
other is the history of liberty, not of demo- "^'^^'
cracy. It is the history of popular rights and fran-
chises acquired, maintained, extended, and devel-
oped, -without subverting the ancient constitution of
the State. It is the history of reforms, and not of
revolutions.^ It is the history of a monarchy, under
which the people have acquired all the freedom^ of a
' ' II en est de mOme dans tout lo cours de I'histoire d'Angleterre ;
jamais aucun t'li'nicnt ancien no perit complc'tement, jamais auciin
('•l>'ment nouvcau ne triomplie tout-a-fait, jamais aucun principo
special ne parvient il une domination exclusive. II y a toujours de-
veloppement siraultanc des differentes forces, transaction entre leurs
pretentions ot leurs inti'rOts.' — Quizot, //j.v^. de la Civ. 3;]5.
^ Thiers, speaking in the National Assembly, at Versailles, on
June 8, 1871, declared 'that he found greater liberty existing in
London than in Washington.' — Times, June 10, 1871. In a recent
350 ENGLAND.
republic. It is the history of a country in which the
forms of a monarchy, an aristocracy, and a republic,
have been combined in a manner and to an extent
without example elsewhere.^
Britain has been marked out, by nature, as the home
of a maritime and industrial people. Her in-
Character . . -t • i
of the sular position familiarises a larce part of her
countiy. ■■• , -
population with the sea ; and her shores, in-
dented with bays, creeks, estuaries, and natural har-
bours, are singularly favourable to navigation. Her
geograj^hical position commands an extended com-
mercial intercourse with other nations. On the east,
she stretches out towards the Netherlands, and the
north of Europe. On the south, she approaches the
shores of France and Spain. On the west, the broad
Atlantic opens to her the commerce of the world.
Her climate, less genial than that of France, is
The temperate, healthful, and invigorating. Vari-
able, humid, and often inclement, it is ex-
empt from the extremes of heat and cold, which affect
many lands otherwise more favoured.^ It is such as
to promote the strength, vigour, and activity of the
stalwart races who at different times have peoj^led
the country. This northern land was not destined to
be the retreat of ease and luxury : but was fitted for
war and the chase, for deeds of daring and hardship,
for bold enterprises, for struggles with man and na-
political satire, tlie constitutional monarcliy has been irreverently
described as ' a democratic republic, tempered by snobbism and
corruption. ' — Prince Florcstan.
' M. le Play says England ' is patriarchal in tlie borne, demo-
cratic in the parish, aristocratic in the country, and monarchical in
the state.' — La Constitution d'Angleterre, 1876.
"^ 'Cojlum crebris imbribus, ac nebulis fcedum : asperitas f rigor;im
abest.' — Tacitus, Agrkola, 12.
CHAEACTER OP THE COUNTRY. 351
ture, for stubborn resolution, for an earnest faith, and
for a manly spirit of freedom.
Tlie soil is generally fertile. Not blessed with the
rich and varied abundance of France, its „,
. ' The soil.
pastures are renowned for the rearing of
Hocks and herds, and for the breeding of horses : its
tillage yields a fair return to the skill and labour of
the husbandman. The products of the earth are not
to be won, as in more favoured climes, by an easy re-
liance upon the bounties of nature : but are earned
by skill and watchful husbandry, and by the sweat
of the brow. The tiller of the soil must be no slug-
gard, if he would prosper in his work.
The natural aspects of the country are varied and
attractive. Hill and dale, and woodland, the ^
' _ , ^ ' lis scenery.
picturesque glade, the winding river, the
spangled meadow, the breezy down and common, —
such are its characteristic features. Nature has made
it tlie fitting homo of a people who delight in a coun-
try life. The Teutonic races, even in the most inhos-
pitable regions of the north, shrank from the con-
finement of towns ; and in Britain they found a land
which invited them to dwell in the midst of its cheer-
ful scenes. They loved it, and helped to make it
what it is. They built their homesteads on sunny
slopes, and in smiling valleys ; and sought pleasure
in the chase, and in the manly pursuits and duties of
rural life. In no other country, is the rustic home so
redolent of comfort and contentment. Nowhere has
the careful art of the husbandman and gardener done
such justice to the gifts of nature. In every genera-
tion, the land has been improved and beautified by
culture, and the loving taste of its inhabitants ; and
while trade and manufactures have massed large
352 ENGLAND.
populations in the towns, the ideal home of the English-
man is ever in the country. The Frenchman is never
so haj)py as in a town : the Englishman pines in the
narrow street, and exults in the free air of the hill-side,
the river, and the sea-coast. And this abiding love of
country life has exercised a remarkable influence upon
the society, and the political destinies of England.
Another physical characteristic of Britain is her
mineral- wealth. No country in Europe is so
rich in coal and iron, in tin, lead and coj^per.
Nature, which had made her a maritime State, had
also destined her to be the seat of mining and manu-
facturing industry. But the treasures of the earth
could only be acquired by labour, by dangers, and by
endurance. The perils of the mine are no less fearful
than the perils of the deep.^ Whether at sea, or
on land, it has been the lot of great numbers of
our countrymen to brave hardships,- exhausting toil,
and the loss of life and health, in pursuit of their
useful callings. And in every form of labour, their
strength and steadfastness have made them the fore-
most workers of the world. Such has been the fibre,
and such the moral force, of the British people, that
they have steadily advanced in civilisation, in social
development, and in political freedom.
It is not among the earlier Celtic races who peopled
the land,^ that we need search for the germs
of British freedom. But, though little ad-
* Her Majesty has lately been graciously pleased to include miners,
and other workers on land, in the honours of the Albert medal,
which had previously been confined to the reward of acts of heroic
courage in saving life at sea. — London Gazette, May 1, 1877.
'^ They are enumerated and described in Wright, The Celt, tlie Bo-
man, and the Saxon, 39-44.
TEE ROMANS. 353
vanced in civilisation, tliey already gave promise of
the industrial destinies of England, their productive
tin-mines being known to the Phoenicians, the Cartha-
ginians, and the Romans.
The conquest of Britain, by the Eomans, introduced
a higher civilisation, a vigorous admiuistra- .j,^^
tion, and some free institutions, which sur- ^^'g^^'^,^-
vived their rule. To build and inhabit forti- 4i8 a.d.
fied cities had been the custom of that great jieople,
in Italy, and in every country conquered by their
arms. In Britain they founded walled towns, through-
out the land and on the coasts, as centres of military
defence, association, and trade. London, Canterbury,
Dover, "Winchester, York, Chester, and many other
cities and towns, which have since risen to impor-
tance, owe their origin to the civilising genius of the
Romans. They had come as conquerors, but settled as
colonists. Military conquest was followed by immi-
gration : Roman citizens from many lands, — Germans,
Belgians, Gauls, Spaniards, and Thracians,^ — men of
different races, but all subject to the laws, and speak-
ing the language of Imperial Rome, — flocked to this
northern land, which offered them a new field for con-
quest and enterprise. Britain was reduced to a Roman
province ; and Roman laws, institutions, and customs
were everywhere established. In the towns, Yiomtm
municipalities were founded upon the repub- ^°"'"^-
lican model of Rome and the Italian cities;'^ and as
the towns increased in population, and were recruited
by the continued immigration of Teutonic and other
races, they became almost independent communities.'
' Wright, T/ce Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon, 253-257, and ch. v.
' Ibid. c]i. xii. See svpra, vol. i. IGO.
2 Wrii,'ht, 3'Jl.
354 ENGLAND.
If these institutions did not survive the overtlirow of
the Roman power, their traditions were not wholly
lost:^ while town life, with which they were asso-
ciated, was encouraged among the Saxons, whose
tastes were otherwise rural.
The life of a highly civilised people, who dwelt in
iiuiiience the land for four centuries, cannot be effaced
updu'hacr from the history of England. Supplanted
times. i^y races less advanced, their ancient civil-
isation was trodden down : their arts and learning
were lost : even Christianity, which was taking root
among them, relapsed into Paganism. The Romans
left fewer traces of their rule in Britain than in some
other lands : but in the social revival of later times,
their continued influence is not to be ignored. We
may even be allowed to speculate how far the admix-
ture of Roman blood, and the character and example
of that great people, may have moulded the political
destinies of England. The characteristics which dis-
tinguished ancient Rome, — a stern love of liberty, a
prolonged constitutional development, a strong and
steadfast purpose, world-wide conquests, and a pecu-
liar power of governing subject races, — have since
' ' We trace here and there the preservation of Roman power, and
Roman principles, and we trace still more distinctly almost every
municipal right, and municipal power, which were, at a later period,
guaranteed by royal or other charter, and which, by comparison
with the privileges and government of corporate towns in France
and Italy, and elsewhere on the continent, we learn to have been
derived from the political constitution of the Romans.' — Ibid. 454
On the other hand, Mr. Freeman says : ' The municipal institu-
tions of the Roman towns utterly perished : no dream of ingenious
men is more groundless than that which seeks to trace the fran-
chises of English cities to a Roman source.' — Hist, of Norman Con,'
quest, i. 17.
THE ANGLO-SAXONS. 355
been illustrated in tlie history of England. No other
modern State has presented so many points of resem-
blance ; ^ and Englishmen may proudly ascribe to
Roman ancestry and tutelage, some part in the his-
toric glories of their country.
The Roman legions, weakened by the decay of the
Western Empire, by revolts, and by internal rj,^^ aik^io-
divisions, were at length overcome by the Saxous.
Picts and Scots ; and the Celts were once more su-
preme in their ancient home. But they
soon found new masters in the Angles, the
Saxons, and the Jutes. In their earlier emigrations
these Teutonic races appear to have found fi-iends
and allies in kindred tribes, who had already settled
under the protection of the Romans.^ But they after-
wards descended upon the shores, as enemies and
conquerors ; and pushed on their conquests, by fire
and sword, throughout the land. They came from
the north of Europe, from Schleswig, Holstein, and
Friesland, from the countries between the Rhine and
the Oder, and from Jutland. Akin to the hardy races
that had peopled the Netherlands, they were natural-
born seamen, and braced to adventures by the hard-
ships and dangers of their northern homes.
While the towns were thus being peopled by the
mixed races of the Roman and Anglo-Saxon ^ ,
migrations, the country was occupied by the ^"m'laste
new invaders. They drove out or slew the
Celtic inhabitants, or reduced tliem to slavery ; ^
and the chiefs took possession of the land, upon
' See supra, vol. i. p. 140 n. ' Wright, The Celt, &c. , 393-396.
^ The Anglo-Saxon conquest is generally described as one of ex-
termination : but it may be doubted whether the extinction of the
Celts in the conquered districts, was so comijleto as the testimony
356 ENGLAND.
wliich they settled witli their households and follow-
ers. For three centuries they continued to -press
forward their settlements, driving the Celts further
to the north and to the west, — to Scotland, to Wales,
and to Cornwall^ In no other parts of the Eoman
Empire, had Teutonic races achieved so complete a
cojiquest. They made the land their own, in name,
in language, in nationality, and in freedom. They
changed a Koman province into a free Teutonic State.
Everywhere the Anglo-Saxons carried with them
their own Teutonic laws and customs;^ and
laws and it is to these that we must mainly look for
the origin of English institutions. Their
society was as primitive as that of the ancient Greeks.
Their kings ^ and princes claimed descent from the
of historians, confirmed by the evidence of language, would imply.
It must be remembered that the invaders came in boats, ill-suited
for the transport of entire families, and that the greater part
were probably young adventurers, without incumbrance. After
the earlier invasions, a more complete emigration followed ; but
there are some grounds for believing that the English have more
Celtic blood in their veins than is usually supposed. — See Nicholas,
T7ie Pedigree of the Englisli People, third edition. 'The women
would doubtless be largely spared : but as far as the male sex is con-
cerned, we may feel sure that death, emigration, or personal slavery,
were the only alternatives which the vanquished found at the
hands of our fathers .'—Freeman, Hist, of Norman Conquest, i. 18.
â– The occupation of Cumberland and Westmoreland, in the north,
and of Somersetshire, Devonshire, Cornwall, Herefordshire, and
Shropshire, being effected at a later period, when the rage of con-
quest had somewhat subsided, and the hostility of the two races
had been abated by the common profession of the Christian faith,
the Celts, or Welsh, as they were called, were not driven out.
* See supra, vol. i. p. 234-236.
^ ' The Saxons had no kings at home ; but they create kings in
Britain.' — Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. G6. See also Freeman, Hist, of Nor-
man Conquest, i. 73, and App. K.
THE AKGLO-SAXONS. 357
god Woden : the nobles, or * eorls,' were tlie cliiefs of
their tribes, in war and peace : the priests presided at
the pagan sacrifices ; and the people were divided into
freemen and slaves.^ Their customs were remarkable
for the important place assigned to the community.
The king's title was hereditary in certain families, but
subject to personal election by the witenagemot, by
whom he could also be depo-sed. He enjoyed many
prerogatives and privileges, and extensive possessions :
but he was a constitutional sovereign, bound to govern
justly, and according to the laws. Of the nobles, some
derived their rank from descent, but the greater part
fi'om service under the crown, as ealdormen and
thegns. And, when the Anglo-Saxons had accepted the
Christian faith, their bishops and abbots took their
places among the nobles, as councillors of the king,
and members of the local and national assemblies.
In the mark, the township, the tithing, and tlio
parish, the principles of local representation p^,,j, 5,,^^;.
and self-government were maintained in the tmions.
gemot.'"^ Every \dllage was a little commonwealth. In
' Of tliese there were two classes, — the cultivating serf and the
absolute slave.
' ' The vestry is the representative of the gemot, with which it was
once identical.' — Stubbs, Const. Uist. i. 91.
The mark or township ' was an organised and self-acting group of
Teutonic families, exercising a common proprietorship over a definite
tract of land, its mark, cultivating its domain on a common system,
and sustaining itself by the produce. It is described in Tacitus, in
the "Germany," as the " Vicus : " it is well known to have been the
proprietary and even the political unit of the earliest English society.'
— Maine, Vilhir/e Communities, 10.
•The village community of India exhibits resemblances to the
Teutonic towu.ship which are much too strong and numerous to bo
accidental. . . It has the same double aspect of a group of families
united by the assumption of common kinship, and of a company of
358 ENGLAND.
the burli-gemot, tlie hundred-moofc, and the shire-
moot, the freeholders bore their part in local adminis-
tration and judicature ; and in the several kingdoms of
the heptarchy, and afterwards in the united realm, there
was the supreme witenagemut, or meeting of the wise,
by whose advice and consent the king made laws for
his people, levied taxes, exercised supreme judicature,
and made grants of land. These assemblies delibe-
rated upon affairs of State, and questions of war and
peace. They were not representative : but the free-
men assisted at their deliberations, according to the
primitive customs of their race ; and shouted approval
or dissent. The Saxon witena^emot has been univer-
sally accepted as the origin of the parliaments of later
times.^ But as the kingdom extended, the voice of the
freeman was rarely heard in the national councils.
He could still attend the moot of the hundred or the
shire : but without representation, the distant assem-
bly of barons, prelates, and thegns was far beyond his
reach.
The Anglo-Saxons had long been masters of the
The Danes, couutry : their society was advancing in se-
i87-958. curity and civilisation : they had been en-
lightened and refined by the Christian Church ; and
their institiitions had assumed a national character,
when they were threatened with the same fate as that
of the Celtic races whom they had overthrown. The
persons exercising joint cmiership over land.' — Ibid. 12. See also
ibid. 61, 62,81, 82, 120, 133. Freeman, Hist. JSTorman Conquest, i. 83.
' 'Alone among tbe political assemblies of the greater States of
Europe, the Parliament of England can trace its unbroken descent
from the Teutonic institutions of the earliest times. . . No other
nation, as a nation, can show the same unbroken continuity of politi-
cal being.' — Freeman's Comp. Pol. 46, 47.
THE DAXES. 359
Scandinavian Danes, from Denmark and Norway, de-
scended upon their coasts, and orerran their peace-
ful towns and villages. They were pirates and ma-
raudersj> and they were heathens. They burned and
plundered churches and monasteries : they destroyed,
with the brutal ignorance of barbarians, the cher-
ished treasures of a more civilised peoj)le ; and they
pushed on their conquests, till more than half of Eng-
land had fallen under their rule. The civilisation of
the Romans had perished under the conquering Sax-
ons ; and now the civilisation of the Saxons was endan-
gered by the ruder Danes. But the Danes, arrested
in their conquests by Alfi'ed the Great, accepted the
Christian faith. They were of kindred northern races :
they were governed by the like customs and tradi-
tions; and, gradually mingling with the earlier set-
tlers, they formed part of the great Eug-
. 1013-1042.
lish people. At a later period they renewed
their conquests, and Danish kings ruled over the fair
realm of England : but the laws and customs of the
Saxons were little changed ; and when the old line of
native kings was restored, in the person of Edward
the Confessor, the Danes had left few traces of their
rule, save in the names of places in which they dwelt,
and in the mixture of their northern blood, with that
of the races which they had overcome. Their fibre
was even harder than that of the Saxons : their in-
dependence was no less resolute ; and in the sturdy
races of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Kortlmmberland, and
other northern counties, which have since been for-
ward in the industrial and political development of
England, we may recognise the descendants of Danish
conquerors.
The Norman conquest wrouglit more serious
860 ENGLAND.
changes in tlie social and political destinies of Eng-
,j,[jg land. The Normans, descended from a strong
conJfue"t nortliern stock, — akin to the Saxons and the
1066. Danes, — had been civilised by their settle-
ment in a more genial clime, and by intercourse with
their polished neighbours in France. They were
more advanced than the Saxons, in the arts of peace
and war : but in their laws and customs, liberty found
scant recognition. They ruled England as conquer-
ors, and wherever they met with resistance, they pur-
sued their enemies with merciless severity. But Wil-
liam the Conqueror accepted the crown as successor
to the English kings : he strove to maintain the laws
of Edward the Confessor ; and it formed no part of his
design to overthrow the institutions of his new do-
main. Yet the conquest introduced essential changes
in the social and political relations of the rulers and
the people, and in the administration of the laws. Of
these, the greatest was effected by the appropriation
and tenure of the lands. William rewarded his fol-
lowers by prodigious grants of the conquered territo-
ries : he retained large possessions as the property of
the crown : and where he spared native owners, he
brought them into subjection as vassals to himself, or
other feudal superiors of the Norman race.
Military service was the condition under which the
Norman entire soil of England was henceforth to be
feudalism, gj^^j^yg^ i,j {^q owuers. This strict feudalism
at once increased the power of the crown, and of the
nobles. The great landowners were the king's vassals :
while their own feudal rights made them complete
masters of the people. Feudalism under the Saxons
had been patriarchal : it had grown out of the rela-
tions of the family and the tribe : but feudalism under
NORMAl? FEUDALISM — POLITIC.^ CHANGES. 361
tlie Normans was a stern military organisation, wliicli
bound all the subjects of the realm to serve under the
standards of the kincc and his barons. The most ob-
noxious characteristics of continental feudalism were
now displayed. The Saxon nobles had lived in simple
dwellings, in the midst of their kinsmen and people.
The Normans dwelt in fortified castles, defended with
fosse and drawbridge, with battlements and loopholes :
they surrounded themselves with armed retainers, and
dominated roughly over their neighbours. They were
foreigners ; and they lived as in an enemy's country.
They plundered the peasants : they waged w-ar upon
one another ; and they laid waste the land with vio-
lence and rapine.
This social change was naturally accompanied by
political innovations no less notable. To political
weaken the nobles, the Conqueror continued *^^'"'ses.
the gemots of the hundred and the shire : but, the
scheme of government being purely feudal, the wite-
nagemot gave place to a great council of barons, pre-
lates, and abbots, w^ho were summoned as tenants-
in-chief of the crown. The people had no voice in
their deliberations : the realm belonged to the king
and his vassals ; and the commons were no longer
within the pale of the constitution. All the high of-
fices were filled with foreigners ; and Englishmen were
treated as a conquered race.
But the Norman rule, however adverse to popular
liberties, was not long maintained withoiit ^,
/ P ^ , The crown
serious inroads upon its scheme of military »"<• V"-'
government. The king found his vassals
too powerful for the security of his crown ; whilst the
barons were ever struggling against his prerogatives.
Neither power singly could overcome the other.
vor. IT. — If)
862 ENGLAND.
Hence botli alike looked to the people for support.
William Kufus overcame his unruly barons by the aid
of his subjects, to whom he promised a redress of
grievances. Henry I. gave the people a chartar of
liberties, and promised to restore the laws of Edward
the Confessor. To London, and many other towns,
he granted municipal charters. Henry 11. also fa-
voured the commonalty. He reduced the power of
the barons, by judicial and administrative reforms :
he demolished their dreaded castles : he overcame
them by force of arms ; and, while enlarging the pre-
rogatives of the crown, he extended the privileges of
tlie people. By commuting military services for scu-
tage, he was enabled to raise forces independently of the
barons ; and, by the ' assize of arms,' he superseded the
baronial levies, by a national militia under his ovm
direct command. By these measures the domination
of feudalism was arrested. And in his reign, the fusion
of the Normans with the English was nearly com-
pleted ; and the rule of the foreigner was no longer a
scourge to the people. England was restored to the
English ; and their social freedom and political influence
were extended by the absorption of the dominant race.^
So far the crown had received support from the peo-
ple against the barons. At a later period,
and the"*"^ the barons and the Church were aided by the
peop e. people, in extorting the Great Charter from
King John. Hitherto the barons had fought for them-
selves alone : now they became the national ,
charta. leaders in maintaining the liberties of Eng-
land. But society was not yet sufficiently
* Mr. Freeman says : ' The older and stronger elements still sur-
vived, and, in the long run, they again made good their supremacy.'
— Hist. Norman Conquest, intro. 1.
THE CROWlv, THE BAEONS, AND THE PEOPLE. 363
advanced to ensure tlie enjoyment of liberties so ex-
tended. Tiie crown, tlie nobles, and tbe Church were
powerful : the country was disturbed by disorders and
civil wars ; and the people were still too weak to as-
sert their rights. But the Great Charter was aj^pealed
to as the basis of English freedom : it was confirmed
again and again ; ^ and, while often violated, its prin-
ciples were accepted as the constitutional law of Eng-
land.
Further contests between the crown and the barons
continued to advance the rights of the peo-
ple ; and it was to Simon de Montfort, who penTation
led the armed barons against Henry III., commone.
that the commons first owed their represen-
tation in parliament.
In the reign of Edward I., the commons acquired a
more settled place in the legislature : knights incrcfi<^-n<r
of the shire being regularly summoned to f>a,"i"„°J°t
represent the counties, and citizens and bur- ^*-^^-
gesses to represent the cities and towns. But as yet
their influence was little felt. They accepted their
mission with reluctance, and shrank from the costly
honour of obeying the royal summons to appear and
be duly taxed. The barons still took the lead in re-
sisting abuses of the king's prerogative. To them was
mainly due a renewed confirmation of the Great Char-
ter, and the denial of the king's claim to raise taxes
otlierwise than with the consent of the realm. The
parliaments of Edward II. insisted upon the
dismissal of obnoxious ministers, upon the
redress of grievances before the granting of subsidies
' ' II y en eut plus de trente confirmations entre le xiii. et lo xvi.
Biecles.' — Uuizot. IHnt. de la civUizaiion en Europe, 314.
364 ENGLAND.
to the crown, and upon the legislative rights of the
commons. And, further, a parliament of this
reign assumed the right of deposing the
king, for the violation of his coronation oath, and
other oifences, — a precedent to be followed in the
case of Richard II., and again, on a more memorable
occasion, in 1688. These spirited acts, though mainly
the work of the barons, extended the constitutional
rights of parliament. Under Edward III., the two
houses assumed their present form; and the House
of Commons acquired an independent place in the
councils of the realm. It denounced abuses, it im-
peached ministers, it insisted upon the an-
nual calling of parliaments, it re-affirmed
the principle that to raise money without the consent
of parliament was illegal, and it maintained the free-
dom of elections. It was now fully established that
every law required the concurrence of king, lords, and
commons, and that it was the undoubted right of par-
liament to advise the king in matters concerning peace
and war. The principles of political freedom were
established.
Under Eichard II., the commons insisted upon their
right, not only to vote subsidies, but to limit tlieir
appropriation, and to examine public accountants ;
and they exercised their right of inquiring into public
abuses, and impeaching ministers of the crown. The
Parliament also deposed the king himself, for his 'no-
torious demerits;' and furnished another precedent
for the revolution of 1688. The same bold and inde-
pendent spirit was displayed by the commons, under
Henry IV. and Henry V.
The parliamentary history of the fourteenth cen-
tury foreshadowed the momentous movements of the
POLITICAL AND SOCLiL PEOGRESS, 365
seventeenth. Liberties were then acquired which
could never be wholly overthrown. The p^y^i^^g^
prerosatives of the crown, and the privileges ^^"^ ^°^^'^}
^ , in" progress in
of parliament, were defined ; and the mon- tygJi^"''"
archy was limited and constitutional. These century.
political changes were accompanied by a remarkable
development of English society. The commons were
enabled to assume a more important place in the gov-
ernment of the State, by the increasing influence of
the commonalty, throughout the country. The ranks
of the barons were thinned by civil wars, and failures
in the succession ; while the number of country gen-
tlemen, yeomen, and tenants was continually on the
increase. The towns were making rapid advances
in wealth and prosperity : the burgesses had been
trained in the arts of self-government, and emboldened
by civic freedom. At the same time, England was
sharing in the revival of learning, for which the age
was remarkable, throughout Europe : her language was
assuming a national character; and the universities
were stimulating a taste for classical literature and
philosophy. In every aspect, society v/as advancing ;
and its claims to political power were maintained by
the increasing boldness of the House of Commons.
Meanwhile, religious and social changes were ad-
vancing, which gravely affected the political wyciiffe
destinies of England. The bold spirit and ""ntrioiis
genius of Wycliffe were laying the founda- i"^i"'''i'-
tions of the Protestant reformation. He stirred the
minds of scholars, churchmen, and citizens to a new
religious thought : he exposed the abuses of the
Church of Rome, and shook its traditional
doctrines and authority. His followers, the
Lollards, began the long strife between nonconformity
366 ENGLAND.
and the united forces of Cliurcli and State ; and tliG
people were awakened to controversies wliicli have
not yet ceased to disturb the minds and consciences
of Christians. The faith of considerable numbers was
already severed from that of the State Church. The
Lollards, — the parents of Puritanism, — by inveighing
against the Church, and exposing the abuses of the
clergy, promoted the spirit of religious revolt which,
in another age, was the support of the Reformation.
Their creed, founded upon the lives of the early
Christians, and affected by the social discontents of
the time, was not without the taint of communism.
They were punished without mercy, and their sect
was repressed with an iron hand : but the conflict be-
tween civil and ecclesiastical power on one side, and
nonconformity on the other, was to be resumed here-
after, upon less unequal terms.
While society was aroused to religious thought, it
Decny of ^^^ couvulsed by the decay of feudalism, and
feudalism. ^]jg j.[qq ^f j^^-^ agricultural classes. Serf-
dom had gradually given way to improved social re-
lations ; and the soil was beginning to be cultivated,
as in modern times, by tenant farmers, by freeholders,
and copyholders, and by free labourers. Changes so
important in the relations of landowners to the cultiva-
tors of the soil, could not be effected without serious
disturbance. The fourteenth century was marked, in
other countries, by collisions between feudalism and
a growing society;^ and the like conflicts arose in
England. The gradual emancipation and es-
cape of serfs had caused a great scarcity of
labourers, which was aggravated by the depopulation
'-S'wp?^, p. 93-95.
DECAY OF FEUDALISM. 3G7
of tlie country, — in common witli tlie rest of Europe,
— by the plague, or ' black death.' The landowners
were not prepared to submit to the operation of these
natural causes: but took vigorous measures for the
recovery of their feudal rights, and the securing
of forced labour. Serfs v/ho had been set
fi'ee, or had taken refuge in the towns, were labourers.
again reduced to servitude ; and free labour-
ers, forbidden to leave their own parish, were bound
to serve their employers, at wages fixed by statute.
These high-handed measures, to restore the hate-
ful yoke of feudalism, provoked a passionate resis-
tance.
Stung with a sense of oppression and wrong, and
suffering from the harsh rule of their mas- pop„,,,r ^jg.
ters, the orderly and patient peasantry were contents.
goaded into a formidable revolt. For the first time,
in our history, we discover a fierce hatred of nobles
and gentlemen, and a startling assertion of levelling
principles. John Ball, a Kentish priest, preached
doctrines of social equality, as bold as any which
were taught, four centuries later, by the revolutionists
of France. The popular feeling of the time was ex-
pressed in the familiar couplet:
' Wlien Adam delved, and Eve span,
Wlio was then the gentleman 1 '
The gentlemen of England were oppressing the poor ;
and their claims were rudely questioned. These dis-
contents were influenced by an iniquitous poll-tax;
and at length an alarming insurrection burst out
under the leadership of the celebrated AVat
. . . Wat Tvlor's
Tyler. This rcsvolt against feudalism, and iM-'uncc-
the injustice of feudal law-givers, was marked
368 ENGLAND.
by some of tlie excesses of tlie French Jacquerie.*
Manor-houses were burned: manorial records were
destroyed: obnoxious lawyers were murdered: the
primate, and two of the chief officers concerned in
the levy of the poll-tax, were beheaded on Tower
Hill. But neither in the revolt itself, nor in its sup-
pression, was there an apjjroach to the savagery of
contemporary France.
Throughout these times, the commons had been
advancing in influence ; and had maintained
a-Jainst the the due authority of their order in the coun-
cils of the State. But a period of reaction
was at hand, when the power of the commons sensibly
declined. Several causes contributed to this reaction.
The commons were still the weakest estate of the
realm ; and they were at the mercy of the crown, the
nobles, and the church. Whichever of these powers
haj)pened to be in the ascendent, the commons inevi-
tably suffered, except when their aid was sought by
one of these rival powers. In the reign of Henry VI.,
the barons had recovered much of their former domi-
nation : they were jealous of the growing influence of
the commons ; and such, for a time, was the weakness
of the crown, and of the church, that they had no
need of an alliance with the popular forces. By
j^3Q narrowing the old freehold franchise of the
counties to 40.s. freeholders, and by disfran-
chising the leaseholders and copyholders, they became
masters of the county representation. Meanwhile a
similar reaction was at work in the boroughs. The
franchises of the burgesses had been gradually re-
stricted ; and their municipal and electoral privileges
^ Supra, 91.
POLITICAL EEACTION. 369
were monopolised by select oligarcliies. Everywliere,
barons and landowners were acquiring a dominant
influence in elections. The commons were becoming
the creatures of the crown and the nobles, rather
than representatives of the people. Armed barons
dominated in the country, and in the Parliament.
That there were grave discontents among 1450.
the people was betrayed by the insurrection
under Jack Cade : but the commonalty were held in
safe subjection.
The rivalries of the houses of York and Lancaster,
however, entirely changed the balance of po- ^y.,^^ ^^ ^j^^
litical power. In the wars of the Yf hite and ^^"'''^'^•
Red Hoses, all England was convulsed by the bloody
strife : the barons were divided into hostile camps ; and
the flower of the English nobility perished on the bat-
tle-field, or on the scaffold.^ Feudalism was crushed;
and the crown reigned supreme over a prostrate realm.
The armed barons, who alone could hold it in check,
were no more; and the people were not yet suffi-
ciently strong to assert their rights. Accustomed to
rely upon the barons, as leaders, they were without
union or force, in opposition to the power of the crown.
The landowners, who had succeeded the barons in ter-
ritorial influence, were engaged in a bitter strife with
their discontented peasantry, and were in no mood to
become popular leaders : but looked to the crown for
support. And the Church, alarmed by heresies and
' ' I take it, after tlie battle of Tewkesbury, a Norman baron was
almost as rare a being, in England, as a wolf is now.' — ConiiigHhy.
' Of the shattered aristocracy of England, only twenty-nine pre-
sented tliemselves when Henry called his first Parliament ; and
many of these were recent creations.' — Forster : IVic Grand licmon-
sirnnce, 68.
10*
370 ENGLAXD.
by lier own unpopularity, was glad to link lier for-
tunes with those of the ruling power. The liberties
of England, acquired by so many struggles, seemed
to have been suddenly lost in the absolutism of Ed-
ward IV. Throughout Europe, the kingly power was
rising at this period, upon the ruins of feudalism;
and the prosjiects of freedom appeared to be no more
promising in England, than in Spain, in France, or in
Germany. The authority of Parliament was now set
at naught. It was rarely assembled : confiscations had
made the king comparatively independent of subsi-
dies; and, with the advice of his council, he assumed
to make laws, and levy taxes. Benevolences and forced
loans again formed part of the royal finance : arbi-
trary imprisonments, and judicial murders, marked
the rule of an absolute king. The popular preten-
sions of Richard III. caused a brief revival of the
influence of Parliaments : but Henry YII. confirmed
the absolutism of Edward IV. Parliaments were put
aside ; and the royal miser relied upon prerogative to
fill his treasury with benevolences, fines, and other
exactions.
The reign of Henry VIII. was no less opposed to
.^ , ,. public liberty. The character of the king,
of^Henry q^j^^ \}^q pecuHar circumstauces of his time,
alike impelled him to strain his prerogatives.
By nature a tyrant, his strife with the Church of
Rome, and his own unruly passions, gave full sway to
his despotism. Other kings had renounced the inter-
ference of parliaments : but they had been controlled
by a council of prelates and nobles. Henry put aside
his council and exercised his vast prerogatives, in
Church and State, with the aid of a single confiden-
tial minister. Yet he could not always prevail over
AESOLUTISil OF HEIOIY YIIL 371
the rights and liberties of liis subjects. While served
by the politic Wolsey, he never summoned a parlia-
ment save for the raising of subsidies : but he found
the commons stubborn in resisting extravagant de-
mands ; and when he resorted to the old ex-
pedient of benevolences, he was threatened
by the resistance of the people. The traditions of
liberty were still able to prevail over absolutism.
But when the king was heated by oj^position to
his divorce, by his fierce conflict with the
Church of Eome, and by his singular matri- ti.e Re-
. 1 . , . ,-, i/>i -I 1 formation.
monial inconstancies, the semsh and cruel
tyrant was revealed.^ Queens, nobles, prelates, and
faithful statesmen perished on the scaffold : no power
could withstand his lust or his anger : the church was
struck down : laws and liberty bowed before the will
of the despot. In repelling the jurisdiction
of the Pope, the royal supremacy was estab-
lished, which made the king absolute master of the
church. He was at once king and pope.^ By nomi-
nating the bishops, and claiming to depose them, he
made them his creatures : he bridled the convocation:
he dictated the preaching of the clergy : he curbed them
in his ecclesiastical courts : he assumed to determine
the religion of the State and of his people. No longer
afraid of parliaments, he invited them to act as con-
venient instruments of his will. They passed the Act
of Supremacy : they sanctioned the suppression of
the monasteries : they registered acts of attainder :
they created new treasons and felonies : they clothed
' Mr. Froude's able defence of Henry has not affected the judg-
ment of history, upon his true character.
' In the vulgar phrase of the time, he was ' a king with a pope in
his belly.'
372 ENGLAND.
the royal mandates in tlie recognised forms of Eng-
lish law. They were associated with the king in every
act of the great reformation. But while doing his
bidding, they shared, and represented, the religious
feelings of considerable numbers of their countrymen,
who, scandalised by the abuses of the clergy, and
stirred by the religious controversies of the time, were
prepared to acce23t the ecclesiastical changes which
their rulers were bringing about. The independence
of parliament was overborne in the excitement of so
great a crisis.
The power of the crown was increased by the pro-
digious wealth of the church, which was
power of now at its disposal. The great nobles who
the crown. ^ , -t • , ,-i c i- i-
revolted against the reiormation were slam,
or brought to the block ; and the last representatives
of the old feudalism were destroyed. The new nobles
were creatures of the king, enriched by the plunder
of the church, and ready instruments of the royal
will. The lords spiritual, already Henry's humble
servants, were bound up with him in the great work
of reforming the church, and changing the religion of
the country. The commons, in great part, nominees
of the crown, were also led to support prerogative, by
their earnestness as reformers. The courts of justice
were as ready as the parliament to uphold the king's
strong measures ; while the royal council was usurp-
ing an extraordinary judicature, untrammelled by the
liberal doctrines of the common law. Everywhere
prerogative was paramount. Koyal proclamations as-
sumed the force of statutes ; and loans and benevo-
lences were levied like lawful subsidies.
Throughout the further course of the religious revo-
lutions of the sixteenth century, the passionate im-
THE REFORMATION. 373
pulses of tlie movement continued adverse to civil
and religious liberty. The reformation of ^
" J Course of
Henry was completed under Edward VI. t^'^Re-
•1 _ ^ formation.
Some of his absolute powers were re-
nounced : but the reforms of the church were carried
out with no less violence and disregard for law ; while
the zeal of the reformers hurried them into the de-
plorable policy of persecution. The Catholic reac-
tion under Queen Mary was marked by the same
arbitrary power, and by a more resolute per-
secution. Parliament, which had concurred cimilgesof
in the reformation, was now prompt to undo
its own work. The Catholic faith was restored : the
State humbled itself before the Holy See : but the
parliament, while lending itself to this sudden reac-
tion, resisted the more violent and bigoted measures
of the queen, and displayed a spirit of independence
which had been rarely shown in the two last reigns.
Happily this bloody reign was short. Hundreds of
Protestants perished at the stake : but before their
faith could be utterly cast down, another Pro-
. . 1531-1559
testant queen was preparing to restore it for
ever, as the religion of the State. For the fourth
time, within the life of a single generation, the na-
tional faith was changed by the crown and the jiar-
liament, without the general consent of the people.
But the long reign of Elizabeth proved the turning
point in the political fortunes of England. K,.ijj„„f
Not less resolute than her predecessors in Elizabeth.
maintaining her prerogatives, she found herself op-
posed by popular forces to which she was sometimes
constrainod to submit. When parliaments liad done
their work in the religious revolutions of the ago, the
queen, dreading their intrusion in allairs of State,
374 ENGLAND.
called tliem togetlier as rarely as possible. She levied
taxes by prerogative : she raised money by the grant
of monopolies : she invaded the province of the legis-
lature by royal proclamations. By the creation and
revival of boroughs, the influence of the crown had
been largely increased. But when she was forced to
meet her parliaments, they displayed a temper long
since unknown. The commons asserted their privi-
leges, — freedom of speech, freedom from arrest, the
determining matters of election, and the right to dis-
cuss affairs of State. They successfully resisted the
grant of monopolies. For more than a hundred years,
their political powers had been in abeyance ; and now
they were about to be recovered and extended. Pre-
rogative was safe in the strong hands of Elizabeth :
but new social forces were rapidly changing the bal-
ance of political power.
"With the decline of feudalism, English society had
acquired an extraordinary development. The
changes. nobles, cnjoying few invidious privileges,
country Were raised little above the country gentle-
fifcntlsniGn..
men : their sons and daughters married freely
into the families of their country neighbours ; and
their descendants were soon lost in the ranks of the
commonalty. As an estate of the realm, they formed
a support to the crown : but they also gave importance
and strength to the people. Country gentlemen had
succeeded the feudal barons, as a proprietary class,
and their relations with the people were essentially
changed. No longer relying upon feudal services for
their support, and for the cultivation of the soil, they
lived upon the rental of their estates, while the soil
was tilled by farmers, yeomen, and free labourers.
The gloomy castles of feudal times were succeeded by
COUNTRY GENTLEIVIEN. 375
cliecrful and elegant country bouses. New leaders of
tlie people were multiplied tliroughout tlie land. En-
riched by the division of the old baronial estates, and
by the spoils of the church, they were wealthy and
prosperous. But they were not set up above the
people, like the feudal lords of the soiL They were ,
at the head of a free society, and were associated with
its duties and interests. In other countries they would
have been ennobled : but here they cast in their for-
tunes with the commons. As sheriffs, and justices
of the peace, they were active in the administration
of the law : they took the lead in all local affairs :
they encouraged the agriculture and the sports of the
neighbourhood : they were welcomed as the leaders of
society. They loved the country : they devoted their
fortunes to the supj)ort of the ancestral hall, or manor-
house, the park, the pleasaunce, and the preserves,
and to fi-ee-handed hospitalities, and charity : but tliey
found little attraction in the distant capital.^ No
class has contributed so much to the social and poli-
tical stability of England. Their instincts were in
favour of the traditions of English liberty ; and they
were prepared to maintain, with honest resolution, the
legal rights of the people. But they were conservative
and unchanging. Not easily moved by impulses or
theories, they were ready to resist innovations, whether
proceeding from the king, the church, or the people.
' ' Poggio, in his travels, wrote, three centuries ago, this sentence
so full of truths and of conse(|uonccs : "Among the English, tho
nobles think it shameful to sojourn in cities ; they inhiibit rctirccl
parts of the country among woods and pastures ; they consider liim
the most noble who has the largest revenue ; they addict themselves
to field affairs, sell their wf)ol and their cattle, and do not consider
rural profits disgraceful.'" — Taine, Notes on EiKjland, 170.
376 ENGLAND.
Sucli men were returned to parliament by tlieir own
counties, and neighbouring boroughs, and were the
most indejDendent members of the House of Commons.
Surrounded by courtiers, placemen, and lawyers, their
voices were raised in support of the privileges of i3ar-
liament, and the rights and liberties of the people. To
them is mainly due the contrast between the jjolitical
destinies of England and of France. With such a
class of country gentlemen, the liberties of Frenchmen
might have been extended, without the terrors of per-
petual revolutions.
While the gentry were drawn nearer to the people
jj.^^jg than the barons of old, the increasing pros-
ciasses. perity of the country had raised a numerous
and powerful middle class, between them and the
great body of the nation. The forest, the marsh, and
the moor, were receding before the persevering toil of
the husbandman. Agriculture, freed from the shackles
of feudal service, and encouraged by the united inter-
ests of landlords and tenants, had become more skil-
ful and productive. Farmers and yeomen had grown
into a considerable social class.
At the same time, manufactures, commerce, and
shipping had enriched the towns and sea-
aXnanu! ports. The wooUeu manufacture had become
factures. ^^ important industry ; and manufacturers in
linen, in silk, and in iron, however modest in their
pretensions, were already contributing to the wealth
of the middle class. Commerce and navigation had
made prodigious advances. There had long been an
active intercourse with the Netherlands ; and the
wreck of Flemish prosperity, under the tyranny of
Spain, had driven numbers of merchants, manufac-
turers, and artificers to our shores, who quickened the
COMMEKCE AND MANUTACTUKES. 377
enterj)rise, and enlarged the relations of British com-
merce. Our merchants traded with the north of Eu-
rope : with Italy, and the Mediterranean : with the
East and West Indies, and with America. They were
beginning to rival landowners in wealth and influence.
Their dwellings, if less stately than the palaces of
Italian princes, and less picturesque than the houses
of the magnificent citizens of Brussels, Ghent, and
Antwerp, bore witness to their riches, taste, and social
advancement. The smaller traders and artificers
showed the like signs of prosperity ; and the busy
communities of commercial towns were becoming a
new, and ever increasing, power in society, and in the
State.
The intellectual progress of society had kept pace
with its material improvement. The revival intellectual
of learning in Europe had borne its fruits in i""»"^'"'-
England as elsewhere : the study of the classics had
raised the standard of thought and culture : a new
national literature appealed to the tastes and senti-
ments of the people : the printing press had spread
far and wide the writings of the learned, the specu-
lations of philosophers, the fancies of poets and dra-
matists, and the popular pamphlets and songs of the
period. For centuries the universities had promoted
the culture of the country ; and the grammar schools
of Edward VI. and Elizabeth at once proved the
growing desire of the middle classes for improved
means of education, and gave a marked impulse to
thoir intellectual advancement.^
But none of these causes contributed so much to
' The national j)rogTf!SS utidcr the Plantaf^cuiets and TudorH is ad-
iniral)ly descriljod by Mr. Orecn, in his reuiaikuble history of the
English people, chaps, iv. and V.
378 ENGLAND.
tlie moral and intellectual development of society,
and to its political activity, as the religious
inovl-°"^ controversies and revolutions which had so
"^"^ ' long convulsed the country. Since the days
of Wycliffe, the minds and consciences of the people
had been awakened to religious thought ; and the
furious conflicts of the reformation had divided so-
ciety into hostile and irreconcilable religious sects.
The persecutions which all in turn had suffered, had
hardened their convictions, had exasperated their
zeal, and widened their divisions. The people, in-
deed, had not been consulted in regard to the suc-
cessive changes of the national faith : but they were
profoundly stirred by all the religious questions of
the time. Before the close of the long reign of Eliza-
beth, the great majority of the English people had
renounced the Catholic faith : but they were far from
accepting a single Protestant creed. The doctrines
and ceremonial of the Church of England had been
founded upon the moderate principles of Luther, and
his school of reformers. The errors of the Church
of Rome were condemned, and her authority re-
pudiated : but the reformed church was otherwise
modelled upon the foundations of the old establish-
ment.
The State had determined the national faith, and
The exacted a rigorous uniformity of public wor-
puritans. gj^jp^ g^t the religious dissensions of the
age had advanced too far to be composed by acts
of parliament. Calvin had his followers as well as
Luther : his doctrines and church polity had been
embraced in Switzerland, in the Netherlands, and in
Scotland ; and in England he found many disciples.
They deplored that any Romish doctrines and ob-
THE PUEITANS. 379
servances liad been retained in tlie reformed cliurcli :
they affected simpler forms of worship, and revolted
against the rule of State bishops. Many Calvinists,
to escape the persecutions of Queen Mary, had taken
refuge in Switzerland and Holland, where their con-
victions were confirmed, and their alienation from the
Church embittered. The English Bible was now in
the hands of the whole people : it was accepted as
the rule of faith : and every man interpreted the
sacred book, according to his own private judgment.
It was a new revelation, which inspired earnest souls
with reverence and passionate devotion. It occupied
all their thoughts : scriptural phrases and imagery
entered into their familiar speech : children received
Hebrew names at their baptism : the family, and so-
cial life, were governed by the precepts and examples
of Holy Writ. The politics of the age were identified
with its religion. As the revival of classical literature
had, for a time, transformed the thoughts and lan-
guage of the learned, so did the Bible now give a new
direction to the spirit of general society.
This form of religious thought had attracted many
of the clergy, and numbers of countr}^ gentle-
men: but it was among the farmers, the yeomen, I'lintnn
^ . cliaracter.
and the middle classes, that its full force and
vitality were revealed. Such men, and all whose reli-
gious views were more serious than those of ordinary
churchmen, were distinguished as Puritans. If wo
could form our ideal of the Puritan character, from so
noble a gentleman as Colonel Hutchinson, as por-
trayed by his loving biographer, or fiom so rare a
genius a^ Milton, it would stand out as a model of
grave and lofty virtues. Nor can it be doubted that
the Puritans had conceived a higher standard of rcli-
380 ENGLAKD.
gious and moral purity than tlieir contemporaries.
But tlie greater number, having no other guide than
the Bible, which they applied, after their own fashion,
to all the affairs of daily life, were stern, narrow and
unsocial. They frowned upon the amusements of the
world as sinful : they condemned the ceremonies of
the church as idolatrous ; and they learned to dis-
trust their rulers, as the patrons of a system, in
Church and State, which was obnoxious to their
faith.
Elizabeth and her bishops had vainly striven to
repress divisions in the church : the eccle-
Beets of siastical commission had strained its lormi-
dable power to secure uniformity of doc-
trine and worship : numbers of pious ministers were
cast out : but puritanism was gaining ground in
the Church, and sectaries were multiplied. The Star
Chamber endeavoured to stifle religious controversies
in the press : but the church and the bishops were as-
sailed with increasing boldness. The earlier Puritans
were churchmen: but considerable sects of noncon-
formists were now growing up, outside the pale of the
church. Of these, the most powerful were the Pres-
byterians, and the Separatists or Independents.
These various sects, however opposed to one another,
Political were hostile to the church, and estranged
views of from the civil polity which was identified
puntans. ^-^j^ ^^qy I'ule. The queeu and her bishops
were supreme in Church and State alike ; and religion
assumed the first place in the politics of the age.
The republican spirit of the Presbyterians, in ecclesi-
astical affairs, shaped their political views, and in-
clined them to stubborn resistance to the civil power.
Other Puritans also, relying upon the Bible for guid-
THE PURITANS. 381
ance in civil life, judged tlieir rulers witli the stern
independence of their austere creed.
Upon the most momentous question of the time,
all Puritans, — whether churchmen or non-
Their
conformists, — were earnestly a"rreed. They j«aioiisyof
Catholics
were zealous in the cause of Protestantism ;
and never was zeal more justified in a holy cause.
Throughout Europe the Protestant faith was threat-
ened : the great work of the reformation seemed about
to be undone : the Church of Kome was recovering
her shattered dominion. There was Catholic reaction
in Austria and Southern Germany: Spanish armies
were trampling upon Protesta,ntism and liberty, in the
Netherlands : the massacre of St. Bartholomew, and
the apostacy of Henry of Navarre, had crushed the
hopes of the Huguenots in France. Who could say
that the true faith was safe in England ? There had
been a fearful Catholic reaction under Mary: there
had been Catholic insurrections and conspiracies
against Elizabeth. Catholics at home and abroad had
hailed Mary Stuart as the coming queen of Catho-
lic England. The queen herself was not without
Catholic predilections : nor had the reformed church
been purged of all Eomish superstitions : the most
earnest Protestants were persecuted by Erastiau
bishops, and prelacy might again be in alliance with
popery.
Elizabeth herself was confronted by the stubborn
spirit of the Puritans : ^ but, counselled by
able ministers, she knew how to avert dan- ami' the
gerous conflicts ; and her glorious triumj)h
' Ilallam, Connt. JTiit. i. 252, ct neq.; Froudc, IHxt. of England,
xii. 54!) et seq. ; Forst<!r, The Orand Remonstrance, 87 ; Ureeu,
Slu>rt Hiatory of the English People, chaj). viii.
382 ENGLMID,
over Catliolic Spain aroused the patriotic sympathies
of her Protestant subjects. She left the power of the
crown unimpaired : but social and religious forces had
arisen within her realm, which were about to change
tlie destinies of the English monarchy. The period
of reaction against popular rights had passed ; and a
new era of constitutional freedom was approaching.
CHAPTER XIX.
ENGLAND (continued).
JAMES I. — HIS VIEWS OF PREROGATIVE †” HIS RELATIONS WITH THE
PARLIAMENT, THE CHURCH, AKD OTHER COMMUNIONS — CHARLES
I. AND HIS PARLIAMENTS — TAXES BY PREROGATIVE — THE KING
AND THE LONG PARLIAMENT.
Such was tlie condition of society, and such the
state of religious opinion, when the Stuarts Accession
succeeded to the throne. I^he commons stuans.
were powerful, and sensitive to any invasion
of their liberties: the Stuarts had high notions of
their prerogatives ; and the church, while she went
hand in hand with the crown in temporal affairs, was
becoming reactionary in her own creed, and persecut-
ing to other communions.^
It was not unnatural that the Stuarts should jeal-
ously maintain the prerogatives of their ci,„racter
crown. They w^ere encouraged, as well by "^ J'lniesi.
the example of English kings, as of foreign monarchs.
' Tliroughout Europe, the power of kings dominated
over that of nobles, parliaments, and popular institu-
' For the reipiis of tlip two first Stuarts there \s a wealth of au-
thorities. In addition to tlie histories of Clarendon and Maj', and
other contemporary writers, considerable light has been recently
tlirown upon these times by the writings of Forster, Gardiner, and
Kanke.
38i ENGLAND.
tions. They had assumed to direct the religion and
conscience of their subjects, no less than their civil
duties. They had, indeed, discovered, in the religious
movements of the time, some dangerous elements of
resistance ; and the revolt of the Netherlands had
proved the force of a national struggle against op-
pression. But they had not yet learned to measure
the strength of a people; and, in their eyes, the as-
sertion of public rights was simj^le disaffection.^
Elizabeth had carried her prerogatives with a high
hand, and often with much of a woman's temper : but
her own character, her sex, and latterly her age, the
statesmanship of her councillors, her popularity with
the Protestants, — who feared to disturb the succes-
sion, — and the respect of her people, averted a col-
lision between the crown and the commons. But
James I. had openly asserted doctrines of preroga-
tive, which were strange in the mouth of an English
king. With dull pedantry, he had already main-
tained, in print, his startling opinions upon mon-
archy.^ In his view, a king ruled by right divine : he
had power to make and suspend laws, without being
bound to obey them : while the duty of his subjects
was simply that of passive obedience to his will. And
he lost no time in proving that he was prepared to
reduce his theories to practice. The pedantry of the
nis treat- study accompanicd him to the throne. He
commous. ^ was ever ready with a lecture. He lectured
the nonconformists in one proclamation : he
lectured the constituencies in another; and he was
' James himself said in the Star Chamber, ' It is presumption and
a high contempt in a subject to dispute what a king can do, or to say
that a king cannot do this or that.'
^ True Law of Free Monarchies, King James's Works.
JAMES I.'S VIEWS OP PREROGATIVE. 385
soon at issue with the commons upon questions of
privilege and grievance. He commanded them to
hold a conference with the judges concerning a con-
troverted election : he rebuked them for the freedom
of their debates, and reminded them that they held
their privileges solely by his grace. They responded
with a spirited ' apology,' in which the rights and lib-
erties of the commons were boldly vindicated.^ Still
he continued to take notice of their debates, and to
admonish them not to consider petitions and griev-
ances which had been brought before them. Every
unpopular act was made more provoking by the blunt
assertion of some arbitrary principle. It was always
made clear that the only rule of government must be
the royal pleasure.
But he committed errors far more grave and
dangerous than these wranglings with the Andoftue
commons. Smarting under the affronts he I'^nit^iis-
had suffered fi'om his Presbyterian subjects in Scot-
land, he was determined to show no mercy to English
nonconformists. He threw ten clergymen into prison
for presenting to him a respectful petition, signed by
upwards of 800 clergy, praying for changes in the for-
mularies of the church. He insulted the j^n^j^^y
Puritan divines at the conference at Hamp- ^''"^•
ton Court.^ He issued a haughty proclamation for
enforcing conformity, in which he declared his own
judgment to be the rule for the consciences of other
men ; and commanded the bishops, — who were only
too ready to obey him, — to seek out and punish the
clergy who neglected any of the ceremonies of the
' Commons Journ., 20tli Juno, 1C04 ; Hume, Iliat. chap. 45 ; Gar-
diner, Ilixt. i. 201-208.
» Gardiner, Hist, of Eiifjland, i. 1G7-173.
VOL. II.— 17
o8G ENGLxYND.
cliurcli. The convocation, in excess of tlieir jurisdic-
tion, assumed to impose civil disabilities' upon
and the ^ all wlio sLould deny the truth of any of the
Thirty-nine Articles ; and the king, v/hose
notions of his own and other jurisdictions were con-
fused, assented to these extravagant canons.^ The
king was ever disposed to support the pretensions of
the church, which was not less constant in her zeal
Canons of ^^^ prerogative. The bishops and the high-
i60i. church clergy were never weary of exalting
prerogative and abasing civil liberty ; while they
strove, in alliance with the king, to enlarge the spiri-
tual power of the church. The High Commission
Court, by its unwarrantable encroachments of juris-
diction, and invasions of civil rights, displayed the
dangers of ecclesiastical rule ; and increased the un-
popularity of the church, which had already become
obnoxious to the Puritans. This was no fitting time
for the assertion of such pretensions in Church and
State. Country gentlemen and lawyers condemned
them, as opposed to the laws and liberties of Eng-
land. The Puritans, who could discover no warrant
for them in Holy Writ, rejected them as contrary to
the Word of God.
The relations of the king to the various religious
Keiations commuuions of his realm, already sufficiently
toreiigioul critical, were rendered dangerous by this
parties. narrow policy. The Catholic worship was
already forbidden ; priests saying mass were subject
to the penalties of treason; and heavy fines were
levied upon Popish recusants. The discon-
tents and fanaticism of the Catholics exploded
' They were treated as invalid by the courts.
JAMES I. Aira THE CHURCH. 387
in tlie monstrous Gunpowder Plot; and this des-
perate outrage naturally provoked further severities
against the followers of an obnoxious faith, so deeply-
stained with treason. To persecute Catholics was
popular : but James soon aroused the jealousies of the
Puritans by an unwonted toleration of Poj)ish recu-
sants. A wise scheme of toleration was beyond the
conception of this age. It might have averted many
of the impending perils of the State : but when con-
lined to a single creed, — and that at once the weakest
and the most unpopular, — it was resented as part of
an insidious scheme of foreign and domestic policy,
adverse to the Protestant cause. The Puritans were
daily gaining strength and influence : they were be-
coming the strongest and most united party in the
country: yet James scourged them with unrelenting
severity. In Scotland, — his ovm native land, — where
a Presbyterian Church had been founded by the will
of the people,^ he vexed his Calvinist subjects with a
revival of episcopacy, and by unwelcome interferences
vnth. their national faith. He had cast his lot with
his reactionary bishops, and defied the English Puri-
tans and Scottish Presbyterians, who formed the most
earnest and resolute portion of his subjects.
Having provoked the commons, and alienated a
powerful body of his subjects by religious Levy of
persecution, the king ventured upon a still pTi^rlal
more dangerous measure, — the levy of taxes
' ' The Scotch Kirk was the result of a democratic movement, and
for some time, almost alone in Europe, it was the unflinching cham-
y)ion of political liberty.'— Lecky, Itationalum, i. 14G. ' Scotland
was the only kingdom in which the Reformation triumphed over
the resistance of the state ; and Ireland was the only instance
where it failed, in si)itc of government support.' — Lord Acton, TIi6
UiHlory of Frctidmn, in (JhrUtianity, 7.
388 ENGLAND.
by prerogative. Having levied an import duty upon
currants, the legality of which was affirmed
by the Court of Exchequer, he was em-
boldened to issue a new tariff of duties to be
collected, at the ports, upon merchandise.
Such a measure struck at once at the privileges of
the commons, and at the acknowledged liberties of
the people. If taxes could be levied by prerogative,
what property was safe from the king's demand ? The
commons contested the prerogative, and though com-
manded by the king not to question the impositions,
they presented a remonstrance, in which
strancer°° they firmly maintained their right of free
discussion, and condemned the illegal taxes.
They further passed a bill to annul them. Other re-
monstrances followed against the High Commission
Court, the abuse of proclamations, assuming the force
of laws, monopolies, and other grievances. But no
redress was obtained, and the first parliament of
James, which had so resolutely maintained the con-
stitutional rights of the people against prerogative,
was dissolved, in displeasure. This parliament had
represented the general sentiments of the country. It
had upheld the traditional rights of the commons,
and a faithful observance of the laws by the king, and
by the church. On his part, the king had strained
his prerogatives : he had asserted principles of arbi-
trary rule, obnoxious to his subjects ; and in his per-
sonal character he had exposed himself to obloquy
and ridicule. It was an inauspicious commencement
of the rule of the Stuarts.
James, having vainly endeavoured to support his
revenue, by loans and other expedients,^ summoned
• Among otlaers, by the creation and sale of baronetcies.
THE king's contests WITH P.UILIAMENT. 389
anotlier parliament in 1614 The first act of the com-
mons was again to denounce the illegal cus- ,,
, . , . , New par-
toms duties levied at the out-ports. They iiament
, â– â– â– "^ dissolved,
voted no subsidy ; and parliament was soon ^^^^ ^
'' ' _ â– â– â– members
dissolved without passing a single statute, committed.
Immediately after the dissolution, James fur-
ther strained his prerogative, and outraged the privi-
leges of the commons, by committing four members
to prison, as a punishment for their independence. So
strong was the public feeling against the measures of
the court, that the country, or popular party, were
returned in much greater numbers, and among them
Pym, Wentworth, and Eliot, who were to bear a con-
siderable part in the future history of this time.
For six years, James now governed without a par-
liament. By forced loans and benevolences, james
by monopolies and licences, by an excise without a
duty on malt, by fines inflicted by the Star '"^"^ """«"'^-
Chamber, and other expedients, he endeavoured to
maintain his revenue, without the authority of par-
liament. He was safe, at present, from the remon-
strances of the watchful commons : but it was an
interval fraught with mischief to the crown. The
people were smarting under his illegal exactions :
while the arbitrary judgments of the Court of Star
Chamber, the Privy Council, and the High Commis-
sion Court, the cruel treatment of Lady Arabella
Stuart, the mysterious murder of Overbury, and the
execution of Raleigh, were making the king and his
government odious in the sight of his subjects.
In 1G21, James was obliged to call another parlia-
ment ; and the commons soon displayed their ciimrrcis
energy and public spirit, by the impeach- jmriiumeut
ment of Mompesson, and Bacon. Tliey also
390 ENGLAND.
resented an ill-advised admonition from the king not
to meddle in aifairs of State. They vindicated their
privilege of freedom of speech, in a celebrated ' pro-
testation,' which the king, with his own hand, olfen-
sively struck out of the journal. A dissolution soon
followed this passionate quarrel ; and again the privi-
leges of the commons were grossly violated by the
commitment of Sir Edward Coke, Sir R. Philips, Mr,
Pym, and others, for their conduct in parliament.
Such measures naturally increased the unpopularity
of the king, while the political vigilance of the com-
monalty was more than ever awakened. But when
another parliament was summoned in 1624, the rup-
ture of the unpopular negotiations with Spain, for
Parliament *^® marriage of Prince Charles with the In-
ofiG-u. fanta, had so far restored the commons to
good humour, that further quarrels with the king were
averted. The spirit of parliament was, however, sho%vn
by the impeachment of the Earl of Middlesex, and
the abolition of monopolies by statute.
Throughout these contests, the commons were ear-
incroasing uestly Supported by their constituents. Not-
coSuen- withstanding the limitations of the franchise,
'^"^^' the creation of dependent boroughs, and the
close electoral privileges which had been secured by
corporations, the commons had become a great repre-
sentative body. The country gentlemen enjoyed the
confidence of the freeholders of their counties, and
exercised a commanding influence in the neighbour-
ing boroughs ; and when important principles were
at stake, they were supported by public opinion.
At this period, and in later times, before the cor-
rection of electoral abuses, — however imperfect the
representation, and however powerful the influence of
CLOSE OF James's reign. 391
the crown, and of the peerage, — tlie love of freedom,
•whicli ever animated the English people, made itself
felt in parliament.
The ill-omened reign of James was now drawing to
a close ; and he left a perilous inheritance
to his son. With personal qualities which jamL's
excited contempt and aversion, the princi- *^'^'*'
pies of his rule had been such as to arouse the jeal-
ousies of his people against the prerogatives of the
crown, the domination of the church, and the arbi-
trary judgments of the courts of justice ; and to
awaken them to their duty of maintaining the civil
and religious liberties of their country. The pre-
rogatives of the crown, and the rights of the com-
mons, had been fearlessly discussed : the popular
party had successfully met the crown lawi^ers, upon
their own ground of law and precedent, and had ex-
posed the weakness of the royal claims. They had
also displayed the power and resolution of the com-
mons, in defence of public rights. The gentlemen of
England had not quailed before the displeasure of
the king; and it was clear that, if Tudor kings had
been able to overcome the patriotism of parlianient,
a new power had now arisen, with which the Stuarts
could not safely trifle. The question at issue was
no longer one of precedents, and legal disputation :
but whether the crown or the people were now the
stronger force in the realm. The king liad accepted
a policy of reaction in Church and State : the com-
mons had withstood him: but the decisive contest
was reserved for the next reign.
Many of the errors of James were due to his con-
ceit and pedantic convictions, rather than to cnracter
an arbitrary temper. But Cliarles, far su- orchurieei.
392 ENGLAND.
perior to liis fatlier in Lis personal character and vir-
tues, was more absolute in liis will, and more unyield-
ing in his resolutions. He succeeded to the throne
when grave issues were pending between prerogative
on one side, and law and parliamentary privilege on
the other, which were embittered by his policy, until
his country was convulsed by civil war.
To the embarrassments that he had inherited, he
added that of a w^ar with Spain and France.
li'imcm of He distrusted parliaments : but their help
Charles. • -,• i i p • 1 1
was indispensable lor carrying on the war.
A parliament was accordingly summoned : but as the
commons were smartinf]r under the grievances
of the late reign, none of which had yet been
redressed, their temper was sullen ; and they were bent
upon extorting concessions from Charles, before they
granted him an adequate revenue. It had long been
the custom, at the commencement of every reign, to
grant the duties of tonnage and poundage for the king's
life : but they now displayed their distrust of Charles,
and their determination to secure their own rights, by
granting these duties for one year only. The bill, so
limited, was thrown out by the Lords ; and conse-
quently no grant of these duties took effect. They
granted two subsidies : but, before further arrange-
ments could be made for meeting the financial neces-
sities of the State, parliament was suddenly dissolved,
in order to avert proceedings which were threatened
against the king's favourite, the Duke of Buckingham.
Some of the members most obnoxious to the court
were appointed sheriffs of their counties,^ in order to
' Sir Edward Coke, Sir Robert Philips, Sir Thomas Wentworth,
and Sir Francis Seymour.
CHAELES L AND HIS PAELIASIENTS. 393
disqualify them from sitting in tlie new parliament :
but this artifice failed to weaken the opposi-
tion, while it added another provocation to the reiationf '
popular party. The attack upon the Duke of new pariia-
Buckingham was about to be renewed in the
commons, when the king sent a message forbidding
them to question any of his servants ; and another
threatening them with dissolution. An impeachment,
however, was voted ; and the king sent two Membera
of the managers, Sir John Eliot and Sir '^°'"°"
Dudley Digges, to the Tower, for words spoken in
the cause. Nor did he spare the privileges of the
lords. He committed the Earl of Arundel to the
Tower, and refused a writ of summons to the Earl
of Bristol, who sat by patent. Again Buckingham
was saved by a dissolution.
The arbitrary measures of the court were now
reaching a climax. The commons had voted
five subsidies, but had not passed the bill, levied
when parliament was dissolved. Yet the consent
government attempted to collect them, as if nu-ii't.
tlicy had been granted by parliament. The
people, however, resisted ; and the attempt was too
grossly illegal to be persisted in. Other expedients,
not less arbitrary, were now resorted to. The king
had already raised money by loan, from the Forcea
more wealthy gentlemen of the different "'"'"'
J counties, whose names had been returned by the
lords-lieutenant. And now a general loan was de-
manded of all persons liable to assessment for sub-
sidies. No stretch of prerogative so monstrous had
yet been tried. The king was demanding an equiva-
lent for the subsidies that he had failed to obtain
from parliament. The country would, indeed, have
17*
394 ENGLAOT).
been witliout spirit, if it had tamely submitted to
such an exaction. Many country gentlemen refused
to pay, and were committed to prison by the Privy
Council. Five of them, of whom the great John
Hampden was one, sought their release by a writ of
habeas corpus : but, as they had been committed by
special mandate of the king,^ the court refused them
relief. This judgment was opposed to the most cher-
ished doctrines of English liberty ; and proved but
too plainly, that the judges, like the bishops, were
prepared to uphold prerogative, in its encroachments
upon the settled law of the land.
But these and other exactions, no less unlawful.
Another Were uuequal to meet the pressing necessi-
summoned ties of the State ; and another parliament was
^'^^"^^- summoned in 1628. So little did Charles
expect a compliant temper in this parliament, that
he was preparing to bring over troops from Flanders,
in case of need. And, in truth, no parliament had
ever met in England, with more just causes of resent-
ment against a king. But the commons contented
themselves with a grave and temperate vindication
of the just liberties of the people. They passed the
celebrated * Petition of Right,' which con-
Petition ^ t> '
^^ Kight. demned as illegal, exactions by way of loan,
the commitment of persons refusing to pay,
and the denial of their habeas corpus, the billeting
of soldiers and sailors, and punishments by martial
law. The lords, after vainly attempting to amend
this bill, were constrained to concur in it. The king
endeavoured to escape from an express assent to it,
by evasion and equivocation : but both houses took
' * Per speciale mandatum regis.'
CHARLES I. AlH) HIS P.iRLIAMENTS. 395
umbrage at this treatment, and, at length, he made
the petition law, by his royal assent. The commons
immediately granted five subsidies : thus showing
that, if grievances were redressed, they were ready to
provide amply for the service of the State.
At this time, a reconciliation of the rights of the
crown, and the parliament, and mutual con- The king's
fidence might have been established : but
the king soon betrayed his duplicity and bad faith, —
qualities which were ere long destined to forfeit the
loyalty of his subjects. He had resolved that this re-
strictive law should be evaded or overruled. Before
his first equivocating answer, he had asked the judges
how far the law could be evaded, if he gave his
assent ; and when he had been obliged to agree to
it, and parliament had been prorogued, he actually
printed the statute with his first answer annexed to
it, as if it had not received the royal assent in the
usual form.^ He had received the subsidies as the
price of this statute ; and he had resolved, by un-
worthy subterfuges, and by evasions of the law, to
repudiate the conditions to which he had assented.
The commons, meanwhile, having secured the royal
assent to the petition of right, were prepar- ^^^^^.^^ ^^
ing to pass a bill granting duties of tonnage ^"\\"')[J^,,j.
and poundage, the bill of the late parlia- ^g^-
ment having been lost by the dissolution.
But before this bill was passed, they prepared a re-
monstrance against the levying of such duties with-
out the consent of parliament. The king, however, to
avoid receiving the remonstrance, aliruptly prorogued
parliament : at the same time plainly announcing his
' See further Forster's Life of Sir J. Eliot, ii. 229-271.
396 ENGLAND.
determination to continue tlie collection of tonnage
and poundage, as his own rightful revenue.
Nor when this parliament met again, were any fur-
ther measures taken to establish the reve-
Provoca-
^onoi the nues of the crown upon a legal foundation.
The Puritans were now exasperated by the
rigours of the high church prelates against them-
selves, by the approaches which the church was mak-
ing, in doctrines and ceremonies, to the hated church
of Eome, by the indulgence shown to Catholics, and
by the extravagant doctrines of passive obedience
preached by high church divines. Their repugnance
to the spirit of the church was aggravated by the
Catholic reaction abroad, and by the discomfiture of
their Protestant brethren in foreign lands. Their
faith was everywhere in danger, and must be guarded
against its insidious foes. When the commons showed
the temper in which they were preparing to resent
these grievances, the king at once dissolved the par-
liament.
Three parliaments had now been successively dis-
solved by Charles in four years ; and, having
leioivesto fouud that institution intractable, he deter-
without a mined to rule without it. So far from dis-
guismg this resolution, he announced it, m
a proclamation to his people. He cast all the respon-
sibility of this step, upon those who had opposed his
will, and threatened tliem with punishment. Nor was
he slow to carry out his threats. In violation of the
petition of right, to which he had so recently assented,
he committed several of the most obnoxious
Commit-
ment of Sir members of the House of Commons, — includ-
John Eliot '
and other jng Sir Joliu Eliot, Deuzil Holies, Selden,
members. c> ^ ' '
and strode, — for their conduct in parliament.
CHx^ELES I. AND HIS PAEUAMENTS. 397
All, howeyer, were soon released, except Sir Jolin
Eliot, who was singled out for the vengeance of the
court, Mr. Denzil Holies, and Mr. Valentine, who
were sentenced to imprisonment during the king's
pleasure. Sir John Eliot, the most eminent of these
j)risoners, refused to make any submission, and, as is
too well known, died several years afterwards in the
Tower.^ The illegality and injustice of these proceed-
ings were long afterwards ^ decisively condemned by
both houses of parliament ; and the judgment itself
was reversed by the House of Lords.^
Meanwhile the king was ruling without a parlia-
ment, and was driven to extremities to sup-
port his revenue. The customs duties con- prero|a-^
tinned to be levied, by prerogative only :
money was raised by compositions for knighthood, by
fines for encroachments upon the royal forests, by
grants of monopolies, and lastly by the memorable
levy of ship money. Every class was ag-
grieved, — nobles, country gentlemen, mer- mo'ney.
chants, and traders. But it was the illegal
exaction of ship money, first at the seaports, and
afterwards throughout the country, that caused an
irreparable breach between the king and his subjects.
The noble resistance of Hampden stirred up the coun-
try to a full sense of its wrongs. The tax itself was
plainly unlawful, and in express violation of a recent
statute, — the petition of right ; while the arguments
by which the judges maintained it, distinctly raised
the king's prerogative above the law, and placed the
' The history of his (lep))]y int(iro8tinpf life is told most clTcctively
by Forstcr, in liis remarkable biography, which embraces all the
events of this period.
' In 1067. * In 166?.
398 ENGLAND.
property of liis subjects at his absolute disposal. And,
further, the king, by his proclamations, vexatiously
interfered with various trades and manufactures.
The time had plainly come when it must be deter-
mined whether England should be governed by pre-
rogative, or by law, — whether the king should be
absolute, like the kings of France and Spain, or
should rule according to the time-honoured consti-
tution of his country.
Another grievance of this time was the severity of
the Court of Star Chamber in the punishment
Chamber of oifeuces. Ruiuous fines, imprisonment,
and High _ , . . .
Son Courts ^^^ pi^lo^Jj mutilatiou, whipping, branding,
— such were its repulsive sentences. And too
often the fines were determined, not by the gravity of
the ofifence, but by the wealth of the offender, and the
poverty of the exchequer. The court was the tyran-
nous agent of an arbitrary rule. And while civil of-
fences were thus cruelly punished by the Star Cham-
ber, offences against the ecclesiastical laws were*
punished, with no less cruelty, by the High Commis-
sion Court.
Such grievances as these were a sore affliction to
L md and ^^® pcople. There were other wrongs, how-
stiafford. ever, which weighed even more heavily upon
the minds of the leaders of the popular party, and
of the Puritans. In the absence of parliament, the
king's policy, in Church and State, had been mainly
directed by the counsels of Laud and Strafford, — tlie
one a narrow, arbitrary and reactionary prelate ; the
other an apostate patriot, and now a bold and un-
scrupulous statesman, in the service of the crown.
The policy of the latter, in his own expressive phrase,
was ' thorough.' He favoured absolute rule by pre-
LAUD AND S'nLVPFORD. 399
rogatiYe : even tlie judges of liis time â– were too timid
in its assertion, and threw too many obstacles in tlie
way of its exercise : lie scorned any halting or com-
promise. Laud, and his high church prelates and
divines, lent the full authority of the church to such
a policy ; and, in the government of the church, while
exacting from the Puritan clergy a rigorous con-
formity, and seeking every occasion to drive them
from their benefices, were themselves leaning, more
and more, to Romish tenets and observances.^ No
toleration or mercy was shown to Puritans: indul-
gence was reserved for Catholics. Toleration formed
no part of their policy : but the court and the high
church clergy simply persecuted those to whom they
were hostile, and favoured those with whom they
sympathised.^
So grievous was this oppressive rule in Church and
State, and so hopeless seemed the cause of DcspMirof
civil and religious liberty in England, that tans. ^'^
numbers of worthy Puritans left her shores e',"i!cn"ion,
in despair ; and founded, on the other side i"^^'>30.
of the Atlantic, those settlements of New England
which were destined, in after ages, to be the founda-
tion of the greatest republic in the history of the world.
No party in England dreamed of resistance to the
arbitrary rule under which they suffered. Growing
f. liPT • i.1 11 discontent.
Some sought freedom m other lands: some
' In tlie words of Lord Falkland, ' It seemed that their work was
to try how much of a Papist might be brought in without Popery.'
. . . ' Tlie design has been to bring in an English, though not a
Koman Popery. 1 mean not only the outside and dress of it, but an
ciiually absolute and blind dependence of the pcojilo ujxm the cl(>rgy,
and of the clergy ujwn themselves.' — Debates on the Grand lirinon-
strance. Forster, 208, 217.
* May, lliHtDry of the Parliament, chap. ii.
400 ENGLAND.
hopefully awaited redress from a future parliament :
but throughout the country, and among all classes,
there was an ever-growing discontent.
In Scotland, the oppressive and vexatious rule of
the dominant party provoked a different
in Scot- spirit. Above all things, the Scots prized
their Presbyterian faith, and simple cere-
monial. The king, guided by the evil counsels of
Laud, forced upon them a high church ritual, utterly
repugnant to their religious convictions and national
habits. They had ever shown a stubborn and inde-
pendent spirit, especially in matters of religion ; and
this last outrage upon their faith goaded them to re-
bellion.^ With Scotland in arms, the king was in
greater embarrassment than ever : but rather than
summon a parliament to his aid, even in this perilous
conjuncture, he sought contributions from Catholic
nobles and gentlemen, who were grateful for the in-
dulgence they had received, and expected further con-
cessions from rulers who showed so much leaning to
their faith. But these small doles were quite unequal
to the support of a war ; and Charles was soon re-
duced to make terms with the Scots, at Berwick.
The respite thus obtained was brief: fresh disor-
ders broke out in Scotland: the treasury
liamentof was empty: and at last Charles consented,
1640. ...
against his own judgment, to call another
parliament. The new parliament met in April 1640,
after a parliamentary interregnum of eleven years,
during which the king had exercised all the powers
of the State. He had taxed his subjects without the
consent of parliament: he had enacted laws in the
* May, History of the Parliament, cliaps. iii., iv., v., vi.
PAELLIXENT OP 1640. 401
form of proclamations : lie had dispensed witli, and
ignored statutes ; and now lie was to confi-ont a body
whose authority he had usurped. Meanwhile, the
commons, whose privileges had been outraged, had
become a more powerful estate : the commerce, indus-
try and wealth of the people had been rajiidly in-
creasing; and the wrongs which they had suffered
had filled them with deep political con'\dctions. They
had long brooded over the redress of their grievances ;
and at last their opportunity was at hand.
The members of the new House of Commons were
grave, temperate, and earnest men : resolute char-.cter
in their duty of redressing grievances: in- HJillfyof^"
flexible of purpose: but wholly fi'ee fi'om commons.
disloyalty to the king. They had no schemes of
aggression uj^on his just prerogatives: but were de-
termined to protect their own privileges, and the con-
stitutional liberties of the people. That much was
expected of them, was soon made evident by the un-
usual number of petitions praying for the redress
of notorious grievances. But all hope of useful de-
liberation was soon dispelled. The king demanded
twelve subsidies: but, according to time-honoured
custom, — never so much needing observance as at
this time, — the commons first aj^iDlied themselves to
the consideration of grievances. The lords ventured
to advise them to vote the subsidies first; and their
advice was naturally resented. The king offered to
discontinue the levy of ship money, if the subsidies
were voted ; but the commons were resolved to con-
demn that impost as illegal, and to restrain the
arbitrary exercise of prerogative. The king sharply
rebuked them for tlicir audacity, and impa-
tiently dissolved parliament. He had ob- '^
402 ENGLAND.
tained no subsidies for liimseK; and Lad greatly
increased tlie irritation and suspicions of his people.
He further exasperated the commons by committing
Bellasis, Sir John Hotham, and Crew, — members of
their house, — for their conduct in parliament.
This sudden rupture with the parliament left no
hope of accommodation between Charles and
Rebellion in , . i • ■tt- i- i
Scotland re- his suDjects. His exactious became more
general, and were enforced with greater se-
verity: but in vain. The Scots were again in open
rebellion, and their forces crossed the English bor-
ders. The king had driven one of his kingdoms into
revolt; and had forfeited the confidence of another.
Ireland also, notwithstanding the vigorous rule of
Strafford, was in a state of rebellion and disorder.
It was clear that such difficulties could only be over-
come by the willing aid of an English parliament, en-
joying the confidence, and wielding the resources of
the country. But, with ruin threatening him, Charles
dreaded another Puritan parliament more than the
invading Scots. He knew that his cherished preroga-
tives would be wrung from him, and he recoiled from
the sacrifice. To postpone the evil day, he summoned
a council of peers at York : but they could give him
no help, and merely offered the unwelcome advice,
that he should summon another parliament.
Humbled by the victorious Scots, and harassed by
The Long divided councils and pressing embarrass-
RimmSfJd, ments, he assented to this hateful necessity,
â– "^^ with a heavy heart. The memorable Long
Parliament met, and the struggle between prerogative
and popular power at once began, which was destined
to overthrow the ancient monarchy, and to establish
a republic upon its ruins. We are approaching the
THE LONG PAELIAMENT. 403
most critical and eventful period in tlie domestic his-
tory of England.
The Long Parliament was not a revolutionary as-
sembly. It comprised men of the best fami-
lies in England, loyal country gentlemen, I'-ir'ia-
<-' . ./ o ' meiit meets
eminent lawyers, rich merchants, many faith- ^."^ • 3,
ful courtiers, and a large body of resolute
Puritans, of unflinching purpose, but as yet aiming
at nothing but effectual securities for liberty.^ It
differed little, in its composition, from the late par-
liament : but recent events had embittered its rela-
tions with the king ; and its leaders, taught by ex-
perience, and encouraged by strong popular sup-
port, were preparing to gi-apple with prerogative,
and to punish evil councillors. Distrusting the king
and his advisers, who had set aside laws, and out-
raged liberty, they determined to bind them down,
in future, by restraints which they could not break
through.
The first and greatest abuse was the long intermis-
sion of parliaments ; and tliis was corrected R^,n,e(iiai
by the Triennial Bill. Ship money was measures.
condemned as illegal, and the iniquitous judgment
against Hampden was annulled by statute. The levy-
ing of customs duties, otherwise than with the con-
sent of parliament, was once more pronounced il-
legal : while the customary duties of tonnage and
poundage were at length formally granted to the
croAvn. The Star Chamber and the High Commis-
' For a list of the members of the Long Parliament, see Pari.
IJint. ii. 597. Amonp^ tlicm will be found such bonoured Enp:lisb
names as Hampden, Verncy, Hiy)peslcy, Carew, Temple, During,
Biiller, Trevor, Vivian, Curzon, Seymour, Russell, Strode, North-
cote, Strangways, Lumley, Mildniay, Kuigliiley, and Vane.
4.01 ENGL.\.ND.
sion Court were abolislied. The abuses of purvey-
ance, of compulsory kniglitliood, and of tlie royal
forests were corrected. Impressment for tlie army
was condemned. The privileges of parliament were
vindicated. Such were the principal laws by v/hich
the Long Parliament recovered and confirmed the
liberties of England. They were all temperate and
judicious : they infringed no constitutional preroga-
tive of the crown : they followed ancient precedents :
they were framed for defence, not for aggression :
they secured liberty, but were not conceived in the
spirit of democracy.^
But it was not enough to pass good laws, which
Impeach- Hiight again be trampled upon by arbitrary
ments. rulers and compliant judges. Prerogative
had been upheld as superior to the law : crimes had
been committed against the State ; and it was neces-
sary to punish the offenders, as an example and a
warning to after times. The commons struck first at
the greatest offenders. They impeached the Earl of
' The Venetian ambassador, Giovanni Giustinian, writing on the
11th of January, 1641, N. S., speaks of a bill for securing the an-
nual meeting of Parliament, which the commons had passed and
sent to the lords, as 'fraught with important consequences,' and
says, ' The lords are apprehensive lest similar diminution of the
royal authority, coupled with the frequency of parliaments, may
augment immoderately the licentiousness of the people ; and that,
after throwing off the yoke of the monarchy, there is evident risk
of their next dispensing with the nobility likewise, and reducing
the government of this realm to a pure democracy, which is the
sole aim of the most seditious of these politicians, and above all
of the Puritans. The king on his part, encourages this opinion
to the utmost, and labours arduously to prevent the commons from
succeeding in so bold a project, which wounds his prerogative in
Its most vital part.' — MSS. (Mr. Rawdon Brown), vol. xlvi. (Record
Office).
ATTAINDER OF STRAETORD. 405
Strafford and Arclibisliop Laud of liigli treason, and
the lords committed them to the Tower. The Lord
Keeper Finch, and Secretary Windebank, were also
impeached : but they escaped, and fled to the conti-
nent. The unhappy prelate was left to languish in
prison ; and the wrath of parliament was first di-
rected against Strafford.
To sustain an impeachment against him, such a con-
struction of the laws of treason and of evi- Attainder of
dence was necessary, as was repugnant to ^•^"^'^^'d.
the principles of English jurisprudence. This form
of proceeding was therefore dropped; and a bill of
attainder was introduced. This bill was readily passed
by the commons ; and the expected resistance of the
lords was overcome by the intimidation of armed
mobs, which besieged the houses of parliament, and
clamoured for justice against Strafford.^ The painful
struggles of Charles with his own conscience, on this
critical occasion, have been often described : but one
of his efforts to save the life of his faithful minister
must not be passed over in silence. He declared his
readiness to pledge himself never to employ Strafford
again in the public service. Unhappily this proposal
was made by Charles to induce the House of Lords
not to pass the bill of attainder ; and, instead of being
accepted as a concession, by the popular party, was re-
sented as an interference with the privileges of parlia-
' ment.^ The king, assailed by popular clamours, and
overcome by the embarrassments and dangers of his
position, at length consented to the sacrifice of his
councillor ; and Strafford expiated his politi- ^„y j^^
cal crimes upon the scaffold. In these peace- "'^^'*
' Clarcnaon, IliHt. i. 233, 250 ; Rush worth, v. 248.
'' lluHLwortb, V. 239.
40G ENGLAND.
able times, we condemn tlie severity witli wliicli Straf-
ford was pursued to deatli : but lie had committed
crimes, and be was judged according to the spirit and
usage of bis age. Tbe bands of English kings and
councillors were red with tbe blood of many innocent
men condemned as traitors ; and power was now pass-
ing from the king to parliament. The commons were
without mercy ; but at this crisis, their pitiless temper
was aroused in defence of the liberties of England.
So far the acts of the commons were constitutional,
and within the acknowledged limits of the
Extraor- "
dinary ^ authority of parliament. But, having en-
the"^ariia- ^Gi'^d upou an Unexampled contest with the
ment. j^jj^g ^nd his councillors, they did not hesi-
tate to assume powers, for which there was no warrant
in law or precedent. The king had stretched his pre-
rogative ; and now the parliament entered upon a sys-
tematic abuse of its privileges. Not contented with
their unquestionable right to denounce abuses, with a
view to the passing of new laws, or the punishment of
offences against the law, before the legal tribunals, par-
liament claimed to punish, as delinquents, all persons
jjgjj^ whom they adjudged guilty of offences against
quents. j^]^q law.^ Reviewing the late course of ad-
ministration, they condemned, as delinquents, largo
classes of persons who lip.d been concerned in tlie
performance of duties authorised by the executive
' ' This word " delinquent " was very much in use during this par-
liament. Thus, a great number of those who had been most noted
for their adiierence to the maxims of the court, or the principles of
the archbishop, were voted Delinquents, and thereby kept in awe by
the commons, who, according as they behaved well or ill to them,
could prosecute or leave them unmolested.' — Rapin, Hist. ii. 356.
See also Rushworth, iv, 58 ; Clarendon, Hist. i. 141, 144 ; Hume,
Hist. V. 9, 10.
PiUlLIAMENTAEY EXCESSES. 4:07
government, — lieutenants of counties for executing
the king's orders, and slieriifs for levying sliijD
money : ^ officers of tlie revenue, wlio had collected
the duties of tonnage and poundage. The judges
who had given judgment against Hampden in the
great case of ship money, were accused before the ^
House of Lords, and required to give surety for their
appearance. Judge Berkeley was even seized, by
order of the house, while sitting in his court.^ Clergy-
men, who had introduced new ceremonies into the
church, were declared delinquents, and committed to
prison.^ And a committee for scandalous ministers
having been appointed, numbers of ministers, obnox-
ious to the Puritans, were censured and expelled from
their livings, by the sole authority of the commons.'*
They also made orders for the pulling down of all
crucifixes, images, and altars in the churches. Even
crosses were removed, by their authority, from the
public streets and market places.^ In September,
1641, a joint committee of the two houses, with con-
siderable executive and coercive powers, was ap-
pointed to sit during the recess.^ And similar com-
mittees, with unaccustomed functions, continued to
form part of the administration of the parliament.
Nor did they encroach upon the law alone : their en-
croachments upon prerogative commenced very early
in the strife. In August 1641, the two houses passed
an ordinance, witliout the assent of the king, for dis-
'f'laronflon, 1.308-310.
•' Whitlocke, 39 ; Pari. JTikL ii. 917.
» Pari. ILst. ii. 078 ; Clarendon, I/int. i. 47.'5 ; llushwortli, v. 203,
♦ Nalson, Collrdion, ii. 234, 245.
' Wiiitlocko, 45.
• llushwortb, v. 387 ; Pari. Hist. ii. 910-915.
408 ENGLAND.
arming all tlie papists in England;^ and, in Novem-
ber, another ordinance for raising forces for the de-
fence of Ireland.^ And similar ordinances were passed
throughout the time of the Long Parliament.^ These
encroachments of the commons served to terrify all
the agents of the government, to strengthen the par-
liament, and to discourage opposition to its measures :
but they were no more defensible than the excesses
of which the king and his ministers had been accused ;
and they marked the commencement of the revolu-
tionary movement upon which parliament was about
to enter.
The revolutionary spirit of the Long Parliament
was further shown by the dealings of the
ence with commous with the House of Lords, its own
members, and the people. Their own will
was the only law which they were prepared to recog-
nise. In December 1641, taking notice that certain
bills had not been returned by the lords, they desired
their lordships should be acquainted, at a conference,
* that this house, being the representative body of the
whole kingdom, and their lordships being but as par-
ticular persons, and coming to parliament in a particu-
lar capacity, that if they shall not be pleased to con-
sent to the passing of those acts, and others necessary
to the preservation and safety of the kingdom, that
then this house, together with such of the lords that
are more sensible of the safety of the kingdom, may
join together and represent the same unto his Ma-
jesty.'^ Thus early was displayed a determination to
' Com. Journ. Aug. 30, 1641 ; Clarendon, Hist. ii. 3.
^ Com. Journ. Nov. 9, 1641.
^ See Husband's Acts and Ordinances.
* Com. Journ. Dec. 3, 1641, ii. 330.
PARLIAMENTAKY EXCESSES. 409
deny tlie lords tlieir lawful rights of legislation. Nor
would tlie J allow debates in tlie other house, of which
they disapjiroved, to pass without censure. They j)un-
ished the Duke of Eichmond for a few words, spoken
in his place ;^ and impeached twelve of the bishops
for a protest against the validity of proceedings of
the House of Lords, while they were prevented from
attending by the mob.^ In their own house
they violently repressed all freedom of de- debate re-
bate. Opposition to the majority was treated
as a contempt, and punished with commitment or ex-
pulsion.^ Privilege had become more formidable than
prerogative.
Petitions had now become an important instrument
of j)olitical agitation. But the parliament AndriRht
would not tolerate petitions, however mode- " ^'^ '"""'
rate and respectful, which opposed their policy, or
represented the opinions of the minority. Often the
luckless petitioners were even sent to prison.* But
petitioners, who approved the measures of the ma-
jority, were received with favour, even when attended
by mobs, which ought to have been discouraged and
repelled.^ In our own time the multiplication of peti-
tions in support of popular views of public poi)uiar
policy, and as a means oi innuencmg parlia-
ment and public opinion, has become familiar to us:
but, until the meeting of this parliament, it had been
< wildly unknown. Now, however, petitions were pre-
' Com. Journ. ii. 400, 543, &c. ; Pari. Ilist. ii. 1003.
"^ Pari. Ilist. ii. 90p, 1093 ; Clarendon, Ilist. ii. 118-131.
•< Com. Journ. ii. 158, 411, 703, &c. ; Pari. nUt. ii. 1073.
* Pari. nut. ii. 1147, 1150, 1188 ; Clarendon, in.<tt. ii. :',33.
'' E.f/. The BnrJcinr/7iam.shire PcUlion ; Clarendon, Hid. W. Idd ;
Pari. JIU. ii. 1073-1070 ; iii. 43.
VOL. ir.— 18
410 ENGLAND.
pared complaining of every grievance, and signed by-
large numbers of petitioners. These were discussed
in the house, and immediately jDublished, for the in-
formation of the people. No less than forty com-
mittees were appointed to inquire into these alleged
grievances, with large powers roughly exercised ; and
their outspoken reports, and the discussions to which
they led, fomented the popular excitement.^ The
Supported leaders of the popular party also encouraged
by mobs. ^]^q assembling of mobs for supporting their
cause, and intimidating their opponents. On De-
cember 28, 1641, there were disturbances outside both
houses of parliament, with cries of ' No bishops ! ' and
an affray arose between some gentlemen and the mob.
The lords desired the commons to join with them in a
declaration against these disorders, which was dis-
cussed there. Strong observations were made upon
the preferring of petitions by tumultuous assemblies.
According to Lord Clarendon, however, some mem-
bers urged 'that they must not discourage their
friends, this being a time they must make use of all
fi'iends;'^ and the like practices were continued
throughout the troubled period of this parliament.^
' Clarendon, Hist. i. 357, &c.
2 Clarendon, Hist. ii. 87 ; Pari. Hist, ii, 986.
3 On July 26, 1647, riotous mobs of apprentices surrounded the
House of Commons, and some of tbem were called in to present a
petition. The apprentices were afterwards very disorderly in the
lobby, knocking at the door, preventing a division from taking place,
hustling the Speaker, and forcing him back into the chair, which he
had left, and obliging him to put a question. Both houses were
overawed by these mobs, and forced to repeal an ordinance relating
to the London militia, and a declaration lately made against framing
petitions. Pari. Hist. iii. 718, 723 ; Whitlocke, Mem. 263 ; Ludlow,
Mem. i. 191.
THE KING Am) THE LONG PAKLIAMENT. 411
The commons and the popular party had now com-
pletely triumphed over prerogative, and had .
. y, , , ir' O J Act against
Signally avenged the wrongs which they had dissoinuoa
lately suifered. But their contest with the ™c»^>,„,.
May, 1641.
kmg could not rest here. They held him in
profound distrust : they dreaded a dissolution, and a
government by the sword. They had provided against
the intermission of parliaments : but how should they
protect themselves from the sudden overthrow of their
own power, the renewed domination of the king, and his
vengeance against themselves ? Their only j)rotection
was to be sought in a bold invasion of the royal pre-
rogative. They passed a bill to forbid a dissolution of
the j)resent j^arliament, without its own consent ; and
to this aggressive measure the king, humbled by de-
feat, was constrained to give his assent. It was the
fii'st undoubted infringement of the constitutional
rights of the crown ; and it secured not only the in-
dependence, but the mastery of the resolute commons.
The parliament, having secured its own perma-
nence, was more formidable than ever. But
its victories over prerogative had satisfied atacco^n*
many of the popular party : the public lib-
erties had been* recovered : grievances had been re-
dressed : unlawful acts had been condemned and pun-
ished: might not peace and confidence between the
king and the commons be, at length, restored ? For
a time such a result seemed attainable, by the admis-
sion of some of the parliamentary leaders to the
service of tlie crowni :' but the more violent sections of
the i)arty : the Presbyterians and Independents : men
' TTie Earls of Essex and Ilollaiul, Lords Say and Falkland, and
Mr. St. .Tolin. The Earls of Hertford, Bedford, Bristol, and War-
wick, and tLo Lords Savilo and Kimbolton, were also admitted to
412 ENGLAND.
who desired furtlier clianges in Cliurcli and State :
men who profoundly distrusted Charles and his court,
determined that the struggft should not yet be closed.
Nor was it possible to embrace all the leaders of tlie
opposition, or to persuade the selected few to sepa-
rate themselves from their party, and desert a cause
which was still hotly pursued by their friends and
adherents. The distrust of the popular party was
further inflamed by the rebellion in Ireland. The
horrible excesses of the Irish rebels could not be
suffered to continue : but what if an army, raised for
service in Ireland, should be used for the coercion of
the English parliament? In June 1641 this party
carried a bill to deprive the bishops of their votes in
the House of Lords : but it was rejected by the other
house. Again, to keep alive the strife, in November
1611, they voted a grand remonstrance to the king, in
which they reviewed the several grievances under
v/hich the country had lately suffered, the progress
made by parliament in redressing them, and the ob-
stacles still opposed to further reforms. It was a
terrible indictment against the policy of the court;
and was desicjned not so much as a remonstrance to
the king, as an appeal to the people ; ^ and it was
the Privy Council. Clarendon, Hist. i. 369 ; Rusliworth, v. 189. It
was further proposed to make Holies Secretary of State, Pym Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, Lord Say Master of the Wards, the Earl of
Esses governor, and Hampden tutor to the Prince of Wales. Claren-
don, Uist. i. 210, 211.
â– Clarendon, Hist. ii. 49 ct seq. : 'It is the most authentic state-
ment ever put forth of the wrongs endured by all classes of the
English people during the first fifteen years of the reign of Charles
I. ; and for that reason, the most complete justification on record
of the Great Rebellion.' (Forster, The Grand Jlemonstrance, 114.)
Every incident connected with this remonstrance is related, with ex-
haustive fulness, in the work just cited.
THE PURITANS. 413
responded to with passionate entliusiasm. The city
of London made common cause with the parliament;
and associations were formed, in the provinces, for
the support of the commons in their bokl struggles
for the public liberties.
The chief political grievances, indeed, had been
ali'eady redressed. But the Puritans were poijij^jj,
more inflamed by religious than by political ^[r^larty^re^.
grievances. They detested the bishops with ^r^'^sed.
as much fury as their brethren in Scotland: they
hated the liturgy : they were offended by the r^^^^ p^^j
surplice: they objected to bowing towards ^*"^-
the altar : they disapproved of the use of the cross in
baptism, and of the ring in marriage; and of other
usages and ceremonies of the church. The Scots had
rebelled against these things, and had recovered their
cherished forms of worship : the English Puritans
were bent upon securing equal privileges for them-
selves.^ The heroic and successful resistance
of Calvinistic Holland to the oppressions of Pmitan
Philip II., and the establishment of Puritan
forms of worship in that countr}^ also animated the
English Puritans with a more active and aggressive
spirit. With them religion ever had the foremost
place in politics ; and they could not rest until their
faith had prevailed.
AVith such religious zeal and hatreds among the
Puritans, the revolutionary spirit was sus- rcvoIu-
tained so long as the royal cause continued FpiXsus-
to be identified with the church. Such men
were ready to assist in any political convulsions which
should ensure the fall of tlic church ; and, from the
' Clarciidon, Jlid. i. 230.
414 ENGLAND.
peculiar religious opinions of this time, Church and
State soon became confounded in the minds of zealots,
in a common hatred, and exalted into a holy cause.^
The animosity and distrust of this party were not
allayed by past successes : the more violent were medi-
tating further restraints upon the king, and renewed
assaults upon the bishops : while the courtiers pro-
voked them by their haughty bearing and contemp-
tuous language. The main object of the leaders, Pym,
Hampden, and St. John, was to restrain the undue
exercise of prerogative : the first aim of their Puritan
followers, — the most irreconcilable members of the
party, — was to overthrow episcopacy, and the domina-
tion of the high church divines, and to arrest the
Romish reaction, which was undoing the work of the
reformers of the last century.
On one side, the court regarded this party as in-
Rashnessof soleut and disaffected, and its measures as
the court, intolerable encroachments upon the just pre-
rogatives of the crown. On the other, the majority
of the patriots were bent upon the subversion of the
existing polity, in Church and State. A mortal strug-
gle was still threatenincr, which could only be
Arrest of .
the five averted by restoring some measure of confi-
members, "^ .
Januarys, deuce between the king and the commons,
1642. ^ ,
when Charles's rash and foolish attempt to ar-
rest the five leaders of the popular party,^ in the House
• In the seventeenth centuiy the church had so allied itself to the
tyranny of the king and the persecution of other sects, that puritan-
ism in England became the representative of democracy. — Lecky,
nationalism in Europe, ii. 9.
â– ^ Pym, Hampden, Denzel Holies, Sir Arthur Haslerig, and Strode.
May, 5zs^ oftlie Pari, book ii. chap. ii. ; Forster, Arrat of the Five
Members, xii.-xxi. &c. In this work, much of the history of the
time is grouped round this central incident.
THE MILITLV BILL. 415
of Commons, at once destroyed all hope of accommoda-
tion. To have put down the obnoxious parliament, by
force of arms, might have been attempted by a strong-
handed monarch : but to irritate a powerful and hos-
tile body, by this feeble outrage, was fatal to Charles
and to the monarchy. Many who had still hoped to
control prerogative by remonstrances and remedial
statutes now saw that they had to deal with a king,
whose insincerity had been too often exposed, whom
no constitutional securities could restrain, and whose
arbitrary temper was ever ready to outrage law and
privilege.
Still stronger measures were now determined upon.
First, the Puritans were gratified by the pass-
ing of their cherished measure, for depriving opposition
the bishops of their seats in the upper house,
to which the lords agreed, and the king was con-
strained to give his assent. Next, a more serious in-
vasion of prerogative was proposed, than any which
had yet been ventured upon. The commons had, for
some time, shown their jealousy of the king's uncon-
trolled power over the military forces of the country •
and they now passed a bill to wrest the con-
1 p 1 '1- ' 1 The Militia
trol oi the mihtia from the crown, and to ^iii.
. ' Feb. 1042.
place it under the orders of the two houses
of parliament. To such a bill tlie king could not bo
expected to consent. He could not deliver up his
Bword to his ^^nomies, without first doing battle. If
willing to share his power with the parliament, he
could not strip himself of it altogether. After some
parley, he at lengtli refused his assent to the bill ; *
and prepared for the impending contest, which was
to cost him Iji.s life.
' Clarendon, Ilitit. ii. 261.
CHAPTER XX.
ENGLAND {continued).
THE CrVTL WAR — RUIN OF THE 150YAL CAUSE — THE KING, THE ARMY
— CROMWELL AND THE PARLIAMENT — REPUBLICAN OPINIONS —
TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF CHARLES,
A CRISIS was now at hand, in which parliamentary strife
was to give place to the arbitrament of the sword.
^1^^ i.. ^ The public excitement which prevailed, and
loaves the tumultuous assemblages which the par-
London. ^ " X
liamentary struggle had encouraged, afforded
the king sufficient ground for leaving his capital : but
he was already preparing to resist any further inva-
sion of his prerogatives, by an appeal to arms. His
queen was sent abroad, with the crown jewels, to
equip foreign troops for the king's service, while he
himself retired to the north of England, and com-
menced preparations for raising an army.^ At York,
he was followed by the 'nineteen propositions' which,
if assented to, would have made him a mere puppet
in the hands of the parliament. "With the fortunes
of war before him, no king could have submitted to
such conditions ; and his preparations were continued.
He was soon surrounded by faithful followers and
prepara- adherents to his cause. Peers and members
war^"*^ of the House of Commons, who had vainly
raised their voices for him at Westmin-
' May, Hist, of the Pari, book ii. ch. ii.
THE CIVIL WAE. 417
ster, followed him to York. Tliey were generally
averse to war; and would have advised any reason-
able accommodation betwen the king and the parlia-
ment.
There were country gentlemen, friends of liberty,
but loyal to the crown, and resolute to de- The king's
fend their king against his enemies. There adherents.
were spirited young nobles and gentlemen eager to
chastise the rebellious Puritans, whom they despised
and hated. There were Catholics ready to draw their
swords for what they believed to be the common
cause of the monarchy and the Catholic faith. And
there were soldiers, trained to arms in continental
wars, who were burning to gain fresh laurels upon
English battle-fields. A cause thus supported soon
gathered together a considerable army. Was it to be
used for making reasonable terms with the parlia-
ment, or for overthrowing the popular part}', and
crushing the liberties of the people, which had lately
been secured? The best and worthiest advisers of
Charles desired no more than to save his just pre-
rogatives from the encroachments of the parliament.
The courtiers, the soldiers, and the more headstrong
of the royalists, were eager to march to Westminster,
to scourge the parliamentary rebels, and to restore
the king to Whitehall, as absolute master of his do-
minions. That the king's forces would soon be en-
gaged with the troops was only too certain. Sir John
Hotliara, who had been made governor of Hull, re-
fused admittance to the king liimself,^ and everywhere
preparations were being made, by the parliament, for
meeting the royal forces in the field.
' May, Uint. of the Pari, book ii. cli. ii.
18*
418 ENGIAND.
If there were divided counsels at York, there were
Divided counsels iio Ibss divided at Westminster.
Westt^?*^ The parliament had not been slow in collect-
Kter. jj^g g^jj army to resist the king : but the ap-
proaching civil war was regarded with conflicting
feelings by different sections of the popular party.
The royalists had generally seceded from both houses :
but there remained many moderate men who deplored
the extremities to which they had been driven, and
would gladly have averted the shedding of blood.
But when the sword had been drawn, vain was the
office of peacemakers on either side. The early suc-
cesses of the king, indeed, strengthened for a time the
endeavours of the peace party in parliament : but, at
the same time, they gave encouragement to the uncom-
promising party among the royalists. Negotiations
were tried at Oxford between the king and the par-
liament: but neither pai*ty was ready to make con-
cessions which the other could accept ; and the final
issue was now left to the sword.
On both sides, the contest assumed a more irrecon-
The civil cilable character. The secession of other
war. royalists and moderate men from the par-
liament, left the conduct of affairs in the hands of
the extreme party at "Westminster; while the rup-
ture of negotiations for peace confirmed the ascen-
dency of the warlike party, in the councils of the
king. The commons impeached the queen : the king
declared the two houses to be no parliament: the
two houses passed an ordinance for making a new
great seal ; and, in order to win over the Scots, they
entered into a ' solemn league and covenant '
league and to abolish prelacy, and adopt the Presbyte-
covenant. • <• t> i t i • -n i i
nan lorm oi church government m Jiingiand :
THE INDEPENDENTS. 419
they persecuted the clergy of the Anglican Church:
they revived the impeachment of Laud, which had
been suffered to sleep for the last three jj^^^^j^ lo
years, while the unhappy prelate remained ^'*^-
a prisoner in the Tower, and at length brought him
to the block.
Meanwhile, the king had summoned another parlia-
ment at Oxford,^ which threatened to be as ^^t .-
' Ncgotia-
troublesome as some former parliaments at ti""«f«r
-i peace,
Westminster. It was moderate and consti- ^''^•
tutional, and more earnest in its aversion to Catholics,
than in its zeal for the king's cause : but, above all, it
was pacific, and insisted upon further overtures for
peace. Negotiations were accordingly carried on at
Uxbridge : but the breach was too wide between the
two parties, and the fortunes of war were as yet too
undecided, to allow of a peaceful solution of the strife.
Nor, if the conditions of a peace could have been
agreed upon, could Charles and his indissoluble par-
liament have quietly laid down their arms, and re-
turned to the steady track of constitutional govern-
ment. They had drawn the sword, and could not
sheathe it again until one or other was the conqueror.
The two parties were irreconcilable ; and their long-
continued strife had embittered their personal feuds,
and increased the divergence of their principles.
A republican spirit was now beginning to be apjia-
rent, especially among the Independents. ^,,^. j^^^j^
These men no longer sought concessions pendents.
from the crown, or securities for popular rights : but
aimed at the overthrow of the monarchy, and the ruin
' In the convention at Oxford with tlio king there were more peers
than at Westminster, and nearly two hundred nienibors of tho
Ilouse of Commons. Pari. Uiat. iii. 202.
420 ENGLAND.
of the hated cliurcli. They were the first example of
a democratic party in England. Liberty had often
had its fearless champions : but democracy was un-
known. The Independents had gradually separated
themselves from the Presbyterians; and as their
creed was more subversive of ecclesiastical institu-
tions, so were their political views more violent and
implacable. Their political ideal was a republic,
without king or nobles, in which all citizens should
enjoy an absolute equality. Of this stern and reso-
lute party Oliver Cromwell, Sir Harry Yane, Natha-
niel Eiennes, and Oliver St. John were the leaders ;
and their capacity and strength of will were destined
to prevail over their rivals. In parliament and in the
country, their party formed an insignificant minority :
it was in the parliamentary army alone that they could
hope to attain ascendency.
Cromwell, who had already risen to eminence as a
Oliver soldier, clearly foresaw that the army would
Cromwell. ^^^^ , ^-^^ |^^ l^^^j^ ^^ ^^^^ ^ud parliament ; ' ^
and his character and opportunities alike led him to
seek power from the soldiery rather than from parlia-
ment. A consummate general, and a popular comman-
der, his influence in the army was paramount. His
skill and bravery in the field : his familiarity with his
Puritan soldiers : his fanatical spirit : his prayers and
pious exhortations, made him the idol of the Ptound-
head soldiery, who held the fortunes of the country
in their hands. In parliament he could not have at-
tained pre-eminence, otherwise than as a successful
soldier. As a speaker he was tedious, obscure, con-
fused and unimpressive : his purposes were dark and
» Statement of the Earl of Manchester. Clarendon, Hist, of the
Bchellion, v. 5G1.
SELF-DENYING ORDINiVlsCE. 421
inscrutable ; and lie addressed a Presbyterian majority,
who were members of a different school in religion and
politics, and distrusted his policy and his ambition.
The leaders of the Independents were no less strong
in the pulpit than in the army ; and, when-
ever they desired to sway public opinion, pendent*^'
their preachers were ready at their calL ^^'^^'^'^^''â–
With the word of God for ever in their mouths, they
interpreted his will, at pleasure, with all the force of
revelation ; and every design of their leaders was pro-
claimed as the voice of the Holy Spirit. With the
fervid faith of the ancient Hebrews, they taught that
God's hand directed and controlled every act of man ;
and they assumed to reveal his divine purposes. In
their eyes, the government of England had become a
theocracy, and God himself ruled through his minis-
ters and instruments. No more powerful auxiliaries
could have been found than these impassioned preacli-
ers, whoso inspiration was never doubted by their God-
fearing flocks.^
The ambitious leaders of the Independent party,
jealous of the ascendency of the Presbyte-
rians in parliament, in the army, and in the inK'>n"-^
chief offices of State, conceived a cunning
scheme for stripping them of their power. Their
preachers, having first denounced the self-seeking and
covetous disposition of members of parliament, who
had taken to themselves the cliief commands in the
army, and the most lucrative civil offices, — to the in-
jury of tlie State, and against the manifest will of God,
who had made their enterprises to fail, — they pro-
posed the celebrated ' self-denying ordinance.' By
' See Seldon, Tablr. Talk, Work.s, iii., part ii. 2012.
422 ENGLAND.
this ordinance tlie members of both houses were
called upon to renounce all their military commands
and civil offices ; and, after much debate, and with
many misgivings, the Presbyterian majority, against
whose domination it was obviously directed, were per-
suaded or constrained to submit to this act of sui-
cide.
By this artful scheme Cromwell at once superseded
Presby- Lords Essex, Manchester and Warwick, and
geneniis other chief officers of the army. Sir Thomas
superseded. pg^jj.fg^-j ^g^g appointed general, while Crom-
well himself, cunningly evading the operation of the
ordinance, contrived to retain his command as lieu-
tenant-general ; and became practically the leader of
the parliamentary forces. Never had a political party
been so outwitted by the bold artifices of a crafty mi-
nority. All power was now in the hands of the Inde-
pendents ; and a fierce republican spirit animated their
councils. Hitherto commissions in the parliamentary
army had been issued in the name of the king and
parliament : Fairfax's commission was granted by the
parliament only. Even the pretence of loyalty was
now cast aside.
With new officers in command, the army was in-
New spired with fresh fanaticism. The officers
ofVe ^°^ preached and prayed with their men ; and
army, o. gQ|(jJQj.g^ possessed with a wild religious
fervour, sang psalms and songs of praise, and dis-
cussed among themselves the manifestations of the
Holy Spirit, which had been vouchsafed to them.
This religious enthusiasm, — however derided by the
royalists, and however repugnant to the taste of other
sects in that and succeeding ages, — formed the great
strength of the parliamentary army. It maintained
r.\LL OF THE CinniCH OF ENGLAND. 423
the influence of the sectarian officers : it animated
the men to fight and suffer in a holy cause ; and it en-
sured a stern and spontaneous discipline. While riot
and disorders weakened the royalist forces, and made
them objects of dread no less to their friends than to
their foes, the despised Roundheads, steady, earnest
and elated, -were marching, with the spirit of cru-
saders, to victory.
The battle of Naseby ruined the fortunes of the
king, and established the ascendency of The battle
CromwelL The unhappy king, everywhere june^i^/'
defeated, and without hope from any of the ^j^.g
English parties, at length sought refuge with ^'^•
the Scots at Newark. The Presbyterians were less
hostile to him than the dominant Independents ; and
he hoped for the friendly mediation of his northern
subjects. Never were hopes more falsified. He found
himself a prisoner in the Scottish camp ; and no
sooner had the Scots, turning their royal prize to
good account, made terms with the English January 30,
parliament, for the payment of their arrears,
than they surrendered their captive to his enemies.
With the overthrow of the royal cause by the hands
of the Puritans, the ruin of the Church of
England was also consummated. Prelacy cimrciiof
had been, for some time, abolished; and now
the Presbyterian polity was introduced into
the Church : but lawyers and laj-men of rational views
of church government, assisted by the Independents,
were able to moderate the intolerance and priestly
pretensions of the scheme which Scottish Presbyte-
rians would fain have imposed upon England.^ In a
' See the Ordinance ; Rusbwortb, vii. 210 ; ibid. 2G0, 308 ; Wliite-
lock, 100.
424 ENGLAND.
Presbyterian cliurcli tliere was no toleration for the
Episcopal clergy. Denounced as prelatists and royal-
ists, about one half were ejected from their benefices :^
the other half being content to conform to
the new establishment, to give up the liturgy,
and subscribe the covenant. Nor was this settlement
long allowed to continue without disturbance : for
when the Inde23endent3 gained the ascendent,
they were opposed to a national established
church, and preferred ministers of their own sect, or
itinerant preachers, to the Presbyterian and conform-
ing clergy.^
The parliament was victorious, and was not slow to
claim the rights of conquerors. It was com-
of the par- puted that nearly half the estates of England
were sequestered during the civil war, as the
property of delinquents. Committees were appointed
throughout the country to seek out delinquents, se-
quester their estates, and subject them to fines and
imprisonment. They were absolute masters of the
fortunes and liberty of Englishmen ; and their powers
were exercised with rude severity, and with scarcely
any control from the parliament.^ The committee-men,
no less renowned for their piety than for their rigour,
proclaimed it as their mission to spoil the Egyptians,
and offered up prayers that the sins of their victims
might be forgiven.
' Dr. John Walker, Numbers and Sufferings of the Clergy.
' In Wales, the clergy having been ejected as Malignants, their
places were supplied by a few itinerant preachers. Dr. John Walker,
Numbers and Sufferings of the Clergy, 147. This was probably one
of the first causes of the general spread of dissent in Wales.
^ Walker, Hist, of Independency, 5 ; Eush worth, vii. 598. Claren-
don, Hist, of the EebeUion, vii. 250, vii. 188.
CROMWELL OVERCOMES THE T.UILL^MENT. 425
The king being powerless, and liis cause desperate,
the contest for power now lay between the Qf^^f^i^.^ ^g.
Presbyterians and the Independents, and be- byflrJans""*
tween the parliament and the army. The pen^entt
Presbyterians still commanded a majority in i^'-it^^i-
parliament : but they well knew the insecurity of their
power, in presence of a victorious army, commanded
by the leaders of the rival faction. As the war had
been brought to a successful issue, they proposed to
disband a part of the army, and further to weaken it
by sending detachments for service in Ireland. But
their crafty rivals were not to be overcome by these
devices. A mutiny in the army was readily fomented.
The devout sectaries denounced the sinfulness of dis-
banding soldiers who had fought God's battles against
the unrighteous : two ' agitators ' were chosen by each
troop or company ; and the whole army was organised
to resist the parliament. While Cromwell was affect-
ing to mediate between the parliament and the army,
the king, who had hitherto been in the custody of
parliamentaiy commissioners, was seized and brouglit
into the camp. Master of the king's person, and un-
disputed leader of the army, Cromwell now assumed
tlio chief command, and suddenly marched his forces
against the parliament.
That body had few friends to rally in its defence.
Even in the peculiar sanctity of the time, it cromwoii
had been outdone by the sectarian army. "iy,''''^",Iii'i^
The rule of the parliament was at an end, "'^"^•
and had passed into the hands of the bold and crafty
general. The leaders of the Presbyterian party were
proscribed, and forced to withdraw ; and every demand
of the army was conceded. When the army withdrew,
tlie parliamont was coerced by the npprontices and
426 ENGLAND.
IDopulace of London. In times of revolution, when
law and order are in abeyance, a parliament is im-
potent. Its accustomed supports, — respect for tlie
law, the reverence of the people, and the material aid
of the executive power, — are wanting, and it becomes
the sport of military dictation on one side, and popu-
lar violence on the other. And such was now the ab-
ject condition of the once powerful Long Parliament.
Meanwhile the captive king was courted by all par-
Thckin-in ties. Whichever party could make terms
captivity. ^^-^ 1^-^^ seemed assured of a triumph over
the other. The king's chief reliance was upon the
army, which was at once the most powerful body,
and seemed the most indulgent to himself. Cromwell
and his generals were courteous and respectful : they
spoke of his restoration, and discussed his preroga-
tives and the settlement of his revenue. On his side,
the king endeavoured to tempt their ambition by
offers of honours and high commands.^ That Crom-
well could have been seduced from his greater ambi-
tion, and from his republican principles, by any
rewards which the king was able to offer, is most
improbable : nor could he have counted upon the
support of his fanatical troops in restoring a king,
whom they had been taught to abhor as Antichrist.
In their eyes, he would have been a traitor to their
common cause, bought over by the enemy.
But, while cherishing hopes from Cromwell and the
He rejects army, the king was active in his negotiations
tions of'the witli the parliament and the Scots ; and was
"""^" endeavouring to play off each party against
'According to Hume, he offered Cromwell the Garter, the earl-
dom of Esses, and the command of the army ; and Ireton the lieu-
tenancy of Ireland. Hist of England, v. 333,
THE KING ESCAPES FROM ILUilPTON COURT. 427
tlie otlier. At length the propositions of the army-
were submitted to him at Hampton Court ; and, still
hoping to secure better terms elsewhere, he rejected
them. That the conditions were hard, cannot be
denied : but they were less severe than any yet pro-
posed, even when his fortunes were not so low. He
was conquered and a captive : the army alone could
restore him to his throne : it could trample upon the
parliament, and defy the Scots, whose succour he
vainly expected : yet he ventured to offend his mas-
ters at this crisis of his fate. It may, indeed, be doubt-
ed whether these conditions were framed, in good
faith, for his acceptance. For the time, all parties
seemed to be agreed that the king must be treated
with, and his concurrence secured in the future gov-
ernment of the State. Hence the army was bound to
make proposals for a settlement : but none of the
parties, in treaty with the king, were so little disposed
to favour the revival of his power, as the fierce re-
publican soldiery and their ambitious leaders. But,
whatever the motives which dictated these proposals,
their rejection was resented by the army : his dealings
in other quarters were not unknown to the leaders :
liis letters had been intercepted; and designs unfa-
vourable to themselves were apprehended. Hence-
forth the king's captivity was made intolerable : a
stricter watch was kept over him : his accustomed in-
dulgences were witlidrawn; and even the danger of
assassination was hinted at.
Ill at ease, and despairing of more favourable treat-
ment from the army, Charles hastily escaped Escape
from Hampton Court. It was well to re- ii.impton
cover his freedom ; and, if he could have fled
across the Chamud, his life, and possibly his throne,
428 ENGLAND.
miglit have been saved. But, with a strange fatuity,
he directed his steps to the Isle of Wight, — as to a
trap, — and was immediately made a safe prisoner in
Carisbrook Castle.
Even here there still seemed hopes of the roj^al
The king cause, though in truth his enemies were
paHia'-^ gathering round about him. Charles offered
uient. fresh terms of accommodation to the parlia-
ment : but, in reply, they submitted to him four bills,
as preliminaries to a treaty, to which he refused his
assent. The commons, acting upon the advice of Ire-
ton and Cromwell, retorted by a resolution that no
more addresses should be presented to the king, nor
communications received from him ; and. in this reso-
lution the lords were induced to concur. So decisive
a resolution, amounting to a renunciation of allegi-
ance, by both houses of parliament, marked the in-
creasing breach between the king and his enemies.
By fresh elections the Independents had gained
strength in the House of Commons ; and, through the
lapse of the self-denying ordinance, the chief officers
of the army belonging to that party, had found seats
in that assembly. Cromwell, who had first encour-
aged political agitation in the army, in order to coerce
the parliament, had found it necessary, for the sake
of discipline, to repress it. And now that his own
party had recovered influence in parliament, he pru-
dently put that body forward, in furtherance of his
own designs, while he kept the army, for a time, in the
background.
Not the less were the destinies of the country still
Resolution govemed by Cromwell and his generals.
generals, And about this time they came to a momen-
^^" tons resolution concerning the king's fate.
THE SCOTTISH INYASION. 429
At a secret council held at Windsor, they agreed that,
so long as the king lived, the country would be dis-
turbed by insurrections and civil wars ; and that it
was therefore necessary to bring him to justice for
his crimes against the people.^
The execution of these dread counsels, however,
was for the present suspended. As a last rpi^gg^^j.
hope of safety, Charles had executed a se- tishmva-
cret treaty with the Scots' commissioners, in
which he engaged to establish the Presbyterian dis-
cipline in England, and to suppress the Independents
and other rival sects, while the Scots, in return for
this concession to their faith, promised him the aid of
an army to restore him to the tlirone. In execution
of this treaty, a Scottish army marched into England;
and insurrections were raised in various parts of the
country. In the midst of negotiations with the army,
and the leaders of the Independents, he had betra^^ed
them to their Presbyterian rivals, and had again
brought civil war into the land. Cromwell and the
army now bitterly accused him of treachery and
treason. But for a time, this diversion seemed hope-
ful to the royal cause. Fairfax, Cromwell, and the
generals hurried, with the army, to the north, to re-
pel the invasion, and quell the insurrections ; and the
Presbyterian party in parliament, strengthened by
their absence, and emboldened by the invasion of
their Scottish brethren, revoked the hostile votes
against the king, and opened fresh negotiations with
liim for the settlement of the kingdom. But Tmityof
before the terms of the treaty of Newport, as sipt!""^ '
it was termed, could bo agreed upon, the
' Claroriflon. JTixt. v. 92, vi. 224 ; Sir J. Berldcy, Man. Masere^
Tracts, i. 'Mi ; Sumcrs' Trucln, vi. 4'JU ; Ilumo, Hist. v. 242.
430 ENGLAND.
Scottish invaders were routed, and the royalist ris-
ings everywhere crushed by the vigour and prompti-
tude of the parliamentary generals.
The victorious army was once more opposed to the
parliament ; and the resolutions of its leaders
t-trance of wcre uow opeuly declared. At a council of
the army, , , ,
Nov. 17, generals, a remonstrance was agreed upon,
denouncing the proposed treaty with the
king, and demanding that he should be brought to
justice for the treason and bloodshed of which he had
been guilty.^ Petitions to the same effect were pre-
sented to the commons : while clamours were raised
among the soldiers, and appeals thundered from the
pulpits, for punishing the great delinquent for his
crimes.
For a time, the parliament withstood the haughty
The army demands of the army with dignity : but troops
pariia-" Were quickly despatched to Westminster to
mcnt. invest the houses of parliament. Even then
the commons were preparing to conclude the treaty
with the king : but further resistance to the will of
the generals was summarily prevented by a coup cTetat
Colonel Pride with his soldiers seized 41 members,
and excluded by force 160 other members of the Pres-
byterian party. By 'Pride's purge,' as it was
purine. Dec. jocularly termed, the House of Commons was
now reduced to about 60 members, wholly
devoted to Cromwell and his confederates. Since the
beginning of the strife little freedom had been al-
lowed in parliament : opposition had been punished
as delinquency,^ and lately the army had dictated its
pleasure to the majority : but never yet had so gross
' Nov. 17tli, 1648. Pari. Hist. iu. 1077.
' See supra, 40G.
THE AEMY AND THE P^mLIMIENT. 431
au outrage been attempted upon the privileges and
indejjendence of parliament. Yet so little did tliat
body command tlie respect of the j)eople, that its
ignominy excited more ridicule than resentment.
This remnant of the Long Parliament was a ready
instrument for carrying out Cromwell's de- _^
'' " . Theparha-
signs. It was no part of his policy that he "^^^^^j^^"'^
and his generals should have the responsi-
bility of bringing the king to trial. It was fitter that
it should fall upon the j^arliament. Nay, even as a
member of that body, he shrank fi'om advising a mea-
sure, upon the execution of which he had long since
determined ; and, with characteristic hypocrisy, he
assigned to divine inspiration, the bloody counsels
which he shrank from avowing as his own.^ The
commons, familiar with the hypocritical language of
their own school, were not slow to carry out the set-
tled scheme of their crafty leaders. They resolved
that it was treason for a king to levy war against his
parliament ; and appointed a High Court of Justice
to try Charles Stuart, King of England, for this of-
fence. The lords unanimously refused to concur in
this resolution : whereuj^on the commons declared
* that the people are, under God, the origin of all just
power; and that the commons of England, being
chosen by and representing the people, have the su-
preme power of the nation ; and that whatsoever is
enacted and declared for law by the com- j.^^, ^
mous in parliament assembled, hath the force ^'''^•
' lie said, ' Since ProvUlence and necessity have cast us u])on it, I
will pray God for a blessinj^ on your counsels, tliou^li T iini not pre-
piired to give you my advice upon this inii)ortant occnsion. . . .
When I was lately offerinf^ up petitions for his Majesty's restora-
tion, I felt my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, and con-
432 ENGLAND.
of a law, and all tlie people of tliis nation are con-
cluded thereby, althougli the consent and concurrence
of the king or the House of Peers be not had thereto.'
Having thus disposed of all authority but their own,
they passed the ordinance for the trial of the king.
The most democratic act in the history of Europe,
was about to be consummated, by the will of
Growth of I 1 1 P . • 1
it'i)ubiicaa a few resolute men, supported by a lanaticai
army, and a small minority of the represen-
tatives of the people. It is certain that a majority of
Englishmen did not desire the execution of the king,
or the foundation of a republic. Rancorous hatred of
the king, and schemes of republican government, were
mainly confined to the Independents and other fana-
tical sects, with whom these sentiments were inflamed
by the fervid harangues of their ministers, by their
own perverted readings of the Scriptures, and by the
excitement of a bloody civil war. The soldiers of
those sects had received a further impulse, in this di-
rection, from their ambitious officers, who used their
passionate devotion to urge them on to deeds of dar-
ing in the battle-field.
The political organisation of the army, and the en-
couragements given to discussions among the
SjOldiers, had also advanced the growth of
tieaimy. j-epublicau opiuious. In the new -modelled
army, the king was commonly denounced as a tyrant,
and his death spoken of as a just atonement for his
crimes. The levellers and Commonwealth's
Levellers.
men insisted upon the abolition of the mon-
archy and the House of Lords, and the establishment
sidered this preternatural movement as the answer which Heaven,
having rejected the king, had sent to my supplications.' — Pari. Hist.
Kepubli-
canism in
EEPUBLICAN OPINIONS. 433
of a new commonwealtli in wliicli all men should be
equal. The sectarian preachers found amj^le warrant
in Scripture for bringing the king to the sc,.iptu,.ai
scaffold. Casting all the blame of the war wanams.
upon him, they cried, 'Whoso sheddeth man's blood,
by man shall his blood be shed ; ' ^ and again, ' The
land cannot be cleansed of the blood that is shed
therein, but by the blood of him that shed it.' ^ The
king's enemies were saints in their sight, and were ex-
horted, in the words of the Psalmist, ' to bind their
kings with chains, and their nobles with fetters of
iron : to execute upon them the judgment written :
this honour have all his saints.' ^
Nor were these religious inducements confined to
fanatical preachers and their coarse and ig- pioty and
norant followers. Such was the spirit of the '^'"^''" *^'
time, that grave and temperate men like Colonel
Hutchinson persuaded themselves that God had en-
lightened them in prayer, and had guided their con-
sciences to a righteous judgment.^
The Presbyterians were not less earnest in their re-
ligious faith than the Independents, and had r^^^ p,.,jg.
especially laboured to overthrow the Church i>:it^"""«-
of England, and establish their own ecclesiastical
polity. They had been foremost in resisting the early
encroachments of prerogative, and had entered with
zeal into all the measures of the parliament for bring-
ing the civil war to a successful issue. But between
them and the Independents a separation arose, during .
the contest, which was continually widening. They
were united in their opposition to the church : but
' Genesis ix. G. Somcrs' Tracts, v. IGO ct seq. »
* Numbers xxxv. 33.
' 4«t1i Psalm. * HuLcliiusou, Mem. 303.
VOL. II.— 1!)
43i ENGLAND.
tlie Presbyterians desired another clmrcli government
upon tlieir own model : wliile the Independents
claimed for each congregation complete freedom and
independence. The Presbyterian church polity was
republican in form, and tended to develop a demo-
cratic spirit in politics, as the history of Scotland, since
the Eeformation, had shown. But this spirit, while
it encouraged resistance to the civil power, in ques-
tions affecting the church, and a stubborn and turbu-
lent fi'eedom in temporal affairs, did not assume hos-
tility to the principles of monarchical government.
The Independents, insisting upon individual free-
The intie- ^°^ ^^ religion, were led to more advanced
pendents, speculations upon the form of civil govern-
ment, which tended, more and more, towards republi-
canism. In religion, they surpassed their rivals in
the outward forms of sanctity, in scriptural phrase-
ology, and in theocratic faith. Led by ambitious
soldiers, and bearing the brunt of the later battles
against the king, their hatred of royalty was inflamed
by dangers, by hard-won victories, and by the enmi-
ties of ci^dl war. This party, which claimed superior
godliness, and sought the Almighty for guidance in
all its actions, was now bent upon bringing the king
to the block, and overthrowing the monarchy. The
regicides of England, in the seventeenth century, were
distinguished for their religious fervour : the regicides
of France, in the eighteenth century, were no less
consj)icuous for their frantic zeal against religion.
But the political principles of these parties were the
same ; and, in each case, according to the necessaiy
l,aw of revolutions, the extreme party ultimately tri-
umphed, before a reaction set in against their vio-
lence.
TEIAL AND EXECUTION OF THE KING. 435
Upon tliis independent party, represented by Crom-
•well and liis generals, and by the small band
o ' -^ _ Trial niul
of members permitted to sifin tlie House of execution
.,.,. (•!• • of the king.
Commons, rests the responsibility ot bringing
the king to trial. There was no flinching on their
part : no weakness or hesitation in venturing upon
this unprecedented measure. The High Court of Jus-
tice was appointed by the commons ; and among its
members were Cromwell and his generals, and men
who had prejudged his cause. Charles, who had
borne his long troubles with patient dignity, acquitted
himself nobly on this momentous occasion. He was
accused of having traitorously and maliciously levied
war against the parliament : he refused to acknowledge
the jurisdiction of a court founded upon usurpation :
the judges were his subjects, and could not sit in
judgment on their lawful king, who could do no
wrong. Such pleas were not likely to be regarded ;
and on the fourth day of his trial, sentence of death
was pronounced upon him. Some few of his enemies
would even now have spared his life : but Cromwell
and his confederates were obdurate ; and j,„, g^^
three days afterwards, the unfortunate king ^^'-i^^-
expiated the errors of his life, upon the memorable
scaffold, at Whitehall.
Tlio men who had done this deed of blood justified
themselves to God, and to their own cou-
scienccs : but Enjrland and all Jliurope ex- rmy wnti-
1 • 1 • ••11 1 • ^• mciils.
claimed against it with horror and indigna-
tion. The king's errors had made him, for a time,
unpopular with his people : but the violence and in-
justice of tlie fjiction wlio hud taken his life, and tlio
nolde dignity v/ith Avliich lie luul borne liis sniiorings,
went far t(j revive their atlcctions for himself and his
436 ENGLAND.
family. Beyond the narrow bounds of tlie Indepen-
dents and tlie army, there were none to approve the
execution of the fallen king.
By the royalists of that day, and later by the High
o inions Church and Tory party, the memory of 'King
upon the Charles the Martyr,' was held sacred ; and
cutioii. |;i^0 res'icides have been condemned as mur-
derers. On the other side, the execution of the king
has been extolled, in this and other countries, as a
great act of national justice. But we have now learned
to view controversies between rulers and their sub-
jects, with a more temperate judgment. That the
parliament, ha^dng taken up arms against the king
and conquered, would have been justified in
mem of" deposing him, can scarcely be questioned by
pos en y. ^^^ ^^^ accept the principles of the revolu-
tion of 1688. And such is the course which woidd
have been approved by the judgment of posterity.
But few will be found to vindicate his execution as a
traitor. The responsibility of the civil war was shared
by the king and the parliament. They fought : they
negotiated; and at length the parliament prevailed.
The king was their prisoner : but is it lawful to put
a prisoner of war to death? He was condemned, not
for his early abuses of prerogative, but simply for
making war upon the parliament, and the people
whom they represented, — a crime unknown to the
laws of England. Nor was this the parliament whom
the people had chosen. The royalists had been ex-
pelled as delinquents : the Presbyterians had been
driven out by military force ; the peers had been set
aside ; and a small minority of the king's bitterest
enemies had been left to do the bidding of the victo-
rious generals, who had resolved that their royal pri-
OPINIONS UPON THE KING's EXECUTION. 437
soner sliould die tlie deatli of .1 traitor. No sufficient
plea of averting danger to tlie State, can be urged in
defence of this act of political vengeance. Still less
will the revelations of God's pleasure, as interpreted
by religious, or hypocritical, enthusiasts, be accepted
as an excuse. In truth, the execution of Charles was
the worst, and, happily, one of the last, of the judicial
murders by which the annals of England have been
stained.
CHAPTEPw XXI.
ENGLAND [continued).
THE COMMONWEALTH — REPUBLICAN THEORIES — CROMWELL PRO.
TECTOR — HIS ARBITRARY RULE — VIGOUR OF HIS ADMINISTRA-
TION—HIS AMBITION — HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER— RICHARD
CROMWELL — THE RESTORATION — REVOLUTION OF 1688 — POLITI-
CAL CONDITION OF ENGLAND FROM THAT PERIOD UNTIL THE
ACCESSION OF GEORGE III,
The king was dead ; and England was without a law-
Provisionai ^^^^ government. The parties which liad
me^nt"'' been unable to save his life, were powerless
to call a successor to his throne ; and the
State became, by the force of circumstances, a re-
Feb. oand Public or commonwealth, as Cromwell had
7, 1648-19. designed it to be.^ The commons resolved
that the House of Peers and the monarchy should be
abolished ; and soon afterwards a Council
of State was appointed, charged with the
executive administration of the State. But as yet no
republican constitution was promulgated.^ At length
' The principal authorities for this period are : Clareodon, Ilist.
of the Rebellion, and State Papers; Bisset, Hist, of the Common-
wealth; Walker, Hist, of Independency ; Thurloe, State Papers;
Burton, Diary ; Carlyle, Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches;
Guizot, The Repiihlte and Cromxcell.
^ A new great seal was struck, with a motto inscribed ' On the
first year of freedom, by God's blessing restored, 1648,' which may
have served as a model to French republicans in the next century.
Clarendon, Ilist. vi. 247.
REPUBLICAN THEORIES. 439
acts were passed for the abolition of the kingly office
and of the House of Lords ; and the com- March
mons published a declaration, in which they ^'' ^^'
explained the grounds upon which they had ' judged
it necessary to change the government of this nation
from the former monarchy into a republic, and not
to have any more a king to tyrannise oyer them.' ^
It was now declared that the people of England
* shall be and are hereby constituted, made, estab-
lished, and confirmed to be a Commonwealth and
Free State.'
There was no lack of republican theories. The
levellers contended for a political and social Republican
equality, and a community of goods, not un- theories.
like the scheme of the French socialists of a later
age.^ The Millenarians, or fifth monarchy men, lioj)ed
' Pari. ntst. iii. 1292.
** Probably these extreme views were held by a small section only
of the party generally described as levellers ; while the majority
were steady republicans, who opposed the pretensions of Cromwell
and his officers. Some ' were willing to acknowledge the proprie-
tors of lands, and principally the lords of manors, as their elder
brothers, and rightfully possessed of the chief inheritance ; but
prayed to be allowed to cultivate the wastes and commons for their
support' (Hutchinson, Mem. 317, w. Bohn's ed.)- Wallier, in his
Uistory of Independency, part ii. p. 138, says of them : ' They are
the truest assertors of humane liberty, and the most constant and
faithful to their jjrinciplen of any in the army . . . though they
have many redundancies and superfluous opinions yet to be pruned
off by conversing with discreet honest men, or rather, by a discreet
and just publique autliority.' Again he calls them ' enemies to ar-
bitrary government, tyranny, and oppression, whether they find it
in the government of one or many ; whether in a councel of officers,
a councel of state, or a fag end of a House of Commons ; whether
it vailo itselfe with the title of a sui)reine authority, or a logislativo
])Ower.' And he hcrf; i)rints a decl.iriitiou of that body entitled
' England's Standard advanced,' in which there is no trace of tho
440 ENGLAND.
to establisli a theocracy, in wliicli Christ should su-
persede the agencies of men, until his second com-
ing.^ The Anabaptists cherished a democratic ideal
of the reign of reason in Church and State. The
peculiar views attributed to them (ibid. 168). Elsewliere he ex-
tracts from ' The Leveller Vindicated ' the following passage : ' The
whole fabrick of this commonwealth is fallen into the grossest and
vilest tyranny that ever Englishmen groaned under, &c.,' in proof
that their aim was to resist the martial domination of Cromwell and
his officers (ibid. 348). Clarendon speaks of the levellers as a ' des-
perate party — many whereof had been the most active agitators in
the army, who had executed his (Cromwell's) orders and designs
in incensing the army against the Parliament, and had been at this
time his sole confidents and bedfellows : who, from the time he as-
sumed the title of protector, which to them was as odious as that
of king, possessed a mortal hatred to his person ' (Hist, of the Be-
hellion, vii. 34).
In ' The Leveller, or the Principles and Maxims concerning gov-
ernment and religion which are assorted by those that are com-
monly called " Levellers," ' 1659, the tenets imputed to them of
favouring a division of lands are denied. In politics their prin-
ciples are there defined as equality before the law : the making
of laws and levying of money by the people's deputies in Parlia-
ment, and the putting down of mercenary armies. In religion
the widest toleration is asserted in some remarkable passages. It
is said ' the only means to preach the true religion, under any gov-
ernment, is to endeavour rightly to inform the people's consciences,
by whose dictates God commands them to be guided.' 'Christ
never mentioned any penalties to be inflicted on the bodies or
purses of unbelievers, because of their unbelief.' — Harleian Miscel-
lany, iv. 543. See also Godwin, Hist, of the Commonwealth, iii. 65 ;
iv. 160-165, 260.
' The creed of this party is exemplified by the grotesque scene of
the Five Lights, enacted at Walton-on-Thames by Master Faucet,
the minister of the parish, in which he revealed the will of God,
that the Sabbath, tithes, ministers, magistrates, and even the bible
should be abolished as ' useless, now that Christ himself is in puri-
tie of spirit come amongst us, and hath erected the kingdom of
the saints upon earth . . . now Christ is in glory amongst us'
("Walker, Hist, of Independency, part. ii. 152). ' Some, struck with
CKO]\nVELL's SUPREMACY. 441
Antinomians indulged in a scheme by wliicli the elect
were to govern themselves from their inner conscious-
ness. But these visionaries, while they swelled the
ranks of the rei3ublican party, had no influence in
determining the future settlement of the constitution ;
and they were generally opposed to the pretensions
of Cromwell.^ A more practical form of government
had been sketched bv a council of officers, in Novem-
ber 1647, in which all power was vested in a repre-
sentative assembly.
But for the present, the settlement of the common-
wealth Avas provisional. Cromwell was in re- eromweirs
ality supreme in the State, and in the army. s»P»<-''nacy.
enthusiasm and besotted with fanatic notions, do allow of none
to have a share iu government besides the saints, and these are
called Christian royalists, or Fifth Monarchy men ' (Clarendon,
Hid. vii. 272). They believed ' in the reign of the saints on earth,
being the millennium, or thousand years, spoken of in the book of
Revelations when men should live together in a state of sinless
perfection, and vice and crime be wholly imknown.' According to
them, ' all earthly governments are to be broken in pieces and re-
moved, like the iron and clay that composed the feet of Nebuchad-
nezzar's image. All the kingdoms of the world are to become the
kingdoms of the Lord and his Christ.' 'Supreme absolute legisla-
tive power, and authority, are originally and essentially in the Lord
Jesus Clnist, by right, conquest, gift, election, and inheritance '
(Commons' Joum. April 11, 1657, vii. 521; Thurloe, vi. 184-188;
Ludlow, 4C2 ; Godwin, Hist, of the Commonwealth, iv. 372-378).
Even the sage Milton thus argued against monarchy : ' All Protest-
ants hold that Clirist in his Church hath loft no vicegerent of his
power, but himself without deputy is tlic only head thereof, govern-
ing it from heaven ; how then can any man derive his kingship from
Clirist, but with worse usurpation than the Pope his headshij) over
the Cliurch' {Fh'ec Commomrenlth).
' ' Tliey who were raised by him, and who had raised him, even
almost the whole body of sectaries. Anabaptists, Independents, Qua-
kers, declared an implacable hatred against him.' — Clarendon, Hid.
vii. 254.
442 ENGLAND.
He liad not assumed tlie ostensible character of a
civil governor, but became captain-general of tlie
forces in England ; and there was yet other work for
him to do. Scotland, far from adopting a republic,
proclaimed the Prince of Wales as king : a civil war
was still raging in Ireland; and the prince raised
the royal standard again in England. But Cromwell
Sept. 3, "^^^ equal to every emergency : the battle of
1651. "Worcester utterly destroyed the last hopes
of the royalists ; and Charles escaped from his pur-
suers, to seek safety in a foreign land.
Cromwell now jDerceived that supreme power was
within his reach, and even cherished dreams
The Long j> ' • ,i n • i • i
Parliament oi reviviug tlie moiiarchv, m his own person.^
dissolved. ^x. . t , • i .
rlis immediate aim, however, was to secure
his present ascendency. The people were held in
subjection by force: there was no pretence of free-
dom : even trial by jury, in cases of treason, was su-
perseded by a high court of justice: but a settled
government, and an assured title to power were want-
ing. After a time, the parliament began to show signs
April 10, ^^ independence. He broke in upon it with
1653. j^ig soldiers: he took away 'that bauble,' the
mace, — the emblem of its authority, — and dissolved
the assembly which was no longer his slave. It was
a rough coitp d'etat, executed without dignity or de-
cency : but it showed the brute force of the military
chief, and the contemptible impotence of the parlia-
ment, which, under his patronage, had exercised so
terrible a power. The members whom he now in-
sulted and trampled upon, were of his own Indepen-
dent party : they had served his purpose for a time ;
» Wliitolock, 516.
CEOMWELL PROTECTOR. 443
and were now jDut out of his way. The royalists and
tlie Presbyterians rejoiced over tlieir fall; and the
people were indifferent to the fate of a body which
had long ceased to represent them.
But, however absolute the power of Cromwell, in
wielding the military force, he did not ven- pjjjg|,o^g,a
ture to govern vrithout some semblance of a Pir'ia-
o ^ meut.
parliament ; and not venturing upon any
general appeal to the country, he summoned, by the
advice of his council of officers, 128 persons, named
by himself, to sit as a parliament at Westminster.
Having separated himself from the more mode-
rate section of the Indej)endents, he chose for this
strange assembly a number of fanatics, possessed with
the wildest views of religion a^d politics. Never was
so godly a parliament brought together : they spent
more time in prayers than in debate ; and, instead of
enlightening one another by words of worldly wisdom,
they were for ever seeking the Lord. Even in that
age of religious extravagance, this devout body became
an object of derision ; and, acquiring the name of one
of its most ridiculous members, was laughed at as
'Barebone's Parliament.' Believing the earth to be
already ripe for the reign of the saints, they were
bent upon the destruction of such merely human in-
stitutions as the clergy, tithes, the universities, the
commo2i law, and the lawyers. So contemptible an
assembly was never collected in this or any other
country. Even Cromwell was ashamed of its absur-
dities, and ill-pleased that his own creatures should
affoct to derive their power from the Lord, instead of
fi'om himself.^ The pretended parliament was there-
' Thurloe, i. 303. Clarendon. ITixt. vii. 13.
444 ENGLAND.
fore dissolved as irregularly as it liad been called to-
Dee' le,. gether. The Speaker and a few of its mem-
^''^" bers resigned its authority to Cromwell, in
the name of the whole body ; and the rest were turned
out by his soldiers.
England was now literally without a civil govern-
cromweii Hient. Cromwell ruled it as captain-general
protector, ^f ^]^q forces : but there was no parliament,
and even the army perceived that their general should
be invested with some civil authority. A council of
ofl&cers, at his instance, drew up a new constitiition,
under which he was declared Protector for life. It
was a strange function for a military council to frame
a political constitution: even Barebone's parliament
would have been a Miejc body for such a work. But
the new scheme so far did them credit, that Cromwell
was not entrusted with absolute power. The protec-
^ .. tor, indeed, was all but king, but he was to
Constiiu- ' ' C3'
tion of the ijg controlled by a council of State : he was
protector- -^
^^^- bound to summon a parliament every three
years, which was to sit for five months without being
prorogued or dissolved ; and was only allowed a sus-
pensive veto upon their acts for twenty days. Until
the parliament was assembled, the protector in council
might pass laws, subject to the approval of parlia-
ment.^ Nor did it appear that this parliament was to
be a phantom of representation, like those which had
preceded it. The protector fi-amed a new scheme, or
reform act, which disfranchised the smaller boroughs,
increased the number of county members, enfran-
chised Manchester, Leeds, and Halifax, and equalised
the qualifications of electors, — a measure nearly two
1 Wbitelock, 571 ; Somers' Tracts, vi. 257 ; TLurloe, vi. 243.
CKOMWELL PKOTECTOR. 445
centuries in advance of tlie policy of liis own time.^
For the first time, also, lie effected a parliamentary
union with Scotland and Ireland ; ^ and thirty mem-
bers were returned by each of these countries to the
parliament at Westminster.
The results of a free election, under this extended
scheme of representation, proved how little _
^ •*• The new
Cromwell had secured the confidence of the paiiiament,
10o4.
people. Eioyalists, Presbyterians, Indepen-
dents, and Kepublicans, united against him. His au-
thority as protector was questioned in the very first
debate of the new parliament : but Cromwell sent for
the members to the Painted Chamber, and rebuked
them with more than the haughtiness of a Plantage-
net or "Tudor king. Charles in his lectures to his
parliaments had been gentle compared with the
usurper. The Protector obliged them to sign an ac-
knowledgment of his authority ; and none were ad-
mitted to their places in the house until they had
signed it. But their refractory sjjirit was jan. 22,
not overcome, and he dissolved them. 1054-55.
Again, without a parliament, and opposed by all
political parties, Cromwell relied upon the cromweii
army alone ; and an abortive rising of the with u'le
royalists afforded him a pretext for extend- ''â„¢^' '^"
ing the military occupation of the countr3^ To pun-
ish the royalists the protector, in council, imposed a
* decimation,' or tax of a tenth-penny, upon that party ;
and for the collection of this tax, divided England
into twelve military districts, under major-gonerals,
who exercised uncontrolled power throughout the
country. There was no longer a pretence of civil
' Act for tlie Sottlcment of tlio Govorniiiont of tlic Comiuon-
wealtb, Dec. 16, 165:J. •' Oidiuiiuce, April 12, 1054.
M6 ENGLAND.
liberty : England was openly governed by a dictator
and liis army. Taxes were levied at the sole will of
the protector, and exacted with more rigour than any
former taxes by prerogative : there was a strict cen-
sorship of the press ; and subjects were denied re-
dress against the arbitrary acts of the government.
Cromwell was an usurj^er, and had trampled upon
vifTonr of ^11 ^^® liberties of the people : but even his
his rule. enemies could not deny that he was a great
ruler. At home he had subdued the rebellions and
disorders of England, Scotland, and Ireland : he had
maintained a respect for the law : he had displayed a
spirit of religious toleration far in advance of his
times : he had shown marks of high statesmanship ;
and he had upheld the dignity of the first magistrate
of the commonwealth. Abroad he had made the
name of England as much respected and feared as in
the palmiest days of Queen Elizabeth. It was his
boast that an Englishman should be held in the same
esteem as a Roman citizen of antiquity. The warlike
spirit of England had been aroused by the civil wars :
her generals and soldiers had been perfected in the
arts and toils of war ; and the concentration of power
in a single hand gave vigour and efiiciency to the na-
val and military forces of England. No State is more
powerful in war than a republic when its resources
are wielded by a dictator, supported by the enthusi-
asm of the people, or coerced by his extraordinary
authority. The victories of Blake estab-
*" ' lished the naval supremacy of England,
which has never since been shaken:^ the common-
â– For a narrative of these victories, Hepworth Dixon's Life of
Blake may ])e consulted.
CROMWELL PROTECTOR. 447
wealth triumplied over Holland and Spain; and ex-
ercised a commanding influence over France, Sweden,
and other European States. The foreign policy of
the protector, if not prudent, in the interests of Eng-
land, was especially popular with the great body of
the people, as it ever favoured the Protestant subjects
of foreign States. Amidst all the divisions of party,
Englishmen had begun to be proud of their great
ruler, who had raised the glories of his country : but
so bitter were the hatreds excited by the civil wars,
that he was continually threatened with assassina-
tion ; and the political parties, upon whom he had
successively trampled, were alienated, and hostile.
Meanwhile, Cromwell was himself fully sensible of
the disadvantages and dangers of a military Hecaiis
11 'J. i.1 1. another
rule, and was anxious to secure the support parliament,
of another parliament. Accordingly, in 1656,
he issued writs for the election of representatives ; and
hoped, by the credit of his adrhinistration, and by the
influence of his oflicers over the electors, to secure
a majority friendly to his government. But,
notwithstanding an active interference of the
army with the elections, he found the new parliament
hostile ; and it was only by forcibly excluding a hun-
dred members, that he was able to secure a majority.
The unbounded ambition of Cromwell was not sat-
isfied with liis present dignit}'. Unlike the promwcirs
gi'eat patriot, William of Orange, who had Jt'i'tition.
rescued his country from tyranny, he aspired to a
crown ; and it was the mission of his parliamentary
friends to j)laco this prize within his reach. This pro-
posal was accordingly made ; and, despite the resis-
tance of the cliief officers of the army, was accepted
by a large majority. A committee was appointed to
418 ENGLAND.
confer witli tlie protector, and to persuade liim to be*
come their king. Never had Cromwell been agitated
bj such doubts and misgivings. That he coveted the
crown for himself and his descendants, is certain :
that he had himself prompted the offer, which was
now made to him, cannot be doubted : that he be-
lieved its acceptance would confirm his own j)ower,
and secure the settlement and tranquillity of the
country, can scarcely be questioned. Yet the obsta-
cles he encountered were grave and perilous. The
fiercest republicans in the land were his own generals,
and fanatical soldiery. They had been taught to
abhor a king, with pious horror, as Antichrist : they
had followed their great chief as the enemy of
crowned heads. Could they now be prevailed upon
to forswear the republic, and to make their leader a
king to reign over them ? The army had long been
his sole support : could he now brave their fierce re-
sentment ? He was threatened with assassination if
he mounted the throne, which he had himself cast
down : could he defy his assassins ? He was bold
enough to confi'ont these dangers : but his ovv^n family,
and truest friends, besought him to decline the prof-
fered crown ; and, after a long struggle with his
doubts and forebodings, the protector announced his
determination to resist the great temptation, by which
he had, for a time, been overcome. The greatest
weakness ever betrayed by his strong nature, was this
ill-disguised longing for the crown, which, when laid
at his feet, he did not venture to raise to his brow.
But, having refused the crown, he was glad to re-
confimied ceive from the parliament a confirmation of
tector'^Mâ„¢" ^^^ powers, under the title of Lord Protector.
19,1657. Hitherto his title had been derived from the
DEATH OF CROMWELL. M9
army : it was now confirmed by parliament : liis reve-
nue was settled; and lie was empowered to nominate
liis successor. At tlie same time, a second chamber
was revived, under the name of the other house.
"WTien Cromwell next met his parliament, he pro-
fited little by his new parliamentary title.
The opposition had recovered strength : the of the par-
republicans, m the commons, were indignant Jan. 20,
with the other house, which had assumed
the title of the Lords' house ;^ and Cromwell angrily
dissolved the parliament which had offered
him the crown, and confirmed his powers as
protector. Dissolutions had become as frequent as in
the reign of Chajies I.
But his davs were now drawing to a close. Beset
with diiSculties and anxieties : apprehend- j^^j^j,, j,,
ing revolts in the army : in constant dread of cromweii.
assassination; and harassed by discords in his own
family, he was stricken with mortal illness ; g,^ j g
and he died, at the meridian of his power, ^'^•
and in the most threatening crisis of his fortunes.
Cromwell was the foremost Englishman of his age ;
and may claim a place among the great men
of history. As a soldier, his self-taught ge- of crom-
nius was conspicuous. In the field he was at
once bold and circumspect : in the camp he knew
how best to recruit and organise his forces, what of-
ficers to trust, and how to sustain the warlike spirit
and devotion of his army. In civil affairs he was no
less bold and cautious than in war : his ambition and
fanaticism urged him to undertake the boldest enter-
prises : but he veiled them with the most jDrofound
' Whitolock, 605; Purl. Uist. iii. 1533; TLurloe, vi. 1107.
450 ENGLAOT).
i
dissimulation. Instruments were never wanting to
further liis ambition : religion was ever found to sanc-
tion his most questionable acts. His hypocrisy and
dissimulation, v/liich impair his title to greatness,
were mainly due to the peculiar religious school of
which he was an accomplished professor. When God's
j)leasure was assumed for every design of a bold and
ambitious man, he naturally seemed a h^^pocrite in
the eyes of all but the elect. He had brought a king
to the scaffold, and had founded a republic : but he
displayed no love of liberty. In the early contests of
the parliament with Charles I. he laboured with the
other leaders of the popular party to secure the rights
of the people : but when the civil war broke out, the
principles of liberty were set at defiance, — as they
always are in times of revolution. When he exercised
supreme power in the State, he governed by the army,
and trampled upon parliaments. He had carried his
supremacy by force : the authority of successive par-
liaments had no better foundation than his own ; and
as the master of twenty legions, he refused to submit
to them. When all parties were leagued against him,
he could only rule by the sword. In religion only did
he display a greater sense of freedom than many of
His toiera- ^^^ Contemporaries. While the Presbyterians
tion. -were in the ascendent, they proved them-
selves more intolerant than Laud and his bishops :
but Cromwell, belonging to a sect which professed
congregational independence, naturally leaned to tole-
ra'tion. But, as he excepted from his favour Eoman
Catholics and prelatists, his principles were scarcely
those of a broad and comprehensive toleration.^ He
. ' Tlio extent of Cromwell's toleration may be judged by consult-
EICHAED CROMWELL. 451
fell sLort of the ideal spiritual liberty for which Mil-
ton then contended/ and which was not destined to
be fully realised for two hundred years : but he was
in advance of his own age, and of the narrow sectaries
by whom he was surrounded.
The strong hand of Cromwell alone was able to
maintain the commonwealth ; and it did not
long survive the accession of his feeble son cronfweii
Eichard. Boyalists, Presbyterians, and hon- ^^'^ ''*' °'^*
est republicans were united in their aversion to the
military rule of the protector : the tyranny of the ma-
jor-generals had exasperated all classes of the people ;
and such was the irreconcilable division of parties,
that a settled constitutional government, under a com-
monwealth, was impracticable. But Eichard had to
meet a still greater danger. His father had kept
down every faction, by his army : but the foremost
generals, and leading fanatics of the army, were now
conspiring against himself. He had summoned a par-
liament which seemed not unfriendly to his rule : but
the generals insisted upon its immediate dis- ^ j, ^
solution. He consented ; and a few days ^'^^'•'•
later, resigned his protectorate.
ing the following authorities : Neal, Hist, of the Puritans, ii. 98, iv.
28, 138, 144, 338, &c. ; Whitelock, Mtm. 499, 570, 614 ; Collier, Hist.
829; Bates' Elcn. pt. ii. 211; Clarendon, i/zA^<. vii. 233; Baxter's
Life, i. 64 ; Kennet, Hist. iii. 206 ; Rush worth, vii. 308 ; Short, Hist.
425 ; Brook, Hist, of Rclig. Lib. i. 504, 513-528.
' ' The whole freedom of man consists either in spiritual or civil
liberty. As for spiritual, who can be at rest, who can enjoy any-
thing in this world with contentment, who hath not liberty to serve
God, and to save his own .soul, according to the best light which
God hath planted in him for that purpose, by the reading of his re-
vealed will, and the guidance of his own JSpirit.' — Milton, Free Com-
monwcaMh.
452 ENGLAND.
England was ruled again by tlie army alone : but
the council of officers, in order to give some
Pariiamelt preteuce of civil authority to their rule, re-
YiYe(j ^iie Long Parliament. With the sub-
tlety of old lawyers, they maintained that, as this
parliament had never consented to its own dissolu-
tion, it was still lawfully in existence, and need only
resume its sittings. And accordingly this singular
body, consisting of about seventy members, proceeded
to sit, with their old speaker Lenthal in the chair.
But this pretence of legality was sufficiently exposed
by the continued exclusion of the members whom
Cromwell had forcibly turned out. No wonder that
this absurd assemblage should have been called, with
the coarse humour of the age, * the Eump.' But the
revival of the Long Parliament proved a double error.
It was more hateful to the people than the army itself;
and it endeavoured to become the master, instead of the
slave, of the generals. The unpopularity of both these
powers, and the anarchy into which the State seemed
Q^j j3 drifting, encouraged a royalist movement.
1659. ' This, however, was soon repressed : when
the army proceeded to disperse the parliament. The
authority of the latter was replaced by a 'committee
of safety,' chosen by the officers of the army themselves.
Li truth, however, the country was without a gov-
ernment: it was profoundly disturbed, and
narc y. jonging for some settlement : rival generals
were following their own ambitions ; and a civil war
Dec 26 '^^^ imminent between different divisions of
1859. ' ^jjg, army. Again the Long Parliament was
revived, which so far served the cause of order, that
it broke up the republican army under Fleetwood and
Lambert.
THE EESTOEATION. 453
From this deplorable anarchy the country was
rescued by the prudent caution of General q^^^.^^i
Monk. Marching from the north at the ^^°"^^-
head of his army, he found the people everywhere dis-
posed for the restoration of royalty, to which his own
wishes and judgment inclined. But, refraining from
any premature disclosure of his designs, which might
have frustrated their execution, he marched on to
Westminster. There he insisted upon the re- jj^^^^jj jg
suscitated parliament dissolving itself; and, ^''^•'â–
in order to ensure its obedience, he restored the ex-
cluded members to their places.
The Long Parliament was at last effectually dis-
solved ; and the histoiy of that body, and of
every other parliament, since the commence- ihimont
ment of the civil war, shows that in times of
revolution, freedom of election, and freedom of discus-
sion, in a legislative body, are unknown. The legisla-
ture is subservient to the dominant party in the army, or
among the populace ; and independence is incompati-
ble with the conditions of a revolutionary'^ government.
A free parliament was now to be chosen, and a
general enthusiasm was shown in favour of Tj^p^p^io.
the monarchy. Presbyterians who had fought »""''""•
against the late king were now vying with the royalists,
who had fought by his side, to recal his son to the
throne of his ancestors. The people, wearied by civil
wars, military oppression, burthensomo taxes, and
anarchy, cried aloud for a revival of the good old
times before the commonwealth. That government
had brought neither peace nor liberty to the people :
it had disappointed the hopes of republicans :^ it had
' ' Wliere is this goodly towor of a comnionwealtb which the Eng-
lish boasted they would build to overshadow kings, and be anothol
454 ENGLAM).
dispelled tlie visions of religious and political enthu-
siasts : it had outraged all the parties, in succession,
which had taken part in the revolution and civil war.
Meanwhile, Monk, who still kept his own counsels,
had taken effectual measures for disabling, and hold-
ing in check, the scattered forces of the republican
army ; and when the new parliament met, the resto-
ration of Charles was unanimously voted, amidst the
acclamations of the people. The lords returned to
their places in the upper house, and joined in the
popular vote.
Monk was blamed, at the time, by partisans of the
king, and since by many writers, for undue
caiuh>To'f caution and reserve, in this delicate enter-
^^°"'" prise : but his reticence disarmed the dan-
gerous resistance of the republicans in the army, the
parliament, and the country ; and it secured the consti-
tutional restoration of the monarchy by a free parlia-
ment, instead of by military force. He had maintained
the peace of the country, while it freely pronounced
its opinion, instead of restoring his sovereign by a conp
(JHetat; and his politic measures contributed to the
enthusiasm with which Charles was received by his
joyful people. Stern republicans complained with
Milton^ that, 'having been delivered by the Lord from
a king, they were returning to the captivity fi'om
Rome in the West ? The foundation thej' lay gallantly, but fell
into a worse confusion, not of tongues, but of factions, than those at
the tower of Babel ; and have left no memorial of their work behind
them remaining but in the common laughter of Europe.' — Milton,
Free Commonwealth.
' ' As if he shall hear now, how much less will he hear when we
cry hereafter, who once delivered by him from a king, and not with-
out wondrous acts of his providence, insensible and unwortliy of
those high mercies, are returning precipitantly, if he withhold us
THE RESTORATION. 455
wlience lie freed tliem:' but the multitude received
their hereditary king with lojal devotion.
For eighteen years the country had suffered all the
evils of ci%-il war, of military oppression and gg^^^^ ^^
anarchy ; and at length the monarchy was "^e chii
^ ' " •' var upori
restored, with its ancient prerogatives un- themouar-
ipon
chy.
diminished. The revolution seemed to have
borne no fruit : another king reigned in the place of
him who had been sacrificed to the cause of liberty :
but otherwise the political constitution of England
appeared to be unchanged. But, in truth, the late
struggles had materially altered the relations of the
people to the crown. The power of the parliament,
and of the commons of England, had been demon-
strated; and a democratic spirit had been suddenly
aroused among the people. The responsibilities of
kings and statesmen had been terribly illustrated :
the traditional reverence for power, whether exercised
by king or parliament, had been rudely shaken. The
political sentiments of the nation had also been
awakened by the impassioned appeals of the pulpit
and the press. Throughout this revolutionary period
of our history, the pulpit had made its religious
mission subservient to political agitation ; and the
religious fanaticism of the time became identified
with its fierce political passions. The activity of the
press was unexampled : the rise of political Avritings,
for universal circulation, may be dated from tliis
time : of which thirty thousand political pamphlets
and newspapers have been preserved.^ A deep interest
not, back to the captivity from whence he freed us.' — Free Common-
wealth.
' They were collected by Mr. Thomasaon, and occupy 2,000
volumes in tlic British Museum. Disriieli, Cariosities of Literature,
1. 175 ; Knight, Old Printer and Modern Press, 199.
456 ENGLAND.
in politics was aroused by tlie personal conflicts and
sufferings of the civil war. The political results of
the revolution were briefly these : increased politi-
cal knowledge, a more independent spirit, quickened
popular instincts, and greater powers of combination
among the people, without any sensible diminution
of their traditional loyalty. They had learned their
powers of resistance to prerogative : but they had
also suffered from the ox)pression of usurping parlia-
ments, and republican armies. The lessons they had
learned led them to value liberty more than ever, and
to associate it with a constitutional monarclij^
Upon the restoration, the work of the late revolu-
„ ,. tion was speedily undone. The monarchy
Reaction . . "^
nnder "was reinstated without any new limitations :
Charles II. ''
the House of Lords was admitted to its an-
cient privileges : prelacy was revived : the bishops were
restored to their seats in parliament ; and the Pres-
byterian and Puritan clergy, who had obtained bene-
fices in the church in the late anti-prelatical timos^
were thrust out again by a rigorous act of uniformity.
The church, restored to her former ascendency, further
avenged herself ujDon the Puritans, for her late pro-
stration, with penal laws, and civil disabilities. These
severities, which delighted royalists and churchmen,
were not unacceptable to the great body of the people.
The gloomy fanaticism, and religious extravagances
y of their late rulers, had disgusted them with the pray-
ing and preaching sects, who were now in disgrace, and
drove them to the opposite extreme of royalist license.
Every sign betokened a complete revival of the
former government in Church and State : the
Elements i j • t i i p «
of future revolution appeared to have left no traces of
its destructive force. But it was soon to be
JAMES II. 457
discoYered tliat tlie people, educated in freedom, were
prepared to resist, by force, any invasion of their
rights. And, in later times, the alienation of the non-
conformists bore fruits, in the weakening of the church
establishment, and the strengthening of popular move-
ments in favour of civil and religious liberty.
The renewed confidence of the English people in
the Stuarts was ill requited. Before many
Charles II.
years had passed, Charles II. was shamefully
intriguing with his great neighbour Louis XIV., for
aid in repressing the liberties, and subvert-
. . • 1678
ing the religion of his own subjects.^ The
last years of his life were sj)ent in straining his
prerogatives : while his courtiers, lawyers, and high
churchmen proclaimed his divine right, and incul-
cated upon his subjects the duty of passive obedience.
The monarchy seemed as powerful as in the early
years of Charles I. The lessons of that reign had
been forgotten ; and Charles died too soon to be re-
minded of them-
But his brother, James II., more blind than himself
to the political experience of his familj', and
to the signs of the times, was rudel}- awak-
ened to the danger of trifling with the liberties and
the religion of his country. Such were the sentiments
of loyalty, by which the great body of the people
were animated, and such the subservience of parlia-
ment, — influenced by corruption and artful ' manage-
ment,' — that James's monstrous designs upon the civil
liberties of England might not have provoked resis-
tance. But, as he was clearly bent upon restoring the
lloman Catholic faith, which was odious to the whole
' Dalrymiilc, 1G3, 230, 337.
VOL. n.— 20
458 englainT).
country, cliurcl\men and nonconformists, and tlie
friends of civil liberty united against liim, and ex-
pelled him from his throne. The very bishops who
had preached the doctrines of non-resistance, and the
University of Oxford which had asserted the divine
rights of the Lord's anointed, were now foremost in
resisting his dangerous encroachments upon the liber-
ties and religion of the people.
Democracy bore so small a part in 'the glorious
Revolution I'svolutiou ' of 1688, that its incidents need
of loss. not here be dwelt upon. But it can scarcely
be doubted that so prompt and general a resistance
to James could not have been organised, unless the
people had been prepared, by the traditions of the
great rebellion, to withstand invasions of their rights,
and even to take up arms against their king. The op-
position to Charles was inflamed and embittered by
religious passions ; and his son encountered the same
dangerous union of political and religious zeal. In
both cases, the English people determined to main-
tain their rights, even by the sword, against the un-
lawful acts of their sovereign. Twice they overcame
the reverence and awe in which the majesty of the
king was held. Twice they rebelled, when rebellion
was accounted a sin. And now the revolution, not for
the first time,^ — recognised the right of subjects to re-
sist violations of their lawful rights.
For centuries the supreme and indefeasible rights
„ . . , of the monarchy had been maintained : but
Pimciples -J
huionoT"' henceforth it became a constitutional maxim
'^'^- that the parliament and people of England
could depose a king for a violation of the laws,
» Supra, pp. 363, 364.
REVOLUTION OF 1688. 459
and place another upon his throne.^ The right of
chanoinsr and limiting the succession to the crown,
and defining its prerogatives, was also maintained by
parliament. From this time forth, the monarchy,
while still based upon hereditary right, was unques-
tionably subject to the laws of the realm, and to the
judgment of the parliament and people of England.
It was a constitutional monarchy, brought into har-
mony with a fi'ee people, and democratic institutions.
The revolution of 1688 is a memorable example
of the temperate and orderly spirit of Eng-
lish freedom. Every security was taken for for puwic
. . , liberty
the public liberties : every principle affirmed
that was essential to the government of a free people :
yet were these popular privileges maintained, not in
the spirit of democracy, but in assertion of lawful
rights and franchises. The revolution, indeed, was
founded upon the democratic principle, that the judg-
ment and will of the people should prevail over here-
ditary rights, and royal prerogatives. But the states-
men and parties, who afiirmed that principle, were as
far removed as possible from the character of demo-
crats. It formed no part of their design to favour the
ascendency of the people in the national councils.
They had appealed to the sentiments of their country-
men, in defence of their religion and liberties : but so
soon as the revolution had been achieved, they were
' The terms of the celebrated resolution of the commons, Jan. 28,
1088 (agreed to by the lords on Feb. 6) were these : ' That King
James II. having endeavoured to subvert the constitution of this
kingdom, by breaking the original contract between king and peo-
ple, and, by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having
violated the fundamental laws, and having withdrawn himself out
of the kingdom, has abdicated the government, and that the tlirono
is thereby vacant.'
4C0 ENGLAND.
prepared to govern on tlie old lines of the constitu-
tion.
The stability of the settlement of 1688 was due to
Character- ^^® respBct in which it held the ancient laws
revohitfon''^ and institutions of the State. There was no
of 1688. theoretical reconstruction of institutions : no
Irreverence for traditions : no neglect of the interests
of different classes. The constitution had been the
growth of many centuries : its fundamental laws and
liberties were well known, and cherished by the peo-
ple : kings had lately violated them, and had been
deposed : the commonwealth had outraged them, and
liad perished ; and now the constitution was restored
to its normal limits. The prerogatives of the crown
wore restrained, and placed in trust for the welfare
of the people : securities were taken for the due exe-
cution of the laws : the church was secured in its
faith, its polity, and its revenues, while freedom of
worship was extended to other communions : the
peers were maintained in their ancient honours and
privileges : the commons were confirmed in their in-
dependence, and in their valued right of taxation :
the people were assured of their liberties ; and the
property and interests of all parties and classes were
respected. Such a revolution was not the triumph of
one party over another ; but the renovation of the
State, in the spirit of its own traditions and predilec-
tions.
Such being the spirit of the revolution, the reign of
William William III. was marked by a vigorous spirit
ni- of constitutional reform. The prerogatives
of the crown were limited : the authority of parlia-
ment was enlarged. Henceforth, the military forces,
and the resources of the crov/n, became absolutely
WILLLVM m. 4G1
subject to tlie will of parliament. Many remedial laws
were passed for securing freedom of election, the in-
dependence of parliament, and the liberty of the sub-
ject : but all were conceived in a constitutional spirit,
and were consistent with the principles of a limited
monarchy. In none of the legislation, or parliamen-
tary debates, is there to be found a trace of revolu-
tionary or republican sentiments. No republican
party appears to have survived the commonwealth.
But the spirit of free inquiry, which had been aroused
by the struggles of that period, continued to animate
the speculative and controversial writers of William's
reign ; and the principles affirmed by the revolution,
when hotly pressed into their service, could not fail
to assume a republican colour. To dwell upon the
sovereignty of the people ; to urge that all civil gov-
ernment is founded upon the consent of society, and
an original contract between the people and their
rulers, was unquestionably to maintain the principles
of democracy. But such abstract speculations, which
were common at this time,^ were without influence
upon the practical government of the State. The
theories of John Locke affected the political move-
ments of his own age, no more than the ' Eepublic ' of
Plato, the ' Utopia ' of Sir Thomas More, the * Ecclesi-
astical Polity' of Hooker," or the Tree Common-
wealth ' of Milton.
The whig writers and pamphleteers of the reign
of William, founding their arguments upon the princi-
ples of the revolution, often advanced propositions
which exposed them to the taunt of rej)ublicanism
' Sco Fhmers' Tracts, especially x. 148 ; and State T'racts of Wil.
liam III,, 3 vols. fol. '' See books i. and viii.
462 ENGLAND.
from their opponents : but nothing could be more
harmless than their writings. It was their aim to up-
hold the principles, and defend the conduct, of their
own party, — to advocate measures which they fa-
voured, — and to expose the reactionary principles of
their Tory rivals. Their controversies were nothing
more than the contentions of rival jDarliamentary par-
ties, seeking for power and advancement under the
monarchy ; and to reproach the Whig writers of that
day with democratic sentiments can only provoke a
smile.
Whatever the principles of the revolution, and of
Thcwhi<r ^^® Whig party, who were its representa-
paity. " tives and exponents, it is certain that demo-
cracy formed no part of the politics of England. The
most advanced opinions were entirely consistent with
all the institutions of a limited monarchy. And how
far did the principles of freedom, contended for by the
most liberal of the political parties, transcend their
practice ?
In the reign of William, the rights of parliament
_,. were fully established : the House of Com-
The repre- ./ _ ,
Beniation. mous acquired its proper place in the legis-
lature, as guardian of the interests of the people. But
how were the people represented ? It has been de-
monstrated, again and again, that a general represen-
tation of the country had become almost a fiction.
The county members were generally the nominees
of great territorial nobles : a large proportion of
the borough members owed their seats to the crown,
to local magnates, and to close corporations ; and
even the representatives of more considerable places,
too often acquired their seats by bribery and other
corrupt influences. Seats in parliament were pur-
POWER OF THE AEISTOCEACY. 463
cliased with no more compunction than lands, houses,
or the public funds. They were a political invest-
ment, recognised by society, and not yet condemned
by public opinion. Hence, the House of Commons,
though it often gave expression to popular sentiments,
represented not so much the people, as the crown and
the territorial aristocracy. Nor was this all. The
House of Commons had lately proved itself too dan-
gerous a body, even under franchises so limited, to
be trusted with the free exercise of its powers ; and,
soon after the restoration, the 'management' of that
body became one of the arts of statesmanship. It was
not enough for rulers to command the representation :
it was further necessary to secure the services of the
representatives themselves, and their fidelity to the
governing party. Hence arose the greatest reproach
upon the history of our constitution, — the system of
securing parliamentary support by places and pen-
sions, and even by grosser forms of pecuniary corrujJ-
tion.^
By these electoral and parliamentary abuses, the
cro^vTi and the aristocracy contrived to emas-
culate the popular representation of their thoaris-
country. Meanwhile, the crown, having lost
much of its power by the revolution, and by the
measures which followed it, the governmenf fell easily
into the hands of the great territorial families, who
liad most influence over the House of Commons. It
lias even been contended that the constitution of Eng-
land had become an oligarchy : but, happily, the prin-
' This sketch of the abuses of parliamentary representation is ne-
cessarily brief ; but a full review of them will l>e found in tlm sixth
chapter of the 'author's Condilutioiud Illnlori/ of En'jldud niucc tho
acccmon of Ocor'jc III., 5th ed.
464 ENGLAND.
ciples of Englisli freedom were not overtlirown. The
"Wliigs, who were identified with the reigning family,
continued to assert the liberal principles v/hicli had
called it to the throne ; and even their Tory rivals
were fain to borrow them, in their endeavours to ob-
tain popular support. The rivalry of parties favoured
liberty ; and popular institutions, however corrupted,
kept alive the free spirit of the nation. Parliamen-
tary government was assuming a form most favourable
to freedom. Ministers of the crown, no longer able
to govern the State without the confidence of parlia-
ment, were constrained to defer to public opinion ;
and whatever of personal power was thus lost to the
crown was gained by the people. At the same time,
the growing influence of the press, — corrupt and venal
as it was, — became a safeguard against misgovern-
ment, and flagrant abuses of power.
From the revolution to the accession of George III.,
From the while England enjoyed more freedom than
jevo^u^wn Q^j^j country in the world, there are no traces
'"• of democracy. There were, indeed, two dan-
gerous rebellions : but they aimed at the restoration
of the reactionary Stuarts, who had been deposed for
violating the liberties of the people. That the people
could be aroused to a successful resistance of unpopu-
lar measures, was proved by the resolute opposition
of the Irish, under the influence of Swift's celebrated
jy23 'Drapier's Letters,' to the introduction of
"Wood's new halfpence into Ireland : ^ by the
nas. popular clamours against Sir R. Walpole's
excise scheme : by the riotous agitation of the me-
' See a spirited account in Tliackeray's Humorists (Swift) as well
as in tlie usual histories.
THE LiVNDED INTEREST. 465
tropolis against tlie gin act, whicli led to its repeal;^
and, again, by the successful outcry for the i73q_i-j42
rejDeal of the recent act for the natural-
isation of the Jews. But such explosions of ^'^^•
popular discontent were not signs of a democratic
spirit among the people. In all countries, even the
most despotic, — in Asia, in Turkey, in the autocratic
States of Europe, and in all ages, — such outbreaks
have been known. But they are evidences not of
freedom of opinion, or of popular control over the
government : but of the sufierings, passions, and pre-
judices of the multitude. They have, indeed, bee;j
most frequent in States in which there was the least
hope of securing the redress of grievances by con-
stitutional means. Free institutions have formed
the best safeguards against popular tumults. Dur-
ing this period, many useful securities were devised
for public liberty ; and tlie commonalty, rapidly
advancing in niimbers, wealth and intelligence,
were laying the foundations of increased political
power.
Powerful middle classes were rapidly rising up : but
as yet the crown, the church, the nobles, and
., , • ,1 Ascciidcncy
the country gentlemen were m the ascen- oniiu
T11T- IT T ciowii, the
dent. In wealth, dignity, public respect, and tiiiirch, and
social influence, they prevailed over all other fors of the
classes ; and their political power corres-
ponded with tlioir commanding position in society.
Tlie church litid recovered from the rough
assaults of Presbyterians and Independents,
and was enjoying a period of repose and security.
Dissenters, discountenanced and repressed by civil
' Smollett, Hitit. ii. 331, 438.
20*
466 ENGLAND.
disabilities, were no longer dreaded as enemies of tlie
establislimeni The clergy, inert and indif-
^^^ ^i- fgreij^^ were losing much of their spiritual
influence : but, in union with the crown and the pro-
prietors of the soil, they wielded a great social and
political power.
The nobles, continually increasing in numbers,
and enriched by the spoils of the church, by
The nobles. i i- i t i i xxi i
grants oi croAvn lands, by great omces, by
inheritance, and by alliances, had become possessed
of extensive territories in every county. Like their
^refathers, they cherished their country homes.
They built noble mansions : they surrounded them-
selves with parks, woods, and pleasure grounds :
their domains were tastefully planted, cultivated, and
fenced : the traveller recognised them, at a glance, as
the stately abodes of the great and noble. These
surroundings were more congenial to their tastes than
the attractions of the capital. James I. had discour-
aged their resort to Whitehall ; ^ but Charles II. had
seduced many from their retirement, by the gaieties
and pleasures of his profligate court. Like the no-
bles of Louis XIV., they were in danger of exchang-
ing their feudal power, in the country, for the frivo-
lous life of gilded courtiers. But this peril to their
order passed away, in succeeding reigns ; and the
nobles continued to enjoy the power, without the in-
vidious privileges of feudalism. As leaders of soci-
• ' He was wont to be very earnest with the country gentlemen to
go from London to their country seats. And sometimes he would
say thus to them : "Gentlemen, at London you are like ships in a
sea, which show like nothing ; but in your country villages you are
like ships in a river, which look like great things." ' — Lord Bacon,
Apophthegms ; Hume, Hist. iv. 355.
THE LANDED INTEREST. 467
ety : as magistrates : as patrons of every local enter-
prise, their influence was paramount.
The country gentlemen formed another section of
the aristocracy of the land. Many boasted
of a lineage as ancient as that of the proud- try gemiu-
est peer ; and in wealth and influence this
more considerable body even surpassed the peerage :
but these two orders, instead of impairing their power
by political rivalries, were firmly united in principles
and interests ; and made common cause in maintain-
ing the ascendency of the proprietors of the soil
over all other classes of society. Their power was
confirmed by their extraordinary influence over the
clergy. The bishops were the relatives, college
friends, and tutors of nobles and ministers of State ;
and a large proportion of the clergy owed their bene-
fices to the favour of lay patrons. Most of them were
connected with the county families : and all were be-
holden to the peer, or to the squire, for hospitality
and social courtesies. Never was a church so closely
identified with the land. A society so constituted
naturally commanded political supremacy, until other
classes should arise to contest it ; and this develop-
ment of social forces, already silently advancing, was
to reveal itself in later times.
CHAPTEE XXn.
ENGLAND {continued).
FIRST YEARS OF GEORGE in. — THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE
— THE FRENCH REVOLUTION — REPRESSION OP PUBLIC OPINION —
REIGN OP GEORGE IV. — SOCIAL CHANGES— GROWTH OF TOWNS — IN-
CREASE OF DISSENT — DISTURBANCE OP THE BALANCE OP POWER —
THE PRESS AND POLITICAL AGITATION — POPULAR REPRESENTATION
— SALUTARY REFORMS — DEMOCRATIC ASPECTS OP THE ENGLISH
GOVERNMENT— LOYALTY — CONSERVATIVE ELEMENTS OP SOCIETY.
The first twenty years of George III.'s reign dis-
played the augmented force and activity of
of George popular movements. That monarch endea-
voured to revive the personal influence of the
sovereign, in the government of the State, which had
been little exercised since the time of William III. ;
and his unpopular measures aroused a spirit of oppo-
sition, vdiich suddenly revealed the power of public
opinion, and developed new agencies for giving ex-
pression to it. The storm of ridicule and abuse by
which the royal favourite. Lord Bute, was driven from
favour : the bold and artful agitation of Wilkes : the
increasing boldness of the press : the triumphant per-
sistence of the printers in publishing Parliamentary
debates : the turbulent spirit of the people : the in-
fluence of public meetings and political associations ;
and the increasing freedom of speech in Parliament,^
' See the author's Constitutional History, chaps, vii. viii. ix., for a
more particular account of these movements.
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. 469
were symptoms of a democratic force long iinkno\vii
in Encjland.
This popular movement received an extraordinary
impulse from the revolt of the American colonies.
The contest between the two great English -me war of
parties, in relation to the insurgent colonists, -^X^pl-n-"
brought out, in bold relief, the democratic '^''"'^'^•
principles of 1642, and 1688 — the unlawfulness of tax-
ation without the consent of the taxpayers, through
their representatives, and the right of the people to
resist oppression by force. This controversy encour-
aged the formation of a small democratic party in
England : ^ while the ultimate success of the rebel-
lion, and the triumph of the English party which had
espoused the cause of the colonies, further advanced
the principles of democracy.
But it was in France, far more than in England,
that the struggle of the American colonies jtg ejects
for independence encouraged the spirit of jvam^! |",,,i
democracy. Whatever the abstract princi- '"England.
pies involved in the contest between the mother coun-
try and her colonies, the honour and interests of Eng-
land were at stake, and the feelings of Englishmen
were naturally enlisted in support of their own coun-
try : while in France, which had made common cause
with the colonies against England, the principles of
her new allies were eagerly espoused, and popu-
larised. Englishmen, again, were generally contented
with their constitutional fi-eedom: while the French
were suffering from the accumulated ills of many
centuries of arbitrary rule. Hence, in England, the
popular excitement caused by the American war of
' Steplion, TAfc of Home Tooke, i. 162-175, ii. 38; Cooke, Uist. of
Party, iii. 188 ; Wy vill, PuiUicul Papers, ii. 4G3.
470 ENGLAND.
independence soon subsided : wliilo in France, it con-
tributed, witli other grave causes of political and
social discontent, to the momentous revolution of
1789.1
The sympathy -which vibrates, with mysterious force,
Democratic through different nations, in times of revolu-
rn*Engiand. tiou, was illustrated upon this, as upon other
^'^'^' similar occasions.^ It was now followed by
an active democratic movement in England and Scot-
land. It failed to reach any considerable number of
the people : it embraced no persons of position or
influence ; and it was sternly repressed by the author-
ity of Parliament.^ If France had contented herself
with the redress of her acknowledged grievances, and
the establishment of well-ordered liberty, she would
have commanded the sympathy of most Englishmen :
but her revolutionary excesses at once revolted and
alarmed them. The principles of the French revolu-
tionary leaders were wholly foreign to English sen-
timents ; and their wild bloodthirstiness outraged
humanity. Hence the higher and middle classes of
English society not only recoiled from any contract
with democracy : but, in their determination to re-
press it, notwithstanding the eloquent remonstrances
of Fox and other popular leaders, were forgetful
of their cherished principles of liberty.
The revolutionary wars and propagandism of Franco
Effects of increased the repugnance of English society
tiie French to Freucli principles : and democracy ap-
revolution. x jr ' j i
peared to be utterly crushed. The severity
of the laws, and the overwhelming force of public
* See supra, ii. 134 ct seq.
2 E.g. 1830, 1848. Supra, pp. 255, 284.
^ See cliap. ix. of tlie author's Constitutional History.
THE SIX ACTS. 471
opinion, combined to stamp it out. But the influence
of the French revolution, throughout Europe, was
never effaced. It has since borne fruits in every
country;^ and in England, democracy, though effectu-
ally repressed, as an outward danger to the State, or to
the governing classes, from that time became a politi-
cal force, which was destined to acquire increasing
power and development. For thirty years the repres-
sive policy of the government was maintained: prose-
cutions of the j^ress abounded ; and the popular dis-
contents of the last years of the regency brought
down upon the press, and upon public meetings, re-
strictions of increased severity.
But the six acts of Lord Sidmouth, may be taken
as the turning-point in the fortunes of Eng- ^,^g g.^
lish liberties. Under the dark shadows of ^^^^- ^^^^^
the French revolution, society had supported the re-
pressive measures of the government : but in 1819,
when the fires of that revolution had burned out, and
democracy was no longer a danger, or a bugbear, re-
straints upon public liberty were received with far
less favour. They were opposed by many eminent
statesmen, by the Wliig party in Parliament, and by a
strong popular sentiment in the country, which con-
tinued throughout the reign of George IV.
And during this long period of repression, society
had undergone remarkable changes. It had g^^^^^
advanced in power, in knowledge, and in poli- ciiungcs.
' ' Cette date de 1780 est la f^rande date do tons les peuples. Bean-
coup d'institutions sont tonibees ft cette date ; celles qui no sont pas
toinh('"Cs se sont transfomu'es ; quelques-unes qui paraiss(!!it vivre,
ne sont plus que dcs oml)rc3. Dans la pratique do tous h^a jxniplos,
et dans la speculation do tous los ],eui>los, est la trace j)lillosophiqu0
de la Revolution Fran(;aisc.' — .Julo;* Simon, La Liberie', i. 42.
472 ENGLAND.
tical sentiment. The middle classes had attained far
higher influence and consideration ; and new genera-
tions were claiming a fuller recognition in society and
in politics, than any to which their fathers had aspired.
The exclusive territorial basis, ixpon which social pri-
vileges and political power had long been founded,
could not much longer be maintained. An advancing
society, and growing interests, demanded a wider
polity.
Since the accession of George III. the face of Eng-
^ ,^ , land had been changed; and was still con-
Growth of 1 • • Jl
towns, com- gpicuously changing. Her destinies, as the
navigation. ^^^^ commercial and manufacturing country
in the world, were being fulfilled. Since the colonisa-
tion of America, in the seventeenth century, and the
industrial decay of the Netherlands, England had been
making continued advances in navigation, commerce,
and manufactures. But the most signal progress was
observable from the beginning of the present century.
The population had enormously increased ; and this
increase was chiefly in the cities and towns.^ Agri-
culture was encouraged, and the cultivation of the soil
was improved and extended : but agricultural indus
try was far outstripped by trade and manufactures.
Land which had once been the principal source of
wealth, and the main support of the population, was
losing its preponderance as a national interest. Vast
1 In 1801 the population of Great Britain was 10,942,354, in 1831 it
had increased to 16,539,318. Population Returns of 1801 and 1831 ;
Porter, Progress of the Nation, chap. i.
•^ In 1811, 895,998 families were employed in agriculture in Great
Britain, and 129,049 in trade and manufactures ; in 1831, 961,134
families were employed in the former, and 1,434,873 in the lat-
ter. In 1841, 1,490,785 persons were employed in agriculture, and
3,092,787 in trade and manufactures. Porter, chap. ii.
2
rro
GBOWTH OF TOWNS AND COMMERCE. 47
tovms had arisen, "vyith a marvellous growth. The
population of London was equal to that of Scotland.
Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds, Sheffield
and Glasgow, had become like the capitals of consider-
able States. The woollen and cotton manufactures,
having acquired prodigious powers from the spinning
jenny, and the steam engine, were supplying the world
with their varied fabrics. Manufactures of iron, and
other metals, and of machinery, were advancing with
no less vigour. Mining enterprise kept pace with
these industries ; and the production of coal and iron
was facilitated by all the resources of science. The
internal communications of the country had been ex-
tended by canals, by the improvement of navigable
rivers, and by the best roads in Europe ; and were
about to be multiplied by the wonder-working inven-
tions of railways and locomotive engines. Steam
navigation had made the sea a safe highv/ay for the
coasting trade, and foreign commerce.
Arkwright, Watt, and Stephenson had revolution-
ised the industry of England and the world,
and had transformed society. Wealthy mer- its relations
chants, sJiipowners, and manufacturers were aiuiiuanu-
, , . ,111 • • 1 1 factures.
now rivalling the landowners, in riches and
social pretensions : thousands of traders were en-
riched by supplying the wants of an increasing and
prosperous population ; and skilled artificers were be-
ginning to outnumber the tillers of the soil. Nor
were these the only social changes of the period. Tlie
constant accumulation of capital had created a con-
siderable body of independent gentry, and a new mid-
dle class, attached neither to the land nor to trade,
whose claims to a share of political power could not
be ignored. Bath, Cheltenham, Leamington, Brigh-
474 ENGLAND.
ton, Hastings, a,nd tlie suburbs of London bear wit-
ness to their numbers and tlieir wealtli. The balance
of political power was shaken. The landed proprie-
tors, profiting by the increasing prosperity of the
country, were richer than ever ; and by the zealous
discharge of the public and private duties of tlieir
station, had sustained their accustomed local influ-
ence : but they could no longer claim an undisputed
supremacy in the State. These industrial and social
changes, remarkable as they were in the reign 'of
George lY., have since continued, with a still more
striking development; and this period of social ad-
vancement has been signalised by a yet more memo-
rable political progress.
While the relations of the land to the trading classes
were undergoing these notable changes, the
Church and church was also losing much of her exclusive
authority, as the representative of the na-
tional faith. Puritanism had been nearly trampled
out by the restoration ; and early in the eighteenth
century, nonconformists had shared the contented
slumbers of churchmen. The fierce contentions of
former times were succeeded by a period of religious
repose. But Wesley and Whitefield had since ar/ak-
ened a new spiritual movement ; and dissent had been
making alarming progress throughout the land. Wales
was almost lost to the church : the teeming popula-
tions of the manufacturing towns became the ready
disciples of dissenting preachers : where the church
had been negligent, dissent was active and zealous ;
until at length the humble chapels and meeting-
houses of various sects of dissenters, were beginning
to outnumber the churches of the establishment. The
church still enjoyed all her legal rights and securities :
POLITICAL EDUCATION. 475
but she was no longer ^tlie acknowledged clnircli of
the people. The union of Presbyterian Scotland and
Catholic Ireland, had further affected the position of
the English establishment as a State church.
The church and the land had been firm allies ; and
the power of both was alike impaired. They
had successfully maintained religious disa- of'tiio" ^^^
1 .,. , . T J 1 J 1 church and
bilities, a narrow and corrupt electoral sys- the hmd
, n • c 1 1 1 CI threatened.
tem, the maniiold abuses oi close corpora-
tions, a criminal code of reckless severity, unequal
and oppressive taxes, and injurious restrictions upon
trade, and upon the food and labour of the people.
The conservative powers of society had now to en-
counter the restless and aggressive forces of demo-
cracy. The country was opposed to the towns ; and
the church to Catholics and nonconformists. And in
the approaching struggle, society was nov/ armed with
new weapons for coping with its powerful rulers in
Church and State.
The political education of the country had kept
pace with its material and social progress. poHiJcai
No single cause, perhaps, had more contri- ttiacation.
buted to this result than the free publication of de-
bates in Parliament. Measures had been discussed
more boldly, by minorities, when they could appeal,
from the closely-packed benches of the dominant
party, to the judgment of their countrj-men. And
when the people were admitted to the councils of
their rulers, a public opinion was formed, to which all
parties were constrained to defer. If tlie press liad
done nothing more for public instruction, this single
service to the cause of popular government would
claim the highest acknowledgment. But the press
had rendered other services to the same cause. Not-
476 ENGLAND.
withstanding tlie restraints tg which it had been sub-
ject, despite the severity with which the law had been
administered, it had been constantly extending its in-
fluence. And as society advanced in knowledge and
cultivation, a higher class of minds was attracted to
the labours of the periodical press.^
Sunday newspapers had also established a position
in the periodical press, favourable to the careful and
studied investigation of j^olitical questions, and quali-
fied for the guidance of thoughtful minds.
From the beginning of the reign of George IV., the
Freedom of pi'^ss enjoyed so much of the confidence of
the press, ^j^g people ES to eusure its general immunity
from rigorous oppression ; and its complete freedom
was soon to be established. Ten years later
1830 1831.
were witnessed the last i:)rosecutions of the
press by the government ; and an unrestrained freedom
of political discussion has since been allowed by the
' The Edinburgh and Quarterly Renews had introduced a states-
man-like spirit into political discussions, in which the opinions of
the Whig and Tory parties had been represented. In 1823, the West-
minster Review was established by Jeremy Benthain, for the ad-
vancement of his own opinions, and for promoting the cause of the
Radical party, as against the "Whigs. It commenced with an as-
sault upon the Edinburgh Revieio and the Whig party, and a scheme
of radical policy, written by Mr. James Mill, author of the History
of British India. This new review continued, for several years, to
represent the opinions of the philosophical radicals and advanced
Liberal party. Written with force and spirit, and expressing the
earnest convictions of the Benthamite and radical schools of thought,
at a time when there was a general movement in public opinion,
favourable to a more liberal policy in the State, it undoubtedly con-
tributed to strengthen the Liberal cause. See Autobiography, by
John Stuart Mill, p. 87 et seq. This school, however, was never
popular in England ; and the Review, with all its ability, failed to
reach an extended circulation. Ibid. p. 129.
EDUCATION. 477
State. This general freedom of the press was followed
by the repeal of the advertisement duty in 1853, of the
newspaper stamp in 1855, and of the paper duty in
1861. These successive measures removed every re-
straint upon the activity and energies of the press.
Henceforth a freedom of opinion, unknown in any
other age or country, and unexampled agencies for its
expression, brought every class of society within the
extended circle of political thought and deliberation.
Never since the assembled citizens of Athens had been
consulted, in the agora, upon aflairs of State, had a
whole people been so freely called into council, as in
England, after the complete emancipation of the press.
The democracy of small States had raised its voice in
streets and market-places : the democracy of the great
English monarchy made itself heard through its mul-
titudinous press.^
With this great extension of political freedom and ac-
tivity in the press, there was a simultaneous
advance in the general education of society.
It was not in political writings only that the resources
of the press were developed. Cheap literature, ac-
cessible to the multitude, had been popularised by at-
tractive publications, designed to bring science, litera-
ture, and art within the reach and comprehension of
all readers. The treasures of the learned were freely
shared with mankind. Foremost in this useful work
were the teachers of the Society for the Diffusion of
Useful Knowledge, — Lord Brougham, Mr. Matthew
Davenport Hill, and Mr. Charles Knight; who were
successfully followed by the Society for Promoting
' Some good illustrations of tlio operation of freedom of the jiress
in Franee, and of restraints upon it, will bo found in Jules Simon's
La Libcrli', ii. \'A1 ct seq.
4.13 ENGLAND.
Christian Knowledge, and by the Messrs. Chambers.
Schools had laid the foundations of instruction : but
to the press we owe the general spread of education
and enlightenment.
Another agency for the expression of public opinion
was found in the increasing development of
associa- political associatious and public meetings.
These powerful instruments of agitation had
been exercised since the early years of George III.^
By these means the popular cause of Wilkes had been
supported : the movement in favour of economical and
1763-1770 parliamentary reform advanced : the fanatical
Protestantism of Lord George Gordon and
his followers inflamed : the abolition of the
slave trade achieved. But the revolutionary
crisis, which agitated the latter years of the last cen-
tury, arrested the progress of such popular move-
ments. Public meetings and associations, which had
been permitted in more tranquil times, were now dis-
couraged and repressed. Popular liberties were sac-
rificed, for a time, for the sake of quelling dangerous
disorders, sedition, and treasonable designs.^ Fresh
disorders during the regency caused a revival of this
repressive policy ; and political agitation, in its vari-
ous forms, was effectually discountenanced.
But the time was now approaching in which public
Pciiticai opinion was to prevail over governments and
!"soda-° °' parliaments ; and as the press was acquir-
tions. ijjg increased power and freedom, so public
meetings and political organisations displayed the
growing force of popular demonstrations. The asso-
ciation of strong bodies of men in support of a politi-
' See the author's Constitutional History of England, chap. is.
'' Ibid. chap. vii.
POLITIC.VL ASSOCLN.TIONS. 479
cal cause, differs from the action of the j)ress upon
public opinion. It is more powerful, and it is more
democratic. It is at once an expression of public
opinion, and a demonstration of physical force. It
attests not only the convictions of numbers, but their
earnestness. It allies thought with action. It brings
men together for discussion, as in the agora ; and the
reasoning, the eloquence, and the passions of the
speakers "thrill multitudes with emotion and stern re-
solves. Its iniiuence in politics is like that of com-
munions and preaching, in religion. Zeal can only
be aroused by the contact of man with man. New
thoughts are born in the study : but they take hold of
nations by association, by discussion, by s^^mjDathy,
and by the voices of the leaders of men.
Nor is popular agitation confined to the propaga-
tion of oj^inions. The union of numbers, in
n . P 1 Daneers of
a common cause, may threaten force and vastassem-
coercion. Vast assemblages of men may
occasion tumults and ci\T.l war. Meetings of citizens
in the ancient Greek cities, or in the modern Swiss
cantons, were free from danger : but prodigious gath-
erings in the populous cities of Great Britain, may be
dangerous to life and property, and menace freedom
in the councils of the State. Public discussion may
assume the form of intimidation and violence. Num-
bers, not satisfied witli arguments, may resort to force.
♦ Here are the elements of democratic revolution, so
often developed with fatal force in various countries,
and especially in France. Popular wrongs and sufler-
ings, violent loaders, an unpopular government, and a
weak executive, have, again and again, been the causes
of sudden revolutions. The danger of such revolu-
tions is in relative proportion to the good government
480 ENGLAND.
of States. Wliere the government, and the adminis-
tration of the laws, enjoy the confidence of the people :
where the great majority of subjects are prepared
to support their rulers : where princijjles of wisdom,
equity, and moderation prevail in the national coun-
cils, — there will the dangers of revolution be the least.
The history of England, during the last fifty years,
presents striking illustrations of these truths. It ex-
hibits the triumph of great causes by political agita-
tion ; and it shows how revolutionary forces have been
held in check by confidence in the government, and
respect for the laws.
Such being the force, and such the dangers of j^oli-
tical agitation, we may proceed to follow its
Catholic instructive history. The penal laws against
twn- Catholics had been maintained long alter
their policy had been renounced by the most
enlightened statesmen of the age. Their repeal had
been advocated, for several years, in parliament and
in the press : but a powerful majority, faithful to the
narrow principles of government, in Church and State,
which had descended to them from former times, suc-
cessfully resisted it. At length, in 1823, an organisa-
tion was created for securing Catholic relief, which
extended over the whole of Ireland. The Catholic
population were taught to demand their rights, as
with a single voice. They were represented in Dub-
lin by the association, which assumed the authority of
a parliament : contributions were levied in support of
the cause in every parish : the press appealed to the
passions of the people : the Catholic pulpits resounded
with fervent exhortations to the faitliful. While the
Catholics were thus pressing their claims by a move-
ment little short of national, the Protestants were
CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. 481
resisting them by Orange societies and other associa-
tions, less numerous indeed, but not less earnest and
impassioned. A religious war seemed imminent ; and
parliament, not being yet prepared to allay the strife,
by concessions to the stronger party, resolved in 1828
to protect the public peace, by suppressing these dan-
gerous associations, — as well Protestant as Catholic.
But the dansrer could not be so arrested. The act of
the legislature was evaded, and in three years it ex-
pired.
The danger was now more formidable than ever.
The public excitement had increased, the as-
. , • • 1 1 T 1 1 Catholic
sociations were more violent, and vast meet- meetings.
iugs of Catholics were assembled, with the
discipline and symbols of a military array. Such
meetings were not designed for the expression of
opinions, but were threatening demonstrations of phy-
sical force. If suffered to continue without a check,
they endangered the public peace, and were calculated
to overawe the government and the Protestant com-
munity. If repressed by military force, there was the
hazard of bloody collisions between the troops and
vast masses of the people. The position was one of
extreme emergency. The government, however, pro-
hibited the meetings, as causing terror to peaceable
subjects ; and tlie association, unwilling to brave a
collision, and sensible that the government was sup-
ported by an overwhelming force of public opinion,
submitted to the prohibition. Bloodshed was averted
by the firmness of tlie government, and the discretion
of the Catholic leaders: but the cause of Catholic
emancipation was pressed with greater energy than
ever, and its triumph was at hand.
In tlie next session, a Protestant ministry and a
VOL. n.— 21
482 ENGL.VNI>.
Protestant parliament, pledged to resist the Catholic
Catholic claims, were forced to concede them. Their
tion"*^*^^' convictions were unchanged : but they were
1829. coerced by a popular agitation which they
could no longer venture to resist. The State had been
overcome by the irregular forces of democracy. But
the cause which had prevailed was just and righteous :
it had been too long opposed by narrow statesmanship
and religious prejudice. It was supported b}^ eminent
English statesmen, and by the liberal judgment of an
enlightened party in parliament and in the country.
In these events we see the power of a government,
resting upon public opinion, to repress disorder ; and
the force of popular agitation, in securing the triumph
of a just cause without violence.
This national agitation was soon followed by an-
A'^itntion ^tlicr, yet more formidable, in support of par-
ruMuai'''^ liamentary reform. Democracy had received
1830^32. ^ strong impulse from the recent revolution
in France ; and the circumstances of the
times encouraged its activity. A popular ministry
was at length engaged in passing a measure for the
enfranchisement of the people ; and was resisted by
that party which had long ruled England by means of
a narrow representation, and a dependent parliament.
Such were the forces opposed to this measure, that
its success was doubtful; and the people came for-
ward, with passionate energy, to support it. The press
was violent : political unions v^ere threatening : pub-
lic meetings of unexampled magnitude were assembled.
Riots and disorders disturbed the public peace. Revo-
lution seemed to be impending. But it was averted
by the ultimate submission of the Tory party, in the
House of Lords, to irresistible pressure. The peers
REPEAL AGITATION. 483
were coerced and liumbled ; and jtopular agitation
again prevailed. But liere it was not tlie State wliicli
was overcome : the ministers of the crown, an over-
whelming majority of the House of Commons, and a
considerable minority in the Upper House itself, had
ardently supported the Reform Bill. It was not the
cause of demagogues or revolutionary mobs, but the
scheme of responsible statesmen, who enjoyed the
general confidence of their countrymen. Noblemen
and gentlemen of high station had been the leaders
of the movement ; and the middle and working classes
had laboured together in support of it. The agita-
tion was democratic, and almost revolutionary : but
the cause which it advanced was constitutional and
statesmanlike. The scheme brought no revolutionary
changes, but sought to restore the representation of
the people to its theoretical design. But for the f>ro-
tracted resistance of the peers, it might have been
discussed, in parliament, without provoking excessive
agitation in the country. Again a just and constitu-
tional measure was carried by the aid of the irregu-
lar forces of democracy. Yet, however potent these
forces, they were but the auxiliaries of a good cause,
supported by constitutional means.
While this dangerous excitement was rife in Eng-
land, an agitation scarcely less formidable
had been organised, in Ireland, for the re- iiirit^tion.
• 1830-31
peal of the union. Mr. O'Connell, lately tri-
umphant as the champion of the Catholic claims, was
now threatening to rend asunder the legislative union
of England and Ireland. But far diil'erent was the
cause he had now espoused. It had no loaders but
demagogues : it was repudiated by statesmen of all
parties : it was condemned by the public opinion of
484 ENGLAND.
tlie United Kingdom. The repealers made noisy de-
monstrations : but the government, resting upon the
support of parliament and the country, were able to
repress them.
A few years later, the mischievous agitation was
revived. A more extended organisation was
established ; and * monster meetings ' were
assembled which endangered the public peace. But
again the government were able to quell the agita-
tion, and to bring its leaders within the reach of the
law. The cause was bad : it was obnoxious alike to
the State and to society, and its failure was signal
and complete.
No less easily was the pernicious organisation of the
Orange lodges repressed. Founded upon
lodges. religious hate, and party passions, it endan-
gered the public peace, and affected the ad-
ministration of justice. It could expect no support
from an enlightened public opinion, and it fell before
the condemnation of parliament.
While these agitations in favour of unworthy ends
^^^. had failed, the anti-slavery association, by
ioder peaceful and orderly appeals to the good
1833. feelings and reason of their countrymen, had
succeeded in their humane and righteous cause, and
had given freedom to the slaves of the wide British
Empire.
While the repeal agitation was still rife in Ireland,
the Chartist organisation, not unlike it in its
The . .
Chartists, character and incidents, had risen to impor-
1884—1 S48
tance in England. It consisted almost en-
tirely of working men, who had adopted as the five
points of their 'charter,' universal suffrage, vote by
ballot, annual parliaments, payment of members, and
THE CHARTISTS. 485
the abolition of tlieir property qualification. This
scheme of radical reform met with no favour from the
higher and middle classes, who were satisfied with
the recent settlement of the representation ; and was
specially repugnant to the employers of labour. But
the working men, discontented with their lot in life,
and hoping to improve it by remedial laws, were
encouraged by the success of other political agita-
tions, to resort to the familiar expedients of an ex-
tended association, crowded meetings, and 'monster
petitions.' Too often their activity led to riots, which
were promptly quelled by the magistracy. Their
numbers were great, and their organisation was main-
tained for several years : when suddenly the revolu-
tion in France, in February 184:8, which re-animated
democracy throughout Europe, determined the Char-
tists to attempt a revolutionary movement in favour
of their charter.
Having complained that their petitions had been
neglected, they resolved to march to the rp,,^,,oj^
House of Commons, in force, and present Ap.ii, i848.
another petition, said to have been signed by five
million persons. For this purpose, a vast meeting
was summoned, on the lOtli April, at Kennington Com-
mon, whence a procession was to march to Westminster.
In Paris, such assemblages had often accomplished
revolutions. But in London, the 10th April afforded
a memorable proof of the strength of the govern-
ment, and of society, in resisting revolutionary move-
ments condemned by public opinion. The meeting
was declared illegal, by proclamation: 170,000 spe-
cial constables were sworn in to maintain tlie pul)lic
peace: Westminster Bridge and the api)roaches to
the Houses (;f Parliamfnt were guarded, as for a
486 ENGKYND.
siege, by artillery and soldiers, carefully concealed
from view. The meeting proved a failure: the pro-
cession over Westminster Bridge was interdicted ; and
the dispirited crowds dispersed to their homes with-
out disturbance.
The scheme of the Chartists had been ill-planned :
Weakness tl^^ir leaders were little in earnest, and they
cUrtist were incapable and cowardly : but even with
cause. better leaders, their failure would have been
assured. They stood alone, — without the sympathy
of other classes, without the countenance of any par-
liamentary or national party, and without a cause
which appealed to the general sentiments of the peo-
ple. They were strong in numbers, but they were
opposed by the united force of the State and of so-
ciety; and they were powerless. They might have
caused disorders and riot, but they could not have
achieved a political triumph.
Meanwhile, another agitation, differing widely from
, ,. ^ that of the Chartists, and followed by other
Anti-Corn ' -^
League rcsults, had bccu brought to a successful
1838-1846. conclusion. The Anti-Corn Law League af-
fords the example of an agitation in which the cause
itself was good, the object national, and the triumph
complete. Here the employers of labour, and the
working classes, were combined in support of in-
terests common to them both: the leaders of the
movement, Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright, were able and
popular speakers, capable alike of enforcing the truths
of political science, and arousing the passions of the
people; and their principles had long been main-
tained by many eminent men, and a considerable
party in parliament — foremost among whom was its
able and consistent advocate, Mr. Charles Villiers.
liEETINGS IN HYDE PAEK. 487
But the interests opposed to tliem seemed over-
whelming. Protection had been, for ages, the settled
principle of English commercial policy. The land-
owners and farmers looked upon restricted imports
of corn as essential to British agriculture : the man-
ufacturers were not, at first, alive to the impor-
tance of fi'ee trade ; and the cause was resisted by
overpowering majorities in parliament. But the agi-
tation was pursued with rare energy and persistence :
it was favoured by concurrent political and social
conditions — more particularly by the Irish famine —
and in less than eight years, it had converted public
opinion, rival statesmen, and parliament itself, to the
doctrines of fi-ee trade. Its victory was not achieved
without bitterness: tlie landlords and farmers, and
the statemen ranged on their side, were assailed with
fierce denunciations : the working classes were aroused
to a deep sense of wrong : but, although the interests
and passions of the multitude were engaged in the
strife, it was not discredited by any acts of violence
or intimidation.
This agitation, if an illustration of the force of
democracy, is also an example of tlie power
of reason, in a free State. The country and
its rulers were convinced by argument, and swayed by
popular demonstrations : but the good cause was won
by rational conviction, and not by the overruling force
of democracy.
Many years now passed without any conspicuous
popular movement. At length, in 18GG, the j^|pp,ij,„8
revival of parliajuentary reform, in the legis- j'.',Jjl^'^''
lature, aroused some popular excitement. ^«''"'^"
Tlio lleforra League announced a public meeting in
Hyde Park, on the 23rd July. It was prohibited
488 ENGLAND.
by tlie government: but inadequate precautions for
enforcing this prohibition led to the memorable de-
struction of the railings, and the triumphant occupa-
tion of the park by the mob. In the following year,
jj. g another meeting in Hyde Park was prohib-
1867. ited, but was held in defiance of the govern-
ment. On both occasions, democracy prevailed over
the government : but the legality of prohibiting meet-
ings in the park was at least doubtful : and the weak-
ness and irresolution with which the popular move-
ment was encountered by the executive, were mainly
responsible for the contempt shown by the populace
to the authority of the State.
Meetings in Hyde Park have since been subjected
to regulation, but not to prohibition ; and have be-
come public nuisances, rather than popular demon-
strations. If they sometimes molest society, and
threaten disorder, they have wholly failed to influence
public opinion, or to aflect the resolutions of the legis-
lature. They are examples of democracy in its least
attractive forms, exhibiting the sores of society, and
not its healthful action.
Another small agitation scarcely deserves notice,
except that it was the last, and achieved a
Tax. ' sudden success. In 1871, the Chancellor of
1871
the Exchequer having proposed, as part of
his budget for the year, a tax upon lucifer-matches,
the principal manufacturers of those articles sudden-
ly threw their workpeople out of employment, who
crowded down to Westminster, by the streets, and by
the Thames Embankment, to protest^ against the ob-
noxious proposal. It was a trivial tax upon a single
industry, and found scant favour with the House of
Commons, or with the public : the poor match-makers
MOBAL OF POLITICAL AGITATION. 489
met witli general sympathy ; and tlie abortive sclieme
was promptly abandoned. Tlie popular demonstration
quickened the determination of ministers : but the new
tax had been at once condemned by public opinion ;
and the successful remonstrances of the threatened
interest can scarcely be cited as among the triumphs
of democracy.
From these examples of political agitation, we are
able to draw some conclusions concerning
democracy, as it affects our laws and insti- political
tutions. The public peace has often been °
threatened by popular demonstrations ; and vast gath-
erings of men, in populous places, must always be at-
tended with danger. The government and parliament
have sometimes been overborne by powerful combi-
nations, using the manifold arts of modern agitation.
The passions of society have been aroused to the very
verge of rebellion. The evils incident to great pojDu-
lar excitement are unquestionable : but cases have
been rare in which tumults and disorders have arisen
out of the agitation of political questions. The law
has been strong enough to restrain and to punish
them. None of the great agitations in our histoiy
have proved successful unless founded upon a good
cause, and supported by a parliamentary party, and by
a large measure of public opinion. Good laws have
thus been forced upon the acceptance of the legisla-
ture : but bad causes, however clamorously urged,
liave failed before the firm resistance of the govern-
ment and of society.
Of smaller agitations little need be said : but they
liave become so numerous as gravely to af- j,i„„ra<ri.
foot the relative strength of parties, and the ♦"''""^•
legislation of tlic country. Associati(ms for disestab-
21*
.1
490 ENGLAND.
lisliing tlie churcli, for legalising marriages with a de-
ceased wife's sister, for securing women's rigiits, for tlio
protection of publicans, for a permissive prohibitory
liquor law, for the repeal of the contagious diseases
acts, and for other objects, have made their special
causes superior to the great political principles whicl
concern the general government of the State. The
merits of their respective causes may be judged by
the ultimate results of their agitations. Where they
are good, and commend themselves to the enlightened
judgment of the country, they may be expected to
prevail : where they are founded upon error or pre-
judice, and are coldly received, or condemned by so-
ciety, they will encounter discouragement and failure.
Ajiother form of association demands a special no-
tice. The unsettled relations between capi-
Trades
unions. Iq\ ^j^j labour have been among the causes
of successive tumults and revolutions in France ;^ and
in England they have been the cause of serious mis-
chief to the trade and industry of the country ; but
hitherto they have had comparatively little influence
in political controversies. In France, and other Euro-
pean States, associations of workmen have generally
aimed at an improvement of their condition by radi-
cal changes in the institutions of the State : while in
England such associations have striven to increase
wages, to diminish the hours of labour, and to attain
a larger share of the profits of their employers, by
strikes and trade regulations. The International So-
ciety^ was of foreign origin ; and its revolutionary
' See supra, pp. 362, 279, 294, 303, 836.
^ ' Social order is menaced in its deepest foundations by the T7ifer-
national, whicli flies in the face of all the traditions of mankind,
which effaces God from the mind ; family inheritance from life ;
TRADES UNIONS. 491
doctrines were coldly received by the working men of
England.^
The trade associations of this country have rarely
concerned themselves in political affairs. In
ProcGSsions
1834, a procession of trades unions vainly and meut-
endeavoured to obtain the remission of a of trades
unions.
sentence of transportation upon the Dor-
chester labourers,^ whom they regarded as martyrs to
their cause. Again, in December 1866, a procession
of trades unions, amounting to between 20,000 and
25,000 men, under the auspices of the Eeform League,
marciied with banners and emblems through the
streets of London, to a meeting at Beaufort House,
Kensington.^ In itself it was of little significance :
but it is an example of the use of trades unions for
political agitation. A later example is to be found in
the Trades Congress at Sheffield in 1873, when gene-
ral questions of legislation and fiscal policy, afi'ecting
the interests of the working classes, were discussed, in
nations from the civilised world, aspiring solely to tlie well-being
of the workmen on the basis of universal community . . . which
begins by declaring itself the enemy of every political school, and
incompatible with all exi;sting forms of government.' — Circular des-
patch of Sefior de Bias to Spanish representatives in foreign States,
Feb. 9, 1872. See also supra. Introduction.
' 'This society, although set on foot as a centre of communication
between workmen and trades unions in different parts of the world,
confines its operations, in this country, chiefly to advice in ques-
tions of strikes, and has but very little money at its disposal for
their support : whilst the revolutionary designs which form part of
the society's programme are believed to express the opinions of the
foreign members rather than those of the British workmen, whose
attention is turned chiefly to questions affecting wages.' — Earl Gran-
ville to Mr. Layard, 8th March, 1873.
* Author's Comt. Hist. ii. 405.
2 Ann. Reg. 1800 ; Vhron. p. 188 ; Times, 4th Dec. 18G0 ; Personal
observation.
492 ENGLAND.
a spirit antagonistic to tlie riglits of property and
capital. Any association with the objects of the
International Society was disclaimed : but j)olitical
questions were not the less freely treated.
And, of late years, trades unions have successfully
laboured to obtain amendments of the law
Their
orgunisa- affecting masters and workmen. Their own
tioii. . . .
interests, as unionists, and as working men,
were concerned; and, like other classes of society,
they used their organisation for political ends.^ Such
unions, however, are not without their dangers. Their
numbers present an overwhelming display of physical
force : their organisation and discipline are effective.
In times of political excitement they not only endan-
ger the public peace, but may intimidate and coerce
the government and the legislature. Wild theories
concerning government, the rights of property, and
the relations of capital and labour, have been spread
amongst them ; and might be espoused with danger- â–
ous unanimity. How are such dangers to be met?
Not by panic: not by distrust; not by irritating re-
pression : but by continued efforts, on the part of the
State, to do equal justice to all classes of the people,
to secure the support of public opinion, while it is
prepared to resist, with overwhelming force, any at-
' Mr. Burt, one of the two working men's candidates returned to
the parliament of 1874, wrote in March of that year : ' The unions,
except in the north of England, where they have hampered them-
selves by no unwise restrictions, really wield little political power.
Some of the oldest and largest of them wholly ignore politics. Their
rules will not allow them to mention the subject in their meetings.
They can take no united and vigorous political action.' And he pro-
ceeds to exhort them to acquire political knowledge, and exert their
united influence for the political emancipation of the working classes.
—Pall Mall Gazette, 27th March, 1874.
POPULAB LEGISLATION. 493
tempts to intimidate the legislature. Such are the
lessons which our history teaches. There may be
riots and disorders : no State can hope to be wholly
free from them : but the working classes, notwith-
standing their preponderance in numbers and phy-
sical force, will not prevail, unless they have a cause
founded upon justice, leaders of higher station than
their own, and a parliamentary party to represent
them in a constitutional manner. Revolutionary vio-
lence may overcome a State, whether it be an absolute
monarchy or a republic : but the best security against
such an event is to be found in the mutual CMifidence
of the government and the general body of the people.
While expression has been given to public opinion
by the press, and by popular agitation, con-
stitutional changes have rendered the legis- thtfre^pe-"
lature more representative oi the general
sentiments of the people, and responsive to their
wants and interests. The Keform Acts of 1832 dimi-
nished the preponderating influence of the territorial
nobles and landowners ; and invested the middle
classes with a large share of political power. The
Reform Acts of 1867 and 1868, by the adoption of
household suffrage as the basis of representation, ad-
mitted considerable numbers of the working classes
to the same political privileges as their employers.
And, lastly, the Ballot Act of 1872, by introducing
secret voting, struck at the influence of patrons and
employers over the independence of electors.
These successive changes, having been made with a
view to increase popular influences in the . e
I 1 iMcrojisc or
government of the State, liave been advances }i';;{;',jcc' "'"
toAvards democracy. And since 1832, the
legislature has borne the marks of strong popular in-
494 ENGLAND.
spiration. Powerful interests and privileges have been
overthrown: the welfare of the many has been pre-
ferred to the advantage of the few. But can it be af-
firmed that the traditional bounds of English liberty
have been transgressed ? Can it be said that democra-
cy has usurped the place of settled constitutional gov-
ernment ? Many public abuses have been corrected :
many remedial laws have given w^ealth and content-
ment to the people : many constitutional changes have
been accomplished : the wrongs, the errors, the abuses
and neglect of centuries were corrected, in the lifetime
of many Englishmen who have themselves witnessed
the transition from the old to the new polity. Beli-
gious liberty was granted to Dissenters, to Catholics,
and to Jews. The notorious and indefensible abuses
of the rei3resentation, which had defrauded the people
of their rights, were corrected. Municipal institutions
were restored to their ideal of popular self-govern-
ment. The revenues of the church were reviewed,
tithes were commuted, and church rates abolished.
The shackles were struck off from the negro-slave:
the poor-laws were amended : the severity of the
criminal code was mitigated ; and a national system of
education was established. The taxation of the coun-
try was revised, upon equitable and enlightened prin-
ciples. Restraints upon the importation of food, and
uj)on trade and industry, were removed. Free trade
was inaugurated. Earnest endeavours were made to
improve the condition, and appease the discontents,
of Ireland. The Protestant Church of Catholic
Ireland was disestablished: the rights of landlords
over their tenants were regulated. The widespread
colonies of the British Empire, entrusted with the
privileges of responsible government, were allowed to
DEMOCEATIC OPINIONS. 495
floiirisli as democratic republics, under the gentle
sovereignty of the parent State. Such has been the
liberal and progressive policy of England during the
last fifty years. But moderation and equity have dis-
tinguished all the measures of the legislature. Private
rights and property have been respected : the recog-
nised principles of a constitutional State have been
maintained.
The salutary reforms of this active period averted
revolution. Founded, not upon theoretical (.Qntj^^jty
principles or vague asj)irations, but upon the "^ reforms.
rational experience and acknowledged necessities of
the country, they restored, instead of subverting, the
wholesome conditions of an ancient state, and a highly
organised society. English reformers, however bold
and adventurous, never broke with the past : it was
ever their mission to improve and regenerate, rather
than to destroy.^ In the familiar words of our re-
no"WTied poet laureate, England has been :
A land of settled government,
A land of just and old reno^vn :
Where freedom broadens slowly down.
From precedent to precedent.
It cannot be denied that democratic opinions have
gained ground among considerable numbers D^.^ocratic
of the people : but as yet they have found no '>i>'"'o"8-
representation in the legislature. If democracy had
' ' Pauvres Fran^ais, si pauvres, et qui vivent campi's ! Nous
somnics d'liier, et ruint's de pore en fils par Louis XIV., par Louis
XV., par la Ri'volution, par I'Empire. Nous avons di'moli, il a fallu
tout rcfairo a nouveau. I^i, la griu'ration suivante ne roinjd pas
avec la prectdento : les reformes se superposent aux institutions, et
le pn'sent, appuye sur le passe, le continue.' — Taine, Notes aur
V Anglctcrre, cliap. iv.
496 ENGLAND.
been making decided advances, in public opinion, we
sliould have seen parliaments growing more and more
democratic, after each appeal to the country. But, so
far from presenting evidence of such results, some re-
markable illustrations of a different tendency may be
mentioned. In little more than two years after the
passing of the Reform Act of 1832, which had been
opposed by the Tory party, as revolutionary, that
party had nearly recovered their strength. Again
overpowered by the Liberal party, in 1835, they were
restored to power in 1841, supported by a powerful
majority of the representatives of the people. Three
times again were that party entrusted with the gov-
ernment of the State, within a period of fifteen years ; ^
and, lastly, in 1874, — when democracy was said to
have received a great impulse from household suffrage
and vote by ballot, — the triumph of the same party
over the party of progress was not less signal than in
1841, — before those democratic measures had yet in-
creased the popular power.
In some of its aspects, the government of England
is one of the rarest ideals of a democracy, in
aspects <.f the history of the world. It is directed by
Govern- the intelligent judgment of the whole people.
In Athens, the citizens met in the Ecclesia,
discussed affairs of State, and voted with impulsive
acclamations : but they only swayed the destinies of a
single brilliant city. The people of the great State of
England cannot, indeed, meet together in a market-
place : but they choose their representatives in the
national councils, they assemble freely in public meet-
ings, they have the right of petition, they enjoy a per-
' Viz. 1852, 1858 and 1866.
LOYALTY. 497
fectly free press, they manage all tlieir local affairs,
and in place of ruling a city, tliey govern an em-
pire.
But, on the other hand, the State enjoys all the
securities of an ancient monarchy, of old- ^^^^^^^
established institutions, and of a powerful r'tiicrtiian
' 1 democracy
and well - organised society. All orders, advanced.
classes, and interests have found adequate represen-
tation; and the State has been governed by public
opinion, and not by the dominating force of numbers.
Hank, property, high attainments and commercial
opulence, have maintained their natural influence in
society, and in the State.
Loyalty to the crown, and respect for the law, have
contributed, not less than free institutions,
to the steady course of English political his
s-
Loyalty.
tory. Loyalty has generally been regarded as a sen-
timent of the olden time, which is declining in an util-
itarian age. Yet the period in which devotion to the
king's person is assumed to have been the greatest,
was marked by rival pretensions to the crown, by
bloody civil wars and insurrections. The Wars of the
Eoses, the convulsions of the Reformation, the Catho-
lic insurrections and plots against Elizabeth and
James L, the civil war of Charles I., the revolution of
1688, the Jacobite rebellions of George I. and George
IL, are blots upon the idejxl loyalty of former ages.
If kings held a more conspicuous place in the eyes of
their people, they were yet identified with hostile
parties in the State, with religious persecutions, with
judicial murders, and with cruel severities against
great numbers of their subjects. The loyalty and
devotion of tlieir own followers may have been great :
but the allegiance of the country was divided by the
498 ENGLAND.
bitterest feuds. If tliey were beloved by many, by
many were they feared and hated.
But constitutional government, while it has, in a
Effect of great measure, withdrawn the monarch from
upon'^'^ that personal exercise of power, which ap-
^^ ^' peals to the imagination of men, has relieved
him fi'om party conflicts, from responsibility for un-
popular measures, and from the rigours of the ex-
ecutive government. If he is not associated with de-
votion to a cause or a party, neither is he pursued
with the hatred of religious sects or political factions.
The rancour of his subjects is exhausted upon one
another : he is himself above and beyond it : none
can reach him, upon his throne. He holds an even
balance between rival statesmen and parties : he es-
pouses no cause or policy. Ministers are responsible
for the exercise of his prerogatives ; and take upon
themselves the unpopularity of every act of the ex-
ecutive. At the same time, all honours and acts of
grace proceed directly fi'om the crown itself.
All these circumstances concur in associating loy-
Loyaityand alty with patriotism, and a respect for law
patriotism. ^^^ order, of which the crown is at once
the symbol and the guarantee. Such sentiments are
more constant and enduring than loyalty itself ; and
they are the special characteristics of Englishmen.
They sustain the spirit of loyalty, even when per-
sonal devotion to the sovereign is weakened by ex-
ceptional causes. After the overthrow of the Stuarts,
several sovereigns failed to conciliate the affections
and sympathies of their subjects. William III., not-
v/ithstanding his great services to the State, was
unpopular. He was a foreigner, and his manners
were cold and uugenial. The reign of Queen Anne
LOYALTY AND PATRIOTISM. 499
was illumined with glory : but though her amiability
won her the title of 'Good Queen Aime,' she had
none of the qualities which arouse devotion. The
two first Georges were foreigners, and took little
pains to acquire popularity with their alien subjects ;
while the loyalty of the country was undermined by
Jacobite intrigues.
But with George III. the traditional loyalty of the
English people was revived. He was an Loyalty to
Englishman, a plain country gentleman, of ^"'^''^
simple tastes and habits, pious and domestic, and
fairly representing the character of the Englishmen
of his time. He took too active and personal a part in
politics, to escape occasional unpoi^ularity : but he gen-
erally possessed, throughout his long and chequered
reign, the affections of his people. The character of
George IV. was not such as to command re- ^
^ . George IV.
spect ; and at the very commencement of his
reign, he braved unpopularity by his proceedings
against Queen Caroline. Yet was he greeted with
remarkable demonstrations of loyalty ; and his ad-
miring people delighted to honour ' the first gentle-
man in Europe.' The name of William IV.
being associated with the great measure of
Parliamentary reform, he became the most popular
of kings : but politics are an unstable foundation of
public attachment ; and before the close of his reign,
his popularity had sensibly declined.
AVith the reign of Queen Victoria, the chivalrous
loyalty of Enfflishmen was revived. A fair
young Queen, endowed with every virtue, (^>iutii
and graced with every accomplishment, won
the ready affections of her people. None of her an-
cestors had aroused a loyalty so genuine and uiii-
500 ENGLAND.
versal. Holding herself above political parties, and
faithfully observing the obligations of a constitutional
sovereign, her popularity has never been impaired by
the errors of statesmen, or the jealousy of factions.
Never did sovereign more truly deserve, or more
abundantly enjoy, the loyalty of a nation. Restrained
by a great affliction, and afterwards by ill health,
from some of the more public functions of sove-
reignty, it was feared by many that her poijularity
had declined : but such fears were promptly dispelled,
whenever the people found an occasion for displaying
their feelings.
No more touching example of loyal and affectionate
devotion to the Queen and the royal family
recovery of cau be coucoived, than the episode of the ill-
of Wales, ness and recovery of the Prince of Wales, in
1871
the winter of 1871. While he was in danger,
the anxiety of all classes was that of friends and re-
lations : crowds pressed forward to read the bulletins :
the thoughts of all men were fixed upon the sufferer
at Sandringham. When his haj^py recovery was cele-
brated by the thanksgiving at St. Paul's Cathedral,
not even George III. on a similar occasion, received
demonstrations of attachment so earnest and univer-
sal. No man who witnessed the events of that memo-
rable day, — the solemn service in the metropolitan
church, — the vast crowds that greeted the royal pro-
cession, with earnest sympathy, for many miles, through
the streets of London, and the rejoicings of a whole
people, will venture to doubt the loyalty of Her Ma-
jesty's subjects. Nor have such manifestations of
hearty loyalty been confined to the capital. Wlien-
ever Her Majesty, the Prince of Wales, or other mem-
bers of the Royal Family, have visited great industrial
CONSERVATIVE ELEMENTS OF SOCIETY. 501
or manufacturing cities, which are supposed to be
leavened with a republican spirit, they have been re-
ceived with enthusiastic devotion.
All evidence, therefore, contradicts the assertion
that loyalty has declined in England. The j^gpro.
personal sentiment is sustained, with all its Jep^jb"ic°^
touching interests and affections ; and it is ''"^*'"-
associated with a sober reverence for the laws and in-
stitutions of the country.^ It is well knowm that re-
publican speculations have occasionally been ventured
upon : but they have not found favour with any con-
siderable class of society : they have not been ad-
dressed to a single constituency : they have not been
even whispered in Parliament ; and they are repelled
by tlie general sentiment of the country.
While loyalty to the crown has survived all
the advances of democracy, the church has congerva-
awakened from a long period of inaction, and [^'"^t.^isof
by her zeal and good works, has recovered 'â– "'^''â– ^y-
much of her former influence ; while the continual in-
crease of wealth has strengthened the conservative
elements of society. The nobility, augmented in num-
bers, still enjoy an influence little loss than feudal,
in their several counties. The country gentlemen,
united with them in interests and sympathies, liavo
become far richer and more powerful tlian in the
time of George III. : wliile tliey have advanced, still
more conspicuously, in culture and accomplishjnents.
Trained in the public schools and universities, the
army, and the Inns of Court, they are qualified, as
well for their high social position, as for the magis-
â– 'Reverence for the past, confidence in the present, faitli in the
future, tliut is the sum of iMi^'lisli Btat(!snmns1iip.' — Speech of Sir
Willium Vernon llurcourt ut Oxford, 8tli Sept., 1873.
502 ENGLAND.
tracy and public affairs. Commercial wealtli has been
lavished upon tlie land; and merchants and manu-
facturers have recruited the ranks of a class, to whom
they were once opposed. The goodly array of inde-
pendent gentry, multiplied by the increasing wealth
of the country, and by public employments, have
generally cast in their lot with the proprietors of the
soil. The professional classes, enlarged in numbers,
in variety of pursuits, and in social influence, have
generally associated themselves with the property of
the country, with which their fortunes are identified.
The employers of labour, anxiously concerned in the
safety of their property and interests, and irritated
by the disputes of their workmen, have looked coldly
upon democratic movements. Great numbers of per-
sons in the employment of public companies and com-
mercial firms, may be included in the ranks which
give stability to English society. It may be added
that many of the higher grades of operatives invest
their savings, and are bound up with the interests of
their employers ; and that a considerable number of
the working classes gain their livelihood from the ex-
penditure of the rich.
A society so strong, so varied, and so composite,
assures the stability of our institutions, and
Sns'oT' the equitable policy of our laws. In France,
sociLty. ^^^ disorganization of society has been the
main cause of revolutions : in England, its sound con-
dition has been the foundation of political progress
and constitutional safety.
INDEX.
AAR
AAEAU, Peace of [Swiss Con-
federation].
Absolutism, evils of, ii. 101 ; of
the French Republic, 190.
Achaian League, the, its services
to Greece, i. 135 ; one of the
earliest examples of a federal
State, 135 ; compared with de-
mocracy of Athens, 135, 136.
Act of Mediation [Siciss Confede-
ration].
Advertisement duty repealed, ii.
476.
Affre, Monseigneur, archbishop of
Paris, killed on the barricades,
ii. 303.
Agitation, political, in England,
477-488 ; the moral of, ii. 489.
Agora, the, its beneficial influ-
ences, i. 47.
Agrarian law, of Si)urius Cas-
sius, i. 151 ; of Liclnius, 179 ;
contlnuiilly demanded in Rome,
179 ; of Tiberius Gracchus, 182,
183.
Agricultural communities, con-
serviitivfj, but with clinnents
favourable to freedom, Introd.
xxxvii. ; different classes of
cultivators, xxxviii. ; the Me-
tayer system, xxxs'iii.; general
character of, xl.; in (heeco, i.
60 ; in Rome, 150, 103, 178 ; in
ANJ
the dark ages, 230; in Italy,
286 ; in Switzerland, 352, 358-
355, 371 ; in the Netherlands,
ii. 2 ; iu France, 91, 105-112 ; in
England, 350, 374, 467, 501.
Albigcnses, the, i. 277 ; ii. 91.
Albizzi, the [Florence].
Alfred the Great, arrests the pro-
gress of the Danes in England,
ii. 359.
Alkmaar, the siege of, ii. 47.
Alps, the, scenery of, and its in-
fluence on man, i. 348.
Alva, the Duke of [Netherlands,
the].
American War of Independence,
the, a prelude to revolution in
Europe, ii. 134 ; alliance of
France with the colonists, 134 ;
stimulates the pojjular move-
ment in England, 469 ; and in
France, 409,
Amiens, peace of, ii. 220.
Amphictyonic Council, the, i. 52.
Amsterdam, attempts of William
j II. of Orange to seize, ii. 70.
j Anabaptists, the, i. 281 ; in Eng-
1 land, their ideal, ii. 440.
Anglo-Saxons, the [England].
Anjou, the Due d', sovereign of
1 the United Provinces, except
604
INDEX.
XST
ATH
Holland and Zealand, ii. 57 ; his
match with Queen Elizabeth
broken off, 57 ; takes the oath
to observe the charters and con-
stitutions, 57 ; his treason, 58,
59 ; his departure and death,
59.
Anti-Coru-Law League, the, its
action and triumph, ii. 486 ;
moral of the agitation, 487.
Antinomians, the, ii. 441.
Anti-Slavery Society, the, its suc-
cess, ii. 484.
Antwerp, burnt, and its citizens
massacred by the Spaniards, ii.
51 ; raid of Anjou on, 58 ; ca-
pitulates to Prince of Parma,
61.
Arabs, the [Saracens].
Aragon, liberties of the Cortes,
ii. 37 ; insurrection in, 28.
Aquinas, St. Thomas, his politi-
cal views, Introd. xxiii. n.
Archons, government of, at Ath-
ens, i. 70 ; office thrown open
by Aristides, 77 ; election by
lot, 78 ; deprived of judicial
functions, 79.
Areopagus, the, its powers, i.
78 ; obnoxious to the demo-
cratic party, 78 ; stripped of its
powers, 79.
Aristocracy, one of the first forms
of government, Introd. xxvii. ;
its influence surviving its ex-
clusive power, xxviii. ; the na-
tural constitution of a pastoral
State, xxxvii. ; aptitude of, for
government, Iv. ; conflicts with
the people, Ivii. ; conflict of,
with democracy, i. 59 and n. ;
united with monarchy and pop-
Tilar institutions at Sparta, 66
and n. ; the Roman patricians,
142, 143, 150, 151 ; fusion of
old and new, at Rome, 159, 100 ;
political reaction of Roman,
172 ; ascendency of, after fall
of the Gracchi, 189 ; the novi
homines, 199 ; relations of, with
the Church of Rome, 249 ; tho
feudal, 252 ; of Venice, 302,
sqq. ; conflict of, with demo-
cracy at Genoa, 307 ; at Flor-
ence, 317, sqq. ; growth of a
new, at Florence, 321 ; the
commercial, 325, 326 ; of Berne,
366 ; of Fribourg, 368 ; of
France, ii. 102 ; in England,
360, 362, 374 ; power of, after
the Revolution, 463.
Armies, standing, the formation
of, a check to the development
of democracy, Introd. Ixi. ; in-
jurious effects of, Ixi. ; conse-
quences of, in Rome, i. 173 ;
danger of, under Marius, 190 ;
organised under the empire,
217 ; governed Rome, 227 ; ap-
proach to establishment of,
by Swiss Confederation, 375 ;
raised by Charles the Bold, ii.
23.
Arnold of Brescia [Rome].
Axtevelde, James van, becomes
leader of the Flemings, ii. 16 ;
sovereign of Flanders, his ex-
ploits, 16 ; his death, 17.
— Philip van, his exploits and
death, ii. 17, 18.
Arundel, Earl of, committed to
the Tower, ii. 393.
Aryans, their original seat and
migrations, i. 40, 41 ; their
civilisation attested by their
language, 41 ; contributed to
European liberty, 42, n.
Associations [Political Associa-
tions].
Athens, contrasted with Sparta,
i. 69 ; the intellectual centre of
Greece, 70 ; an oligarchy, gov-
ernment by Archons, 70 ; con-
stitution of Solon, 71 ; council
of Four Hundred, 72 ; Ecclesia,
73 ; encouragement of com-
INDEX.
505
ATS
AXIS
merce, 73 ; suspension of free-
dom under Peisistratus and liis
sons, 73 ; constitution of Cleis-
tlienes, 73 ; division into ten
tribes, 74 ; Senate of Five
Hundred, 75 ; the Ecclesia, 75;
ostracism, 7a ; changes in con-
stitution of Cleisthenes, 77 ;
reforms of Pericles, 78 ; the
Areopagus, 78 ; the dicasteries,
79 ; scrutiny of magistrates, 81 ;
restraints upon the democracy,
83 ; increased power of the Ec-
clesia, 8"i ; the Council of Five
Hundred, 83 ; introduction of
payment for public services,
84, 85, 86 ; popular amusements
provided at expense of the
State, 87 ; distribution of pro-
fits of mines of Laiirium among
the citizens, 87, n. ; public
works promoted by Pericles,
87 ; the Theoricon, 88 ; exam-
ple of a pure democracy, 90 ;
ambassadors received by the
as-;embly, 91 ; her democratic
influence, 92 ; overthrow of
the democracy by Peisander,
92 ; overthrow of the oli-
garchs, 94 ; a polity estab-
lished, 94 ; democracy restored,
94 ; humiliation and surrender
of the city to Lysander, 94 ;
rule of the Thirty Tyrants, 95 ;
proscription, 95 ; rescued by
Thrasybulus. 98 ; the demo-
cracy restored, 96 ; decline of
her ascendency, 96 ; her orators
and philosophers, 97 ; Macedo-
nian conquest, fall of the demo-
cracy, 97.
- Her greatness under the de-
mocracy, 99 ; coincidc^nce of en-
liglitenment and freedom, 99 ;
her warlike spirit, 100 ; her
great victories, 101 ; employ-
ment of mercenary troops, 101 ;
its bad ofTects, lO'J ; her politi-
cal activity, 103 ; her loaders,
104 ; influence of birtli, 105,
106 ; disparagement of the ' de-
magogues,' 106 ; good and bad
demagogues, 107 ; study of
oratory, 107 ; the sophists, 107;
freedom of speech, the natural
growth of Athenian life, 109 ;
attempt to restrict it, 109, n. ;
licence of the stage, 110 ; So-
crates an example of Athenian
toleration, and of its breach,
110 ; the drama, music. 111,
112 ; means of culture, 112 and
n. ; smalluess of Athens as a
State, 113 ; rudeness of its form
of government, 114 ; need of
representation, 115 ; the Greek
religicm, 110 ; slavery, 120 ;
selfishness of Athenian policy,
121 ; Athenian franchise, 131 ;
lowering of the franchise, 123 ;
lowering of the character of
the democracy, 123 ; its power
increased, 124 ; burthens upon
the rich, and upon the poor,
125 ; patriotism undermined by
payments for attendance, 125,
126 ; paid advocates, 127 ; popu-
lar judicature, 128 ; the Syco-
phants, 128 ; public anui^e-
ments at cost of the State, 129 ;
the system comjdeted by Eubu-
]us, 130 ; misai)propriation of
money, 132 ; corriiption of gene-
rals and envoys, 132 ; eflorts of
Demosthenes to reform abuses,
133 ; poor laws, 133 ; public
life in, compared with Konie,
168 ; Athenian democracy com-
pared with Konian, 218 ; their
judicatures compared, 219 ;
compared with Florence, 310.
Athens, the Duke of [Florence^.
Augsburg, Diet of, allows rulers
to determine the faith of their
subjects, ii. 35, n.
Augustus [Octavius],
Austria, the German Emperor
signs Declaration of Pilnitz. ii.
160 ; joins with I'russia in de-
claration of war against Friince,
167; Francis II. rem. uncos title
of Emperor of (ieririaiiy, 226 ;
insurrections in Italy against
506
INDEX.
BAI
BLA
lier rule (1848), 287 ; disturb-
ances at Vienna, abdication of
tlie Emperor, 288 ; new consti-
tution, 288.
BAILLY, Mayor of Paris, ii.
153 ; resigns, 161 ; execut-
ed, 194
Ball, John, his bold social doc-
trines, ii. 3G7.
Ballot, the, iised in Rome, i. 181 ;
adopted in England, 1872, ii.
493.
Barbes, his insurrection, ii. 268 ;
its object, 268 ; resisted by
Lamartine, 298 ; member of
provisional government, arrest-
ed, 302.
Barebone's Parliament [England].
Barneveldt, .Tan van Olden, sup-
ports Prince Maurice, ii. 65 ;
his peace policy, 70 ; his illegal
arrest and execution, 74.
Barras, ii. 207, 214.
Barrot, Odillon, his opposition to
repressive measures o* Louis
Philippe, ii. 265 ; leads agita-
tion for reform, 270, 278 ; min-
ister with M. Thiers, 281 ; first
minister, 282 ; his ministry dis-
missed by Louis Napoleon, 308 ;
invited to form a ministry, 311.
Basle, a municipal republic, i.
357 ; its mixed constitution,
368, 360 ; peasant war, 387 ;
revolution at, 396 ; the bishop-
ric annexed to France, 396 ;
domination of the town over
the country, 404.
Bavaria, abdication of King Lud-
wig, ii. 290.
Belgium, Celtic settlers in, ii. 3 ;
occupied by the Franks, 4 ; in-
surrection in. 85 ; made a sepa-
rate kingdom under Leopold I.,
85 ; ascendency of Ultr anion -
tanism, 85 ; progress of, 1830
to 1848, 285 ; remains at peace
in 1848, 291 [Netherlands, and
Ncticerlands, kingdom of the].
Berlin, insurrection at, 1848, ii.
290.
Bernadotte, elected King of Swe-
den, ii. 226.
Berne, a municipal republic, i.
357 ; privileges of its burghers,
357 ; forms alliance "with Fri-
bourg, Bienne, and Neufchiltel,
357 ; its aristocratic constitu-
tion, 366, 367 ; corruption of
the rulers, 381 and n. ; peasant
war in, 387 ; becomes an oligar-
chy, 390 ; intervenes against
the burghers of Geneva, 392 ;
again, with Zurich, France, and
Savoy, occupies the town, and
suppresses its liberties, 393 ;
heavy contributions levied by
the French, 400 ; oligarchic
rule restored, 404 ; revolution
of 1830, 405 ; conciliation of
parties, 412.
Berri, the Due de, assassination
of, ii. 242.
Bianchi and Neri, the, at Flor-
ence, i. 319.
Bible, the English, its influence
on English society, ii. 379.
Billaud-Varennes, ii. 189 n., 202,
203.
Bishops, in England, nominated
by the king, ii. 371 ; proposal
of the Commons to deprive
them of their seats in the House
of Lords, 412 ; the bill passed,
415 ; reinstated at the Restora-
tion, 456.
Blanc, Louis, Socialist leader, ii.
295 ; attempts to organize na-
tional workshops, 296, 297 and
n. ; resisted by Lamartine, 297 ;
takes part in invasion of the
Hntel de Ville, 300 ; in storm-
ing of the Assembly, 301 ; mem-
BLA
INDEX. 507
surance chamber, 7 ; expels
the French garrison, IG ; vic-
tory over the French at Cour-
trai, 16 ; joins in war against
Count of Flanders, 16 ; resists
Philip the Good, 23 ; seizure
and imprisonment of Archduke
Maximilian by the townsmen,
25 ; they extort a treaty from
him, 25 ; unsuccessfully at-
tacked by Duke of Anjou, 58.
ber of provisional government,
arrested, 301.
Blanqui, takes part in the insur-
rection of Barbt>s, ii. 268; leader
of the Red Republicans in in-
vasion of the Hotel de Ville,
300 ; member of provisional
government, arrested, 301.
Bohemia, pro\'isional government
proclaimed at Prague, ii. 288.
Boissy d'Anglas, his firmness as ' Brussels, capitulates to Prince of
president of the Convention, u. | p^nna, ii. 01 ; capital of the
201. I new kingdom of the Nether-
Bologna, the head of the confed- ! lands, 84.
eraiion of cities south of the
Po, i. 312 ; joins the Lombard
League, 313 ; staunch to the
Guelphic party, 315.
Bonaj^rte, Jerome, made King of
Westphalia, ii. 226.
— , Joseph, made King of the
Two Sicilies, ii. 226 ; king of
Spain, 226.
— , Louis, made King of Holland,
and deposed, ii. 226.
— , Napoleon [J^ajjoleon Bona-
parte].
Bordeaux, under the Reign of
Terror, ii. 192 ; meeting of Na-
tional Assembly at, 331.
Borromean League, the, alliance
of Seven Catholic Cantons of
Switzerland, i. 383.
Bourbons, the, fruitless attempts
at fusion of the two bouses, ii.
316.
Bourgeoisie, the, the middle class
in France, ii. 116.
Brahmans, the, interpreters and
administrators of the law, i. 4 ;
pride of caste, 5.
Bright, >fr. , one of tl>e loaders of
tlie Anti-Corn-Law League, ii.
486.
Bruges, tlie central mart of the
llunsealic League, ii. 6 ; its iu-
Buckingham, Duke of, proceed-
ings against him threatened,
ii. 392 ; the ]>arliament dis-
solved to avert them, 393 ; im-
peachment voted, again saved
by a dissolution, 393.
Buddhism, freedom uuknown to,
i, 3.
Bugeaud, Marshal, commander of
Paris, ii. 282.
Bureaucracy, growth of, at Rome,
i. 216.
Burgundy, House of, acquires
sovereignty of the Netherlands,
ii. 22.
Bussolari, Jacob del, his enter-
prise at Pavia, i. 330.
CADIZ, capture and sack of, by
Dutch and English fleets, ii,
65.
Cajsar, C. Julius, one of the lead-
ers of the Roman democracy,
i. 201 ; bids for popularity, 203 ;
Pontifex Maximus, 204 ; alli-
ance with Pomi)ey, 2U5 ; his
jwpular measures, 206 ; mili-
tary commands, 206 ; victories,
207; triumvir, 208 ; rivalry
with Pompcy, 200 ; crosses the
Rubicon, 210 ; master of Rome,
211 ; his powerfi and ])olicy,
211 ; his constitutioniil and ro-
mudial laws, 212 ; slain, 213 ;
508
INDEX.
CAIi
CHA
tlie assassins justified by Mon-
tesquieu, 213, n. ; routs the
Helvetii, 33C.
Calendar, reformation of the, ii.
195.
Calonne, ii. 135 ; his measures,
137 ; his fall, 137.
Calvin, John, his scheme of
church government, i. 282 ; his
influence in reformation of
Switzerland, 382 ; his rule in
Geneva, 384 ; moral influence
of his religious discipline, 385 ;
his doctrines and polity em-
braced by many in England, ii.
378.
Calvinists, the supporters of po-
litical liberties, Introd. Ixv.
[Pvritans].
Capital punishment, for political
offences abolished in France,
ii. 293.
Capitalists, a class of, created at
Home, i. 174 ; in France, be-
come a power in the State, ii.
115.
Capponi, Florentine statesman, 1.
338.
Carrier, at Nantes, ii. 193, 202.
Carthage, its republican consti-
tution, i. 31 ; democratic ele-
ments, 32 ; growth of an oli-
garchy, 32 ; analogy with con-
stituti-on of Venice. ' 32 ; the
Punic wars, 164 ; invasion of
Italy by Hannibal, 164 ; colony
at, founded by Csesar, 213.
Caste, in India, i. 5 ; in Persia,
15 ; in Egypt, 27.
Castile, liberties of, the Cortes,
ii. 27 ; the king deposed. 27 ;
remonstrance of the holy jtintn
rejected by Charles V,. 28 ; in-
surrection under Padilla, sup-
pressed, and Padilla put to
death, 28.
Catalonia, the king deposed by
the people, ii. 27.
Cathelineau, Vendean leader, ii.
189.
Catholic Association, the, formed,
ii. 480 ; Act for suppression of,
passed, 481 ; meetings prohib-
ited, 481.
Catholic Emancipation, conceded,
ii. 482.
Catholics {Church of liome].
Catiline, L. Sergius, his conspi-
racy, i. 204.
Cato, the censor, i. 176.
Cato, M. Porcius, leader of sena-
torial party, i. 204 ; his tactics,
206, n.
Cavaignac, General, ap^inted
Dictator, suj)presses Socialist
insurrection at Paris, ii. 303 ;
his measures, 304 ; candidate
for the Presidency, 304.
Celts, the, their early condition,
Introd. xlvi. ; state of countries
peopled by, xlvi., xlvii. ; settlers
in Belgium, ii. 3 ; in England,
352.
Censorship of the Press, in France,
partially removed, ii. 239 ; re-
moved, 241 ; revived, 242 ;
abolished, 245 ; restored, 248 ;
abolished, 248 ; in England,
under Cromwell, 446.
Centralisation, in France, ii. 99-
101.
Chambord, Comte de,his resolute
adhesion to the white flag, ii.
345 ; failure of attempts at fu-
sion, 346.
Changarnier; General, prevents
storming of the Hotel de Ville,
ii. 300, 301; superseded in com-
mand of Paris, 309, 310.
Charlemagne, his schools, i. 264,
265 ; reduces the Frisians, i|.
4 ; his appointment of muni-
INDEX.
509
CHA
CHR
cipal officers in the Nether-
lands, 8.
Cliarles the Bold, Duke of Bur-
gundy, thrice defeated by the
Swiss, i. 362 ; gives up Lii'ge
to pillage, ii. 23 ; his tyranny
in the Netherlands, 23.
Charles X. of France, his acces-
sion, ii. 245 ; his character, 245
and n. ; under priestly influ-
ence, 246, 247 [Fraiice].
Qiarles Albert, King of Sardinia,
begins the war for Italian unity,
ii. 287.
Charles V., Emperor, becomes
sovereign of the Netherlands^,
ii. 26 ; enlarges powei*s of the
Spanish crown, 28 ; suppresses
insurrections and overthrows
ancient liberties, of Spain, 28;
his rule in the Netherlands, 29 ;
his hostility to the Reforma-
tion, 33 ; his cruel persecution
of Protestants in the Nether-
lands, 34 ; abdicates, 36.
Charles I. of England, his charac-
ter, ii. .301, 392 ; his bad faith,
395 ; resolves to govern with-
out a Parliament, 396 ; con-
vokes another, 40 ', ; dissolves
it, 401 ; summons a council of
peers at York, 402 ; summons
the Long Parliament, 402 ; as-
sents to attainder of Strafford,
405 ; his rights infringed by
Act agaiiist dissolution of par-
liament, 411 ; attempts to ar-
rest the five members, 414 ; re-
fuses assent to the Militia Bill,
415 ; leaves Ijf)ndon, 4I(J ; i)re-
pares foi* war, 416 ; his adhe-
rents, 417 ; divided counsels,
418 ; summons a parliament at
Oxff>rd, 419 ; negotiations at
Uxbridge, 419 ; defeated at
Naseby, 423 ; takes refuge with
the Scots, 423 ; given up l)y i
th(!m, 423 ; soizwl and tal^cn j
to tlie camp, 425 ; in ca])tivity,
426 ; rejects the propositions of i
the army, 426, 427 ; escapes
from Hampton Court, 427 ; im-
prisoned in Carisbrook Castle,
428 ; treats with the parlia-
ment, 428 ; his secret treaty
with the Scots, 429 ; accused
of treachery and treason ; his
trial demanded, 430 ; his trial
and execution, 435 ; contempo-
rary sentiments, 435 ; the judg- '
ment of posterity, 436.
Charles, Prince of Wales, pro-
claimed King in Scotland, ii.
442 ; defeated by Cromwell at
Worcester, 442 ; restoration of,
454 ; his rule, 457.
Chartists, the, in England, or-
ganisation of, ii. 484 ; their
methods of action, 485 ; the
procession to Westminster of
April 10, 1848, prohibited and
prevented, 435, 4S6 ; weakness
of their cause, 486.
China, early civilisation of, i. 16 ;
theoretical principles of its
government, 17 ; Confucius and
Slencius, 17 ; restraints upon
the i)ower of the emperor, 18 ;
superiority of its j urisprudence,
18; functionaries, 19; boards
and other offices, 19 ; vices of
administration, 19 ; the censors,
- 19 ; extensive system of educa-
tion, 20 ; learning the sole road
to power, 20 ; influence of the
literati upon public opinion, 21;
frequency of insurrections, 21;
village communities, 21 ; sim-
plicity of the State religion, 21;
industry of the people, 22 ;
causes of the absence of free-
dom, 23 ; absence of wealthy
and middle classes, 23 ; density
of pojiulation, 23 ; moral condi-
tion of the people, 24 ; their
unsocial isolation, 24.
Chivalry, institution of, its refin-
ing influences, i. 253.
Christianity, influenco of, upon
European civilisation, i. 239 ;
510
INDEX.
CHU
its precepts, 239 ; addresses it-
self to the individual, 239, n. ;
appealed to iu support of oppo-
site systems, 240, 241, nu. ; its
propagation, 242 ; corruptions
of churches, 243 ; church gov-
ernment, 243; growth of power
of bishops and priests, 243
[Church ofliome].
Cliurch of England, the revival
in the, Introd. Ixii. ; the royal
supremacy established by Hen-
ry VIII., ii. 371 ; reformation
effected by the king, 372 ; its
doctrines and ceremonies main-
ly Lutheran, 378 ; revolt of the
Puritans against, 378; attempts
of Queen Elizabeth to repress
divisions, 380 ; rise of non-con-
formity, 380 ; Catholic reaction
under Mary, 381 ; illegal canons
of Convocation sanctioned by
James I., 386 ; exalts preroga-
tive, 386 ; passive obedience
taught, 396 ; its policy directed
by Laud, 398 ; proceedings of
the Long Parliament against
the clergy, 407 ; episcopacy as-
sailed by the Puritans, 414;
the Presbyterian polity intro-
duced, the Episcopal clergy
ejected, 423 ; held sacred the
meraorv of ' King Charles the
Martyr/ 436; restored to as-
cendency at the Restoration,
456 ; persecutes the Puritans,
456 ; resists the encroachments
of James II., 458 ; its repose in
the 18th century, 465 ; dis-
turbed by Wesley and Wliite-
field, 474; affected as the church
of the people, 475 ; her policy
threatened, 475 [Bishops, Pres-
hytcrians, Puritans'].
Church of Rome, her hold on
cultivated minds shaken by
modern free thought, Introd.
Ixii. ; partial recovery of her
power, Ixii. ; the revival ac-
companied by superstitious doc-
trines and practices, Ixii. ; the
CIO
pontiff, i. 244 ; influence of,
upon freedom, 244 ; the ascetic
spirit, 345 ; its teaching adverse
to freedom, 246 ; the church
and civilisation, 246; the priest-
hood, 247 ; its salutary moral
influence, 248 ; its relations to
the poor, 248 ; to the aristoc-
racy, 249 ; to kings, 249 ; claims
of the Pope, 249 ; its spiritual
and secular power a check to
freedom, 251 ; represses free
inquiry, 271 ; its influence im-
paired by growth of modern
languages, 271 ; conflict of, with
freedom of thought, 276 ; its
unity threatened by heresies,
277 ; the Inquisition, 278 ;
growth of opposition to, 279 ;
its claim of supreme dominion,
279 ; the Protestant Reforma-
tion. 280; Catholic reaction,
282 ; ascendency of, maintained
in Belgium, ii. 85 ; in France,
originally a source of weakness
to the crown, 90 ; resists the
new philosophy of France, 125 ;
her teaching imchanged, 125 ;
expulsion of the Huguenots,
125 ; when exposed to criticism,
unequal to the strife, 126 ; re-
established in France by Bo-
naparte, 221 ; strife of Henry
VIII. with, 370, 371 ; Catholic
reaction in Europe, 381 ; perse-
cution of Catholics by James
I., 386.
Cicero, M. Tullius, wins popular-
ity, i. 203 ; discovers Catihne's
conspiracv, 204 ; banished, 207 ;
recalled, 209.
Cimon, rival of Pericles, his lar-
gesses to the people, i. 86;
takes part in fortifications of
Athens, 87.
Cinna, L. Corn., his reversal of
Sulla's policv, i. 195 ; with Ma-
rius. takes Rome, 196 ; consul,
196 ; slain, 197.
Ciompi, the [B'lorence].
INDEX.
CIS
Cisalpine republic, tlie, created,
ii. 209 ; made a kingdom, :i25.
Civilis, Batavian chief, resists
the Romaus, ii. 4.
CivilisatioD, its connection with
freedom, Introd. sxii. ; contrasts
between Eastern and Western,
i. 1; inferiority of Eastern, i-3 ;
its unprogressive character, 2 ;
arrested by wars, 2 ; freedom
uuknowa to it, 3 ; Greek, 138 ;
European, promoted by intiu-
ence of traditions of Rome, 236,
237 ; by the church, 246 ; by
chivalry, 253 ; Byzantine, char-
acterised, 267 ; Saracen, 268 ;
influence of the Jews on Euro-
pean, 369 ; ancient, recovered,
272.
Cleisthenes. constitution of, i. 73-
77.
Clients, class of, at Rome, i. 174.
Clodius, demagogue at Rome, i,
207.
Climate, effects of, on freedom,
Introd. xxxii. ; tropical, con-
ducive to despotism, xxxiii. ;
temperate, conducive to free-
dom, xxxiv ; of India, i. 7 ; of
Palestine, 33 ; of Greece, 44 ;
of Italv, 141 ; of Switzerland,
349 ; of tho Netherlands, ii. 13 ;
of France, 89 ; of England, 350.
Clubs, political, at Athens, i. 9'3 ;
enter into plot of Peisander, 93 ;
at Rome, 156 ; revival of, pro-
posed by Clodius, 207, n. ; at
Geneva, 39 J ; revolutionary, at
Paris, confederation of, ii. 153 ;
their importance, 173, n. ; their
confederation KU])pressed, 202 ;
reopened in France, 294 ; join
in inciting to insurrection, June
1848, 303 ; suj)i)ressed by Ca-
vaignac, 304.
Cobden, Mr., one of the leaders
of the Anti-Corn-Law League,
ii. 486.
COM
Collot d'Herbois, ii.
511
189, n., 192,
202,
203.
Colonisation, Greek, i. 137, 138 ;
relations of colonies to mother
country, 137, n.; Roman, in
Italy, 161 ; beyond the Alps,
proposed by Marius, 191 ; Brit-
ish colonies under responsible
government, ii. 494.
Columbus, Christopher, i. 275.
Comitia, the, at Rome, admission
of the plcbs to, i. 149 ; checks
upon, 157 ; vote by ballot in-
troduced, 184 ; order of voting
changed, 186 ; changes under
Sulla, 200 ; daily report of its
proceedings ordered by Caesar,
206 ; controlled by Uctavius,
215 ; fall into disi;se, 216 ; ir-
regular action of, 222.
Committee of Public Safety
[^F'rench Bevolutioii].
^Commons, the House of, acquires
independent place in the legis-
lature, ii. 364 ; its growing
powers, 365 ; reaction against,
368 ; under Henry VIII. nomi-
nees of the crown, 372 ; claims
freedom of speech under Eliza-
beth, 374 ; contests the prero-
gative under James I., 388 ;
presents a remonstrance to the
king, 388 ; Charles I. and his
Parliaments, 392-405 ; inter-
feres with the House of Lords,
408 ; restrains freedom of de-
bate and right of petition, 409 ;
presents the Grand Remon-
.strance to the king, 412 and n.;
arrest of the five niombors, 414 ;
passes the Militia Bill, 415 ; ap-
points High Court of Justice
for trial of Charies I., 431; de-.
clares itself supremo, 431 ; man-
agement of, by 'xil't of i)lace3
and pensions, an art of states-
nianshi)), after the Revolution,
463 [ l'(irlwiiKnt\
Commonwealth, the [EvQland].
612 INDEX.
COM
Commune, tlie [France, Paris].
Communists, the most mischie-
vous fanatics of democracy,
Introd. Ixvi.; decry ' individual-
ism," Ixvii. ; tyranny of com-
munism, its depression of
higher natures, Ixviii. ; pro-
scription of higher aims of
society, Ixviii. and n. ; its
dreams realised in France,
Ixix. ; culmination of its dan-
gers in the Paris Commune,
1871, ixx.; a revolt against cap-
ital, Ixx. ; overcome by the
second French empire, Ixx. ;
in France, conspiracy of Ba-
bceuf , ii. 208 and n. ; under re-
public of 1848, 295 [Interna-
tional Association Socialists].
Condottieri, the, i. 327 ; Swiss,
378.
C/onfucius, 1, 16.
Conscience, freedom of, pro-
claimed by William, Prince of
Orange, ii. 60 ; progress of the
struggle for, in Europe, 71.
Conscription, the, introduced in
France, ii. 213.
CHO
Constantinople, saved amidst
wreck of Europe, i. 266 ; orien-
tal character of its civilisation,
266, 267 ; arts of, 267 ; its liter-
ary treasures, buried, 267.
Constituent Assembly [FrencJi
Revolution].
Consuls, chiefs of Roman Repub-
lic, i. 145 ; their simple state,
146 ; office suspended and mili-
tary tribunes appointed, 155 ;
restored, first plebeian elected,
155 ; canvassing for the consul-
I ate forbidden, 155 ; their check
upon the Comitia, 157 ; form
of consulate preserved under
the empire, 216.
Corday, Charlotte, ii. 186.
Cordeliers' Club, the, ii. 155, 163.
Cortes, the, of Spanish kingdoms,
ii. 27.
Corvee, the, in France, ii. 106.
Country gentlemen, their position
and influence in England, ii.
365, 368, 467, 501.
Couthon, ii. 192, 197.
Crassus, M. Licinius, one of the
chiefs of the oligarchy, i. 201 ;
joins the democracy, 203 ; his
wealth and influence, 203 ;
Triumvir, commander in Syria,
208 ; death, 209.
Critias, author of the proscription
at Athens, i. 95 ; his death, 96.
Cromwell, Oliver, one of the
leaders of the Independents, ii.
420 ; his character and intiu-
ence, 420 ; under the self-deny-
ing ordinance, supersedes the
Presbyterian generals, 422 ; de-
feats Charles I. at Naseby,
423 ; assumes chief command,
425 ; overcomes the Parliament,
425 ; represses political agita-
tion in the anuy, 428 ; with his
generals resolves to bring the
king to justice, 428, 429, repels
invasion of the Scots, 430;
' Pride's Purge,' 430; declines to
advise trial of Charles I. ,431 and
n.; as captain-general, virtually
supreme, 441, 442 ; dissolves
the Long Parliament, 442 ; nom-
inates Barebone's Parliament,
443 ; dissolves it, 444 ; declared
Protector for life, 444 ; his elec-
toral reform Act, 444 ; his au-
thority questioned by the new
Parliament, 445 ; dissolves it,
445 ; governs with the army,
445 ; vigour of his rule, 446 ;
threatened with assassination,
447 ; calls another Parliament,
447 ; his ambition, the crown
offered to him, 447, 448 ; and re-
fused, 448 ; confirmed as Pro-
tector, 448 ; dissolves the Par-
liament, 449; his death, 449; his
INDEX.
513
CRO
character, 449, 450 ; his tolera-
tion, 450.
Cromwell, Richard, succeeds his
father as Protector of tlie Com-
monwealth, ii. 451 ; resigns,
451.
Crusades, the, i. 254 ; their in-
fluence upon European enlight-
enment, 255 ; upon feudalism,
255, 25G ; upon the enfranchise-
ment of communes, 256.
DANTE, banished from Flor-
ence, 1. ol9.
Danton. ii. 153, 163 ; leader of
the Commune of Paris, 169,
170, and n., 173 ; weary of blood-
shed, 196 ; overthrow by Robes-
pierre, 196, 201.
Dark Ages, the, i. 230, 231, 233,
250 ; life of man in, 273, n.
De Brienne, exiles the Parliament
of Paris, and recals it, ii. 137 ;
arrests d'Espremenil and Gois
lart, 187 ; resigns, 138.
'Defensional,' the [Sioiss Confed-
eration].
' Delinquents,' ii, 406 and n., 407 ;
sequestration of their estates,
42i.
Democracy, development of popu-
lar i)ower a natural law, Introd.
xxix., XXX. and n. ; illustrations
from English history, and from
French history, xxx., xxxi.;
democratic tendencies of town
jjopiilations, xliii.; its power
increased by events following
the Protestant Reformation,
xlviii.; and the Fn;nch revolu-
tion, xlix.; freedom the firmest
barrier against it, Ix.; its de-
velopment arrested by forma-
tion of great standing armi(!s,
Ixi. ; and checked by ecclesias-
tical revival, Ixii.; relations
of infidelity with, Ixi v., Ixv. ;
its excesses in Europe, Ixvi. ,
22*
DEM
irreverence and intolerance of
the extreme party, Ixvi. ; high-
est ideal of, Ixvi. ; its ideal de-
cried by Communists, Ixvii. ;
its probable future progress,
Ixxiii., Ixxiv. and nu. ; element
of, in republic of Carthage, i.
31 ; in Jewish theocracy, 36,
37 ; in Greek republics, 45 ; in
the Agora, 46 ; advance of, in
Greece, 54 ; moderate, prefer-
red by Aristotle, 55, n. , and 57,
n. ; varieties of, 50 ; advanced
by growth of towns, 62 ; demo-
cratic institutions at Sparta, 68 ;
most fully developed at Athens,
70 ; scheme of, consummated
by introduction of payment for
l)ublic services, 86 ; evils of
Athenian, 90 ; lowering of its
character, 123 ; general princi-
ples illustrated by study of
Greek democracy, 134 ; growth
of, in Rome, 152 ; Roman com-
pared with Athenian, 219 ; its
share in the overthrow of the
republic, 220.
- Extinguished during the dark
ages, i. 232 ; Greek and Teu-
tonic, contrasted, 260 ; germ of,
in Calvin's theocracy, 282 ; of
the Italian republics, 288 ; the
basis of Savonarola's reform,
341 ; examples of, in Switzer-
land, 347 ; simplest form of,
in the Forest Cantons, 355, 356 ;
in the Grisons, 370 ; in the ru-
ral cantons, conservative, 373 ;
primary doctrine of a pure de-
mocracy, 415 ; maintained in
Swiss institutions, 415 ; instruc-
tive study of, afforded by the
Swiss Confederation, 430, 431 ;
twofold illustration of. in his-
tory of the Netherlands, ii. 1;
Dutch refugees catch the spirit
of I'^encb democracy, 81 ; late
growth of, in France, 88 ; the
Jacquerie, 91 ; Sl,(q)lien Marcel,
93 ; rejiresented in 14th century
by Rienzi, Marcel, and the Van
Arteveldes, 93 ; democratic
5M
IITOES.
DEM
basis of tlie French Empire,
223 ; spread of, by campaigns
of revolutionary France, 229 ;
its principles and character
changed, 281 ; reaction against
it, in Europe, 2o2 ; advances of,
in France, 242 ; impulse from
the revolution of July, 256 ;
held in check in Germany, 290 ;
freedom the safeguard against
it, 291 ; ascendency of, in
France, 292 and n. ; universal
reaction against, 304 ; new de-
velopment of, in second French
Empire, o2o ; combination of,
with Imperialism, attempted by
Napoleon III., 381 ; in England,
represented by Puritanism, 414,
n, ; the Independents, first de-
mocratic party in England, 419,
420 ; bears small share in re-
volution of 1688, 458, 459 ; its
principles maintained by specu-
lative writers, but without in-
fluence on practical govern-
' ment, 461 ; symptoms of, in
first years of George III., 468 ;
fostered by American War of
Independence, 469 ; democratic
movement in England, 470 ; re-
pressed by Parliament and pub-
lic opinion, 470 ; becomes a
great political force, 471 ; ad-
vances towards it, by changes
â– in the representation, 493, 494 ;
spread of democratic opinions
in England, 495 ; democratic
aspects of the English govern-
ment, 496 [England, Florence,
France, Greece, Italian Repub-
lics, Netherlands, Borne, Switzer-
land, etc.].
Demosthenes, i. 97 ; his efforts to
refonn abuses, 125, 131, 133.
Desi'ze, defends Louis XVI. on
his trial, ii. 177.
Desmoulins, Camille, ii. 196.
De Witt, John, pensionary of
Holland, ii. 77 ; procures the
passing of the Perpetual Edict,
EDU
78 ; murdered, with his brother
Cornelius, 78.
Dicasteries, the, of Athens, i. 75 ;
constitution and jurisdiction of,
79, 80 ; a field for cultivation
of orator J', 80 ; contribute to
intellectual development of the
citizens, 81.
Diderot, and the Encyclopcdie, ii.
123 ; its doctrines, borrowed
from English philosophers, 123 ;
their prevalence in Europe,
124 ; society penetrated by
them, 127.
Digges, Sir Dudlev, committed to
the Tower, ii. 393.
Directory, the [France, French
Jievolution].
Dissent, progress of, in England
and Wales, ii. 474 [Valvinista,
Nonconformists, Puritans],
Doge, the, of Venice, first election
and powers of, i. 300, 301 ;
limitations of his power, 303 ;
of Genoa, 807.
Dumouriez, General, ii. 181.
EAST, the [Aryans, Cartliage,
China, Civilisation, Egypt,
India, Japan, Jews, Persia,
Phoenicians, Turkey].
Ecclesia, of Athens, the sovereign
political power, i. 75 ; exten-
sion of its powers, 83 ; payment
for attendance introduced, 86 ;
receives ambassadors, 91, n. ;
range of its powers and func-
tions, 92.
Edward the Confessor, the old
line of native kings restored in
him, ii. 359.
Edward I., II., III., IV. [Parlia-
ment.]
Education, extensive system of,
in China, i. 20 ; ideal of Greek,
112 ; means of, at Athens, 113 ;
INDEX.
515
EC4M
EXG
free under Roman empire, 228 ;
obstacles to, in the darii ages,
251 ; revival of learning, 2(34 ;
promoted by Charlemagne ; his
schools and universities, 264 ;
promoted by the Saracens, the
schools of Bagdad, 268 ; and in
Spain, 268 ; the Scholastic sys-
tem, 270 ; interference of the
Jesuits with, in Switzerland,
208 ; high standard of, in the
Netherlands, ii. 19 ; universal-
ity of, in Holland, 72 ; national
system of, founded in France,
by the Convention, 185 ; general
diffusion of, in Europe, 286_;
progress of, in England, 365,
377, 477 ; promoted by cheap
literature, 477.
Egmont, Count [Netherlcvids].
Egypt, its religion and polity of
Eastern origin, i. 26 ; division
of society into castes, 27 ; en-
lightenment confined to the
rulers, 23 ; despotic govern-
ment, supported by physical
conditions of the country, 28 ;
and confirmed by Turkish con-
qu -st, 28 ; introduction of
European civilisation, 28 ; the
Khedive absolute, 29 ; captivity
of Israelites in, 34.
Eliot, Sir John, committed to the
Tower, ii. 393 ; again, 39G ; re-
fuses submission and dies in
the Tower, 397 ; the judgment
reversed by House of Lords,
397.
Elizabeth, queen of England, re-
fuses aid to the United Prov-
inces, ii. .50 ; promis(!3 aid, 53 ;
sovereignty of tlie Netherlands
offered to her, 62 ; declines it,
but sends troops, 63 ; hf;r views,
63 ; her reign the; turning j)oint
in tlic politic.ll fortunes of Eng-
land, 373 ; maintains her pre-
rogativ*', 374.
Empire, the French, first and
second [France, Napoleon Bo-
naparte, Napoleon. Louis].
Eucyclopedie, the {Diderot].
England, her aid sought by the
Dutch, ii. 62, 63 ; ties between
England and Holland, 76 ; joins
the coalition against France,
181 and n. ; her relations with
France disturbed by intrigues
of Louis Philippe about the
Spanish marriages, 277 ; opposi-
tion in their foreign policy, 277 ;
state of, 1830 to 184«, 284;
secure amidst revolutions of
1848, 291 ; her history that of
liberty, not of democracy, 349 ;
character of the country, 350 ;
the climate, the soil, 350, 351 ;
the scenery, 351 ; minerals, 352 ;
the Celts, the Romans, 352, 353 ;
Roman towns, 353 ; influence
of Rome upon later times,
354 ; resemblance between an-
cient Rome and England, 355 ;
the Anglo-Saxons, 355 ; their
conquests, 355 and n. ; Teu-
tonic laws and customs intro-
duced, 356 ; free institutions,
357 and n. ; the witenagemot,
358 ; the Danes, 358 ; the Nor-
man Conquest, 360 ; policy of
William the Conqueror, 360 ;
Norman feudalism, a military
organisation, 360 ; political
changes, 361 ; the crown and
the people, 361 ; measures of
Henry L and Henry II. 362 ;
the barons and the ])eople, 362 ;
Magna Charta, 362 ; increasing
power of parliament, 363 ; de-
position of Edward II. and
Richard II. by the i)arliament,
364; political and social i)ro-
gress in the f(Jurteonth century,
365 ; Wycliffe and religious in-
quiry, 365; the Lollards, 366 ;
decay of feudalism, 366 ; sta-
tutes of labourers, 3(!7 : po])ular
discontents, 367 ; Wat TyUn-'s
insurrection, 367 ; reaction
against the Commons, 368 ;
6iG
INDEX.
ENG
Wars of the Eoses, feudalism
crushed, 8(39 and n. ; increase
of kingly power, 370 ; absolut-
ism of Edward IV., of Henry
Vll., and Henry VIII., 370;
Henry VIII. effects the Refor-
mation, 371 ; his supremacy,
371 ; the parliaments do his
bidding, 373 ; increased power
of the crown, 372 ; course of
the Reformation, 373 ; Catholic
reaction under Queen Mary,
frequent changes of religion,
373 ; reign of Elizabeth, 373,
374 ; social changes, nobles and
country gentlemen, 374, 375 ;
their conservatism, 375 ; rise of
a powerful middle class, 376 ;
commerce and manufactures,
376 ; intellectual progress, 377 ;
Grammar schools, 377 ; religi-
ous movements, 378 ; character
and position of the reformed
church, 378 ; Calvinists, 378 ;
the English Bible, 379 ; the
Puritan character, 879 ; Eliza-
beth and the Puritans, 381.
- Accession of the Stuarts, 383 ;
James I. , 384 ; the king and the
church, 386 ; canons of 1604,
386 ; Gunpowder plot, 387 ;
levy of taxes by prerogative,
387*; dissolution of first parlia-
ment of James I., 388; a sec-
ond summoned and dissolved,
members committed to prison,
389 ; government without a
parliament, 389 ; third parlia-
ment meets, and is dissolved
by the king, 389, 390 ; fourth
meets, 390 ; increasing power
of constituencies, 390 ; close of
James's reign, 391 ; first parlia-
ment of Charles I., 392 ; limited
grant of tonnage and pound-
age ; dissolution of parliament,
392 ; the king's relations with
the new parliament, 393 ; taxes
levied without consent of par-
liament, 393 ; forced loans,
393 ; another parliament sum-
moned, 394 ; the Petition of
ENG
Right, 394 ; the king's bad
faith, 395 ; duties of tonnage
and poundage, 895 ; the king's
determination to govern with-
out a parliament, 396 : commit-
tal of Sir John Eliot and other
members, 396 ; taxes by prero-
gative, 397 ; ship-money, 397 ;
tyranny and severity of the Star
Chamber and High Commission
Courts, 398 ; the king's policy
directed by Laud and Strafford,
398 ; persecution of the Puri-
tans, 399 ; their emigration,
399 ; growing discontent, 399 ;
rebellion in Scotland, 400 ; the
king's embarrassment, 400 ; the
short parliament of 1640, 400 ;
character of the new House of
Commons, 401 ; dissolution,
401 ; the Scots in rebellion, in-
vasion of England, 402 ; the
long parliament, 402 ; remedial
measures, 403, 404 ; impeach-
ments, 404, 405 ; rashness of
the court, 414 ; arrest of the
five members, 414 ; the militia
bill, 415.
- The civil war, 418 ; fruitless
negotiations for peace, 419 ;
Oliver Cromw(-ll,420 ; the self-
denying ordinance, 421 ; new
modelling of the armj', 422 ;
its religious enthusiasm, 422 ;
the battle of Naseby, 423 ; fall
of the Church of England, 423 ;
severities of the parliament,
424 ; invasion by the Scots,
429 ; growth of republican
opinions, 432 ; republicanism
in the army, 432 ; the Level-
lers, 432 ; piety and regicide,
433 ; execution of the king,
435 ; the Commonwealth, Coun-
cil of State appointed, 438 ;
abolition of the monarchy and
the House of Lords, 439 ; re-
publican theories, 439 and n.,
440 and n. ; Cromwell's supre-
macy, 442 ; the long parliament
dissolved, 442 ; Barebone's Par-
liament, 443 ; the Protectorate,
ETOEX.
517
ENQ
444 ; its constitution, 444 ; the
new parliament, 445 ; govern-
ment by the anny, military dis-
tricts formed under major-gen-
erals, 445 ; commanding posi-
tion of the Commonwealth, 447;
death of Cromwell, 449 ; Rich-
ard Cromwell Protector, 451 ;
his resignation, 451 ; ' the
Rump,' 452 ; a committee of
safety, 452 ; anarchy, 452 ; in-
tervention of General Monk,
453 ; a new parliament, 454 ;
the Restoration, 454 ; effects of
the civil war upon the mon-
archy, 455 ; reaction under
Charles II., 453 ; elements of
future freedom, 453 ; James II.,
457; the Revolution of 1688,
458 ; its principles, 458 ; secu-
rities taken for public liberties,
459; characteristics of the Revo-
lution, 460 ; reign of William
III., 460, 431 ; the political writ-
ings of the time. 431, 462 ; the
representation, 462 ; ' manage-
ment' of the Common;5, 408 ;
power of the aristocracy, 464 ;
inflaence of the press, 464 ;
agitations against unpopular
measures, 464 ; ascendency of
the crown, the church, and the
land-owners, 435 ; tlie nobles,
466 ; the country gentlemen,
407.
- Fir ^t years of George III., 468;
effects of American War of In-
dependence, 46't ; democratic
movement, 470 ; effects of the
French Revolution, 470, 471
and n. ; the Six Acts, 471 ; social
changes, 471 ; growth of towns,
commerce, and navigation, 472 ;
tholand in its relations to trade
and manufactures, 47:J ; the
Church and Dissent, 474 ; the
policy of the church and the
land thr(!aten('d, 475 ; j)o]itical
education, 475 ; freedom of the
press, 476 ; education, 477 ; po-
litical associations, 478; dangers
of vast assemblages, 479 ; the
EUR
Catholic association, 480 ; Cath-
olic meetings, 481 ; Catholic
emancipation, 482 ; Reform Bill,
1832, 482 ; Anti-slavery Socie-
ty, 484 ; the Chartists, 484, 485 ;
Anti-Corn - Law League, 486 ;
meetings in Hyde Park, 487,
488 ; the Match Tax, 488 ; mi-
nor agitation.s, 489, 490 ; Trades
Unions, 490 ; changes in the
representation, 493 ; Ballot Act,
493 ; increase of popular intlu-
euce, 493 ; continuity of re-
forms, 495 ; loyalty of the Eng-
lish, 497-501 ; no professions
of republicanism, 501 ; conser-
vative elements of society, 501,
502 ; sound conditions of socie-
ty, 502 [Commo?is, Indipciid-
ents, Lords. Purliamcid, Prcs-
bytLvians, Puritans, lirform].
Ephialtes, democratic leader at
Athens, i. 79 ; effect of his scru-
tiny of magistrates, 81.
Ephors, council of the, i. 00, 08.
Europe, its physical conditions
favourable to freedom, Intvod.
xxxvi. ; later developments of
democracy, xlviii.-li. ; disorgan-
isation of society in, after fall of
Western empire, i. 230 ; barba-
rian conquests, 231 ; the dark
ages, 231 ; the feudal system,
232 ; causes of social and polit-
ical improvement, 233 ; rude
freedom of Teutonic invaders,
233 ; their customs introduced
into Italy and elsewhere, 234 ;
relations of chiefs and vassals,
235 ; influence of traditional in-
stitutions of Rome, 236 ; feu-
dalism ruinous to towns, 237^
great monarchies favoured by
traditions of Rome, 237 ; Ro-
man laws, jurists, 238 ; Chris-
tianity and the Catholic Church,
239 ; six centuries of darknos^.,
250; some schoolmen favourable
to liberty, 250, n. ; growing re-
finement of the barons, 252 ; mi n-
strelsy, 252 ; chivalry, 253 ; en-
618
INDEX.
PAI
thusiasm of the Crusades, 254 ;
their intluence upon European
enlightenment, 255 ; upon feu-
dalism, 255 ; upon the enfran-
chisement of communes, 25G ;
revival of towns, 257 ; decay of
feudalism, 260 ; Imperial and
free cities of Germany, 2(jl ;
growth of European constitu-
tions, 263 ; revival of learning,
264 ; schools and universities,
264 ; influence of monasteries,
265 ; introduction of Saracen
culture, 268 ; influence of Jew-
ish culture, 261) ; of the school-
men, 270 ; growth of modern
European languages, 272 ; re-
covery of classical learning,
272 ; the revival of learning,
272 ; scientific discoveries, 275;
churchmen supplanting nobles
in the service of the State, 276 ;
heresies and schisms, 277 ; first
struggles for civil and religious
liberty , 279 ; the Inq uisition, 278 ;
the Protestant Reformation,
280 ; prerogative increased by
Lutheranism, 281 ; Calvinism,
282 ; Catholic reaction, 282 ;
prevalence of the new philoso-
phy in Europe in the 18th cen-
tury, ii. 124 ; the church and
public opinion, 125, ct scq. ;
ftate of, at the period of the
French Revolution, 1789, 158 ;
effects of the Revolution, 229 ;
altered position of kings, 231 ;
political reaction in, 232 ; influ-
ence of Revolution of July,
1830, on States of, 256 ; state of,
from 1830 to 1848. 284, 285 ;
social changes, 285, 286 ; intel-
lectual progress, 286 ; sudden
'effects of the Revolution of
February, 1848, 287.
I FAIRFAX, Sir Thomas, ap-
pointed general of the par-
liamentary army, ii. 422 ; takes
part in repelling Scottish in-
vasion, 429.
Favre, Jules, his circular to
FLO
the foreign representatives of
France, ii. 333.
Federalism ; the Achalan League,
i. 135 ; the Lycian League,
137 ; Free cities of Germany,
261 ; the Hanseatic and Rhen-
ish Leagues, 262, 263 ; in Swit-
zerland, 357, 859, 862, 413 ; con-
federation of towns of Flan-
ders and Brabant, ii. 16.
Feudal system, the, i. 232; ruin-
ous to towns, 237 ; refining in-
fluence of chivalry, 253'; de-
cline of, promoted by crusades,
255 ; its decay, 260 ; alliance of
feudal lords in Italy with the
burghers, 286 ; in Switzerland,
851, 365 ; in the Netherlands,
ii. 4, 5 ; successfully resisted
by the Frisians, 5 ; the baron
and the burgomaster, 9 ; re-
solute hostility of the Dutch
burghers, 11, 12 and n. ; estab-
lished in France by the Franks,
89 ; overthrown by Richelieu,
90 ; struggles against, in 14th
century, 92 ; feudal rights and
privileges renounced by French
Constituent Assembly, 18;
Norman feudalism, 860 ; in
England, weakened by meas-
ures of Henry II., 362; Wat
Tyler's insurrection, a revolt
against, 367 ; crushed by T\ ars
of the Roses, 369 ; the kingiy
power rising upon its ruins,
870.
Feuillants' Club, the, at Paris, ii.
153, 162, 163.
Fieschi, his attempt to assassinate
Louis Philippe, ii. 266.
Fifth Monarchy Men {Millenari-
ans\.
Five Hundred, Council of, at
Athens, i. 75 ; its proceedings
watched by assessors, 82 ; its
functions and deficiencies, 83,
Florence, its favourable position,
i. 309 ; compared with Athens,
INDEX.
519
FLO
310 ; its constitution, 311 ;
Guelpli and Gliibeline, 311 ; a
foieiga podestd chosen, 311, n. ;
democratic Tuovement in, elec-
tion of the Signoria, 316 ; its
vigorous policy, the Guel]>liic
nobles recalled, war against
the Qhibeline cities, 31G ; tak-
en pos3ession of, by Qhibeline
army, 31G ; new democratic
constitution, 317 ; ascendency
of the mercantile class, 317 ;
exclusion of nobles fi-om the
Signoria, 317 ; first appointment
of the gonfalonier of justice,
318 ; an oligarchy established,
318 ; feuds and factions, 319 ;
jealous spirit of democracy,
choice of rulers by lot, 319,
330 ; constitution of 1328, 320 ;
the leader of free republics,
320 ; aims at a balance of
power in Italy, 320 ; resists
John of Bohemia, 321 ; rule of
the Dulce of Athens, 321 ; drives
him away, 321 ; growth of a
new aristocracy, 321, 322 ; ri-
valry of old and new families
(fourteenth century), 322 ; tlie
Medici, 322; revolt of the C'i-
ompi, 322, 323 ; Michael de
Lando i)rocIairaed gonfalonier,
and soon afterwards exiled,
323, 321; overthrow of the Ci-
ompi and suI)je(:tioa of the de-
mocracy, 324 ; democratic spirit
of the republic, 324 ; conspi-
racy of the I'a/iZi, assassination
of Julian de' Medici, 33G ; con-
dition of, in tlie fifteenth cen-
tury, 337 ; poi)uhir rule of the
Albizzi, 337; tlu^ir rivals and
successors, the Medici, 337; the
'parliaments' ready instru-
ments of revolution, 337 ; Cos-
mo de' Medici, 337, 338 ; pros-
perity under his rule, 338, 339 ;
Peter de' Medici, Lorcm/.o de'
Medici, 339 ; change in the con-
stitution, 339 ; and in foreign
relations, 340 ; Savonarola, his
religious and ])olitical reforms,
340, 311 ; expulsion of the Mc-
FKA
dici, 340 ; election of a gonfa-
lonier for life with dictatorial
powers, 341 ; Peter Soderiui
first chosen, 341 ; the Medici
recalled, and again expelled,
342 ; fall of the republic, 343 ;
Alexander de' Medici, 342.^^^.^^
Forest Cantons, the [Switzerland].
Four Hundred, Council of, at
Athens, i. 72 : converted by
Cleisthenes into Council of Five
Hundred, 75 ; established by
Peisander, 93 ; deposed, 94.
France, bigoted policy of the
League, ii, 02 ; Ilenrj' III. de-
clines offer of sovereignt}' of
the Netherlands, G2 ; anarchy
in, 64 ; conquest of, projected
by Philip II., 64 ; late growth
of democracy in, 88 ; the coun-
try and the people, 88,89 ; con-
quest of the Gauls by the
Franks, 89 ; establishment of
feudalism, 90 ; growth of the
monarchy, 90 ; overthrow of the
feudal chiefs, 90 ; the church,
90 ; supreme power of ilie
crown, 91 ; misery and discon-
tents of the people, 91 ; the
Jacquerie, 91, 92 ; d(!m()cratic
career of Stephen Marcel, 93 ;
rebellion in Paris, 93 ; muni-
cii)al liberties, 93 ; the states-
general, first convened i)y Philip
the Fair, 95 ; proviniial assem-
blies, 97 ; the jjarlianients, 97 ;
the monarchy absolute nnd<;r
Louis XIV., 99 ; centralisa-
tion, 99 ; functions of the in-
tendants, 100 ; tin'; courts of
justice, 100 ; concentration of
y)ow(!r in Paris, 101 ; evils of
absolutism, 101 ; court of Louis
XIV., 102 ; evils of the court.
103 ; high offices monopolised
by the nobles, 104; sale of of-
fic(!s, 104 ;exeni))tinns of nobles,
li)5 ; burdens upon tlio ])ens-
antry, lOG ; effects of non-resi-
dence, lOG, 107, n. ; n^sident
pro])rietors, 107 ; peasant i)ro-
prjfitors, 108 and n. ; the mciU'
520
INDEX.
FEA
FRA
yers, 109 ; the game-laws, 110 ;
weight of taxes, 110 ; the mili-
tia, 111 ; no agricultural mid-
â– dle - class. 111 ; famines and
bread riots, 112 ; beggars, 112 ;
impoverishment of the nobles,
118 ; abdication of their duties
as a governing class, 114 ; rise
of other classes, official nobles,
114 ; capitalists a power in the
State, 115 ; influence of men of
letters, IIG ; the brmrgeoisic, a
race of place-hunters, 116 ; ci-
vic notables, their pretensions
and disputes, 117 ; the clergy,
their sympatliies with the poor,
117, 118 ; multitude of lawyers,
118 ; political and social con-
dition of the country, 119 ; the
new philosophy, 119 ; prohibi-
tion of political discussion, 119 ;
Voltaire, his aims and influ-
ence, 121 ; Rousseau, his phi-
losophy, 122 ; Diderot and the
Encyclopedie, 128 and n. ; the
church and public opinion, 125 ;
the Huguenots, 125 ; the low-
er classes unsettled by the
new doctrines, 127 ; absence of
healthy public opinion, 128 ;
influence of classical learning,
128 ; political failures of Louis
XIV., 128, 129 ; reign and pol-
icy of Louis XV., 129, 130.
- Louis XVL, 131 ; reforms of
Turgot, 132, 133 ; recognition
of American independence and
war with England, 134, 469 ;
expenses of the war 134 ; pro-
vincial assemblies revived, 135 ;
Necker's compte rendu, 135 ;
power of public opinion, 136
and n. ; an assembly of nota-
bles, 136 ; Calonne, 136 ; De
Brienne, exile of parliament of
Paris, 137 ; the states-general
demanded, 137; convoked, 138 ;
events of the revolution, 140-
207 ; France under the Direc-
tory, 208 ; the war, 209 ; royal-
ists in the councils, 209 ; meas-
ures of the Directory, 210 ; coup
d'etat of 18 Fructidor, 210;
ruled by the sword, 210 ; pro-
scription of the royalists, 211 ;
the republican army, 211 ; ex-
pedition to Egypt, 212 ; to
Switzerland, 212 ; propaganda
of the Revolution, 212 ; renew-
al of the coalition, 213 ; the
conscription introduced, 213 ;
troubles of the Directory, 213 ;
the new Directory, 214 ; return
of Bonaparte from Egypt, 214 ;
C0U2) d't'tut, 18 Brumaire, 215 ;
the Council of Ancients, 216 ;
the Council of Five Hundred
dispersed, 217 ; disregard for
liberty throughout the revolu-
tion, 218 ; Bonaparte first con-
sul, 218 ; constitution of Sieyfs;,
219; the plebiscite introduced,
219, n. ; general reaction, 219.
- The rule of Bonaparte, 220 ;
Peace of Amiens, 220 ; the
Catholic church re established,
221 ; Bonaparte first consul for
life, the empire, 222 ; the im-
perial court, the coronation of
Napoleon, 223 ; the revolution
renounced, 224 ; Napoleon and
the revolution, 224 ; repudia-
tion of republics, 225 ; heiedi-
tary nobility restored, 225 ; the
invasion of Russia, battle of
Leipsic, 228 ; discontents in the
country, 228 ; the legislative
assembly, 229 ; abdication of
Napoleon, 229 ; results of the
revolution, 230 ; Louis XVHI.
restored, 234 ; conditions of the
restoration, 234 ; his cliarter of
1814, 235 ; return of Napoleon
from Elba, 235 ; second re-
storation, foreign occupation,
236 ; weakness of the mon-
archy, 236 ; decay of loyalty,
237 ;' France transformed", 237
and n. ; political parties, 238 ;
exercise of prerogative, 239 ;
violence of the royalists, 239 ;
coup d'etat, 1816, 240 ; defeat
of the royalists, 241 ; electoral
law of 1817, 241 ; liberal meas-
INDEX.
521
FRA
FRA
ores, 2 11 ; the king opposed to
the royalists, 243 ; creation of
new peers, 242 ; increasing
strength of the democratic
party, 242 ; royalist reaction,
242 ; the Villele ministry, 243 ;
formation of secret societies,
243 ; the Spanish war, 244 ;
death of Louis XVIIl., 245;
accession of Charles X., 245 ;
the king surrounded by priests
and Jesuits, 246 ; unpopular
measures, discontents, 246,
247 ; dissolution of the Cham-
ber of Deputies, 247 ; creation
of new peers, 248 ; the De Mar-
tignac ministry, 248 ; liberal
measures of the new chambers,
248 ; the Polignac ministry,
248 ; want of confidence in it,
249 ; another dissolution, 250 ;
coup d'etat, 259 ; the ordi-
nance ;, 250 ; want of prepara-
tion, 251; insurrection in Paris,
July 1830, 252 ; the liberal
leaders, 253 ; the king deposed,
253 ; his abdication and flight,
254 ; Louis Philippe, king of
the French, 255 ; influence of
the revolution on foreign States,
255.
- The king's difficulties, 257;
stata of ])artios, 258 ; reliance
upon the middle classes, 250
and n. ; socialism, 260 ; con-
trast between 1789 and 1830,
260 ; ministry of Lafitte, of
Casimir Perier, 260 ; abolition
of hereditary ])eorage, 261
discontents and insurrections
262 ^insurrootion in Paris, 262 ,
the king f)bliged to exceed the
law, the ' rod republic,' 263
Marshal Soult's ministry, 204
creation of new peers, 265
relation of tlio king to parties
265 ; r(;pressive measures re
sisted, 265 ; corruption, 266
attempts to assassinate the
king, 266 and n. ; ministry of
Thiers, 267 ; att(!ni])t of Louis
Napoleon at Strasbiirg, 267 ;
conflict of parties, creation of
new peers, 267, 268 ; Soult's
second ministry, 268 ; insurrec-
tion of Barbes, 268 ; its objects,
268 ; parliamentary parties,
269 ; agitation for reform, 269 ;
conservatism of the king,
270 ; second ministry of Thiers,
270 ; Louis Napoleon at Bou-
log-ne, 271 ; fall of Thiers,
272 ; third ministry of Soult,
272 ; discontent of the working
classes, 273, 274 ; agitation for
electoral reform, reform ban-
quets, 274 ; Polish banquet
prohibited, 274 ; electoral re-
form resisted by the govern-
ment, 275 ; death of the Due
d'Orleans, 276 ; continued op-
position to reforai, 276 ; escape
of Louis Napoleon, 276 ; the
Spanish marriages, 277 ; es-
trangement of England, 277 ;
exposure of corruption, 278 ;
revived agitation for reform,
reform banquets, 278, 279 ;
socialist agitation, 279, n. ; re-
form banquet, Feb. 1848, 279 ;
the procession abandoned, 280 ;
tumults, 280 ; defection of the
National Guard, 281 ; ministry
of Thiers and Odillon Barrot,
281 ; insurrection in Paris, 282 ;
military occu])ation, the troops
withdrav/n, 282 ; abdication of
the king, 282 ; the Duchess of
Orleans and her sons. 283 ; the
provisional government, 283 ;
a republic proclaimed, 283 ;
failures of Louis Philippe's
reign, 283.
- The repiiblic of 1848, demo-
cracy in the ascendant, 292 ;
watchwords of the revolution,
precedents of 1792 f(jllowed,
293, 294 ; national worlcshops,
294 ; the Garde Mobile, I^ed
Kejmblicans, 295 ; Socialists
and C'ommunists, 295 ; orLjan-
isHtion of labor, 296, 297 and
n.; new taxes, 297; national
assembly convoked, 299 ; In-
522
INDEX.
FRA
FRE
vasion of the Hotel de Ville by-
Socialists and Red Republicans,
300 ; an insurrection thwarted,
300 ; meeting of the Assenibly,
301 ; storming of the Assembly,
301 ; Socialist insurrection of
June 1848, 303 ; General Ca-
vaignac dictator, the insurrec-
tion suppressed, 303 ; reaction
against the revolution, 304 ;
new constitution decreed, 304 ;
Louis Napoleon elected presi-
dent, 304 ; significance of his
election, 305 ; resistance of
parties to his aims, 306 and
n. ; difference and jealousy be-
, tween the president and the
Assembly, 307, 308, S09 and
nn. ; change of ministry, 310 ;
revision of the constitution,
310 ; a conflict imminent, 313
and n. ; the cowp d'etat m pre-
paration, 313 ; accomplished
(Dec. 2, 1851), 314 ; dissolution
of the Assembly, 315 ; arrest
and imprisonment of members
of the Assembly, 316 ; the high
court of justice closed by force,
317 ; the massacre on the
Boulevards, 318 and n. ; meas-
ures of coercion, 319 ; the de-
partments in a state of siege or
under martial law, 330 ; the
plt'biscite, Louis Napoleon abso-
lute master of France, 320 ;
preparations for the second
empire, 323 ; the empire estab-
lished by plebiscite, 323 ; the
emperor's marriage, 333 ; the
nobles, 333 and n. ; the im-
perial court, 334 and nn. ; prin-
ciples of government, 325 ;
wars of the empire, 325, 32G,
327 ; domestic policy, 327 ; cor-
ruption, 328 ; em-ployment of
labor, 329 ; war with Prussia
(1870), 330 ; a liberal ministry,
331 ; fatal issue of the war,
Sedan, 331, 332 : deposition of
the emperor, the republic pro-
claimed, the Government of
National Defence appointed,
332 ; fate of the first and second
empires compared, 332 ; resis-
tance continued by the Govern-
ment of National Defence, 330 ;
fall of Paris, 334 ; the National
Assembly at Bordeaux, 334;
rigorous conditions of the peace,
335 ; deposition of the emperor
confirmed, 335 ; the Commune,
336, 3o7, 338 and n. ; its prin-
ciples, 340, 341 and n. ; Com-
munist outrages, 341, 342 ;
Paris in flames, 343 ; over-
throw of the Commune, 343 ;
executions of Communists, 343 ;
the republic under Thiers, 344 ;
the royalists and the Comte de
Chambord, 344, 345 ; the con-
flicts of parties, 345 ; Marshal
MacMahon president, 346 ; the
Septennate decreed, 347 ; the
new constitution, 347 ; the re-
publican ministry dismissed,
the Chambers dissolved, 348 ;
political future of France, 348
[French Rtvoluticm , JVdpolcon
Bonaparte, Napoleon Louis,
States-General].
Franks, the,
land, i. 350
ii. 89.
subjugate Switzer-
; conquer the Gauls,
Frederick Barbarossa, emperor,
attacks the cities of North
Italy, i. 312 ; deprives them of
their liberties, 312 ; his rivalry
with the Pope, 313 ; resisted by
the Lombard League, concludes
a truce, 313 ; concludes treaty
of Constance, 313.
Freedom, its connection with
civilisation, Introd. xxi., xxii. ;
moral, social, and political
causes of, xxii. sgq. ; its ob-
ligations to statesmen and
thinkers, xxiii. ; doctrines of
Aquinas, xxiii. n. ; of Marsilio
of Padua, xxiii. n. ; influence
of superstition, xxiv.; influence
of a higher religion, xxv. ;
popular enlightenment its foun-
dation, xxvi. ; social causes of,
xxviii. ; influence of physical
INDEX.
523
FRE
FBI
law?, xxxii. ; inlluence of the
grandeur aud terrors of nature,
XXXV. ; physical conditions of
Europe favourable to, xxxvi. ;
its elements wanting in a pas-
toral state, xxxvii. ; and par-
tially wanting in agricultural
countries, xxxvii. ; influence
of mountains, xl. ; influence of
the sea, xli. ; of navigable
rivers and lakes, xlii. ; of min-
erals, xllii. ; of cities and towns,
xliii. ; of race, xli v. ; England
the historic laome of, xlvii. ;
influence of the Protestant Re-
formation, xlviii. ; the subse-
quent revolutions, xlix. ; con-
stitutional, acquired by revolu-
tionary movements, li. ; influ-
ence of, upon enlightenment,
lii. and notes ; upon science,
liii.; advantages of union of old
institutions with popular fran-
chises, liv. and n. ; a safeguard
against democracy, Ix. [De-
mocracy, England, iSmtzerland,
<fic.]
Freeholders, a class of, formed at
Rome, i. 1G3 ; many destroyed
by wars, 178 ; in England, In-
trod. xxxviii., xxxix. ; ii. 805,
368, 376 {Peasant Proprietor s\.
Free-Trade, doctrines of, victo-
rious iu England, ii. 487.
' French Fury,' the, ii. 58.
French Revolution (1789), its ef-
fects in Switz(!rland, i. 394 nqq.;
state of parties, ii. 140 ; concen-
tration of troops at Versailles
and Paris, 145 ; dismissal of
Necker, taking of the Bastile,
145 ; the king at Paris, 145 ;
alarming disorders, 146 and n.;
the Constituent Assembly, its
deliberations, 146, 147; unregu-
lated proceedings, 147 ; leading
men, 148 ; renunciation of privi-
leges, 148 ; hopes of a moderate
constitution, 119 ; parties in tin;
Assembly, 1 19 ; the club.^ 153 ;
reaction attempted by the court,
153 ; banquets of the body
guards, 154 ; march of women
on Versailles, 154; the king
at Paris, 154 ; other measures
of the Assembly, 155 ; new con-
stitution proclaimed, 156 ; for-
eign aid invoked by the nobles,
156 ; emigration of the nobles,
157 and n. ; confederacy against
France, 158 ; restraints upon
the king, 159 ; flight and arrest
of the king, 159 ; relations of
the king to the Revolution,
159 ; Declaration of Pilnitz,
160 ; elections for the new As-
sembly, 160 and n. ; National
Legislative Assembly, 162 ;
parties in it, 163 ; its relations
with the king, 163 ; conflict be-
tween them, 163 ; a Girondist
ministry, 164 ; war with Aus-
tria, its object, 164 and n. ; dis-
asters of the war, 165 ; riotous
mob of petitioners, 165 ; partial
reaction, 166 ; the country de-
clared in danger, 166 ; mani-
festo of the Dulce of Bruns-
wick, 166; insurrection in Paris,
attack on the Tuileries (August
10), 167 ; National Convention
convoked, 168 ; the Commune
of Paris, 168 ; massacres of
September, 1793, the Reign of
Terror begun, 169, 170 ; mili-
tary spirit of the nation, 170 ;
abolition of themonarcliy, 171 ;
the Girondists, 173; the Moun-
tain, 173 ; the rival parties,
173 ; revolutionary propaganda,
174 ; trial of the king projected
by the Mountain, 175 ; discus-
sions thereupon, 170 ; tiie trial,
177, 178 ; the king condemned,
178 ; his execution, 179.
-The coalition against France,
180 ; measures of defence, 181;
Committee of Public Safety es-
tablished, 183; strife of ])arties,
1H3 ; tli(i ('onvention invadi^d
by tli(! iiiol), 183 ; arming of the
mob, 183; arrest of thcGiron-
524
INDEX-
FRE
GER
dists, 183 ; contact of the Con-
vention with the people, 184 ;
its debates, 184 and n. ; its use-
ful measures, 185 andn. ; in-
surrections in the provinces,
18o ; invasion of France, 186 ;
new constitution, 186 ; France
in arms, 186 ; revolutionary
vigor, 187 ; men of the revolu-
tion, 188 ; law against suspect-
ed persons, ISO ; triumph of
French arms, 190 ; absolutism
of the republic, 190 ; cruelties
of the Mountain, 191 ; severi-
ties against insurgents, 191,
192, 193 ; execution of Marie
Antoinette, 198 ; of the Giron-
dists, 194 ; absolute power of
the Committee of Public Safe-
ty, 194 ; heroism of the revolu-
tion, 194 ; reformation of the
calendar, 195 ; the Worship of
Reason, 195 ; ascendencj' of !
Robespierre, 196 ; the Commit-
tee of Public Safety, 197 ; a re-
public of the virtues proclaim-
ed, 198 ; Robespierre its high
priest, 198 ; increased fury of
tlie tribunal, 198 ; decline of
Robespierre's power, 199 ; at-
tack up»n the Convention, 9
I'hermidor, 200 ; fall of the
1'riumvirs, execution of Robes-
pierre, 200, 201; reaction. 201 ;
the followers of Robespierre,
202 ; jeunesse doree, 202 ; pro-
ceedings against the Terrorists,
203 ; sufferings of the people,
203 ; insurrections, 204 ; inva-
sion of the Convention, 1 Prai-
rial, 204 ; the sections disanned,
205 ; France victorious in the
wars, 205 ; royalist reaction,
205 ; royalist excesses, 206 ;
new constitution, the Directory,
20G ; royalist insurrection, 207 ;
defence of the Convention by
Bonaparte, 207 ; the two coun-
cils elected, end of the Conven-
tion, 208 [France, Geneva, Na-
poleon Bonaparte, States-Gen-
eral, Stciss Confederatmi].
Fribourg, i. S53 ; its alliance with
Berne and other towns, o57 ; its
aristocratic constitution, 368 ;
becomes an oligarchy, 390 ; in-
surrection suppressed, 390 ;
heavy contribution levied by
the French, 400, 404 ; revolu-
tion of 1830, 405.
GAMA, Vasco de, i. 257.
Gambetta, M., continues the
war against Prussia, ii. 334 ;
leader of the republican party,
347.
Game-laws in France, ii. 110.
Games, public, in Greece, charac-
ter and effects of, i. 49, 50, 129,
130.
Garde Mobile, the, organised in
Paris, ii. 295.
Gemblours, battle of {NctJier-
lands].
Geneva, its early constitution, i.
369 ; the reformation in, 384 ;
attains self-government in civil
aiiairs, 384 ; rule of Calvin,
384 ; rise of an aristocracy,
391 ; struggle of classes, 391 ;
intervention of Berne and Zu-
rich, a new constitution, 392 ;
political clubs, 392 ; a demo-
cratic constitution, 392 ; its lib-
erties crushed by a foreign oc-
cupation, 393 ; effects of tho
French revolution in. 395 ; an-
nexed to France, 400 ; anti-
Jesuit revolution, 408 ; discords
allayed, 412, 413 ; general as-
semblies of citizens at, 416.
Genoa, government of, i. 306 ;
scheme of legislation by jurists,
306 ; the nobles, 307 ; the Doge,
307 ; submission to the lord of
Milan, 308.
George III. [England'].
Gerard, assassinates William,
Prince of Orange, ii. GO.
INDEX.
525
GEn
GRE
Germany, European birthplace of
Teutonic races, Introd. xlvii. ;
begins revolt against Church
of Rome, xlvii.; imperial and
free cities of, i. 261 ; their re-
presentatives in the Diet, 261;
their contests with the barons,
263 ; formation and extent of
the Hanseatic League, 262 ; the
Rhenish League, 20;J ; state of,
1830 to 1848, ii. 285 ; effects of
French revolution of February,
1848, 289; National Assembly
at Frankfort, 290 ; revolution-
ary movements, 290.
Ghent, rival of Bruges, ii. 16 ;
takes the lead in Flemish poli-
tics, 16 ; the White Hoods of,
19 ; resists Philip the Good, and
is conquered, 22 ; rebels against
Charles V., 30; its punishment,
30 ; congress of Provincial Es-
tates at, 51 ; pacification of, 51;
capitulates to Prince of Paima,
61 [Artevelde, James van, and
Philip van].
Girondists, the, ii. 163, 164-168 ;
their ideal, 172, 173 ; endeavour
to save the king from trial, 176,
177; their weakness, 179-183 ;
arrested, 183 ; executed, 194.
Gladiators at Rome. i. 175, n.
Gonfalonier of Justice [Florence].
Gracchus, Caius, tribune, i. 184 ;
introduces practice of distribut-
ing corn, 185 ; alters method of
voting of the comitia, 186 ; his
democratic measures, 186 ; his
policy, 187; dcifercnce to tho
peo])le, 187 ; liis ovr-rthrow and
death, 188 ; proscription of his
party, 188 ; lionours paid to
him, 188.
Gracchus, Tiberius, tribune, his
measures, i. 183, 183 ; his agra-
rian law, 183 ; veiigcaiKM; of
the nohjes, 184 ; liis death,
184 ; honours paid to hiui, 188.
Grammar Schools, foundation of,
in England, ii. 377.
Granvelle, Cardinal, the real
ruler of the Netherlands under
Duchess Margaret, ii. 37 ; his
character and aim, 37 ; driven
away, 40.
Greece, the Greeks the highest
type of European races, i. 43 ;
contrast between them and
Eastern nations, 44 ; inlluence
of climate, 44, u. ; mutual con-
fidence between the people and
their rulers, 45 ; royal authority
in the heroic ages, 45; relations
of the people with the State, 46;
public administration of j ustice,
47 ; public life characteristic of
Greek society, 48 ; importance
of oratory, 48 ; the rhapso-
dists, 48; spirit of freedom
promoted by the public games,
49 ; evil consequences of the
games, 50 ; respect for women,
50 ; division into small States, '
50 ; its effects, 51 ; distribu-
tion of Hellenic races favour-
able to their culture, 51 ; the
Amphictyonic council, 53 ; de-
cay of monarchies, 52 ; changes
of government in the numer-
ous States nearly contempo-
rary, and the result of gen-
eral causes, 52 ; a constitution
gained, 53 ; political reaction,
the Tyrants, 53 ; advance of
democracy, 54 ; aristocracy, 54 ;
oligarchy, 55 ; timocracy, 55 ;
polity, 55 ; varieties of demo-
cracy, 56 ; ochlocracy, 50 ; limi-
tation of tlie ruling class in
all democracies, 58 ; the State
fornuHl exclusively of citizens,
58 ; conflict between aristocracy
and democracy, 59, n. ; violence
an<l injustice of the contest,
60 ; (lilTcrenco between agri-
cultural and town ])()])ulations,
60 ; l)et\veen Lacedii'monians
and Athenians, 60, (ii ; nuiri-
timo and town populations in
626 INDEX.
GEO
Attica, Gl ; Thessaly and other
pastoral countries, 61 ; growth
of towns, 02 ; distribution of
lands, 62 ; smallness of city
communities, 62 ; general tj^pe
of Greek republic found in
the city community, 63, n. ;
remarkable society of Greek \
cities, 63 ; patriotism fostered i
into a passion, 64 ; divisions in i
the assemblies, 64, n. ; feuds 1
and jealousies, 65 ; Macedonian
conquest of, 97 ; period of in-
tellectual and literary decline,
98, n. ; the Greek religion, 116 ;
trivial superstitions, 117 , de-
cline of paganism, 118 ; Greek
philosophy, 118 ; Greek reli-
gion not repressive of a free
spirit, 119 ; charity not foster-
ed by it, 119 ; hurtfulness of
slavery, 120 ; I3oeckh's view of
Greek character, 120, n. ; Greece
compared with modern States,
133 ; Achaian Leag; e, 135 ; re-
presentation unknown in, 136 ;
Greek colonies, 137 ; Italian
liberties promoted by Greek
settlers, 138 ; Greek civilisa-
tion, 138 ; Greek language, the
vehicle of the Christian faith,
139 ; differences in the genius
of Greeks and Eomans, 140,
141 ; influence of Greek genius
over Roman conquerors, 176 ;
early Greek and Teutonic cus-
toms compared, 235 ; Greek and
Italian republics compared, 294 ;
independence of modern, ii.
285 [Athens, Sparta, c£r.].
Grotius, imprisonment of, by
Prince Maurice, ii. 74.
Guelph and Ghibeline parties, i.
311, 313, 314, 315 ; their dis-
tinctive principles, 315 ; con-
stant wars and tumults, 316
[Florence, Italian Republics].
Gucux, Les [Netherlands].
Guilds, Trade, organised in the
Netherlands, ii. 8 ; trained to
arms, 9 ; contribute to early
HEL
civilisation of towns, and pro-
mote civil liberties, 13 ; in
Flemish cities, strife among
them, 18, 19 ; position of, in
France, 117.
Guilds of rhetoric, in the Neth-
erlands, their liberties and po-
litical influence, ii. 20.
Guizot, M., ii. 249, 252, 253, 254 ;
minister of the interior, 258 ;
member of Soult's ministry,
264 ; difference with Thiers,
267 ; member of Mole's minis-
try, 267 ; his resignation, 281.
Gunpowder changes the art of
war, i. 275.
Gunpowder Plot, ii. 387.
HAMPDEN, John, refuses to
pay forced loan and is im-
prisoned, ii. 394 ; writ of ha-
beas corpus refused, 394 ; re-
sists illegal exaction of ship-
money, 397 ; the judgment
against him annulled by sta-
tute, 403 ; his judges accused
before the House of Lords,
407 ; one of the five members
arrested by Charles I., 414, n.
Hannibal, his wars with the Ro-
mans, i. 164 ; threatens Rome,
164 ; driven out of Italy, 165.
Hanseatic League, the, formation
and extent of, i. 262 ; Bruges
becomes its central mart, ii. 6.
Harlem, siege of, ii. 47.
Haussman. M., Prefect of the
Seine, his reconstruction of
Paris, ii. 329.
Hebert, arrested, ii. 183, 189, n. ;
overthro-vvn by Robespierre,
189.
Helvetic Republic, the, founded,
i. 396 [iSiciss Confederation].
Helvetii, the, defeat of the Ro-
mans under L. Cassius, i. 349.
mDES,
527
HEN
noL
Henriot, part taken by him in
the French Revolution, ii.
190, n.
Henry of Navarre, befriends the
Huguenots in France, ii. 63 ;
claims the crown of France,
04 ; becomes king of France,
as Henry IV., Go ; conforms to
the Catholic faith, 65.
Henry VIII. of England, his ab-
solutism, ii. 370 ; effects the
Reformation, 371.
High Commission Court, the, its
tyrannical proceedings, ii. 386 ;
remonstrance of the Commons
against, 388 ; its cruelty, 398 ;
abolished, 404.
Hindus, the polity of, i. 4 ; their
superstitions, 5 ; castes, 5 ;
early culture, 6 ; Sanskrit lit-
erature, G, n. ; character of, 9
[ Village Communities].
Hippias and Hipparchus, tyrants
of Athens, i. 73.
History, Political, uses of tlie
study of, lutrod. xxi. ; method
of studying, xxii.
Holland, Teutonic settlers in,
ii. 3 ; the Frisians reduced by
Charlemagne, 4 ; obtain the
' Great Privilege ' from the
Duchess Mary, 23 ; union of,
with Zealand, 49 ; the union
reconstituted at Congress of
Delft, 49; the union of (Jtreclit,
55 ; wavering allegiance, 56 ;
the government offered to the
Prince of Orange and declined,
56 ; with Zealand, governed by
tlio Prince, 57 ; declaration of
independence, 57 ; Prince Mau-
rice chosen y)resident of the
Executive Council of the
States, CI ; reduction of the
numi)erof provinces, 61; search
for fort^ign alliaiinis, 61 ; ne-
gotiations with Fraiici^ 63 ; with
England, 63 ; failure of Eng-
lish expedition, 63 ; the Span-
ish Annada, 64 ; Parma re-
called to serve in France, 64 ;
energy and conquests of Prince
Maurice, 64, 65 ; prosperity of
the Dutch Republic, 66 ; its
constitution, 67 ; siege of Os-
tend, 68 ; negotiations for
peace, 69 ; an armistice, 70 ;
the twelve years' truce, 70 ;
religious toleration prayed for
Catholics, 71 ; recognition of
the Dutch Republic, 71 ; its
significance, 71 ; union of free-
dom and commerce, 73 ; intel-
lectual progress, 73 ; freedom
of opinion, 73 ; domestic history
of the republic, 74 ; the Stadt-
holder and Barne veldt, 74 ; ar-
rest and execution of Barne-
veldt, 74 ; wars of the republic,
75 ; the House of Orange, 75 ;
ties between England and Uol-
land, 76 ; an alliance desired,
but not attained, 76 ; the Eng-
lish ambassadors at the Hague,
72; war with England, 77; with
France, 77 ; abolition of the
Stadtholderate by the ' Perpet-
ual Edict,' 78 ; murder of the
De Witts, 78 ; William III. of
Orange master of the State, 79 ;
after his death, the govern-
ment resumed by the states-
general, 79 ; William IV. Stadt-
holder, king in all but name,
80 ; declining fortunes of the
State, 80 ; war with England,
80 ; the patriot party overcome
by Prussia, 81 ; patriot refu-
gees in France, 81 ; they catch
the s])irit of French democracy,
81 ; war with France, revolu-
tion proclaimed, 1794, 83 ; the
new constitution, 83 ; a French
provinc(^ 83 ; a kingdom un-
der Louis lionaj)artc, 83, 336 ;
annexed to French ein])iro, 83,
336 ; recovers in(l<'i>cndence,
and is unittul with \\w Belgian
))roviiicos in tin; iumv kingdom
of the Netherlands, 83 ; again
528
INDEX.
HOL
a separate kingdom, 85 \_NetU-
erlands, Wcihcrlands, Kingdom
of, WilUamJIJ.].
Holies, Denzil, committed by
Charles I., ii. 396; one of the
five members arrested by the
king, 414.
Holy Alliance, the, for repression
of European liberties, i. 405, ii.
256 and n.
Horn, Count [IVethcrlands].
Hotham, Sir John, governor of
Hull, refuses to admit the king,
ii. 417.
Huguenots, the, in France, tol-
erated, ii. 01 ; expulsion of,
125 ; the flower of the middle
classes, 125.
' Hundred Days,' the, ii, 235.
Hungarians, the, invasion of Italy
by, i. 285.
Hungary, insurrection in, sup-
])ressed by Russians, ii. 338 ;
free constitution granted, 288.
Hussites, the, struggles of, in Bo-
hemia, i. 277.
Hyde Park, meetings in (1866 and
1867), prohibited and held, ii.
487, 488 ; regulated, 488.
INDEPENDENTS, the, rise of,
in England, ii. 380 ; their dis-
trust of Charles I., 412; their
republican spirit, the first dem-
ocratic party, 419, 420 ; their
preachers, 421 ; exercise the
chief power, 422 ; opposed to a
national church, 424 ; their con-
flict with the Presbyterians,
425 ; gain stn-ngth in parlia-
ment, 428 ; their separation
from the Presbyterians, 433 ;
their character and views, 434 ;
responsible for the trial and
execution of the king, 435.
India, ignorance of the people, i.
Q ; tropical climate adverse to
IBE
their elevation, 7 ; oppression
of industrial classes, 8 ; influ-
ence of physical laws upon
temperament, 8 ; danger from
snakes and tigers, 9, n. ; Eng-
lish rule favourable to free-
dom, 14 [BraJimnns, BuddMsm,
Castes, Hindus, Menu, Village
Communities^
Infidelity, the groAvth of, Introd.
Ixiv. ; in France alone, the ally
of democracy and revolution,
Ixiv. ; by whom favoured, Ixv.
Inquisition, the, founded by Pope
Innocent 111., i. 278; its juris-
diction and cruelty, 278 ; its
tyranny over conscience and
thought, 278 ; introduced in
the Netherlands by Charles V.,
ii. 34.
Intercourse, free, of nations, its
results, Introd. 1.
International Society of Work-
men, the, establishment of, In-
trod. Ixx. ; declaies vv'ar against
capital, its journals, Isxi. ; con-
gresses held, Ixxi.; its local
sections, and their sentiments,
Ixxii.; declaration at Lyons,
Ixxii. and n. ; its leaders promo-
ters of the Paris Commune,
1871, Ixxii.; not favoured in
England, Ixxiii.; aims of its off-
shoot, tlie Commune of Paris,
ii. 337 ; extends the principles
of socialism, 340 ; its doctrines,
490 and n.
Ireland, rebellion in, ii. 402 ; its
effect on popular feeling in
England, 41 2 ; parliamentary
union with England effected by
Cromwell, 445; the Catholic
Association formed, and sup-
pressed, 480, 481 ; Catholic
meetings, 481 ; Catholic eman-
cipation, 482 ; Repeal agitation,
483 ; Orange lodges, 484 ; the
Protestant Church disestab-
lished, 494.
INDEX.
529
ITA
ITA
Italian republics, general view of
their government, i. 288 ; their
rapid advance in population
and prosperity, 290 ; thought
emboldened by liberty, 2D0 ;
association of culture and free-
dom, 291 ; their architecture,
291 ; practical direction of
studies, 292 ; classical learning,
292 ; useful arts, agriculture,
292 ; civic patriotism, 29o ; dis-
sensions, 294 ; Greek and Ita-
lian republics compared, 294 ;
points of reseml^lance, 295 and
n.; their different conditions,
290 ; diversities in the charac-
ter of their society, 297 ; in the
relations of the nobles with the
people, 298 ; disorders in Italian
cities, 298 ; rarity of eloquence,
299 ; feudalism chief cause of
their ruin, 300 ; chief cities and
their allies, 311 ; first blow to
their liberties dealt by Fred-
erick Carbaroisa, 312 ; the Lom-
bard League, 313 ; the rights
of the confederate cities secured
by treaty of Constance, 313 ;
election of podcstas, 314 ; ascen-
dency of the nobles, 314 ; their
factious violence, 314; Guelph
and (ihibeline parties, 315 ; the
period after the peace of Con-
stance, 316 ; strife of classes in
the cities, 324 ; the new society
overcoming feudalism, 325 ;
novi homilies in Rome and Italy,
326 ; mercenary forces em-
ployed in cities of Lombardy,
327 ; the condotticri, 327 ; rule
of usurpers, 327 ; turbulence
and ambition of nobles, 32-3 ;
increased power of the signors,
its abuse, 328 ; the ruin of
Italian libcrrty completed l)y
feuds of (iuelpli and Qhil;eline,
338 ; family feuds, 329 ; the
tale of Imilda do Lambertazzi,
329, n. ; rnpiil)iican Hoiitimeiit
aroiisod by revival of classical
learning, 330; survival of
Venice, 343 ; review of the re-
publics, 344 ; com])arisou of
vor.. II.— 23
them with despotisms, 344 ;
Italian and Swiss liberties com-
pared, 3G3, 364, n. [Florence,
Milan, Pisa, Venice, etc.]
Italy, Greek colonies in, i. 137,
138 ; geographical advantages
of, 141 ; overthrow of monar-
chies in, 142 ; Roman conquest
of, 160 ; various relations of the
conquered races to Rome, 160
Roman and Latin colonies, 161
discontent of Italians, 162
effects of conquest of, upon
society of Rome, 162 ; evil re-
sults for Italy, 163 ; enfranchise-
ment of Italian allies, 193 ;
Italian war, 194 ; municipal
government conferred on tlio
towns, 213 ; Teutonic customs
introduced by invaders, 234 ;
benefited by the Crusades,
255 ; Saracen conquests and
arts in, 269 ; takes the lead
in the revival of learning,
272; early rise of cities, 281;
their ancient origin, 284;
Saracen and Hungarian settle-
ments in, 285 ; building of city
walls, 285 ; the feudal lords in,
286 ; weakness of Italian sove-
reigns, 287 ; fusion of Northern
races with Italians, 287 ; dis-
tribution of lands, 288 ; growth
of republics, 288 ; social degen-
eracy under the tyrants, 332 ;
character of the tyrants, 333 ;
tyrannicide, 334 ; devastation
of the land, 842 ; its subjection
to foreign rule, 343 ; its later
fortunes, 345 ; united and frtio
under Victor Emmanuel, 345;
development of lociil ^;('lf-gov-
ernment, 346, n. ; fortunes of
Italy and the Netherlands com- •
j)ared, ii. 31 ; a kingdom under
Napoleon I., 225 ; state of, be-
tween 1830 and 1848, 285 ;
sudden effects of French revo-
lution of February, 1848,287;
war for Italian unity begun by
(Miarlfs Albert, king of Sar-
dinia, 287 ; services rendered
530
JAC
to, by Louis Napoleon,
lltaliaii liepuUics].
JACOBINS, the, ii. 153, 163,
165, 167 ; masters of France,
169, 174 ; their aims, 178, 182,
188 ; the club closed, 3U3 ; so-
cialist doctrines proclaimed by,
339.
INDEX.
LAM
326 their history, 38 ; Jewish intel-
lect, 39 ; their sacred writings,
39 ; example of association of
intelligence and freedom, 39.
John of Bohemia, resisted by
Florence, i. 321.
Jurists, European, their place in
society, their influence, i. 238,
239.
Jacquerie, the, in France, ii. 91,
92. 1
James I. of England, his charac-
ter, his views of prerogative, ii.
384 ; his treatment of the Com-
mons, 384 ; his treatment of the
Puritans, 385 ; sanctions the
illegal canons of Convocation,
386; his relations to religious
parties, 38G ; his toleration of
. Popish recusants, 387 ; revives
episcopacy in Scotland, 387
[England].
James II., his encroachments on
liberty, 457 ; deposed, 458.
Japan, its original civilisation, i.
25 ; absolute power of the
Mikado, 25 ; introduction _ of
European customs, 25 ; opening
of a parliament, 25 ; problem of
free institutions awaiting solu-
tion, 26.
Jesuits, the, in Switzerland, i. 408
[Sondcrbunil].
Jeunesse doree, the, ii. 203.
Jews, the, example of freedom in
an Eastern race, i. 33 ; descrip-
tion of Palestine, 33 ; their
early institutions, 33 ; advan-
tages derived from their capti-
vity in Egypt, 34 ; Moses, 34 ;
their commonwealth a theocra-
tic federal republic, 35 ; politi-
cal equality its declared princi-
ple, 35, n.; their tlieocracy a
free state, 36 ; action of the
prophets, 36 ; the monarchy
freely adopted, 37 ; popular
power maintained throughout
K
ING, ideal of a, in heroic ages
of Greece, i. 46 ; of Rome,
144 ; altered position of kings
after the French Revolution, ii.
231 ; among the Teutonic races,
357 ; right of deposing assumed
by the parliament of Edward
II., 364; of Richard II., 364;
of James II., 458.
LACEDEMONIANS and Athen-
ians, differences between
them, i. 60, 61.
Lafayette, General, ii. 148 ; gov-
ernor of Paris, 150; with Eailly,
founds the Feuillants' Club,
153 ; protects the king, 154 ;
resigns command of National
Guard, 161, 166 ; promotes
formation of secret societies,
244, 249 ; tates command of
insurgents of July, 1830, 253 ;
his ambition, 254 ; outwitted,
255 ; his death, 265, n.
Lafitte, ii. 253, 254 ; leader of Or-
leanists, 254, 258 ; ministry of,
2G0.
Lamartine, M., takes part in agi-
tation for reform, ii. 379 ; head
of provisional government,
283 ; proclaims the republic,
283 ; maintains the tricolor,
295 ; his firmness, 398 ; con-
vokes a National Assembly,
399 ; prevents storming of the
Hotel de Ville, 300, 301 ; can-
didate for the presidency, 304.
Lam.oricitTe, General, commander
of the National Guard, ii. 283.
INDEX.
631
LAN
LOU
Land, iu England, loses its pre-
ponderance as a national intlu-
ence, ii. 472 ; its relations to
trade and manufactures, 473 ;
alliance of, with the Church,
474 ; their policy threatened,
475.
Larissa, a democracy, i. 61.
Laud, Archbishop, directs the
Church policy of Charles L, ii.
398, 89'J and n. ; counsels im-
position of High Church ritual
upon the Scottish Kirk, 400 ;
impeached and sent to tho
Tower, 405 ; executed, 419.
La Vendue, insurrection in, ii.
182, 185 ; punished by the Ter-
roi'ists, 193 ; insurrection sup-
pressed, 208 ; attempt of the
Duchess of Berri in, 2G3.
League, the, in France, ii. 62,
04.
Legion of Honour, the, ii. 221.
Legislative. \sserably,the[i^/vi! wee,
French licvolution].
Leicester, Earl of, his expedition
to the Netherlands, ii. 08.
Lepidiis, a leader of the Roman
democracy, i. 201 ; member of
the second triumvirate, 214.
Levellers, the, ii. 432 ; their ob-
jects, 439 and n.
Lcyden, siege of, by the S[)an-
iards, ii. 48 ; its university, 07.
Liberty, civil and religious, first
struggles for, i. 277 {^Democracy,
Freedom].
Licinian Laws, i. 155 and n.
Lii'gp, resists Pliilip tlioOood, ii.
22 ; pillag(!d by Charles the
Bold, 23 and n.
Livius DruHus, bis proposed re-
forms, i. 192 ; the laws annul-
led, 192 ; assassinated, 192.
Loans, forced, levied by Edward
IV., ii. 370; Henry VIIL, 371;
Charles I., 393.
Locke, effects of his treatise on
civil government, Introd. xlviii.
n.
Lollards, the, i. 277 ; the parents
of Puritanism, ii. 366.
Lombard League, the, i. 313 ;
treaty of Constance, 313.
Lombards, the, iu Italy, i. 234.
Lords, the House of, ii. 361, 364,
369 n., 374; passes bill of at-
tainder against Strafford, 405 ;
rights of, attacked by the Com-
mons, 408 ; rejects proposal to
deprive bishops of their seats,
412 ; passes the bill, 415 ; en-
ters into the Solemn League
and Covenant, 418 ; refuses to
concur in appointment of High
Court of Justice for trial of
Charles I., 431 ; abolished by
the Commons, 439 ; a second
chamber called, which takes
the title of the Lords' House,
449 ; the house reinstated at
the Restoration, 456 [^Parlia-
ment],
Lot, choice of rulers by [Athens,
Florence] .
Louis XIV. of France, liis wars
with the Dutch, ii. 77 ; abol-
ishes all municipal elections,
sells the offices, 94 ; suppresses
provincial assemblies of Nor-
mandy, Anjou, &c. , 97; the
monarchy under him absolute,
99 ; revokes Edict of Nantes,
99 ; his court at Versailles,
102 ; his political failures, 128.
Louis XV., abolishes the Parlia-
ments, ii. 99, 129 ; his reign
and policy, 129, 130.
Louis XVI., his accession, ii,
];{1 ; his character, 131, 179;
his diilicuUios, 132 ; convolv<rs
the Slates-Oenoral, 138 ; ojkmis
tho meeting, 141 ; goes in state,
532 INDEX.
LOU
threatens dissolution, 143 ; vis-
its Paris, 145 ; removed by
force to Paris. 154 ; accepts the
constitution, 155 ; his tlight and
arrest, 159 ; liis position, 108 ;
puts on tlie cap of liberty, 166 ;
sent to the Temple, 168 ; his
trial proposed by the Moun-
tain, 175 ; his dignified con-
duct, 176 ; his defence, 177
and n. ; found guilty, 177 ; his
execution, 179 [France, French
Revolution^
Louis XVIII., ii. 229; restored to
the throne, 234 ; his character,
2-35 ; his flight and second res-
toration, 235 ; a stranger to
France, 237; his first measures,
239 ; a coup d'etat, 240 ; his
death, 245.
Louis Napoleon [Fn^ance, Napo-
leon, Louis].
Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans,
becomes king of France, ii.
255 ; abdicates, 282 [France'].
Louis of Nassau seizes Mons, ii.
46 ; his defeat and death, 48.
Loyalty in France, decay of, ii.
237;" of the English, 497 ; effect
of freedom upon, 498 ; asso-
ciated with patriotism, 498 ; to
George III., to George IV.,
499 ; to William IV., 499 ; to
Queen Victoria, 499 ; illus-
trated during the illness and
recovery of the Prince of Wales,
500.
Lucerne, its charters confirmed
by Rudol])h of Hapsburg, i.
357 ; its aristocratic constitu-
tion, 367 ; peasant war in, 387 ;
an oligarchy, 393 ; revolution
of 1830, 40.J ; the Jesuits ad-
mitted to control education,
408 ; twice invaded by the
franc-corps, 408 ; originates the
Sonderbund, 408 ; popular acts
in, 417.
Luneville, treaty of, i. 401.
MAB
Luther, leader of the Protestant
Reformation, i, 280 ; his policy,
281.
Lycurgus, institutions of, i. 66; a
social leveller, 68.
Lyons, the revolt and punishment
of, ii. 191, 192 ; royalist ex-
cesses at, 206 ; insurrection
suppressed by Marshal Soult,
262.
Lysander reduces Athens, i. 94 ;
overthrows the democratic con-
stitution, 95.
MACMAHON, Marshal, over-
throws the Commune and
takes Paris, ii. 343 ; President
of the Republic, 346 ; the Sep-
tennate, 347 ; dismisses M,
Jules Simon and republican
ministry, 348.
Maestriclit sacked by the Span-
iards, ii. 51 ; taken by the
Prince of Parma, 55.
Magna Charta [England^.
Manners, influence of climate on,
i. 254, n.
Manufactures, conducive to po-
litical liberty, Introd. xliii. ;
great development of, and po-
litical influence in England,
ii. 472, 473.
Marat, ii. 169, 170, 173, 183, 186 ;
his socialist principles, 339.
Marcel, Stephen, his career, ii.
93.
Margaret, duchess of Parma
[Netherlands].
Marie Antoinette, queen of France,
her execution, ii. 193.
Marignano, battle of, i. 363.
Mariner's compass, the, i. 275.
Marius, seven times consul, 189,
190 ; his victories, 190 ; dis-
bands his army, 190 ; leader of
INDEX.
K^
MAR
democratic party, 190 ; his pol-
icy and popular measures, litO ;
tlie Apuleian laws, 191 ; his
submission to the senate, 191 ;
appointed commander of East-
ern expedition, 194 ; defeated
by Sulla, 194 ; .joins Ciuna and
takes Rome, 19G ; his proscrip-
tions, 196 ; consul witli Cinna,
death, 196.
Marseilles, under the Reign of
Terror, ii. 192; royalist excesses
at, 206, 2o9 ; attempt of the
Duchess of Berri at, 262.
Marsilio of Padua, his political
views, Introd. xxiii. n.
Mary, Duchess of Burgundy
[jyctherlands].
Match Tax, the, proposed by
English government, resisted
by tlie matchmakers, and aban-
doned, ii. 4ti8.
Maupas, M. de, made Prefect of
Police by Louis Napoleon, ii.
314.
Maurice, Prince, chorsen presi-
dent of the executive council
of the States-General of Hol-
land, ii. 61 ; reorganises and
take.s command of the army,
64, 6o ; talies Breda and other
towns, 6o ; opposes Barne-
veldt's ])eace policy, 70 ; his
hatred of Barne veldt, violation
of the constituti(in, 74.
Maximilian, Archdulce of Austria
[Bruffci, Netherlands].
Medici, Salvestro do', chosen gon-
falonier of Florence, i. 322.
— , .Julian de', assassinated, i.
3:j6.
— , Lorenzo de', escapes assassi-
nation l)y the Pa/.zi, i. 336 ; su-
premacy in FJorfuice, and liis
munificenfo, 3:!!», 340 ; his alli-
ance with the King of Naples,
340.
MIL
— , Cosmo de', banished from
Florence by Hinaldo, last of the
Albizzi, i. 337 ; expels the Al-
bizzi and becomes ruler of
Florence, 337 ; his personal as-
cendency, his power masked
under popular forms, 338.
— , Peter de', succeeds Cosmo as
ruler of Florence, i. 339 ; over-
comes his rival Lucas Pitti,
339.
— , Peter de', succeeds Lorenzo,
and is expelled from Florence,
i. 340.
— , Alexander de', nominated ru-
ler of Florence by Pope Cle-
ment VII., i. 342 ; assassinated,
342.
Mencius, doctrines of, i. 17.
Menu, ancient laws of, i. 3, 4.
Metternich, Prince, his flight
from Vienna, ii. 288.
Middle class, how far qualified
for political rule, Introd. Ivii.
n. ; effect of its union with the
nobles, Ivii. and n. ; defenders
of ])roperty and order against
excesses of democracy, Ixvi. ;
absence of a, in China, i. 23 ;
in Rome, 178 ; conse(]uenccs of
its absence, 179, 225 ; holds en-
tire power of the State in the
Dutch Republic, ii. 68 ; in
France, represented by the
boi/rf/eotsie, 116 ; reliance of
Lonis Philipi>e on it, 259 ; its
rise to power in England, 376 ;
education of, provided for l)y
Grammar Schools of Edward
VI. and Queen Elizabetli, 377 ;
its increasing influence in Eng-
land, 472.
Milan, its antiquity, pre eminence
in war, i. 308 ; sujiromacy in
Lombardy, .308 ; resists the cm-
7)oror Frederi(;k Bai])arossa,
312 ; the citizens l)anish('d, tho
walls razed, 312 ; rebuilt by
the Lombard League, 313 ; ex-
534
INDEX.
Mlli
NAP
pels the nobles 315 ; falls un-
der the dominion of the Viscon-
ti, 327 ; assasbiuation of the
duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza,
335 ; fate of the three conspi-
rators, 335 ; drives away the
Austrians, ii. 287.
Millenarians, the, their aims, ii.
439, 440 and n.
Milton, his ideal of spiritual lib-
erty, ii. 451 and n.
Minerals, influence of discovery
of, upon political development,
Introd. xliii. ; in England, ii.
352, 473.
Mirabeau, ii. 144, 147 ; warns the
king of danger, 154, 155 n.
Moderation, religious, prevalence
of, Introd. Ixiii. ; toleration the
fruit of its union with freedom,
Ixiii.
Mole, Count, his ministry, ii. 267 ;
member of National Assembly,
302.
Monarchies, characteristics of,
Introd. liv. [Greece, Italy, t&c]
Monasteries, their literary ser-
vices, i. 265 ; indifference of
the monks to classical learning,
265.
Monk, General, dissolves the
Long Parliament, ii. 453 ; as-
sembles a new one, 454 ; his
caution, 454.
Monopolies, in England, abol-
ished, ii. 390.
Moors, the [Saracens].
Moreau, ii. 209.
Morgarten, victory of the Swiss
over Leopold, duke of Austria,
at, i. 359.
Morny, Count de, made minister
of the interior by Louis Napo-
leon, ii. 314.
Moses, i. 34 ; his theocratic fed-
eral republic, 35.
Mountain, the, French revolu-
tionary party, ii. 162 ; rivals of
the Girondists, 172, 173 ; pro-
ject trial of the king, 175 ;
their clamour against him, 178
and n. ; their triumph, 180 ;
the law against suspected per-
sons, 190 ; their cruelties, 191
[French Revolution].
Mountains, their influence upon
society and freedom, Introd.
xl. ; hinder agriculture and
commerce, xl. ; characteristics
of mountain races, xli. [Switz-
erland.]
Municipia, their various relations
to Eome, i. 160.
Murat, made king of Naples, ii.
Music, church, of the Revival, its
character, i. 274.
NANTES, the noyades of, ii.
193.
Naples, threatened insurrection
in, ii. 287.
Napoleon Bonaparte, his conquest
of Venice, i. 343 ; conquest of
Italy, 345 ; pystem of govern-
ment and administration, 345 ;
takes military occupation of
Switzerland, 401; appoints a
commission on its future gov-
ernment, 401 ; his Act of Medi-
ation, 402 ; takes Toulon, ii.
192 ; defends the Convention,
207 ; commands army of Italy,
209 ; expedition to Egypt, 212 ;
returns, 214; his relations with
Sieyes, 215 ; the coup d'etat, 18
Brumaire, 215 ; First Consul,
218 ; his rule, 220 ; attempt to
assassinate him, 220 ; re-estab-
lishes tlie Catholic church, 221;
first consul for life, emperor,
222 ; crowned by Pope Pius
N^VP
VII. , 223 ; has no faith in the
revolution, 324 ; his military
ambition, 225 ; named ' The
Great,' 225 ; his domination
over Europe, 226 ; divorced
from Josephine, 227 ; marries
Marie Louise of Austria, 227 ;
birth of the King of Rome, 227 ;
decline of his fortunes, 228 ;
abdication, Elba, 229, 230 ; his
return, 2o5 ; Waterloo, 235 ;
his rera-iins removed from St.
Helena to the Invalides, 271.
Napoleon, Louis, contributes to
unity of Italy, i. 345 ; his at-
tempt at Strasburg, ii. 267 ; his
book, Les Idees Nupoleoniennes,
271 ; his descent on Boulogne,
271 ; imprisoned at Ham, 271 ;
his escape, 276 ; member of
National Assembly, 302 and n.;
chosen president of the repub-
lic, 304 ; his ambition, 305 and
n. ; his popularity with tlie ar-
my, 309 ; proposes extension of
the suffrage, 311 ; his speech
to officers of the army, 311 ;
distrusted by the Assembly,
312 ; prepares the coup d'etat,
313 ; his confederates, 314 ; ex-
ecutes the coup d'etat, 314, 315 ;
accepts imperial crown as Na-
poleon III., 322 ; marries Eu-
genie de Montijo, 323 ; his
warlilce amljition and failures,
326, 327 ; appoints a liberal
ministry, 331 ; goes to warwitli
Prussia, 331 ; captured with
his army at Sedan, deposed,
332 ; deposition of him and his
dynasty voted by National As-
sembly at Bordeaux, 335 ; his
death,' 345 [France].
Nascby, battle of, ii. 423.
National Assembly [France,
French Iteculution].
National Convention [French
liewlulion].
National fJuard, of France, dis-
banded by Cliurles X., ii. 247 ;
INDEX. 535
NET
fights against his troops, 253 ;
defection of, February, 1848,
281 ; supports the Commune,
336.
Nature, influence of its grandeur
and terrors on freedom, Introd.
sxxv. ; its terrors dispelled by
religion, sxxvi.
Navigation Act, English, passed,
to injure Dutch commerce, ii,
77 and n.
Necker, M., ii. 135 ; his compte
rendu, 135 ; recalled, 138 ; dis-
missed and banished, 145 ; re-
called, 145.
Netherlands, the, twofold illus-
tration of democracy in history
of, ii. 1 ; character of the coun-
try, 1, 2 ; Dutch sailors, 3 ;
early races of, 3 ; their early
history, 4 ; feudalism and the
cliurch, 4 ; decline of feudal-
ism, growth of cities, 5, 6 ; de-
velopment of commerce, ; of
manufactures and the indus-
trial arts, 7 ; population of the
great cities in the fourteenth
century, 7 ; early constitution
of the towns, 8 ; the trade
guilds, 8 ; the burgomaster
and the baron, 9 ; local disad-
vantages of the barons, 10 ; the
country ill-suited for defence,
10 ; character of the burghers,
11, 12 and n. ; influence of trade
guilds, 13 ; jealousies of rival
cities, 14; the nobles as citizens,
14 ; military prowess of the
towns, 15 ; confederation of
towns, 16 ; Ghent and James
van Artevelde, 16 ; the Flem-
ings take ]>art with Edward III.
in war witli France, Ki ; PliiJi])
van Artevelde, 17; e;uildsof the
I'lcmi^li cities, 18 ; factions,
19 ; improved culture, 19 ;
guilds of rhetoric, 20; painters
and architects, 20 ; the cities
represented in the Estates, 21 ;
characteristics of freedom, 21 ;
536
INDEX.
NET
NET
clianges of dynasty, 31 ; increas-
ing power of tlie sovereigns,
22 ; House of Burgundy, 22 ;
tyranny of Charles tlie Bold,
23 ; the ' Great Privilege,' 23 ;
becomes a considerable State,
24 ; constitution of the Estates,
24 ; becomes, by the marriage
of the Duchess Mary with Arch-
duke Maximilian, an inheri-
tance of the JHouse of Haps-
burg, 25 ; the charters annulled,
25 ; death of the Princess Mary,
rebellion against the archduke,
25 ; invaded by the emperor,
25 ; Philip the Fair, by his
marriage with Johanna of
Spain, brings the country un-
der rule of Charles V., 26 ;
character of his rule, 29 ; new
taxation, 29 ; rebellion of Ghent,
its punishment, 30 ; liberties
of, in abeyance, 31 ; fortunes
of Italy and the Netherlands
compared, 31 ; impending strug-
gle for religious liberty, 32.
- Persecution of Protestants by
Charles V. , 34 ; the Inquisi-
tion introduced, 34 ; Philip II.
of Spain, 36 ; the persecution
continued, 36 ; demands and
remonstrances of the Estates,
36 ; regency of Duchess Mar-
garet of Panna, 37 ; Cardinal
Granvelle, 37 ; confronted by
William, Prince of Orange, 37;
rapid spread of the Reforma-
tion, 39 ; severities of Philip,
39 ; opposition of Counts Eg-
mont and Horn, 39 ; efforts of
nobles and people, 40 ; confed-
eracy of Les Oueux, 40 ; a mis-
sion to Philip, 40 ; fate of the
envoys, 41, n. ; continued bar-
barities, 41 ; the Iconoclasts,
41 ; mission of Duke of Alva
with a Spanish army, 41 ; dis-
solution of the confederacy of
nobles, 41, 42 ; Counts Egmont
and Horn executed, 42 ; Alva's
Council of Blood, its proceed-
ings and its victims, 42 ; a reign
of terror, 42, 43 ; Alva made
governor, 43 ; all tlie inhabi-
tants condemned to death by
the Inquisition, the decree con-
firmed by Philip, 43 ; efforts of
the Prince of Orange, 44 ; fail-
ure of the first campaign, 44 ;
continued oppression, 45 ; a
mock amnesty proclaimed, 46 ;
outbreak of the great revolt,
46 ; congress of Dort, 46 ; the
massacre of St. Bartholomew,
46 ; retirement of Orange to
Holland, 47 ; retirement of
Alva, 47 ; Don Luis de Reque-
sens governor, 48 ; another
mock amnesty, 48 ; siege of
Leyden, 48 ; fruitless negotia-
tions for peace at Breda, 49 ;
allegiance to Philip renounced,
49 ; congress of Delf t,49 ; foreign
aid withheld, 50 ; mutiny of
Spanish troops, 50 ; congress
of Provincial Estates at Ghent,
51 ; the ' Spanish Fury,' 51 ;
pacification of Ghent, 51 ; Don
John of Austria, governor, his
concessions, 51 ; ascendency of
Prince of Orange, 52 ; new
Union of Brussels, 53 ; defeat
of the Dutch at Gemblours, 54;
death of Don John, appoint-
ment of the Prince of Parma,
54 ; defection of the five Wal-
loon provinces, 54 ; the Union
of Utrecht, 55 ; divided sov-
ereignty, 57 ; the Duke of
Anjou, 57 ; treason of Anjou,
the ' French Fury,' 58 ; assas-
sination of the Prince of Or-
ange, 60 ; Parma called to serve
in France, 64 ; decline of Span-
ish power, 65 ; sovereignty of
Spanish provinces abdicated by
Philip II., and given to the In-
fanta Isabella and Archduke
Albert, 66 ; state of the Spanish
provinces, 67, 73 ; their consti-
tiition, 73 ; united with Hol-
land to form new kingdom of
the Netherlands, 83 ; continued
freedom of, 86 [Belgium, Hoi-
land'\.
XET
kingdom
Netherlands, kingdom of the,
constituted, ii. 83 ; constitu-
tional monarchy established in
house of Orange, under Wil-
liam v., 83 ; causes of estrange-
ment of Holland and Belgium,
84 ; insurrection in Belgium,
1830, 85 ; separation of Hol-
land and Belgium, 85.
Neufchatel joins the Swiss Con-
federation, 1. 403.
Newport, the treaty of, ii. 430.
Newspaper stamp, in England,
abolished, ii. 477.
Ney, Marshal, the trial of, ii. 239
and n.
Nonconformists, modern, Introd.
Ixiii. ; the firmest supporters of
political liberties, Ixiv. ; rise of,
in England, ii. 380 ; persecuted
by James I., 385 [Puritans].
Normans, the, their origin and
civilization, ii. 360 ; their con-
quest of England, 3G0. .
OCHLOCRACY, i. 57.
O'Connell, Mr., leader of
the Repeal agitation, ii. 483.
Octavius (Augustus), member of
second triumvirate, i. 214 ; heir
of Caesar, secures the empire at
Actium, 214 ; consolidation of
his power, 214.
Ogulnian Laws, the, i. 155 n.
Olgiati, takes part in the assas-
sination of tlie Duke of Milan,
i. 335 ; his punishment, 335.
riigarchy, i. 55 ; established at
Athens by Peisander, 92 ; over-
thrown, 94 ; at Rome, a mili-
tary, 201.
Omar Khayyum, Persian poet, i.
10 n.
Opinion, public, a dominating
force in every State, Introd.
Iviii. ; most powerful in free
23*
INDEX. 537
PAD
States, Iviii.; its organs in Eng-
land, Iviii. n. ; its uses in the
government of a State, Ix. ; its
force in England, ii. 477, 478.
Orange, the House of, William,
Prince of Orange, 37-00 ; mar-
riage of William 11. with the
Princess Royal of England, ii.
76 ; his arrest of deputies, at-
tempt on Amsterdam and death,
76 ; exclusion of the family
• from the Stadtholderate, 77 ;
constitutional monarchy of the
Netherlands established in the
family, 83 [Holland, Nether-
lands, The, William of Nassau,
WUliam IJI.].
Orange societies, formed by Pro-
testants, ii. 481 ; suppressed,
481, 484.
Oratory, its services to the Greeks,
i. 48 ; study of, at Athens, 107;
a fine art, 108 ; at Rome, 162 ;
of advocates, 168 ; flourishes
only in free States, 171 ; limit-
ed freedom of, under the Ro-
man empire, 228 ; Teutonic,
233 ; rarity of, in Italian re-
publics, 299 ; power of, com-
pared with books, ii. 153, n.
Orgetorix, Helvetian chief, i. 349.
Orleans, Dukeof (Egalitc), ii. 133,
148, 152 and n. ; executed, 194;
Louis Philippe becomes king
of the French, 255.
Orleans, Duchess of, with her
sons, appears in the Chamber
of Deputies, ii. 283.
Ostend, the siege of, ii. 68.
Ostracism, introduced at Athens
by Cleisthenes, i. 75 ; its prin-
cijilo iii(l('f(Misil)l(', 76 ; com-
j)arlson witli inipcachincnt and
attainder, 7(5 ; Aristotle's view
of it, 77, n. ; Plutarch's, 77, nn.
1).\])ILLA, Don Juan do [CantUc,
Toledo].
533
Ea)EX.
PAG
Paganism, decline of, in Greece,
i. llfc) ; opinion of Poiybius,
118 ; decline of, in Rome, 177.
Pamphlets, political, multitude
of, under the Commonwealth,
ii. 455.
Paper, invention of, i. 275, n.
Paper duty, in England, abolish-
ed, ii. 477.
Papists [Church of Home].
Paris, rebellion in, ii. 03 ; the
parliament of, 98 ; concentra-
tion of power in, 101 ; the
parliament exiled t6 Troyes,
137 ; arrest of two of its mem-
bers, 137 ; concentration of
troops on, 145 ; condition of
the city, 150 ; its government
and people, 150, 151 ; attempts
to maintain order, 152 ; the
clubs, 153 ; the Commune, 168 ;
advance of the Prussians to-
wards, 170 ; insurrection in,
253 ; another, 262 ; declared in
a state of siege, 26o ; fortifica-
tiojis constructed, 272 ; military
occupation of, 281 ; insurrec-
tion, Feb. 1848, 282 ; retui-ns
sis Socialist candidates to the
Assembly, 308 : declared in a
state of siege by Louis Napo-
leon, 315 ; massacre en the
Boulevards, 318 ; reconstruc-
tion of, by Napoleon III., 329 ;
capitulates to the Germans,
334 ; entered by German troops,
335 ; insurrection of the Com-
mune, 836, 337 ; siege of, be-
gun by authorities at Ver-
sailles, 337 ; the city burnt by
the Communists, 343 [France,
FrencJi Revolution, '80].
Parliament, the English, origi-
nated in the Sason witenage-
mot, ii. 358 and n. ; the Com-
mons first represented in it,
363 ; its increasing power un-
der Edward I., 363 ; assumes
right of deposing the king (Ed-
PAR
ward II.), and again (Richard
II.), 364 ; assumes its present
form under Edward III., 364;
its right to advise the king in
matters of peace and war estab-
lished, 364 ; its privileges de-
fined, 364, 365 ; dominated by
the barons, 369 ; rarely assem-
bled under Edward IV., 370;
its influence revived under
Richard III., set aside under
Henry VII., 370; subservient
to Henry VIII., 371, 372 ; mider
Mary undoes its own work,
373 ; reasserts itself under
Elizabeth, 374 ; and under
James I. ; dissolutions of, by
James I., 388, 389 ; not assem-
bled for sis years, 389 ; new,
dissolved, 380, 890 ; the great
struggle betv/cen jirerogative
and popular power begun by
the Long Parliament, 402 ; tho
Triennial Bill passed, 403 ; pro-
posal for annual meeting of,
404, n. ; assumes estraordina-
ry powers, 406 ; appointment
of committees, 407 ; proceeds
against delinquents, 406 and
n. , 407 ; passes ordinances with-
out assent of the king, 407,
408 ; its revolutionary spirit,
408 ; intolerant of petitions,
409 ; committees on grievances,
410 ; popular leaders support-
ed by mobs, 410 and n. ; Act
against dissolution passed, 411 ;
attempts at accommodation
with the king, 411 ; supported
by the city of London, 413 ; the
Puritan party, 413, 414 ; di-
vided counsels, 418 ; the es-
treme party in power, 418 ; en-
ters into the Solemn League
and Covenant, 418 ; its severi-
ties against delinquents, 424 ;
its conflict with the army, 425 ;
overcome by Cromwell, 425 ;
resolves to icceive no further
communications from the king,
428 ; fresh negotiations opened
by Presbyterian party, 429 ;
opposed by the army, 430 ;
INDEX.
539
PAK
'Pride's Purge,' 430 ; the rem-
nant devoted to Cromwell, 4o0 ;
dissolved by him, 442 ; Bare-
bone's Parliament nominated,
443 ; and dissolved, 444 ; a new
one meets, and is dissolved,
445 ; another called, 447 ; ex-
clusion of a hundred members,
447 ; a second Chamber, 449 ;
revival of the Long Parliament
(the Rump), 452 ; its dissolu-
tion by General Monk, 453 ;
subservience of, under James
II., 457 ; power of, to depose a
king, recognised by the revolu-
tion of 16S3, 458, 4)9 and n.;
its authority enlarged under
William III., 460 ; electoral
corruption, 462 ; publication of
the debates. 468 and 475
[Charles I. , Commons, Lords].
Parliament, the Short, the Long
[England].
Parliaments, the, of France, ii.
97 ; claim a veto upon acts of
the Crown, 98 ; their contumacy
overome by a lit de justice,
and banisliment, 98 ; form a
barrier against arbitrary power,
98 ; their numbers and juris-
diction, 98, 99 and n. ; abol-
ished, 99, 139 ; recalled, 132 ;
superseded, 155.
Parma, tlio Prince of, governor
of the Netherlands, ii. 54 ; suc-
ceeds in detaching the Wal-
loon provinces from the Union,
54 ; takes and severely pun-
ishes Maestricht, 55 ; attempts
to seduce the Prince of Orang.^,
55 ; called to serve in France,
G4 , his death, 65.
Parthenon, the, i. 87.
Pastoral States, wanting in ele-
ments of free<lom, Introd.
xxxvii.
Patricians, the [Rome].
Payment for public servicos, in-
troduced at Athens by Pcricle.s,
PER
i. 84 ; consummation of scheme
of democracy, 86 ; a system of
State bribery, 126.
Paz 
