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INDEX
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VOLUME XXVIII: Numbers 706-731
January 5— June 29, 1953
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
MAR 1 6 1954
INDEX
Volume XXVIII: Numbers 706-731, January 5-June 29, 1953
ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS INDEX
DMPA. Defense Materials Pro-
curement Agency
ECAFE, Economic Commission
for Asia and tlie Far East
ECE. Econonric Commission for
Europe
ECOSOC. Economic and Security
Council
EDC. European Defence Com-
munity
EPD. European Payments Union
FAO. Food and Agriculture Or-
ganization
GARIOA. Government and Re-
lief In Occupied Areas
GATT. General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade
HICOG. United States High
Commissioner for Germany
IBRD. International Bank for
Reconstruction and Develop-
ment
ICAO. International Civil Avia-
tion Organization
ICRC. International Committee
of the Red Cross
IIA. International Information
Administration
IIAA. Institute of Inter-Amer-
ican Affairs
IJC. International Joint Com-
mission
ILO. International Labor Or-
ganization
IMC. International Materials
Conference
IPS. International Press Serv-
ice
ITU. International Telecommu-
nication Union
MSA. Mutual Security Agency
NAC. North Atlantic Council
NATO. North Atlantic Treaty
Organization
NSC. National Security Council
OAS. Organization of American
States
OEEC. Organization for Euro-
pean Economic Cooperation
PHS. Public Health Service
PICMME. Provisional Intergov-
ernmental Committee for the
Movement of Migrants from
Europe
ROK. Republic of Korea.
SHAPE. Supreme Headquarters
Allied Powers Europe
TCA. Technical Cooperation Ad-
ministration
U.K. United Kingdom
U.N. United Nations
UNC. United Nations Command
UNESCO. United Nations Educa-
tional, Scientific and Cultural
Organization
UNICEF. United Nations Inter-
national Children's Emergency
Fund
UNKRA. United Nations Korean
Reconstruction Agency
UNRWA. United Nations Relief
and Works Agency for Palestine
Refugees in the Near East
UNTA. United Nations Techni-
cal Assistance
UPU. Universal Postal Union
U. S. S. R. Union of Soviet So-
cialist Republics
VOA. Voice of America
WHO. World Health Organiza-
tion
WMO. World Meteorological Or-
ganization
Acheson, Dean, Secretary of State:
Addresses, statements, etc. :
Department employees, farewell to, 161
Farewell press conference, 129
North Atlantic CJoundl, farewell remarks to, 5
Correspondence :
Chelf, Rep. Frank L., Departmental Investigative
IMJiicy, 57
President Truman : resignation as Secretary of State,
162; John Carter Vincent loyalty case, 122
Tributes to, at Paris meeting of North Atlantic Cotmcil,
addresses (Kraft, Eden, Schuman, de Gasperi,
Claxton), 7, S
Adenauer, Konrad, Chancellor of Federal Republic of
Germany :
Statements :
Arrival in U.S., 569
Cultural exchange between U.S. and Germany, 568
German-owned property in U.S., termination of
confiscation, 720
Visit to U.S., 441, 529; meeting with President
Eisenhower, text of communigue, 565
Afghanistan :
Export-Import Bank loan for purchase of U.S. wheat
and flour, 103
Immigration quota, inclusion in Asia-Pacific triangle
established by Immigration and Nationality Act
(1952), 238
U.S. Ambassador to (Ward), continuation, 859
Africa :
Morocco. See Moroccan question.
Policy of U.S. toward, address (McKay), 267
Railway from Rhodesias, Export-Import Bank loan to
Portugal for construction of, 223
Strategic materials :
Export-Import Bank loans to expedite movement of,
222, 223
Importance to democratic nations, address (McKay),
268
Tunis. See Tunisian question.
World Meteorological Organization, Regional Associa-
tion for Africa, U.S. delegation to 1st session, 194
Agricultural Act, section 22, proposed amendment re
trade restrictions, statement (Linder), 653
Agriculture, domestic market, effect of U.S. trade policy
on, statement (Linder), 651
Index, January to June 1953
935
Aid to foreign countries. See Economic cooi)eration,
Mutual defense assistance, Mutual security. Tech-
nical assistance. Technical cooperation, and itidivid-
ual countries.
Air Force mission (U.S.), agreement with Venezuela,
signed, 220
Air navigation conferences:
International Civil Aviation Organization, U.S. dele-
gation, 347
South Pacific Resional Air Navigation Meeting, U.S.
delegation, 159
Air power of NATO nations, present status of, report
(Ridgway), 901
Air transport agreement with Cuba, signed, text, 839
Aircraft (foreign), damage caused to third persons on
the surface, convention on, 221
Aircraft, U.S. :
Attacks upon. See under Arms and armed forces.
Dispatch to Indochina to support resistance to Viet
Minh invasion of Laos, 708
Aldrich, Winthrop W., U.S. Ambassador to U.K.:
Address on development of world economy, 915
Confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to U.K., 283
Allen, George V., U.S. Ambassador to India:
Address on U.S.-Indian relations, 523
Confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to India and Nepal,
455
AUison, John M., confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to
Japan, 553
American Association for the United Nations:
Contribution to effectiveness of U.N., addresses (Dulles,
Wadsworth), 402, 417
President Eisenhower's message of appreciation to, text,
402
American Council on NATO, establishment, text of Secre-
tary Dulles' message to Council, 291
American property in Soviet Zone of Germany, treatment
of, exchange of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218, 219
American Republics:
Addresses and statements on :
Inter-American cooperation : Cabot, 338 ; Dulles, 459
Inter-American Highway, statement (Holland), 105
Technical cooperation programs in (Cabot), 780
Trade relations with U.S. (Cale), 716
U.S. capital investment in (Cabot), 460
U.S. policy in (Dulles), 605
U.S. relations with (Smith), 706
Conferences :
Adult education seminar (Dominican Republic), U.S.
representative, 627
Inter-American Conference, 10th, U.S. representa-
tives, 790
Inter-American seminar on national income, U.S. par-
ticipants, 119
Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission, consid-
eration of program by U.S.-Ecuadoran conference
on fishery relations, 759
Organization of American States. See Organization
of American States.
Pan American Highway Congress, Extraordinary,
U.S. delegation, article (Scott and Osborne), 104
American Republics — Continued
Conferences — Continued
I'an American Railway Congress (8th) : statement
(Faricy), 788; U.S. delegation, SS4
Pan American Railway Congress Association, Na-
tional Commission of, appointments to, SS3
Countries. See individual ccntntries.
Institute of Inter-American Affairs:
Transfer to Foreign Operations Administration, 850,
851, 852, 853
Year-end statement of acting president (Rowe), 47
Military assistance to, background summary, 463
Mutual security programs (1954), request for authoriza-
tion of funds for technical and military assistance
in, 739, 741
OAS. See Organization of American States.
Pan American Day, commemoration of, address (Eisen-
hower) and text of proclamation, 563, 5(54
Radio broadcasts in :
San Francisco Broadcasting Corporation, HA authori-
zation for use of shortwave transmitters, 821
Time previously occupied by Voice of America, use
by HA for locally produced broadcasts, 926
Trade :
Bolivian tin concentrates, U.S. attitude re purchase
of, 14
U.S. trade relations with American Republics, ad-
dress (Cale), 716
Treaties, agreements, etc. See Treaties, agreements,
etc.
Visits of Assistant Secretary Cabot and Milton Eisen-
hower, 706
American Veterans of Foreign War.s, presentation of
Annual World Peace Award, statement (Dulles), 430
Anderson, Frederick L., U.S. deputy special representa-
tive in Europe :
Address on status of Atlantic alliance, 290
Resignation, 792
Andrews, Stanley, Administrator, Technical Cooperation
Administration, addresses, etc. :
Joint U.S.-U.N. public health conference, 346
Point 4 program, mutual benefits to U.S. and under-
developed areas, 306
Anglo-Egyptian Accord, signing of. texts of Secretary
Dulles' messages to British Foreign Secretary and
Egyptian Foreign Minister, 305
Arab-Israeli dispute, tripartite declaration (U.S., U.K.,
France) re prevention of frontier violation, text,
S34n.
Arab refugees from Palestine. See Palestine question.
Argentina, trade restrictions under section 104 of De-
fense Production Act, text of note of protest, 559
Arms and armed forces:
Attacks on U.S. planes :
Czechoslovak attack, tests of U.S. and Czechoslovak
notes, 474, 475
Hungarian seizure of U.S. plane, detention of crew,
51, 257, 496
Soviet attacks : Hokkaido, 11 ; North Pacific Ocean,
577
Disarmament Commission. See Disarmament Com-
mission.
936
Department of Stale Bulletin
Arms and armed forces — Continued
Korea. See Korea.
Maintenance of armed strength for free-world security,
address (Bradley), 412
Militai-y assistance. See Military assistance.
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
U.S. Seventh Fleet, withdrawal, statement (Eisen-
hower), 209
Withdrawal of Chinese troops from Burma, statement
(Lodge), 664
.\sia :
Defense-support programs (Mutual Security Agency)
in southeast Asia, 13, 138
EC.\FE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the
Far East.
Secretary Dulles visit to South Asia, 431, 705, 707
South Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting, U.S.
delegation, 159
U.S. policy in Asia and the Pacific, address (Cowen),
331
Asia-Pacific triangle, establishment for quota purposes,
Immigration and Nationality Act (1952), 238
Associated States of Indochina. See Indochina.
Atkinson Field, British Guiana, use of radionavigational
services. Memorandum of Agreement (U. S. and
British Guiana ) , signed, 264
Atomic energy, international control of :
President Truman's annual message to Congress, ex-
cerpt, 93
Report on work of Disarmament Commission (Cohen),
151
Anerliach, Frank L., address on revision of visa functions
under Immigration and Nationality Act (1952), 642
Austin, Warren R. :
Acceptance of honorary chairmanship of U.S. Com-
mittee for U.N. Day, 920
Address on progress of United Nations, 106
Australia :
Double taxation conventions, income, estate, and gift;
negotiation, signature, 723, 819
Trade restrictions under section 104 of Defense Pro-
duction Act, text of note of protest, 556
U.S. Ambassador to (Peaslee), confirmation, 927
U.S. consulate at Adelaide closed, 792
.\ustria :
German debts due under Austrian external loans, terms
of settlement, 439
Government (U.S.) in occupied areas, transfer of in-
formation program functions to U.S. Information
Agency, 851, 854
Purchase of U.S. cotton, extension of Export-Import
Bank credit for, 263
Refugees from communism, establishment of U.S.-
Austrian reception center, remarks (Thompson), 837
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
State treaty negotiations. See Austrian state treaty
negotiations.
Unitication of exchange system, agreement with Inter-
national Monetary Fund signed, 7.51
Austrian state treaty negotiations :
Backgroimd review, 805
Austrian state treaty negotiations — Continued
General Assembly resolution: adoption, 37; address
(Cohen), and text, 67, 68
Losses incurred through occupation, text of annex 5 of
Austrian memorandum to State Department, 814
Meeting of deputies :
Department announcement and texts of U.S. and
U.S.S.R. notes, 259, 260
Proposal of meeting, text of U.S. and similar British
and French notes to U.S.S.R., 135
Soviet refusal to attend, texts of Ambassador Malik's
letter to Secretary-General, and Treaty Deputies'
joint note of reply, 815
Suspension of meetings, statement (McDermott), 305
U.S. deputy representative (Dowling), 751
U.S.S.R. requested to submit text of treaty acceptable to
them : text of U.S. note, 873 ; Soviet note of refusal,
text, 815
Aviation. See Air, Aircraft, Atkinson Field, and Inter-
national Civil Aviation Organization.
Bacteriological warfare. See "Germ warfare."
Balance of payments, Japanese position, U.S. support,
statement (McDermott), 611
Baltic States, U.S. greetings to peoples of, statement
(DuUes),330
Battle Act. See Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act
(1951).
Belgium :
Flood victims, U.S. aid and sympathy, texts of White
House announcement and President Eisenhower's
cablegram to King, 256
Visit of Minister of Foreign Affairs (Van Zeeland) to
U.S., exchange of views with Secretary Dulles, 441,
473
Bell, Daniel W., acting chairman of Public Advisory Board
for Mutual Security, summary of report on U. S. trade
policy, 436
Benelux Union (1947), statement (Cox), 711
Berlin :
American property in Soviet Zone, treatment of, ex-
change of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218, 219
Economy, U.S. proposals for Implementation of, 328
Mutual Security Program funds for West Berlin, 262,
380, S98
Refugees, emergency grant-in-aid for, 380
Soviet repressive measures in East Berlin condemned,
text of joint (U.S., U.K., France) message, 897
U.S. position in, address (Conant), 327
Bidault. M. Georges, Minister of Foreign Affairs, France,
visit to U.S., 441, 492
Bill of Rights, dedication of shrine, address (Truman), 9
Bingham. Hiram, chairman of Loyalty Review Board,
letters to Secretary Acheson re loyalty cases (Davies,
Vincent), 121
Blockade of China coast, remarks (Dulles), 335
Bohlen, Charles E., confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to
U.S.S.R.. and statement (Dulles), 519
Bolivia :
Exchange system, simplification by International
Monetary Fund, 783
Tin concentrates, U.S. attitude re purchase of, 14
Index, January fo June 1953
937
Bowie, Robert Richardson, appointment as Director of
Policy Planning Staff and Department representative
on National Security Council, 821
Bradley, Gen. Omar N., address on maintenance of armed
strength for free-world security, 412
Brazil :
Export-Import Bank loans, 140, 442, 754
Torquay Protocol (GATT), signature, 468
Brier pipes, duty on, President's letters to chairmen of
Tariff Commission and Congressional committees re-
questing further study, 354
British Guiana :
Atkinson Field, use of radionavigational services,
agreement signed with British Guiana. 264
Consulate at Georgetown closed, 242
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment, mission for economic survey, 265
Brown, Ben H., Jr., Acting Assistant Secretary for Con-
gressional Relations, letter to Representative Rogers
re military oi)erations in Korea, 120
Bruce, David, K. E. :
Assignment as U.S. observer to Interim Committee of
European Defense Community, and U.S. representa-
tive to Euroi)ean Coal and Steel Community, 3.52
Resignation as Under Secretary of State and U.S.
Alternate Governor of International Bank for Re-
construction and Development, 162
Brussels Pact (1948), cited in addresses (Cowen, Cos),
50, 711
Budget (U.S.) estimate for fiscal 1953, table, 96
Burma ;
UNESCO educational services in, results of, 8S6
U.S. aid under economic cooperation agreement, request
for discontinuance, 530
Withdrawal of Chinese troops, statement (Lodge), 664
Cabot, John M., Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs :
Addresses :
Inter-American relations, 338
Technical cooperation program in American Repub-
lics, 780
U.S. capital investment in Latin America, 460
Appointment to U.S. National Commission of Pan
American Railway Congress Association, 883
Nomination and confirmation as Assistant Secretaiy of
State for Inter-American Affairs, 338n, 391
U.S. delegate to Inter-American Economic and Social
Council, OAS, 281
Visit to American Republics, 706
Cale, Edward G., Director, Office of Regional American
Affairs, excerpt from address on U.S. trade relations
with American Republics, 716
Calendar of international meetings, 15, 176, 341, 501, 656,
786
Camp, Miriam, review of Economic Commission for
Europe survey, 534
Canada :
Claxton, Brooke, Jlinister of National Defence, address
in tribute to Dean Acheson, 8
Libby Dam construction, U.S. withdrawal of applica-
tion. Secretary Dulles' letter to International Joint
Commission, 611
Canada — Continued
Niagara Falls remedial works, International Joint
Commission recommendations, 783
Prime Minister St. Laurent, visit to U.S., 500, 752
Relations with U.S., discussions, text of joint com-
munique, 752
St. Lawrence Seaway Project :
National Security Council recommendations. Presi-
dent Eisenhower's letters to Senator Wiley and
Federal Power Commission chairman, 698
Report by special committee on, U.S. Cabinet ap-
proval of, 753
Statement (Merchant) re U.S. participation, 824
Strategic materials, embargo on shipment to Communist
China, 533
Trade restrictions under section 104 of Defense Produc-
tion Act, text of note of protest, 555
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Great Lakes fisheries convention, negotiations toward,
39
Halibut fishery convention (U.S. -Canada) signed, 441
U.S. Ambassador to (Stuart), confirmation, 822
U.S. consulates at Hamilton, Ontario, and Victoria,
British Columbia, closed, 859
Capital, private, investment abroad :
Addre.sses, statements, etc., 208, 310, 460, 739, 742, 745,
781, 913
Mutual Security Agency investment guaranty program,
138, 500, 682
Captive i^oples, liberation of:
Joint declaration (President and Congress), texts of
draft and President Eisenhower's letter to Vice Presi-
dent Nixon and Speaker of House Martin, 353
Statements (Dulles), 330, 372, 606
Cartel practices, prevention of, U.N. proceedings on pro-
posals for agreement, 626
Chile, Ambassador to U.S. (Jara), credentials, 381
China :
Defense measures in Formosa, importance of U.S. assist-
ance, statement (Dulles), 738
Mutual Security Agency aid to Government on For-
mosa : investment-guaranty program, 138 ; 1950-1952
report, 438
Properties on mainland, clarification of transactions
with U.S., 722
U.S. Ambassador (Rankin), confirmation, 391
Withdrawal of troops from Burma, statement (Lodge),
664
China (Communist) :
Journalists, revised immigration laws re entry into U.S.,
340
Naval blockade of coast, remarks (Dulles), 335
Prisoners of war. See Prisoners of war.
Ships enroute to, restrictions on fueling at U.S. ports,
904
Soviet assistance to, statement (Lodge), remarks (Vy-
shinsky), 419, 420
Strategic materials, shipments to :
Control of, discussion (Dulles, McCarthy), 532
Embargo on, text of communique on U.S. and French
discussion, 491 ; action by other governments, 532,
533
938
Deparfment of State Bulletin
China (Communist) — Continued
U.S. Seventh Fleet, withdrawal of, statement (Eisen-
hower), 209
ChiperfieUl, Robert B., U.S. Representative, letter to
President transmitting House Resolution on European
Coal and Steel Community, 928
Chiriboga Villag6mez, Jos4 Ricardo, Ecuadoran Ambassa-
dor to U.S., credentials, 12
Civil defense, role of the Federal Government in, state-
ment (Eisenhower), 210
Claims :
Austria, losses incurred through occupation, text of
annex 5 of Austrian memorandum to State Depart-
ment, 814
Cuban Government, extension of time limit for tiling
claims against, 315
German assets in Switzerland (Swiss-German agree-
ment) : effective date, 654; provisions respecting U.S.
claimants, 838
German debt settlement agreements: negotiations, 329;
signature, 373, 374; transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665
German dollar bonds, validation of (U.S. -Germany) :
background information, 379; signature, 376, 569;
text, 376, 666: transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665; valida-
tion board, U.S. ^eprei^entative, 837
German public service pensions, former employees now
residing abroad, deadline for filing, 262, 401
N.\TO Status of Forces Agreement (1951), U.S. action
on claims provisions, 631
U.S. against Soviet and Hungarian governments for
1951 plane incident, summary, 496
War damage in West Germany, deadline for filing, 303
Clark, Gen. Mark, U.N. Commander in Korea :
Addresses, statements, etc. ;
Germ-warfare in Korea, denial of Soviet charges, 451
ROK release of prisoners in South Korea, 907
Correspondence :
North Korean and Chinese Communist leaders, ex-
change of sick and wounded prisoners of war, 494,
528
Syngman Rhee, ROK release of prisoners in South
Korea, 907
Claxton, Brooke, Minister of National Defence of Canada,
address in tribute to Dean Acheson, 8
Climatology, Commission for, U.S. delegation to 1st ses-
sion, 483
Coal, organization of common market under European
Coal and Steel Community, 800
Cohen, Benjamin V., U.S. representative to General As-
sembly :
Addresses, statements, etc. :
Austrian treaty negotiations, U.S. attitude, 67
Disarmament Commission, summary of U.S. pro-
posals, 172
U.N. membership, U.S. attitude, 115
Report to President on work of U.N. Disarmament Com-
mission, and letter of transmittal, 142, 143
Collective Measures Committee :
U.N. committee proceedings, 484
Uniting for peace resolution, collective security pro-
gram, address (Sanders), 447
Collective security, statements on (Truman, Sanders), 91,
447
Colombia :
Export-Import Bank loan for irrigation projects, 222
U.S. diplomatic relations with, 927
Commercial policy (U.S.), commission to review. Presi-
dent's recommendation in letter to Vice President
Nixon and Speaker of House Martin, 747
Commonwealth Economic Conference, text of communique,
397
Communism :
Activity in Latin America, 466
Addresses and statements on :
Conflict of free world with Communist imperialism,
address (Smith), 874
Contrast with democratic principles: article
(Ruissell), 247; address (Gross), 386
Indochina's struggle against aggression, statement
(McDermott), 641
Menace to democracy, costs of survival from, address
(Morton), 769
Menace to free world, excerpts of President Truman's
annual message to Congress, 89
North Korean broadcast propaganda, exposition of,
statement (McDermott), 261
Principles basic to Soviet creed, address (DuUes),
896
Propaganda utilization of U.S. trade restrictions,
address (Morton), 648
Threat in Africa, address (McKay), 268
Threat to Atlantic alliance, addresses (Anderson,
Ismay), 292, 427
Charges against U.S. :
Czechoslovakia, re aid to refugees provisions in
Mutual Security Act : exchange of notes, 409, 410 ;
statement (Lodge), 539, 543
Poland, test of U.S. note in reply to charges of anti-
Polish acts, 304
European refugees from communism. See 'under
Refugees and displaced persons.
Invasion of Laos :
Leadership of "Free Lao" movement, text of Lao note
to U.S., 709
U.S. support of resistance to aggression, 67S, 705, 708,
735, 738, 909
Prisoner of war camps, mutinies in, U.N. Command
Operations study, summary, report, 273, 277
Commonwealth Economic Conference, text of communi-
que, 397
Compton, Wilson, Administrator, International Informa-
tion Administration ;
Address on international information program, 252
Text of memorandum to Secretary Acheson trans-
mitting ninth semiannual report of IIA, 171
Conant, James B., U.S. High Commissioner for Germany :
Addresses ;
Berlin, U.S. position in, 327
European unity, progress of, 469
Germany, U.S. policy in, 301
Soviet policy toward East Germany, 767
Confirmation as U.S. High Commissioner for Germany,
283 ; statement on taking oath of office, 261
Index, January fo June 7953
939
Conant, James B., U.S. High Commr. for Germany — Con.
Public affairs program consultant (Streibert), appoint-
ment of, 927
Congress :
Defen.se Production Act, section 104, recommendation
for termination, statement (Linder), 5o4
European Coal and Steel Community, U.S. loan for:
President's letter to Congressional committees, reply
(Wiley, Chiperfield), text of House Committee Reso-
lution. 027, 02S
Immigration and Nationality Act, articles describing
changes under (Coulter), 19.5, 232
International Information Administration, ninth semi-
annual report, summary, 171
Investigation of State Department, statement (Dulles),
390
Investigative policy of State Department, letter (Ache-
son to Chelf), 57
Legislation listed, 120, 242, 485, 533, 699, 723, 898
Messa.i-'es, letters, reports from President Eisenhower :
Captive peoples, liberation of : texts of draft re.solu-
tion and President's letter of transmittal, 3.j3;
statements (Dulles), 330, 372, 606
European refugees from communism : recommenda-
tion for emergency legislation for special admission,
G.30; statement (Smith), 857
Foreign-afTairs reorganization : objectives of new
legislation, 849 ; plans for establishment of Foreign
Operations Administration and U.S. Information
Agency, 852, 8.53
' German debt settlement agreements, recommendation
for ratification, 665
Immigration and Nationality Act, study of, letter to
Senator Watkins, 730
Mutual Security Program, recommendation for exten-
sion, text, 735
NATO Protocol on Military Headquarters, transmit-
tal of, 631
St. Lawrence Seaway Project, National Security
Council recommendations, letter to Senator Wiley,
698
State of the Union message, 207
Tariff Commission recommendations for increased
duty, letters to Congressional committees explain-
ing request for further study on : brier pijies, 354,
355 ; screen-printed silk scarves, 929
Trade Agreements Act, recommendation for exten-
sion, QM
U.S. commercial policy, commission to review, 747
U.S. loan for European Coal and Steel Community,
letter to Congressional committees, 927
Wheat grant to Pakistan, request for, 889 ; statement
(Dulles), 890
Messages, letters, etc., from I'resident Truman :
State of the Union message, 87
U.S. aid to U.K., France, and Italy, continuance of,
identic letter to Congressional committees, text, 79
Mutual Security Program (1954) : text of President's
recommendation, 735; statements (Dulles, Stassen),
736, 740
NATO Status of Forces Agreement (1951) : statement
(Smith), 628; U.S. action on claims provisions, 631
940
Congress — Continued
Palestine refugees, extension of UNRWA program,
statement (Smith), 822
Report of investigation of Katyn Forest massacre, trans-
mittal to U.N. (Lodge), 322
IJesolutions :
Condemnation of Soviet persecution of minorities
(Senate), text, 506
Loan for European Coal and Steel Community (House
Committee), text, 928
Treaty-making power, proposed Constitutional amend-
ments (S. J. Kes.), texts, 594; statement (Dulles), |
591
St. Lawrence Seaway Project : National Security Coun-
cil findings and recommendations, 698; statement on,
U.S. participation (Merchant), 824
Territorial waters, determination, control, statement
(Tate), 486
U.N. Secretariat, loyalty of Americans on, statement
(Hickerson),58
U.S. trade policy, effect on domestic agricultural mar-
kets, statement (Linder), 651
Constitution of United States, dedication of .shrine, ad-
dress (Truman), 9
Consulates, Consular offices. See iiniler Foreign Service.
Contractual Conventions with Germany, ratification by
German Parliament, statement (Smith), 784
Copper :
Allocation by International Materials Conference, 117
Discontinuance of allocations, 303, 549
Cotton :
Export-Import Bank credit for purchase of U.S. cotton :
Austria, 2G3
Japan, 681
Spain, 681
International Advisory Committee. 12th plenary meet-
ing, U. S. delegation, 763
Coulter, Eliot B.. articles on Immigration and Nationality
Act (1952), 195, 232
Council of Europe. See Europe. I
Cowen, Myron JI., U.S. Ambassador to Belgium, addresses,
statements, etc. :
European unity. 48
Free-world economy, 471
U.S. national unity in foreign policy. 132
U.S. policy in Asia and the Pacific, 331
Cox, Henry B., address on U.S. attitude toward European
unity, 710
Cuba :
Air transport agreement with U.S., signed, text, 839
Claims against, extension of time limit for filing, 315
U.S. Ambassador to (Gardner), confirmation, 822
Cultural exchange, U.S.-German exchange of notes, texts.j
remarks (Dulles, Adenauer). 567. 568
Currency convertibility guaranties. See Investment.
Customs legislation, need for simplification, addressj
(Morton), 650 '
Czechoslovakia :
Attacks on U.S. aircraft, texts of U.S. and Czechoslo-
vak notes, 474, 475
Department of State Butlefin
Czechoslovakia — Continued
Charges against U.S. :
Provisions of Mutual Security Act, exchange of notes,
409, 410
Subversion, address in denial of (Lodge), 539, 543
U.N. committee proceedings, 515
Council of Free Czechoslovaliia, U.S. messages of hope
to, texts (Eisenhower, Dulles, Smith), 400
Intervention in internal affairs of other states, draft
resolution in U.N. : address (Lodge), 539; U.N. pro-
ceedings on, 552, 624
Oatis, William, imprisonment by : reference in address
(Lodge), 546; statement on relea.se of (White), 785
Service on Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission,
provisions in agreement on Prisoners of War, 866,
868
Dairy Congress, 13th International, U.S. delegation, 761
Dairy products, importation of:
Quotas on, background infoi'mation and text of ijroc-
lamation, 918, 919
Restrictions under section 104, Defense Production Act
(1951), statement (Truman), 102
D.iniels, Paul C, continuation as U.S. Ambassador to
Ecuador, 859
Davies, John Paton, Jr., loyalty case, letter (Bingham to
Acheson), 121
Davis, Monnett B., continuation as U.S. Ambassador to
Israel, 859
Declaration of Independence, dedication of shrine, address
(Truman), 9
Defense, addresses and statements by President Eisen-
hower :
Maintenance of national security, 863
Role of Federal Government in civil defense, 210
Defense Materials Procurement Agency (DMPA), pur-
chase contract with Brazil for manganese ore produc-
tion, 140
Defense Production Act (1951), section 104:
Notes of protest (Canada. New Zealand, Australia, Den-
mark, Sweden, Netherlands. Italy, Argentina), texts,
555, 556, 558, 559
P Recommendations for repeal and deletion : Public Ad-
visory Board for Mutual Security, 436 ; State Depart-
ment (Linder),554
Restrictions on imports of dairy products, statement
(Truman), 102
Defense-support aid. Mutual Security Agency :
Allotment of funds for : Indochina, 13 ; Turkey, 499 ;
Yugoslavia, 610
Programs in southeast Asia, 138
Suspension of aid proposed by : Denmark, 873 ; Iceland,
778 ; Netherlands, 217
de Gasperi, Alcide, Foreign Minister of Italy, tribute to
Dean Acheson, 8
DeMille, Cecil B., assistance in IIA motion picture pro-
gram, 035, 790
Democracy and communism in modern world, address
(Gross), 386
Denmark :
Defen.se aid (MSA), agreement for suspension of, 873
Denmark — Continued
Note of protest against trade restrictions under section
104 of Defense Production Act, 556
Productivity program with Mutual Security Agency,
819
Dillon, C. Douglas, U.S. Ambassador to France, confirma-
tion, 391
Diplomatic relations with Colombia, 927
Diplomatic representatives in U.S. :
Credentials, presentation of: Chile (Jara), 3S1 ; Ecua-
dor (Chiriboga Villagomez), 12; Egypt (Hussein),
709; Lebanon (Malik), 709; Mexico (Tello), 462;
Nepal (Shanker), 381; Rumania (lonescu), 709;
Syria (Zeineddine), 56; United Kingdom (Makins),
103; Venezuela (Gonzalez), 12
Declared persona non grata by U.S. :
Novikov, Yuri V., second secretary of Soviet Em-
bassy, 134
Zambeti, Christache, first secretary of Rumanian Le-
gation, 815
Disarmament, addresses and statements :
Eisenhower, 601
Gross, 476, 503
Lodge, 582
DisaiTnament Commis.sion :
Continuation of work: acceptance, 624; General Assem-
bly resolution, text. 584 ; Soviet draft resolution, pro-
ceedings, 514
Report on work, and letter of transmittal (U.S. deputy
representative Cohen to President), 142, 143
U.S. Panel of Consultants, study of armaments and
American policy, 103
U.S. proiwsals for effective disarmament program,
summary (Cohen), 172; (Gross), 477
Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-19'i5, Series
D (1937-45), Vol. V, released, 793
Dominican Republic :
Adult education seminar, U.S. representative, 627
Military assistance agreement with U.S., signed, 442
U.S. Ambassador to (Pheiffer), confirmation, 822
Donnelly, Walter J., U.S. High Commissioner for Ger-
many, Linse kidnaping, text of notes to Soviet Con-
trol Commission, 12
Dorsey, Stephen P., address, Cliristian concept of Point
4 program, 311
Double taxation. See Taxation, double.
Douglas, Lewis W., appointment as head of committee to
survey U.S. trade relations, 498
Dowliug, Walter C, U.S. deputy representative, attend-
ance at meeting of Austrian Treaty Deputies, 751
Draper, William H., Jr. :
Letter to Senator Wiley on NATO Status of Forces
Agreement (1951), Protocol to, and agreement on
status of NATO, &33
Resignation as U.S. Special Representative in Europe,
763
Dulles, John Foster, Secretary of State:
Addresses, statements, etc. :
American Council on NATO, establishment, text of
message to Council, 291
AMVETS Annual World Peace Award, acknowledg-
ment, 430
Index, January fo June J 953
941
Dulles, John Foster, Secretary of State — Continued
Addresses, statements, etc. — Continued
Appointments, nominations, etc.: A.ssistant Secretary
for Administration (Walles), and Director of IIA
(Johnson), 301; Charles E. Bohlen, Ambassador
to D.S.S.R., 519
Baltic States, U.S. greetings to peoples of, 330
Captive peoples, purpose of resolution on liberation
of, 330, 372, 606
Chancellor Adenauer's arrival in U.S., 568
Eisenhower administration : beginning, 430 ; evolu-
tion of forei^ policy, 603, 706
European Defense Community : attitude toward, 287,
289, 603, 738; treaty ratification by German
Bundestag, 470
European trip: purpose, 217 ; visit to West Germany,
302
Foreign policy problems, survey of, 212
French foreign ministers, welcome to, 492
India, expression of friendship to i)eople of, 779
Inter-American cooperation, 459
Japanese peace treaty, anniversary message to people
of Japan, 721
Korea: armistice negotiations, 708; political settle-
ment, 655, 908 ; prisoners of war, 495, 905
Morals and power, 895
Mutual Security Program for 1954, discussion before
congressional committee, 736
Naval bliickade of China coast, 335
Near East and South Asia: visit to, 431, 707; report
on situation in, 804, 831
Netherlands self-reliance, decision to forego defense
support aid, 217
North Atlantic Council ministerial meeting, 646, 671
Polish Constitution, anniversary of, 721
Private organizations, scope of activity in technical
cooperation programs, 681
Soviet threat : evaluation of Premier Malenkov's
speeches, 467; U.S. defensive policies, 524; Soviet
tactics for prevention of European unification, 896
Spain, U.S. relations with, 913
State Department: message to associates, 170; greet-
ing to employees, 239 ; Congressional investigations,
390 ; FBI reports, 518
Trade Agreements Act, extension of, 743
Treaty-making power, 591
United Nations, expression of faith in, 402
U.S. assistance to victims of Viet Minh aggression In
Laos, 678, 708
U.S. wheat grant to Pakistan requested, 890
World Trade Week, 748
Confirmation as Secretary of State, 203
Correspondence :
Adenauer, Konrad, cultural exchange between U.S.
and Germany, 567
American Embassy at Moscow, official message of con-
dolence re Stalin's death, 400
British Foreign Secretary and Egyptian Foreign Min-
ister on signing of Anglo-Egyptian Accord on Sudan,
305
Council of Free Czechoslovakia, message of hope, 400
Eisenhower, President, letter forwarding NATO Pro-
tocol on Military Headquarters, 631
Dulles, John Foster, Secretary of State — Continued
Correspondence — Continued
Hand, Judge, re John Carter Vincent loyalty case, 241
International Joint Commission, U.S. withdrawal of
application for construction of Libby Dam, 611
Lord, Mrs. Oswald B., U.S. policy on human rights,
579
NATO Secretary-General, 4th anniversary of signing
of North Atlantic Treaty, 525
Prime Minister of Laos on their Constitution Day, 752
DLscussions, meetings, etc. :
Belgian Foreign Minister Van Zeeland, 441, 473
Canadian Prime Minister St. Laurent, text of joint
communique, 752
Greek Minister of Coordination re Greek defense and
economic conditions, 7.52
McCarthy, Senator, re control of shipments to Com-
munist bloc, 532
Sauiii Arabian Foreign Minister (Prince Faisal), 441
Thai Ambassador Sarasin re Viet Minh invasion of
Laos, 708, 709
Loyalty charges against John Carter Vincent: corre-
spondence with Judge Hand, 241 ; memorandum re-
viewing charges, 454
Report to President on U.S. flood relief in U.K. and
Western Europe, text, 335
Visits to : Europe, 217, 302 ; Near East and South Asia,
431, 705, 707, 804
Dunn, James Clement, U.S. Ambassador to Spain, con-
firmation, 391
ECAFE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the Far
East.
ECE. See Economic Commission for Europe.
Economic and political discussions (U.S. and U.K.), texts
of communiques, 395, 396, 397, 719 ; comments in ad-
dress (Aldrich), 915
Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) :
African problems, address (McKay), 271
Documents listed, 78, 352. 451, 538, 627, 689, 788, 888
15th session, U.S. delegation and proceedings, 550, 552
Fiscal Commission, 4th session, U.S. delegation, 730
Human Rights, U.N. Commission on. See Human
rights.
Population Commission, 7th session, U.S. delegation,
194
Restrictive Business Practices, Ad Hoc Committee on.
See Restrictive Business Practices, U.N. AD Boo
Committee.
Statistical Commission, 7th session, U.S. representa-
tion, 281
Technical Assistance Committee, U.S. representative,
517
Trade unions, international, U.S. denial of admission to
representatives of, statement (Wadsworth), 625
Transport and Communications Commission, 6th ses-
sion, U.S. representation, 282
Women, Commission on Status of. See Women, U.N.
Commission on Status of.
World economic situation, proceedings, 664
Economic and technical aid on grant basis, agreement
signed with Indonesia, 220
942
Department of State Bulletin
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East
(ECAFE) :
Industry and trade, committee on, 5th session, U.S.
delegation, 282
Inland Transport Committee, 2d session, U.S. delegate,
160
Mineral resources development, regional conference on,
U.S. delegation, 662
9th session, U.S. delegation, 281
Trade Promotion of ECAFE, 2d regional conference on,
U.S. delegation, 346
Economic Commission for Europe (ECE), review of survey
(Camp), 534
Economic Conference, Commonwealth, text of communi-
que, 397
Economic cooperation :
Burma, request for discontinuance of U.S. aid, 530
Mutual security. See Mutual security.
Technical assistance. See Technical assistance ; Tech-
nical cooperation.
Economic situation (world), addresses and statements on :
Comparison of U.S. and Soviet economic systems
(Wiley), 108
Cost of survival in dangerous world (Morton), 769
Development of world economy (Aldrich), 915
Trade problems. See Trade.
World conditions (Wadsworth), 683
Economic study missions. International Bank for Recon-
struction and Development:
British Guiana, 265
Germany, 401
Jamaica, 141
Economy, free-world, address (Cowen), 471
Economy (Berlin), U.S. proposals for implementation of,
328
ECOSOC. See Economic and Social Council.
Ecuador :
Ambassador (Chirlboga VillagSmez) to U.S., creden-
tials, 12
Fishery relations with U.S., conference recommenda-
tions, 759
U.S. Ambassador to, continuation (Daniels), 859
EDC. See European Defense Community.
Eden, Anthony, British Foreign Secretary :
Tribute to Dean Acheson, address, 7
Visit to U.S., 264
Education :
Dominican Republic seminar on adult education, U.S.
representative, 627
Exchange of persons, retention of programs by Depart-
ment of State, 850
Exchange program activities in Africa, address (Mc-
Kay), 270
Status of women in field of education, address (Hahn),
512
UNESCO services, letter from Chairman Laves to
Senator Mundt, 886
Egypt:
Ambassador to U.S. (Hussein), credentials, 709
Anglo-Egyptian Accord, signing of, texts of Secretary's
messages to British Foreign Secretary and Egyptian
Foreign Jlinister, 305
Point 4 mission, to study industrial development, 223
Egypt — Continued
Point 4 projects, land-development and resettlement,
498
Situation in, report (Dulles), 831
Sudanese Parliament, U.S. representation at election of,
493
Eisenhower, Dwight D. :
Addresses, statements, etc. :
Defense policies for maintenance of national security,
863
Inaugural address and prayer, 167
Messages. See Messages.
National unity in foreign policy, 133
North Atlantic Treaty, 4th anniversai-y of signing,
525
Pan American Day, commemoration of, 563
Peace, challenge of Soviet statements, 599 ; Soviet
reaction, 675, 677, 078, 705, 706
Prisoners of war, repatriation of, principles of U.N.
Command, 816
Three-power meeting with U.K. and France, 778
U.S. trade policy, 719
West Berlin, additional grant of Mutual Security
funds for, 898
Withdrawal of U.S. Seventh Fleet, 209
Appointments :
Committee on International Information Activities,
217
Consultants to National Security Council, 431
Special representative for Korean Economic Affairs
(Tasca), 576
Cablegrams to Queens of England and Netherlands
and King of Belgium extending U.S. aid and sympathy
to flood victims, 256
Correspondence :
Chairman of Tariff Commission requesting further
study of duty on brier pipes, 354
Department heads and Director for lilutual Security,
re duties of executive branch ofiicials in foreign-
affairs reorganization, 855
Federal Power Commission Chairman, re National
Security Council recommendations on St. Lawrence
Seaway Project, 698
Gross, Ernest A., acceptance of resignation as Deputy
U.S. representative to U.N., 390
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migra-
tion, aid to refugees from communism, 641
Messages. See Messages.
Nehru, Prime Minister, on signing of prisoners of war
agreement, 807
Queen Juliana, reply to request for additional aid for
European refugees from communism, 639
Secretary of the Treasury, re effective date of conces-
sions to Brazil under Torquay Protocol, 468
Syngman Ehee, on conclusion of Korean armistice, 835
Designation of U.S. representatives to coronation of
Queen Elizabeth II, 400
Discussions, meetings, etc. :
Canadian Prime Minister St. Laurent, text of joint
communique, 752
French foreign ministers, 441
German Chancellor Adenauer, 441, 565
Index, January fo June 1953
943
Eisenhower, Dwight D. — Continued
Discussions, meetings, etc. — Continued
Greek Minister of Coordination, re Greek defense and
economic conditions, 752
Saudi Aratjian Foreign Minister (Prince Faisal), 440
Establishment of National Security Council Planning
Board, 530
Executive Orders. See Executive Orders.
Messages :
American Association for the U.N., appreciation to,
402
Congress. See Messages, letters, etc., to Congress.
Council of Free Czechoslovakia, message of hope, 400
General Assemlily President (Pearson), U.S. welcome
to delegates of 7th session, 382
North Atlantic Council, opening of 11th meeting, and
ministerial session, 673
Queen Elizabeth, sympathy on death of Queen Mary,
493
Russian people, on illness and death of Stalin, 400
Turkish President Celal Bayar, condolence on earth-
quake disaster, 473
U.N. Commission on Human Rights, expression of in-
terest in work of, 580
Messages, letters, etc. to Congress :
Captive peoples, draft resolution on liberation of, 353
European refugees from communism, recommenda-
tion for special admission of immigrants, 639
German debt settlement agreements, recommendation
for ratification, 665
Immigration and Nationality Act, letter to Senator
Watkins requesting study of, 730
Mutual Security Program, recommendation for exten-
sion, 735
National Security Council recommendations on St.
Lawrence Seaway Project, letter to Senator Wiley,
698
NATO Protocol on Military Headquarters, transmittal
to Senate, 631
Reorganization Plans Nos. 7 and 8, foreign affairs re-
organization, 849, S.52, 853
State of the Union, 207
Tariff Commission recommendations, request for fur-
ther study of duty on : 1>rier pipes, 354 ; screen-
printed silk scarves, 929
Trade Agreements Act, recommendation for exten-
sion, 634
U.S. commercial policy, recommendation for review of,
747
U.S. loan for European Coal and Steel Community, 927
U.S. wheat grant to Pakistan, 889
Proclamations. See Proclamations.
Eisenhower, Milton, visit to American Republics, 706
El Salvador, U.S. Ambassador to (McDermott) : nomina-
tion, 790; confirmation, 822
Embargo :
Defense Production Act, section 104, protests of foreign
countries, texts of notes, 555, 556, 558, 559
Greek restrictions on trade with Communist China and
North Korea, Department statement, 532
Shipment of strategic materials to Communist China,
communique on U.S. and French discussion of, 491
Trade controls. See Trade.
944
Escapees from Communist areas, programs for aid to.
See Refugees and displaced persons.
Estonia, greetings to peoples of Baltic States, statement
(Dulles), 330
Ethiopia, mutual-defense assistance agreement with U.S.,
signed, 785
Europe :
Council of Europe: completion of political constitution,
469; statement on progress (Cox), 711
Economic Commission for Europe, review of survey
(Camp), 534
Economic conditions, relation.ship to U.S. national secur-
ity, address (Merchant), 911
Escapees from Communist areas. See Refugees and
displaced persons.
Migration. See Intergovernmental Committee for Euro-
pean Migration.
Mutual Security Agency program : summary of report,
137 ; appointment of evaluation teams to study, state-
ment (Stassen), 337, 338
OEEC. See Organization for European Economic Co-
operation.
Supreme Allied Command. See Supreme Allied Com-
mand, Europe.
Trade. Sec Trade.
Unification, addresses, statements, etc. : Conant, 469 ;
Cowen, 48; Cox, 710; Dulles, 896; Eisenhower, 208;
Truman, 92 ; White House, 800
U.S. Special Representatives, resignation : Draper, 763 ;
Anderson, 792
Visit by Secretary of State Dulles and Mutual Security
Administrator Stassen, 217, 302
Western Europe :
Importance to American security, address (Knight),
773
U.S. flood relief in, text of Secretary's interim report
to President and Cabinet. 335
European Coal and Steel Community :
Addresses, statements, etc. on: Cowen, 50; Cox, 711;
Vernon, 799, 877 ; White House, 800
Monnet, Chairman, visit to U.S., 754
U.S. loan, request for : President Eisenhower's letter to
Congressional committees, reply (Wiley, Chiiierfield),
and text of House Resolution, 927, 928
U.S. representative (Bruce), assignment, 352
European Defense Community (EDO :
Addresses and statements: Acheson. 1.30; Anderson,
292; Conant, 328; Dulles, 287, 289, 470, 603, 738;
Knight, 774 ; Smith, 704, 784
Interim Committee: assignment of U.S. observer
(Bruce), 352; liaison with SHAPE, report (Ridg-
way), 902
Meeting of foreign ministers, text of cnnununique, 408
North Atlantic Council resolutions, texts, 4, 674
European Defense Community treaty ratification :
Background, statement (Cox), 710
Foreign ministers, text of communique, 40!>
French attitude, 492, 712, 774, 776
German Parliament action, statements: Dulles, 470;
Smith, 784
North Atlantic Council resolutions, texts, 4, 674
Settlement of Saar, communique, 492
U.S. attitude, address (Conant), 469
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
European Payments Union (EPU) :
Background, address (Cowen), 50
Iceland, Mutual Security Agency allotment for settle-
ment of payments position, 778
European Productivity Agency, Italian participation in,
838
Ewe and Togoland unification, U.S. position, address
(McKay), 271, 272
Exchange systems, International Monetary Fund adjust-
ments :
Austria, 751
Bolivia, 783
Greece, 623
Japan, 783
Executive Orders :
Mutual Security Agency escapee program, exemption
to specified laws (Ex. Or. 10446), text, 611
Pacific Islands Trust Territory, transfer of adminis-
tration of Tinian and Saipan to Secretary of Navy
(Ex. Or. 10408), text, 46
Technical Cooperation Administration, transfer of su-
pervision to Director for Mutual Security (Ex. Or.
10458), text, 854
U.N. Secretariat, U.S. employees on:
Security investigation procedure (Ex. Or. 10459),
text, 882
Submission of information to Secretary-General (Ex.
Or. 10422), text, 62
Export-Import Bank, loans :
Afghanistan, purchase of U.S. wheat and flour, 103
Austria, purchase of U.S. cotton, 263
Brazil: liquidation of U.S. dollar account, 442, 754;
manganese ore production, 140
Colombia, irrigation projects, 222
Japan, U.S. cotton imports, 681
Portugal, construction of African railway, 223
Spain, U.S. cotton imports, 681
Export-Import Bank, summary of 1952 activities, 222
Faisal (Prince), Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia, meet-
ing with the President and Secretary of State, 440,
441
Far East :
ECAFB. See Economic Commission for Asia and the
Far East.
Mutual Security programs :
Appointment of evaluation teams for study of, state-
ment (Stassen), 337, 338
Authorization of funds (1954) to meet Communist
threat, request for, 738
Defense support program, 138
U.S. policy, addresses on: Dulles, 605; Smith, 704
Federal Bureau of Investigation reports, statement
(Dulles), 518
Filberts (shelled), limit on importation of, text of procla-
mation, 917
Films :
Cecil B. DeMille, assistance in IIA motion picture pro-
gram, 635, 790
International Film Festival (6th), U.S. delegation, 590
Financial agreement, U.S.-Korea (1950), settlement for
Korean currency advances under, 381
Finland :
Double taxation conventions, income and estate, entry
into force, 14
International Monetary Fund, purchase from, 14
Fi.scal Commission (ECOSOC), 4th session, U.S. delega-
tion, 730
Fisher, Adrian S., Legal Adviser, Department of State,
views on report by President's Commission on Immi-
gration and Naturalization, 100
Fisheries :
Great Lakes, negotiations with Canada, U.S. delegation,
39
Halibut, convention with Canada, signed, 441
International Commission for Northwest Atlantic Fish-
eries, U.S. delegation to 3d meeting, 821
U.S.-Ecuadoran relations, conference recommendations,
759
Flack, Joseph, continuation as U.S. Ambassador to Po-
land, 8.59
Flood relief (U.S.) in U.K. and Western Europe:
Extension of aid and sympathy. White House announce-
ment. President's cablegrams, and messages in reply,
texts, 2.56
Interim report to President and Cabinet (Dulles), text,
335
Netherlands, expression of gratitude for aid, text of aide
m^moire, 416
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) :
Council meeting (1952), review of proceedings (Mc-
Cormick), 343
Council (17th session, 1953), U.S. delegation, 926
Emergency food reserve. Council proceedings on, 344
World rice situation, international meeting, U.S. dele-
gation, 119
Food survey mission (U.S.) to Pakistan, 723, 818
Foreign Aid, Voluntary, transfer of functions of Ad-
visory Committee from Department of State, 850,
856
Foreign aid programs, reorganization of. See Reorganiza-
tion of foreign aid and information programs.
Foreign ministers of American Republics, meeting of
consultation. See under Organization of American
States.
Foreign Operations Administration, establishment, Pres-
ident's message to Congress transmitting Reorganiza-
tion Plan No. 7, text of plan, 852
Foreign policy of United States, definition of. President
Eisenhower's message to Congress, 207
Foreign policy of United States in review, address (Tru-
man), 43
Foreign relations, importance to national security and
domestic prosperity, address (Merchant), 909
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1935:
Volume I, General; The Near East and Africa, released,
792
Volume IV, The American RepuMics, released, 827
Foreign Service:
Ambassador Murphy, temporary assignment as assist-
ant to General Clark in Korean armistice negotia-
tions, 689
tndex, January fo June 7953
945
Foreign Service — Continued
Ambassatliirs, appointments: Australia (Peaslee), 927;
Canada (Stuart), 822; China (Rankin), 391; Cuba
(Gardner), 822; Dominican Republic (Pheiffer), 822;
El Salvador (McDermott), 790, 822; France (Dillon),
391; India (Allen), 455; Ireland (Taft), 553; Italy
(Luce), 423; Japan (Allison), 553; Mexico (White),
455; Nepal (Allen), 455; Pakistan (Hildreth), 763;
Spain (Dunn), 391; U.S.S.R. (Bohlen), 519; United
Kingdom (Aldrich), 283
Consulates, consular offices :
Adelaide, South Australia, closed, 792
Bergen, Norway, closed, 792
British Columbia, consulates at Hamilton, Ontario,
and Victoria, closed, 859
Georgetown, British Guiana, closed, 242
Loyalty cases (Davies, Vincent), letters (Bingham to
Acheson) and texts of memoranda (Truman and
Acheson), 121, 122
Tributes to Foreign Service officers : Luce, 679 ; Smith,
821
U.S. permanent representative on North Atlantic Coun-
cil (Hughes), confirmation, 927
U.S. special representatives in Europe, resignations :
Draper, 7(53 ; Anderson, 792
Visa system under Immigration and Nationality Act
(1952), 195, 232, 642
Formosa, Chinese Government on. See China.
Foster, H. Schuyler, Chief, Division of Public Studies,
address on registration of public opinion, 712
France :
Arab-Israeli dispute, tripartite declaration (U.S., U.K.,
France) re prevention of frontier violation, text,
S34n.
Condemnation of Soviet repressive measures in East
Berlin, text of joint message (U.S., U.K., and
France), 897
Economic situation, address (Knight), 775
Foreign Ministers (Mayer, Bidault), visit to U.S., 441,
491, 492, 493
Indochina, U.S. .support of resistance to Communist ag-
gression: military mission, 909; statements (Dulles),
678, 708; (McDermott), 641
Monnet, Jean, Chairman of the High Authority, Coal
and Steel Commimity, visit to U.S., 754
Moroccan question: proceedings on, 36, 359; U.S. atti-
tude, address (Jessup), 33
Private investment in. Mutual Security Agency guar-
anty, 500
Three-power meeting with U.S. and U.K., statement
( Eisenhower ) , 778
Trade with Communist China, restrictions on, 533
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Austrian treaty negotiations. See Austrian state
treaty negotiations.
European Defense Community, ratification problems,
492, 712, 774, 776
German libraries in Italy, restoration to former own-
ership, signed (multilateral) : text, 750; Depart-
ment announcement, 749
Industrial controls in Germany, tripartite agreement
with U.S. and U.K. (1951), text of supplement to,
263
France — Continued
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued
Tripartite Commission on German Debts, signing of
intergovernmental agreement for settlement of ex-
ternal debts : c-ommunique, text, 329 ; statement,
374 ; terms of settlement, 439
Tripartite-aid program (U.S., U.K., and France) for
Yugoslavia, Mutual Security Agency grant under, 920
Tunisian question, proceedings on, 34, 359
U.S. aid, continuance of. President's identic letters to
Congressional committees, and appendix listing
French shipments to Soviet bloc (1952), 79, S3
U.S. Ambassador (Dillon), confirmation, 391
Francis, Robert J., designation as Acting Deputy Adminis-
trator, Voice of America, (535
Free-world conflict with Communist imperialism, address
(Smith), 874
Free-world economy, address (Cowen), 471
Free world security, maintenance of military strength,
address (Bradley), 412
Friendship, commerce, and consular rights (1923, and
amendments) , application of, text of agreement signed
with Germany, 877
Friendship, commerce, and navigation, treaty with Japan,
signed, 531
Fueling of ships bound for Communist China, U.S. re-
strictions on, 904
Fund for financial reserve (international), FAO working
party to study problems in development of, 344
Gardiner, Arthur Z., economic adviser, address on trade
with Middle East, 432
Gardner, Arthur, U.S. Ambassador to Cuba, confirmation,
822
GARIOA. See Government and Relief in Occupied Areas.
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). See
Tariffs and Trade, General Agreement on.
General Assembly :
Bacteriological warfare, impartial investigation of
Soviet charges : committee proceedings, 552 ; resolu-
tions, 617, 624, 663
Collective Measures Committee, continuation of work,
proceedings on, 484
Disarmament. See Disarmament.
Documents listed, 78, 230, 538, 627, 789
Eisenhower, President, message to delegates to 7th
session, text, 382
Greek soldiers, repatriation of, committee proceedings
on, 484
Intervention in domestic affairs of other states, Czech
draft resolution on : proceedings, 552, 624 ; U.S.
attitude, address (Lodge), 539
Mutual Security Act (U.S.), Czechoslovak resolution
condemning, committee proceedings re, 515
Palestine question, G.A. role in, U.S. attitude, address
(Jessup), 70
Resolutions adopted :
Armistice in Korea (Apr. IS, 1953), 661, 663
Austrian treaty negotiations (Dec. 20, 1952), 37, 68
Disarmament Commission, continuation of work
(Apr. 8, 1953), 584
"Germ warfare" charges, impartial investigation
(Apr. 8, 1953), 617, 624; (Apr. 23, 1953), 663
946
Department of State Bulletin
General Assembly — Continued
Resolutions adopted — Continued
Prisoners of war : text of Nortli Korean reply to
resolution (Dec. 3, 1952), 422; resolution (Apr. 18,
1953), 661, 663
Reliabilitation program in Korea, continuation (Mar.
11, 1953), 452
Terms of trade, article on (Cale), 718
U.N. personnel policy (Apr. 1, 1953), 522, 622
7th session, proceedings, 36, 421
Tunisian and Moroccan problems, "th session proceed-
ings on, article (Howard), 359
United Nations membership, proceedings on question of,
llun.
U.N. Postal Administration, proceedings on establish-
ment of, article (Tomlinson), 921
U.S. representatives to 2d part of 7th session, nomina-
tion, 345
Geneva convention on prisoners of war. See Prisoners of
war, Geneva convention.
"Germ warfare:"
Bacteriological weapons, elimination of, report ou posi-
tion of Disarmament Commission (Cohen), 151
Soviet charges re Korea: statements (Clark, Gross),
451, 612 ; U.N. proceedings, 552 ; text of resolution
(Apr. 8, 1953), 617
Germany :
Adenauer, Chancellor, visit to U.S., 441, 529, 565, 568,
569
American property in Soviet Zone, treatment of, ex-
change of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218, 219
Berlin. See Berlin.
Claims, deadline for filing :
Pensions of former employees of German public serv-
ice now residing abroad, 262, 401
War damages in West Germany, 303
Cultural exchange, U.S.-German exchange of notes,
texts, and remarks (Dulles, Adenauer), 567, 568
Free press, postwar development of, article (Straus),
294
Government in occupied areas information program,
transfer of functions to U.S. Information Agency, 851,
854
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment mission to, for economic study, 401
Linse kidnaping, texts of U.S. notes to Soviet Control
Commission, 12
Prewar assets in U.S., termination of confiscation, state-
ment (Adenauer), 720
Soviet policy toward East Germany, address (Conant),
767
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
A.ssets in Switzerland ( Swiss-German agreement) :
effective date, 654 ; provisions respecting U.S. claim-
ants, 838
Claims of U.S. for postwar economic assistance (U.S.-
Germany), signed, 373, 374, 665
Contractual Conventions, ratification by German
Parliament, statement (Smith), 784
Double taxation, income and estate, negotiations for,
303
Germany — Continued
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued
European Defense Community treaty ratification,
statements on : Dulles, 470 ; Cox, 711 ; Knight, 774 ;
Smith, 784
External debts, settlement of (multilateral) : nego-
tiations, 329; signing, 373, 374; terms, 439; trans-
mittal to U.S. Senate, 665
Friendship, commerce, and consular rights (1923
and amendments), application of, text of agree-
ment signed with U.S., 877
German dollar bonds, validation of (U.S.-Germany) :
background information, 379 ; signature, 376, 569 ;
text, 376, 666; transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665;
validation board, U.S. representative, 837
Indebtedness for awards made by Mixed Claims Com-
mission (U.S.-Germany), 373, 374, 665
Industrial controls, tripartite agreement between
U.S., U.K., and France (1951), text of supplement
to, 203
Libraries (German) in Italy, restoration to former
ownership (multilateral), signed: text, 750; De-
partment announcement, 749
Obligation to U.S. for surplus property, 373, 374
Tripartite Commission on German Debts. See under
Tripartite (U.S., U.K., and France) actions.
U.S. policy in, address (Conant), 301
U.S. transfer of former German vessels to, 566
Visit of Secretary Dulles to West Germany, statement,
302
West German newspapers formerly licensed by Military
Government, list, 300
Germany, U.S. High Commissioner for :
Conant, James B. See Conant.
Donnelly, Walter J. See Donnelly.
Gonzalez, Cesar, Venezuelan Ambassador to U.S., creden-
tials, 12
Gordon, Lincoln, Chief of MSA mission to U.K., address
on current status of NATO, 405
Government and Relief in Occupied Areas (GARIOA),
emergency grant-in-aid for Berlin refugees, 380
Government in occupied areas (Germany and Austria),
information program, transfer to U.S. Information
Agency, 851, 854
Government Organization, Committee on, statement re
establishment (Eisenhower), 210
Government Reorganization Act, request for extension.
President's annual message to Congress, 210
Graham, Frank P., U.N. representative for India and
Pakistan, report to Security Council on demilitariza-
tion of Kashmir, excerpts, 694
Great Lakes fisheries convention with Canada, negotia-
tions toward, 39
Greece :
Exchange system, unification of, 623
King Paul and Queen Frederika, visit to U.S., 818
Relations with U.S. : discussions, 752; address (Dulles),
833
Repatriation of Greek soldiers ; U.N. proceedings, 484 ;
U.S. attitude, address (Wadsworth), 450
Trade with Communist China and North Korea, re-
strictions on, 532
Index, January fo June 7953
947
Gross, Ernest A., U.S. representatiTe to General Assembly :
Addresses, statements, etc. :
Communism and Democracy contrasted, 386
Disarmament: Soviet draft resolution, 503; U.S. pro-
posals contrasted with Soviet, 476
"Germ warfare" charges, investigation of, 612, 616
Korean question. General Assembly resolution, 661
Prisoners of war, denial of Soviet charges against
U.S. treatment, 17, 38
Soviet membership in U.N., 316
Nomination as U.S. representative, 2d part of 7th ses-
sion. General Assembly, 345
Eesignation as Deputy U.S. representative to U.N., let-
ters of commendation (Eisenhower, Truman), 390
Guaranties against loss by expropriation. See Investment.
Hagerty, James, statement on Soviet reaction to President
Eisenhower's speech (Apr. 16) on world peace, 678
Hahn, Lorena B., U.S. representative on Commission on
Status of Women:
Addresses, 507, 546
Confirmation of appointment, 507n.
Haiti, investment-guaranty agreement with U.S., signed,
6S2
Halibut Commission, International Pacific, establishment,
442
Halibut fishery convention with Canada, signed, 441
Hammarskjold, Dag, U.N. Secretary-General :
Appointment, confirmation by General Assembly, 624
Statement of welcome (Lodge), 619
Hand, Judge Learned, letter to Secretary Dulles re John
Carter Vincent loyalty case, 241
Hanes, John W., Jr., appointment as Special Assistant to
the Secretary, 242
Harris, Reed, resignation as Deputy Administrator of IIA,
609
Harrison, William K., Jr., Lt. Gen., U.S.A., correspondence
with :
Gen. Nam II, resumption of Korean armistice negotia-
tions, 608
North Korean and Chinese Communists, BOK release of
prisoners in South Korea, 905
Hartman, Douglas William, appointment as U.S. repre-
sentative on Board for Validation of German Bonds,
837
Health :
Public health conference, joint U.S.-U.N. participation
in, 346
WHO. See World Health Organization.
Hemispheric cooperation, address (Cahot), 338
Hickerson, John D., Assistant Secretary for U.N. Affairs,
address on loyalty of Americans on U.N. Secretariat,
58
Hildreth, Horace A., U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan, con-
firmation, 763
Holland, Spessard, U.S. Senator, statement on Inter-
American Highway, 105
HoUand Flood Relief, Inc., U.S. contributions, 440
Howard, Harry N., article on General Assembly 7tli
session proceedings on Tunisian and Moroccan prob-
lems, 359
Hughes, John C, confirmation as U.S. permanent repre-
sentative on North Atlantic Council, 927
948
Human rights:
U.X. Commission on :
Confirmation of Mrs. Lord, U.S. representative, 242
9th session, U.S. delegation, 549
President Eisenhower's message, 580
Secretary Dulles' letter to U.S. representative (Mrs.
Lord), 579
Statements (Mrs. Lord), 581, 842
U.S. draft resolutions, texts, 847, 848
U.X. Commission on Status of Women. See Women,
U.N. Commission on Status of.
U.S. legislation and international agreements (1951),
report on, 178
Humelsine, Carlisle H., resignation as Deputy Under
Secretary for Administration, 352
Hungary, retention of U.S. plane and contents (1951) :
Background, exchange of notes (U.S.-Hungary), 257,
258, 259
Diplomatic claims of U.S., summary, 496
Hussein, Ahmed, Ambassador of Egypt, credentials, 709
Iceland :
Mutual Security Agency defense-support aid, request
for suspension, 778
U.S. Minister to, continuation (Lawson), 859
Immigration :
Communist Chinese journalists denied admittance to
U.S. under revised legislation, 340
European refugees from communism: President's let-
ter to Congressional leaders recommending emergency
legislation for special admission, 639 ; statement
(Smith), 857
Quotas, revision by presidential proclamation (1952),
table, 236
Review of present legislation, recommendation in Pres-
ident's annual message to Congress, 211
Immigration and Nationality Act (1952) :
Asia-Pacific triangle, establishment for quota purposes,
238
President's letter to Senator Watkins suggesting study
of. 730
Visa function, revision under: article (Coulter), 195,
232; address (Auerbach), 642
Immigration and Naturalization. President's Commission
on, excerpts of report, letter of transmittal, and views
of Department's Legal Adviser (Fisher), 97, 100
Imports and exports. See Trade.
India :
Five-year program, U.S. attitude, address (Dulles),
833
IBRD loan, expansion of steel and iron production, 54
Kashmir dispute. Sec Kashmir, demilitarization of.
Mutual Security Program (1954), request for authoriza-
tion of funds, 738, 741
Point 4 programs: malaria control, 55; tube well, 266
Relations with U.S.: address (Allen), 523; expression
of friendship (Dulles), 779
Repatriation of Korean prisoners of war, designated
functions : Neutral Nations Repatriation Commis-
sion, 866, 868 ; Red Cross Society of India, 867
U.S. Ambassador to (Allen), confirmation, 455
Vice President (Radhakrishnan), visit to U.S., 752
Department of Slate Bulletin
Indochina :
Discussions with France and U.S. on measures to pro-
mote jpeace, text of communique, 491
I/aos. See Laos.
Mutual Security Agency defense support program, 13,
139
North Atlantic Council resolution re NATO support,
text, 4
United Nations membership application, U.S. attitude,
statement (Cohen), 115
U.S. military mission, visit to discuss U.S. support of
resistance to Communist attacli, 909
Indonesia, economic and technical aid, continuation of,
agreement signed, 220
Industry and trade, committee of ECAFE, 5th session,
U.S. delegation, agenda, 282
Information Agency, U.S., establishment under Reorgan-
ization Plan (No. S), S53, 854
Information programs:
American CouncU on NATO, text of Secretary Dulles
message, 291
International. See International information.
Reorganization. See Reorganization of foreign aid and
information programs.
Inland Transport Committee of ECAFE, 2d session, U.S.
delegate, 160
Institute of Inter-American Afifairs :
Transfer to Foreign Operations Administration, 850,
851, 852, 853
Year-end statement of acting president (Rowe), 47
Inter-American Conference, 10th, U.S. representatives,
790
Inter-American Council of Jurists, 2d meeting, U.S. dele-
gation, 590
Inter-American Economic and Social Council of OAS, 3d
extraordinary meeting:
Addresses (Cabot), 338, 460
U.S. delegation, 281
Inter-American Highway, statement (EoUand), 105
Inter-American relations, addresses and statements on.
See American Republics.
Inter-American seminar on national income, U.S. partici-
pants, 119
Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, map of
region defined by article 4, 465
Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission, consideration
of program by U.S.-Bcuadoran conference on fishery
relations, 759
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration:
Activities cited in statement (Smith), 857
Fifth session, article (Warren), 879
Mutual security program funds for, request for authori-
zation, 741, 742
Provisional Committee (PICMME), 4th session pro-
ceedings, article (Warren), 64
Refugees from communism, aid to, President Eisen-
hower's letter to Committee, 641
U.S. participation in, transfer of responsibility from
Department of State, 850, 854
International Advisory Committee, 12th plenary meeting,
U.S. delegation, 763
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
(IBRD) :
Bruce, David K. E., resignation as U.S. Alternate
Governor, 162
Discussions with Japan re financing of power projects,
878
Loans :
India, expansion of steel and iron production, 54
Yugoslavia, completion of industrial projects, 339
Missions :
British Guiana, economic survey, 265
Germany, for economic study, 401
Jamaican economy, report on, 141
Semiannual report, summary, 265
U.K. >>terling available to Commonwealth countries,
IBRD announcement, 264
International Broadcasting Service, Office of Comptroller,
consolidation of functions with N. T. Administrative
Office of International Information Administration,
790
International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) :
Air Navigation Conference, U.S. delegation, 347
Damage caused by foreign aircraft to third persons on
the surface, convention on, 221
Southeast Asia, South Pacific Regional Air Navigation
Meeting, U.S. delegation, 159
Standing Committee on Performance, U.S. delegation to
meeting of, 762
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). See
Red Cross.
International Criminal Jurisdiction, Committee on, ap-
pointment of members, 37
International Development, Act for, transfer of adminis-
tration to Director of Foreign Operations Adminis-
tration, 850, 851
International Fisheries Commission, International Pacific
Halibut Commission, establishment, 442
International Information Activities, President's Com-
mittee on, statement (Eisenhower), 210, 217
International Information Administration (IIA) :
Addresses on programs : Compton, 252 ; Johnson, 816 ;
McKay, 270
Consultant on telecommunications (Morton), appoint-
ment, 635
Deputy Administrator (Harris), resignation, 699
Director of Information Service and VOA (Johnson) :
Appointment, statement (Dulles), 391
Denial of press reports of resignation, 790
Educational exchange. See Education.
Inaugural coverage, 171
International Press Service, closing of New York ofiSce,
790
Latin America, use by IIA of radio time previously os-
cupied by Voice of America, 926
Motion picture program :
Conference between Cecil B. DeMiUe and Adminis-
trator Johnson, 635
Denial of press statement re drafting of Hollywood
directors, 790
New York Administrative Office, consolidation with
Office of Comptroller of International Broadcasting
Service, 790
Index, January to June 1953
283337—54 3
949
International Information Administration (IIA) — Con.
9th semiannual report to Congress, summary, text of
Administrator's memorandum to Secretary Acheson,
171
Personnel reorganization, 699
San Francisco broadcasting corporation authorized to
use shortwave transmitters for Latin American broad-
casts, 821
Transfer of functions to U.S. Information Agency, 851
VOA. See Voice of America.
International Joint Commission (IJC) :
Libhy Dam construction, U.S. withdrawal of applica-
tion for. Secretary's letter to IJC, 611
Niagara Falls remedial works, recommendations to U.S.
and Canada re, 783
International Labor Organization :
Documents listed, 275
Labor Conference (International), 36th session, U.S.
delegation, 884
Textiles Committee, 4th session, U.S. delegation, 283
Work on Plantations, Committee on, 2d session, U.S.
delegation, 517
International Law Commission, women, report on nation-
ality of, U.S. attitude, address (Hahn), 507
International Materials Conference (IMC) Committees:
Copper-Zinc-Lead :
Copper allocation, 117 ; discontinuance, 303
Termination of Committee, 549
Manganese-Nickel-Cobalt :
Allocation of nickel, 118
Distribution of nickel and oxides, 549
Sulfur :
Allocation, 119; discontinuance, 475
Termination of Committee, 689
Tungsten-Molybdenum Committee :
Molybdenum : allocations, 117, 548 ; guiding quotas
for distribution, 883
Tungsten, discontinuance of distribution, 118
International meetings, calendar of, 15, 176, 341, 501, 656,
786
International Monetary Fund :
Exchange system adjustments : Austria, 751 ; Bolivia,
783 ; Greece, 623 ; Japan, 783
Purchase from fund, Finland, 14
International Niagara Falls Engineering Board, estab-
lishment by International Joint Commission, 784
International Organizations Employees Loyalty Board,
establishment of, text of executive order (Ex. Or.
10459), 883
International Press Service (IPS), closing of New York
office, 790
International Regulations for Preventing Collisions at
Sea, revision, effective date, 220
International Rubber Study Group :
U.S. delegation to 10th meeting, 761
Working Party draft agreement on measures to prevent
surpluses and shortages, 266
International Telecommunication Union (ITU) :
Administrative Council, opening session, U.S. delega-
tion, 763
Telegraph Consultative Committee, 7th plenary assem-
bly, U.S. delegation, 820
International Tin Study Group, Working Party, appoint-
ment and proceedings, article (Nichols), 724
International Wheat Council, negotiations re interna-
tional wheat agreement, 714
Intervention in internal affairs of other states:
Czech charges against U.S.: address In denial (Lodge),
539, 543 ; U.N. committee proceedings on draft reso-
lution, 552
Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement on non-intervention,
Soviet violation of, address (Lodge), 541
Investment of private capital abroad :
Addresses, statements, etc., 208, 310, 460, 739, 742, 745,
781, 913
Mutual Security Agency investment guaranty program,
138, 500, 682
Investment programs. Mutual Security Agency :
Guaranty programs in: France, 500; Haiti, 682
West Berlin, additional funds for, 262
Year-end MSA report, 138
lonescu, Marin Florea, Ambassador of Rumania, creaeu-
tials, 709
Iranian oil dispute, U.S. attitude, address (Dulles), 833
Iraq :
Secretary Dulles' visit to, report, 832
Technical cooperation project for land development, 610
Ireland, U.S. Ambassador to (Taft), confirmation, 553
Ismay, Lord, Secretary-General of NATO :
Address, Communist threat to unity of NATO partner-
ship, 427
Visit to U.S., 315
Israel :
Arab-Israeli dispute, tripartite declaration (U.S., U.K.,
France) re prevention of frontier violation, text, 834n.
Palestine question. See Palestine question.
Report on situation in (Dulles), 832
U.S. Ambassador to, continuation (Davis), 859
Italy:
Foreign Minister de Gasperi, tribute to Dean Acheson, 8
German libraries in, restoration to former ownership,
multilateral agreement signed. Department announce-
ment and text, 749, 750
Mutual Security Agency productivity agreement con-
cluded, 838
National elections, problem of, address (Knight), 776
Trade restrictions under section 104 of Defense Pro-
duction Act, note of protest, 558
U.S. aid to, continuance of. President's identic letters
to Congressional committees, and appendix listing
Italian shipments to Soviet bloc (1952), 79, 83
U.S. Ambassador to (Luce), confirmation, 423
Jamaica, International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development mission, economic report, 141
Jammu and Kashmir. See Kashmir, demilitarization of.
Japan :
Assets, transfer to International Committee for Red
Cross under treaty of peace provisions, discussion,
439
Economic development in, discussions with Interna-
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development re
financing of power projects, 878
Export-Import Bank credit authorized for U.S. cotton
imports, 681
950
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
Japan — Continued
International Monetary Fund simplification of exchange
system in, 783
Mutual security program funds for internal security,
statement (Dulles), 738
Screen-printed silk scarves, U.S. Tariff Commission
recommendation for increased duty, test of Presi-
dent's identic letter to Congressional committees and
chairman of Commission, 929
Stabilization of Japanese economy, U.S. attitude, state-
ment (McDermott),611
Territorial air violations by Russian planes : statement
(Acheson), 131; exchange of notes (U.S. and Japan),
134
Trade, need for markets, statement (DuUes), 744
Treaties, agreements, etc.:
Friendship, commerce, and navigation, signed, 531
Peace treaty: anniversary message (Dulles), 721;
text of article 16, transfer of Japanese assets, 439
Prewar bilateral agreements with U.S. (extradition,
narcotic drugs, postal conventions, leaseholds on
property, liquor smuggling, taxation), continuance
in force, 722
United Nations membership application, statement of
U.S. attitude (Cohen), 115
U.S. Ambassador to: confirmation (Allison), 553;
termination of assignment (Murphy), 689
Jara, Anibal, Ambassador of Chile, credentials, 381
Jessup, Philip C. :
Addresses, etc. :
Bey of Tunis spokesman to U.N., U.S. attitude, 34
Moroccan question, U.S. attitude, 33
Palestine question, Philippine amendment to draft
resolution, U.S. attitude, 70
Prisoners of war, denial of Soviet charges against
U.S. treatment of, 16, 37
Johnson, Robert L., Administrator, International Informa-
tion Administration :
Addresses, statements, etc. :
Announcements of changes in operation of TIA, 790
Denial of press reports of resignation, 790
IIA program, effectiveness, 816
Appointment as Director of Information Service (IIA)
and VGA, statement (Dulles), 391
Conference with Cecil B. DeMille on use of motion
pictures in overseas program, 635
Jordan :
Report of situation in (Dulles), 832
United Nations membership application, U.S. attitude,
statement (Cohen), 115
Journalists, entry into U.S. under revised immigration
laws, 340
Kashmir, demilitarization of:
5th report to Security Council, excerpts (Graham),
694
U.N. proceedings, 36, 73n.
U.S.-U.K. resolution and Netherlands amendment, ad-
dress re U.S. attitude (Ross), 73
Katyn Forest massacre:
Reference in address (Lodge), 545
U.S. Congressional investigation, transmittal of report
to U.N. (Lodge), 322
Kersten amendment to Mutual Security Act of 1951, ex-
cerpt, 541 (n. 4)
Kissick, Harold G., designation in State Department, 83
Knight, Ridgway B., address on importance of Western
Europe to American security, 773
Knuwland, William F., Senator, correspondence with
Secretary DuUes on prisoner-of-war situation, 757
Korea :
"Germ warfare." See "Germ warfare."
Korean currency advances, U.S. settlement for, 381
Military operations in, letter from Acting Assistant
Secretai-y for Congressional Relations (Brown) to
Representative Walter Rogers, 120
North Korean propaganda broadcast, exposition of,
statement (McDermott), 261
Political conference on conclusion of armistice, remarks
(Dulles), 908
President's special representative for Korean Economic
Affairs (Tasca), appointment, 576
Prisoners of war. See Prisoners of war.
Soviet assistance to Chinese Communists, address
(Lodge), and excerpt of Soviet delegate's remarks
(Vyshinsky), 419, 420
Soviet policy in, address (Lodge), 382
Strategic materials, control of shipments to North
Korea, 532
Unified Command emergency relief program, 444
United Nations Command operations reports :
53d (Sept. 1-15, 1952), 155
54th (Sept. 16-30, 1952), 224
55th (Oct. 1-15, 1952), 276
56th (Oct. 16-31, 1952), 348
57th through 59th (Nov. 1-Dec. 15, 1952), 690, 692,
693
United Nations committee proceedings, 421
United Nations rehabilitation program :
Address (Lodge), 443
General Assembly resolution adopted (Mar. 11), 452
UNKRA. See United Nations Korean Reconstruction
Agency.
U.S. global policy. President's annual message to Con-
gress, 209
War or peace, address (Bradley), 412
Korean armistice negotiations:
Addresses and statements : Lodge, 445 ; Dulles, 708
Ambassador Murphy, temporarily assigned as assistant
to General Clark, 689
Eisenhower, President, letter to Syngman Rhee re con-
clusion of armistice, 835
General Assembly resolution on Korea, adopted (Apr.
18, 1953), statement (Gross), and text, 661
Meetings, U.N. Command with North Korean and
Chinese Communist representatives, summaries, 686,
726, 728, 729, 730
Political settlement, remarks (Dulles), 655, 908
Prisoners of war. See Prisoners of war.
Reopening at Panmunjom, General Harrison's letter to
General Nam II, and summary of liaison meeting
(April 11), 608, 609
Kraft, Bjorn, Foreign Minister of Denmark, tribute to
Mr. Acheson, 7
Index, January fo June 1953
951
tiabor:
ILO See International Labor Organization.
Role of organized labor in national and international
economy, address (Cowen), 472, 473
Land reform, technical cooperation projects :
Egypt, 498
Iraq, 610
Laos:
Communist invasion of :
Attack by Viet Miuh troops: U.S. expression of sym-
pathy (McDermott), 641; V. S. aid to victims of
aggression, 678, 705, 70S, 735
Leadership of "Free Lao" movement, test of Lao note
to U.S., 709
U S support of resistance to aggression, 738, 909
Constitution Day, text of Secretary Dulles' message to
Prime Minister, 752
Latin America. See American Republics.
Lave« Walter H. C, Chairman of U.S. National Commis-
sion for UNESCO, letter to Senator Mundt on progress
of UNESCO and Commission, 885
Lawson, Edward B., continuation as U.S. Minister to Ic^
land, 859
Lebanon :
Ambassador to U.S. (Malik) , credentials, 709
Secretary Dulles' visit to, report, 832
Lend-lease settlement, Liberia, 103
Libby Dam, U.S. withdrawal of application for construc-
tion of, Secretary's letter to International Joint
Commissiuii, Gil
Liberia :
Lend-lease payment to U.S., 103
Withdrawal from General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade, 917
Libraries (German) in Italy, multilateral agreement for
restoration to former ownership, signed. Department
announcement, and text, 749, 750
Libya :
Secretary Dulles' visit to, report, >v33
United Nations, membership in, statement of U.S. atti-
tude (Cohen), 115
Lie, Trygve, Secretary-General of the United Nations:
Statement in tribute (Lodge), 618
U N personnel poUcy, excerpt of report, 452
Linder, Harold F.. Assistant Secretary for Economic
Affairs ;
Appointment, 83
Defense Production Act, statement recommending sec-
tion 104 deletion, 554 . . „ ,
Resignation as Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs,
790
U.S. trade policy, effect on domestic agricultural market,
statement, 651
Linse, Dr. Walter, abduction by East German authorities :
Reference in address (Lodge), 544
Texts of U S. notes to Soviet Control Commission, 12
Lithuania, U.S. greetings to peoples of Baltic States,
statement (Dulles), 330
Locke Edwin, A., Jr., letter of resignation as U.S. repre-
sentative on Advisory Commission of UNRWA and
as Secretary's special representative in the Near
Bast, 163
952
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr. :
Addresses, statements, etc.:
Czech subversion charges against U.S., 539
Disarmament Commission, General Assembly resolu-
tion re continuation of work, 582
Korea : facts of Korean situation, 382 ; rehabilitation
program, 443
Prisoners of war, exchange of sick and wounded,
negotiations, 574
Secretary-General Hammarskjold, welcome to, 619
Soviet foreign policy : basis, 446 ; Chinese Communists,
assistance to, 419 ; intervention in domestic affairs
of other states, 541
Trygve Lie, tribute, 618
United Nations: personnel policy, 620; role of U.N.
in promotion of peace, 658; technical assistance
program, U.S. pledge, 384
Withdrawal of Chinese troops from Burma, 664
Confirmation as U.S. representative to U.N., 203
Correspondence :
Director Federal Bureau of Investigation (Hoover),
request for investigation of employees at U.S. mis-
sion to U.N., 229
Secretary-General Lie, letter transmitting Senate res-
olution condemning Soviet persecution of minorities,
506
Katyn Forest massacre, U.S. Congressional investiga-
tion of, transmittal of report to U.N., 322
Nomination as U.S. representative, 2d part 7Ui session
General Assembly, 345
Puerto Rico, cessation of U.S. transmittal of informa-
tion to U.N., announcement, 584
Lord, Mrs. Oswald B., U.S. representative on U.N. Com-
mission on Human Rights:
Addresses and statements, 480, 581, 842
Attendance at 9th session of Commission, 549
Confirmation as U.S. representative on Commission, 242
Lourie, Donold B. :
Confirmation as Under Secretary for Administration,
323
Establishment of office, excerpt of Department arcular
(No. 12), 487
Loyalty Review Board recommendations re Davies and
Vincent cases, letters (Bingham to Acheson), 121
Lubin, Isador, U.S. representative on Technical Assistance
Committee of ECOSOC, 517
Luce, Clare Booth, U.S. Ambassador to Italy :
Address in tribute to Foreign Service officers, 679
Confirmation of appointment, 423
Luns, J. M. A. H., NeUierlands Foreign Minister, visit to
U.S., 400
MacArthur, Douglas, 2d, appointment as Counselor of the
Department, 519
McCardle, Carl W., confirmation as Assistant Secretary
of State for Public Affairs, 241
McCarran-Walter Act. Sec Immigration and Nationality
Act.
McCarthv, Senator Joseph, discussion with Secretary
Dulles re control of shipments to Communist bloc, 532
Mccormick, Clarence J., review of 1952 FAO CouncU
meeting, 343
Department of SfaJe Bulletin
McDermott, Michael J. :
Statements made as Special Assistant for Press Rela-
tions :
Austrian treaty deputies, suspension of meetings, 305
High-level conference with Soviets, U.S. attitude re
U.K. proposal, 748
Japanese economy, stabilization of, 611
Laos, attack by Viet Minh troops, U.S. expression of
sympathy, 641
North Korean propaganda broadcast, 261
Soviet : anti-semitic policy, 131 ; proposal for 5-power
peace pact, 714
U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador : nomination, 790 ; con-
firmation, 822
Mcllvaine, Robinson, appointment as Special Assistant to
Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs, 927
McKay, Vernon, address on U.S. policy toward Africa, 267
McLeod, Robert W. S., Administrator, Bureau of Security
and Consular Affairs :
Appointment, 391
Statement, 423
Makins, Sir Roger, British Ambassador, credentials, 103
Malik, Charles, Ambassador of Lebanon, credentials, 709
Manganese ore :
Mined in Mexico, signing of contracts for delivery to
U.S., 468
Production in Brazil, Export-Import Bank loan for, 140
Markezinis, Spyros, Greek Minister of Coordination, dis-
cussions with President, Secretary of State, and
Director for Mutual Security, 752
Marshall Plan:
Addresses and statements on : Cox, 710, 711 ; Truman, 92
Federal Ministry for, agreement with Mutual Security
Administration special mission, for emergency grant
to Berlin refugees, 380
Mayer, M. Rene, Prime Minister of Prance, visit to U.S.,
441, 493
Merchant, Livingston T., Assistant Secretary for Euro-
pean Affairs Policy :
Addresses and statements :
Foreign relations, importance to national security and
domestic prosperity, address, 909
St. Lawrence Seaway Project, U.S. participation, 824
Appointment, 519
Meteorology :
Commissions for Climatology and for Synoptic Meteor-
ology, U.S. delegation to 1st session, 483
World symposium on sferics, U.S. representation, 518
Mexico :
Ambassador to U.S. (Tello), credentials, 462
Arms-export violators, U.S. indictment against un-
licensed traffic across border, 315
Manganese ore, signing of contracts for delivery to U.S.,
468
Registration period for holders of Mexican securities,
878
UNESCO educational services in, 886
U.S. Ambassador to (White), confirmation, 455
Middle East :
Near East. See Near East.
Trade, political and economical problems, address
(Gardiner), 432
U.S. policy in, address (Dulles), 605
Migration from Euroi)e. See Intergovernmental Commit-
tee for European Migration.
Military assistance :
Agreement signed with Dominican Republic, 442
Air Force mission to Venezuela, agreement signed, 220
Delivery of items to Indochina and Thailand to with-
stand Communist aggression, 708, 709
Mission to Indochina to discuss support of resistance
to Communist attack, 909
Mutual defense assistance. See Mutual defense: Mu-
tual security.
Program in Latin America, bacliground summary, 463
Miller, Edward G., Jr., resignation as Assistant Secretary
for Inter-American Affairs, 162
Military power, place in world relationships, addresses on :
Bradley, 412 ; Smith, 675
Mineral resources development, regional ECAFE confer-
ence on, U.S. delegation. 662
Minority groups, Soviet persecution of, text of Senate reso-
lution condemning, and letter of transmittal to U.N.,
506
Molybdenum :
Allocation by International Materials Conference, 117,
548
Guiding quotas for distribution, recommendation by
IMC, 883
Monnet, Jean, Chairman of High Authority of the Euro-
pean Coal and Steel Community, visit to U.S., 754
Morals and power, address (Dulles), 895
Moroccan question :
U.N. proceedings, 36, 3.'J9
U.S. attitude, address (Jessup), 33
Morton, Alfred H., appointment as chief consultant on
telecommunications, International Information Ad-
ministration, 635
.Morton, Thruston B., Assistant Secretary for Congres-
sional Relations:
Addresses :
Cost of survival in a dangerous world, 769
U.S. trade policy, 647
Confirmation of office, 242
Correspondence with Senator Knowland re prisoner-of-
war situation, 758
MSA. See Mutual Security Agency.
Muiioz Marin, Luis, Governor, Commonwealth of Puerto
Rico, letter to the President re cessation of U.S.
transmittal of information to U.N., 588
Murphy, Robert D. :
Appointment as Assistant Secretary for U.N. Affairs,
519
Termination of appointment as U.S. Ambassador to
Japan and temporary assignment as assistant to
General Clark, 6S9
Mutual-defense assistance agreement signed with Ethi-
opia, 785
Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act (1951) :
Embargo provisions, reference in letters to Congress
(Truman), 79
Trade controls under, announcement of tightening
(Stassen), 435
Mutual Security Act (1951) :
Allocation of funds for productivity of industry in
U.K., 381
Index, January fo June 1953
953
Mutual Security Act (1951) — Continued
Czechoslovak charges, U.S. denial : exchange of notes,
40n, 410; address (Lodge), 539, 543; U.N. committee
proceedings, 515
Defense-assistance agreement signed with Ethiopia, 785
Escai)ee program for refugees from communism. See
under Refugees and displaced persons.
Kersten amendment, excerpt, 541 n. 4
Mutual Security Agency (MSA) :
Defense-support aid :
Allotment of funds for : Indochina, 13 ; Turkey, 499 ;
Yugoslavia, 610
Programs in southeast Asia, 138
Suspension of aid proposed by: Denmark, 873; Ice-
land, 778
Discussions re Greek defense and economic conditions
(Director with Greek Minister of Coordination), 752
Economic cooperation. Sec Economic cooperation.
Escapee program, exemption to specified laws (Ex. Or.
10446), test, 611
Evaluation teams for study of program in Europe and
Far East, appointment, statement (Stassen), 337, 338
Grants-in-aid to: West Berlin, 380, 898; Yugoslavia,
135, 920
Investment programs, 138, 262, 500, 682
Loan to Spain for economic development, 139
Mission to Laos for assistance to victims of Viet Minh
aggression, 678, 708
Ocean freight charges on relief supplies, responsibility
for payment, 855, 856
Productivity agreements with : Denmark, 819 ; Italy,
838; Netherlands, 777
Program for 1954, Congressional authorization of funds
requested, text of President's Message to Congress,
and statements (Dulles, Stassen), 735, 736, 740
Proiwsals for economic development of Berlin (Richard-
son Wood and Company), 328
Reports :
Chinese Government on Formosa, aid to, (1950-1952),
438
Public Advisory Board, summary, U.S. trade policy
(Bell), 436
Year-end report, summary, 136
Trade controls under Battle Act, tightening of, an-
nouncement (Stassen), 435
Transfer of functions :
Information programs, 851, 854
MSA to Foreign Operations Administration, text of
Reorganization Plan (No. 7), 852
Technical Cooperation Administration, 850, 854
Mutual-security partnership of free nations, address
(Stassen), 336
NAC. See North Atlantic Council.
Narcotic Drugs, U.N. Commission on, Sth session, U.S.
representation, 550
National Advisory Council on International Monetary
and Financial Problems, membership of Director of
Foreign Operations Administration, 8.53
National income, inter-American seminar on, U.S. par-
ticipants, 119
National Security Council :
Consultants to, 431
Functions of. statement (Eisenhower), 209
Jlembership of Director of Foreign Operations Admin-
istration, 853
Planning Board, establishment, 530
Reports of U.S. Information Agency to President, 851,
856
St. Lawrence Seaway Project, recommendations on,
President's letters to Senator Wiley and Federal
Power Commission Chairman, 698
State Department representative (Bowie), appoint-
ment, 821
National unity in foreign policy, addresses: Cowen, 132;
Eisenhower, 133
Nationality, equality of women in field of, address
(Hahn),507
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Near East :
Dulles, Secretary, visit, 431, 705, 707, 804
Economic aid for, request for authorization of Mutual
Security Program funds (1954), 738
Middle East. See Middle East.
Situation in, report (Dulles), 831
UNRWA. See United Nations Relief and Works Agency
for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.
Nehru, Prime Minister of India, message to President
Eisenhower on signing of prisoners-of-war agreement,
867
Nepal :
Ambassador to U.S. (Shanker), credentials, 381
U.S. Ambassador to (Allen), confirmation, 455
Netherlands :
Decision to forego defense-support aid, statement
(Dulles), 217
Flood victims :
Extension of U.S. aid and sympathy. White House
announcement, text of President's cablegram. Queen
Juliana's reply, 256
Gratitude for assistance of U.S. military forces, text
of aide m^moire, 416
Report of contributions for emergency relief, 440
Foreign Minister (Luns), visit to U.S., 400
Mutual Security Agency productivity agreement, 777
Note of protest re trade restrictions, 558
Queen Juliana, exchange of letters with President
Eisenhower on aid to refugees from communism, texts,
639, 640
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission :
Establishment, text of prisoner of war agreement, 866
U.S. aide-memoire to five neutral nations requesting
service on Commission, 868
Neutrality Act, U.S. indictment against violators of arms-
export provisions, for unlicensed traffic across Mexi-
can border, 315
New Zealand, note of protest re trade restrictions, 556
Niagara Falls remedial works. International Joint Com-
mission recommendations, 783
Nichols, Clarence W. (IMC), article on proceedings of
Working Party of International Tin Study Group,
724
954
Department of State BuUetin
Nickel, allocation by International Materials Conference,
lis, 549
Nixon, Ricliard, Vice President, statements of welcome:
Adenauer, Chancellor, 568
French foreign ministers, 492
Non-self-governing territories, U.N. committee on, address
on activities respecting Africa (McKay), 271
North Atlantic Council (NAC) :
Activitie.s (1952-53), review (Ridgway), 902, 903
Ministerial meeting (December 1952) :
Final communique, 3
Resolutious, 4, 674
Statements: Acheson, 5; Kraft, Eden, 7; Scliuman,
de Gasperi, Claxton, 8
Ministerial meeting (April 1953) :
Addresses, statements, etc. : Dulles, 646, 671 ; Eisen-
hower, 673 : Smith, 703 ; Ridgway, 871
Final communique, 673
Resolution on Euroijean Defense Community, 674
U.S. delegation, 662
Responsibilities, address (Ridgway), 871
U.S. permanent representative (Hughes), confirmation,
927
North Atlantic Treaty :
Additional protocol on guaranties to members of Euro-
pean Defense Community, status cited in North At-
lantic Council resolution, 674
4th anniversary of signing, statements (Eisenhower,
Dulles), 525
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) :
Allied Command structure, development, 901
American Council on NATO, establishment, message
(Dulles), 291
Background siunmary, remarks (Acheson), 5
Defense expenditures of member countries, table, 430
European Defense Community : German participation,
address (Knight), 774; necessity to NATO, address
(Dulles), 288
Mutual Security Program funds for defense financing,
statements (Dulles, Stassen), 737, 738, 741
Role of NATO in world affair.?, address (Ridgway),
869
Secretary General Ismay, visit to U.S., 315
SHAPE annual report (1952-53) to Standing Group,
text, 899
Soviet threat to NATO alliance, addresses : Anderson,
292 ; Ismay, 427
Status of Atlantic alliance, addresses : Acheson, 130 1
Anderson, 290; Cowen, 50; Gordon, 405
Status of Forces Agreement (1951), Protocol to, and
agreement on status of NATO, U.S. action on, 628,
631, 633
U.S. mission to, establishment, 851
U.S. policy, addresses : Dulles, 603 ; Smith, 703
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Commission (Interna-
tional), 3d meeting, U.S. delegation, 821
Novikov, Yuri V., second secretary of Soviet Embassy,
declared persona non grata, test of Department note,
134
Norway, Bergen, U.S. consulate closed, 792
NSC. See National Security Council.
OAS. See Organization of American States.
Oatis, William, imprisonment in Czechoslovakia :
Reference in address (Lodge), 546
Statement on release of (White), 785
Occupied areas, government in. See Government in occu-
pied areas.
O'Connor, Roderic L., appointment as Special Assistant
to the Secretary, 242
O'Day, Mrs. Buruita, designation in State Department,
242
Ogdeusburg Declaration (1940), U.S.-Canadian establish-
ment of Permanent Joint Board on Defense, cited in
communique, 753
Oils (vegetable) and dairy products, inipoi-t quotas on,
background information and text of proclamation,
918, 919
Opium, international conference on, U.S. delegation, 761
Organization for European Economic Cooperation
(OEEC) :
Discussion of economic problems (U.S. and OEEC),
summary, text of joint communique, 719
European Productivity Agency, Italian participation in,
838
Statements : Cowen, 49 ; Cox, 711
Organization of American States (OAS) :
Council of Jurists, 2d meeting, U.S. delegation, 590
Economic and Social Council ( Inter- American ) , 3d
extraordinary meeting, U.S. delegation, 281
Foreign ministers, 4th meeting, excerpt of Res. Ill of
final act, 463
Mutual Security Program funds, re<iuest for authori-
zation for, 741
Seminar on national income, U.S. participants, 119
Technical assistance programs, U.S. participation,
transfer of responsibility from Department of State,
850
Osborne, Melville E., article on Extraordinary Pan Ameri-
can Highway Congress, 104
Pacific area:
Asia-Pacific triangle, establishment for quota purposes,
Immigration and Nationality Act (1952), 238
Pacific Islands Trust Territory, transfer of adminis-
tration of Tinian and Saipan to Secretary of Navy, 46
South Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting, U.S.
delegation, 159
U.S. policy in Asia and the Pacific, address (Cowen) , 331
Pakistan :
Immigration quota, inclusion in Asia-Pacific triangle
established by Immigration and Nationality Act
(1952), 238
Kashmir dispute. See Kashmir, demilitarization of.
Mutual Security Program (1954) request for authori-
zation of funds, 738, 741
Point 4 projects, 531
U.S. Ambassador to (Hildreth), confirmation, 763
Wheat shortage:
Reference in report to Nation (Dulles), 833
Request for U.S. wheat grant. President's message to
Congress, and statement (Dulles), 889, 890
U.S. survey mission, 723; report (Reed), 818
Index, January to June 7953
955
Palestine question:
Philippine amendment to General Assembly draft
resolution, U.S. attitude, address (Jessup), 70
Refugees :
Extension of UXRWA program, statement (Smith),
S22
Resettlement problem, address (Dulles), 832
Transfer of U.S. functions: U.N. Palestine Refugee
Act (1950), to President, 850, 853; responsibility for
participation in program. Director of Foreign
Operations Administration, 850
Pan American Day, commemoration of, address (Eisen-
hower), and text of proclamation, 503, 564
Pan American Highway Congress, Extraordinary, U.S.
delegation and article (Scott and Osborne), 104
Pan American Railway Congress (Eighth) :
Statement (Faricy), 787
U.S. delegation, 884
Pan American Railway Congress Association, U.S. Na-
tional Commission of, appointments to, 883
Passports, requirements under Immigration and National-
ity Act (1952), 199, 232
Peace address to Nation (Eisenhower, April 16), 599;
Soviet reaction to, 075, 677, 678, 705, 706
Peace Award, World, presentation by American Veterans
of Foreign Wars, statement in acknowledgment
(Dulles), 430
Peace pact (.5-power), Soviet proposal, statement (Mc-
Dermott), 714
Peaslee, Amos J., confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to
Australia, 927
Pensions, former employees of German public service now
residing abroad, deadline for filing, 262, 401
Permanent Joint Board on Defense (U.S.-Canadian). es-
tablishment cited in communique, 753
Pheiffer, William T., U.S. Ambassador to Dominican Re-
public, confirmation, 822
Philippines :
Mutual Security Agency defense-support program in,
139
U.S. relations with, address (Cowen), 332
Phleger, Herman, confirmation as Legal Adviser, 242
PICMME. See Provisional Intergovernmental Committee
for Movement of Migrants from Europe.
Plantations, work on, 2d session of Committee (ILO),
U.S. delegation, 517
Ploesti trial of former employees of American oil com-
panies in Rumania, text of U.S. note of protest, 333
Point 4. See Technical cooperation program, U.S.
Poland :
Anniversary of Polish Constitution, statement (Dulles).
721
Communist charges of anti-Polish acts by U.S., text of
U.S. note rejecting, 304
Embassy at Washington, distribution of propaganda
against U.S., text of U.S. note of protest, 578
Fur imports from, suspension, text of President's letter,
219
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission, service on,
866. 868
United Nations membership, Polish "package" proposal,
U.S. attitude, statement (Cohen), 115
956
Poland — Continued
U.S. Ambassador to, continuation (Flack), 859
Political constitution for Europe, completion by Council
of Europe, 469
Political developments, international, communique on
U.S.-U.K. discussions, text, 396
Population Commission, Economic and Social Cotmcil,
U.S. delegation to 7th session, 194
Portugal, Export-Import Bank loan for construction of
African railway, 223
Postal agreement between U.S. and U.N., article (Tomlin-
sou ) , text of agreement, 921, 925
I'ower projects, financing of, discussions between Japan
and International Bank for Reconstruction and De-
velopment, 878
Prisoners of war :
Communist war in POW camps, U.N. Command report,
summary, 273, 277
Exchange of sick and wounded. See Prisoners of war,
exchange of sick and wounded.
Geneva convention (1949). See Prisoners of war,
Geneva convention.
International Committee for Red Cross :
Proposals re Koje-do incident, texts of aide-memoire
and U.S. Consul General's reply, 52, 53
Transfer of Japanese assets to, discussion by working
committee, 439
Release by ROK :
Correspondence (Harrison to Communist delegation),
905 ; ( South Korean Premier to Clark ; Communist
commanders to Clark), 906; (Clark to Rhee), 907
Statements (U.N. Command. Dulles, Clark), 905, 907
Repatriation. See Prisoners of war, repatriation.
Soviet charge of U.S. mistreatment :
Statements in denial: Gross, 17, 38; Jessup, 16
U.N. proceedings, 37, 38
U.N. Command Operations reports, 155, 225, 276, 277, 348
U.N. resolutions :
Draft resolution (Dec. 3, 1952) : transmittal to Chin-
ese Communist and North Korean governments, 74 ;
replies (Chinese Communist), 75; (North Korea),
422 ; State Department comment, 76
Resolution adopted (Apr. 18, 1953), text, 661, 663
Prisoners of war, exchange of sick and wounded :
Agreement between U.N. Command and Communists,
signed, text, 576
Correspondence with Communist commanders : Clark,
494, 528, 570 ; Harrison, 575, 608
Geneva convention (1949), articles 109, 110, text, 495
Liaison ofiioers' meetings, 570. 609
Statements: Chou En-lai, 526; Dulles, 495; Lodge, 574;
Molotov, 528 ; White, 495, 527
Prisoners of war, Geneva convention (1949) :
Pxchange of sick and wounded : articles 109, 110, text,
495; agreement signed by U.N. Command and Com-
munist liaison oflBcers, text, 576
Repatriation of prisoners of war in Korea, agreement
pursuant to provisions of convention, text, 866
Prisoners of war, repatriation :
Agreement signed by United Nations Command and
Communist delegations, text, 866
Communist proposal, text, 727
Department of State BvUetin
Priisouers of war, repatriation — Continued
Correspondence :
Prime Minister Nehru and President Eisenhower on
signing of prisoners of war agreement, texts, S67
Senator Knowland to Secretary Dulles, assistant sec-
retary's reply, texts, 757, 75S
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission : establish-
ment, 8(J6; U.S. uide-memoire to five nations request-
ing service on, S6S
U.N. Command position : proposal, text, 755 ; reiteration
of principles, statement (Eisenhower), 816
U.S. position, 755; address (Lodge), 445
Private capital, investment abroad :
Addresses, statements, etc., 208, 310, 460, 739, 742, 745,
781, 913
Mutual Security Agency investment guaranty program,
138, 500, 682
Private organizations, scope of activity in technical co-
oiieration programs, statement (Dulles), 681
Proclamations :
Dairy products and oils, import quotas on, background
information, and text, 918, 919
Filberts (shelled), limit on importation of, text, 917
Immigration quotas (June 30, 1952), table of, 236
Pan American Day, commemoration of, text, 564
Trade agreement benefits (August 1, 1951), suspension
of fur imports from U.S.S.R. and Poland pursuant to
provisions of, 219
World Trade Week (1953), text, 716
Productivity, contribution of labor to national and inter-
national economy, address (Cowen), 472, 473
Productivity agreements (MSA) with:
Denmark, 819
Italy, 838
Netherlands, 777
Properties on Chinese mainland, clarification of transac-
tions with U.S., 722
Property (German-owned) in U.S., termination of con-
fiscation, statement (Adenauer), 720
Protection of U.S. nationals and property :
American property in Soviet Zone of Germany, exchange
of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218, 219
Claims. See Claims.
German assets in Switzerland, provisions in Swiss-
German agreement, 654, 838
Investments abroad. See Investment.
NATO Status of Forces Agreement (1951), Protocol to,
and agreement on status of NATO, U.S. action on,
628, 631, 633
Soviet seizure and Hungarian retention of U.S. plane
and contents, background, and exchange of notes
(U.S.-Hungary), 257, 258, 259
Status of women, address (Hahn), 507
Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for Movement
of Migrants from Europe, 4th session proceedings,
article (Warren), 64
Psychological Operations Coordinating Committee, Di-
rector of U.S. Information Agency to serve as chair-
man, 856
Public Advisory Board, summary of U.S. trade policy
(Bell), 436
Public Health Service, U.S. (PHS) ; participation in joint
U.S.-U.N. public health conference, 346
Public opinion. State Department registration of, address
(Foster), 712
Publications :
Documents on Oerman Foreign Policy 1918-1945, Series
D ( 1937-15 ) , Volume V, released, 793
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1935:
Volume I, General; The Near East and Africa, re-
leased, 792
Volume IV, The American Reputlics, released, 827
Polish Embassy distribution of anti-U.S. book, text of
U.S. note of protest. 578
U.S. Treaties and Other International Agreements,
volume 1, 1950, released, 242
Publications, lists of :
Congress, 120, 242, 485, 533, 699, 723, 898
European Coal and Steel Community, material relating
to, 804
State Department, 163, 203, 323, 578, 635, 667, 794, 826,
891, 930
United Nations, lists of, 78, 230, 275, 352, 451, 538, 627.
689, 788, 888
Puerto Rico, cessation of U.S. reports to U.N. :
Correspondence: President Truman and Governor of
Puerto Rico (Muiioz Marin), 230. 588; Ambassador
Liidge to U.N. Secretary-General (Lie), 584; U.S.
memorandum, 585
Press release, 229
Queen Elizabeth II (U.K.) :
Coronation, U.S. representatives to, 400
Death of Queen Mary, President's message of sympathy,
493
Flood victims. President's cablegram extending aid and
sympathy. Queen Elizabeth's reply, 256
Queen Juliana (Netherlands) :
Flood victims. President's cablegram extending aid and
sympathy, Queen Juliana's reply, 256
Refugees from communism, aid to, exchange of letters
with President Eisenhower, 639, 640
Radhakrishnan, S., Vice President of India, visit to U.S.,
752
Radio :
Atkinson Field (British Guiana), use of radionaviga-
tional services, agreement signed with British
Guiana, 264
San Francisco broadcasting corporation authorized to
use shortwave transmitters for Latin American
broadcasts, 821
VGA. See Voice of America.
Railway Congress, Eighth Pan American :
Statement (Farley), 788
U.S. delegation, 883, 884
Railway from Rhodesias, Export-Import Bank loan to
Portugal for construction of, 223
Rankin, Karl L., U.S. Ambassador to China, confirmation,
391
Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. See Trade Agree-
ments Act (19.30).
Index, January fo June 7953
957
Red Cross:
India, Rod Cross Society of, designated functions in
agreement on repatriation of prisoners of war, 867
Japanese assets, transfer to International Committee for
Ked Cross discussed l)y working committee, 439
Prisoners-of-war question : Intercession, U.N. Command
Operations reiwrts, 225, 27G; proposals, text of aide-
memoire and U.S. Consul General's reply, 52, 53
Reed, Harry (Purdue University), mission to Pakistan
for food survey, 723, 818
Refugees and displaced per.sons :
Escapees from Communist areas :
Berlin, problem in : address (Conant) , 327 ; emergency
grant-in-aid (GARIOA), 380
Correspondence respecting aid, 639, G40, 641
Mutual Security Agency program, exemption to speci-
fied laws (Ex. Or. 10446), text, Gil
Reception center (U.S.-Austrian), remarks re estab-
lishment (Thompson), 837
Statements respecting program for aid (Lodge), 540,
541, 543
Transfer of responsibility for aid programs to Direc-
tor of Foreign Operations Administration, 850
U.S. emergency immigration legislation, statement
(Smith), 857
Korean rehabilitation program, address (Lodge), 443
Mutual Security Act provisions (1951), Czechoslovak
charges, U.S. denial, excliange of notes, 409, 410
Palestine refugees. See niuJcr Palestine question.
PICMME. See Provisional Intergovernmental Commit-
tee for Movement of Migrants from Europe.
U.S. immigration policy, excerpts of report by Presi-
dent's Commission on Immigration and Naturaliza-
tion, 97
Reorganization of foreign aid and information programs :
Department of State announcement on President's ac-
tions, 850
Duties of executive branch officials. President's letter to
department heads and Director for Mutual Security,
855
President's messages to Congress, texts:
Olijectives of new legislation, 849
Reorganization Plan No. 7, establishment of Foreign
Operations Administration, 852
Reorganization Plan No. 8, establishment of U.S. In-
formation Agency, 853
Transfer of technical cooperation supervision to Direc-
tor for Mutual Security (Ex. Or. 10458), text, 854
Restrictive Business Practices, U.N. Ad Hoc Committee :
Cartel practices, proposals for agreement on prevention
of, summary, 626
U.S. delegation to 4th session, 160
Restrictive trade measures. See under Trade.
Rice, world situation, intergovernmental meeting under
auspices of Food and Agriculture Organization, U.S.
delegation, 119
Richardson Wood and Company, proposals for strengthen-
ing Berlin economy, Mutual Security Agency an-
nouncement, 328
Kidgway, Gen. Matthew B., Supreme Allied Commander,
Europe :
Address on role of NATO and Supreme Allied Command
in world affairs, 869
Report to Standing Group of NATO, text, 899
Koad Traffic, International Convention on (1949), cited,
106
Robertson, Walter S., appointment as Assistant Secretary
for Far Eastern Affairs, 519
Rockefeller Foundation, malaria-control program in India,
56
Roosevelt, Mrs. Franklin D. :
Acceptance of honorary chairmanship of U.S. Committee
for U.N. Day, 920
U.N. draft convention on political riglits of women,
29, 31
U.S. social conditions, denial of Soviet allegations, lift
Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement, Soviet violation of, address
(Lodge), 541
IJoss, John C, Deputy U.S. Representative in Security
Council, address on U.S. position re Kashmir, 73
Rubber Study Group. See International Rubber Study
Group.
Rumania :
Ambassador to U.S. (lone.scu), credentials, 709
Diplomat (Zambeti) declared persona mow i/rafa by U.S.,
815
U.S. denial of fal.se charges against former employees
of American oil companies in, text of U.S. note, 333
Russell, Francis H., article, comparison of Communist ide-
ology with democratic principles, 247
Ryan, Robert J., remarks at Department presentation of
Cabinet chair to Secretary Acheson, 161
Ryukyu Islands, royal treasures returned by U.S., 819
Safety of life at sea, international conference (1948), re-
vised international regulations for preventing colli-
sions at sea, effective date, 220
St. Laurent, Louis S., Canadian Prime Minister, visit to
U.S., 500, 752
St. Lawrence Seaway Project :
National Security Council recommendations. President's
letters to Senator Wiley and Federal Power Commis-
sion Chairman, 698
Special committee. Cabinet api^roval of report, 753
U.S. participation, statement (Merchant), 824
Saipan, Pacific Islands Trust Territory, transfer of ad-
ministration to Secretary of Navy, 46
Sanders, William, U.S. representative to the General As-
sembly, statement re Uniting for Peace resolution, 447
Sarasin, Pote, Thai Ambassador, meeting with Secretary
Dulles to discuss Viet Minh invasion of Laos, 708, 70ft
Saudi Arabia
Dulles, Secretary, visit to, report, 832
Foreign Minister (Prince Faisal), meeting with Presi-
dent Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles, 440, 441
Journalists, entry into U.S., 340
U.S. technical cooperation director (Stratton), resigna-
tion, 50
Schumau, Robert, Foreign Minister of France, tribute to
Dean Acheson, 8
958
Department of Stale Bulletin
Selniman I'lan. See European Coal and Steel Commu-
nity.
Scott, Jack G., article on Extraordinary Pan American
Highway Congress, 104
Sears, Mason, confirmation as U.S. representative on
Trusteesliip CouncU, S83
Securities, Jlexican, registration period for holders of, 878
Security, national:
Control over shipments to Communist China and North
Korea, discussion (Dulles-McCarthy), 533
Defense policies, address (Eisenhower), S63
Federal Bureau of Investigation reports on key people
in Government, statements (Dulles), 518, 519
National Security Council. See National Security
Council.
U.N. Secretariat, U.S. employees on :
Executive Order 10422 : text, 62, Department an-
nouncements, 61, 62
Executive Order 10459, text, 882
Letter, Secretary Aeheson to Representative Chelf, 57
Statement (Hickerson), 58
Security Council (U.N.) :
Appointment of U.N. Secretary-General, proceedings,
484, 551
Dncvmients listed, 231, 627
Kashmir dispute. See Kashmir, demilitarization of.
Security treaty with Japan (1951), exchange of notes
(U.S.-Japan) re U.S. protection against violations of
Japan's territorial air, 134
Seymour, Frank, designation as acting comptroller of In-
ternational Broadcasting Service, 790
Sf erics (radio-electric-storm detection), world symposium
on, U.S. representation, 518
Shanker Shuni Shere Jung Bahadur Rana, Ambassador of
Nepal, credentials, 381
Ships. See Vessels.
Smith, Walter Bedell, Under Secretary of State :
Addresses, statements, etc. :
Council of Free Czechoslovakia, message of hope to,
400
European Defense Treaty and Contractual Conven-
tions with Germany, ratification by German Parlia-
ment, 784
European refugees from communism, U.S. emergency
legislation for, 857
Foreign Service officers, tribute to, 821
Free-world conflict with Communist imperialism, 874
Military power, place in world relationships, 675
NATO Status of Forces Agreement (1951), protocol
to, and agreement on status of NATO, 628
Palestine refugees, request for extension of UNRWA
program, 822
Policy of new administration, 703
Confirmation as Under Secretary of State, 283
Social conditions in U.S., statement (Mrs. Roosevelt) in
response to Soviet criticism, 116
Spain :
Export-Import Bank credit for U.S. cotton imports, 681
Miitual Security Agency loan for economic development,
139
Relations with U.S., address (Dunn), 913
U.S. Ambassador (Dunn), confirmation, 391
Index, January fo June 1953
Stassen, Harold E., Director for Mutual Security:
Addresses, statements, etc. :
Evaluation teams for study of MSA program in Eu-
rope and Far East, appointment of, 338
Mutual Security Program (1954), presentation before
Congressional committee, 740
Partnership of free nations, U.S. leadership, 336
Trade Agreements Act, extension, 746
Announcement, tightening of trade controls under Bat-
tle Act, 435
European trip, statement (Dulles), 217
State Department:
Appointments :
Bowie, Robert Richardson, as Director of Policy
Planning Staff and Department representative on
National Security Council, 821
Cabot, John M., as Assistant Secretary for Inter-
American Affairs, 338 n., 391
Dulles, John Foster, as Secretary of State, 203
Hanes, John W., Jr., as Special Assistant to the
Secretary, 242
Johnson, Robert L., as Director of Information Service
and Voice of America, 391
Linder, Harold F., as Assistant Secretary for Eco-
nomic Affairs, 83
Lourie, Donold B., as Under Secretary for Adminis-
tration, confirmation, 323
MacArthur, Douglas, 2d, as Counselor of the Depart-
ment, 519
McCardle, Carl W., as Assistant Secretary of State
for Public Affairs, 241
Mcllvaine, Robinson, as Special Assistant to Assistant
Secretary for Public Affairs, 927
McLeod, Robert W. S., as Administrator, Bureau of
Security and Consular Affairs, 391
Merchant, Livingston T., as Assistant Secretary for
European Affairs, 519
Morton, Thruston B., as Assistant Secretary of State
for Congressional Relations, 242
Murphy, Robert D., as Assistant Secretary for U.N.
Affairs, 519
O'Connor, Roderic L., as Special Assistant to the
Secretary, 242
Phleger, Herman, as Legal Adviser, 242
Robertson, Walter S., as Assistant Secretary for Par
Eastern Affairs, 519
Smith, Walter Bedell, as Under Secretary of State, 283
Wailes, Edward Thompson, as Assistant Secretary of
State for Administration, 391
Waugh, Samuel C, as Assistant Secretary for Eco-
nomic Affairs, 859
Assignment of David K. E. Bruce as U.S. observer to
European Defense Community and U.S. representa-
tive to European Coal and Steel Community, 352
Conference on U.S. foreign policy, representatives of
national organizations invited to attend, 789
Denial of press reports re: drafting of Hollywood di-
rectors for IIA service ; resignation of HA Adminis-
trator (Johnson), 790
Immigration and Naturalization, President's Commis-
sion on. Departmental views on report by, lOO
959
State Department — Continued
Investigation, statements re (Dulles) : Congressional,
390; FBI reports, 518
Investigative policy, letter (Acheson to Chelf), 57
Loyalty issues (Vincent, Davies), 121, 122, 241, 454
Prisoners of war, U.N. proposals, rejection by Chinese
Communists, Department's comment, test, 76
Public opinion, registration procedure, address (Fos-
ter), 712
Publications listed, 1G3, 203, 323, 578, (535, 667, 794, 826.
891, 930
Reorganization under neve administration :
Address (Dulles), 606
Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, establish-
ment, 195
Foreign aid and information programs, 699, 849, 850,
856
Office of Under Secretary of State for Administra-
tion, establishment, 487
Resignations :
Acheson, Dean, as Secreta:-y of State, letter to the
President and reply, 162
Biiice, David K. E., as Under Secretary of State, 162
Harris, Reed, as Deputy Administrator of IIA, 699
Humelsine, Carlisle H., as Deputy Under Secretary
for Administration, 352
Linder, Harold F., as Assistant Secretary for Eco-
nomic Affairs, 790
Locke, Edwin A., Jr., as Secretary's special repre-
sentative in the Near East, 163
Miller, Edward G., Jr., as Assistant Secretary for
Inter-American Affairs, 162
Review of charges against John Carter Vincent, mem-
orandum (Dulles), 454
Security processes, statement (Dulles). 518
U.S. employees on U.N. Secretariat, Departmental an-
nouncements re loyalty investigations of, texts, 61, 62
Visa functions under Immigration and Nationality Act
(1952) : articles (Coulter). 195, 233; address (Auer-
bach), 642
Statistical Commission of Economic and Social Council,
7th session, U.S. representation, 281
Steel, organization of common market under European
Coal and Steel Community, 802
Strategic materials :
African sources, imiwrtance to democratic nations,
address (JlcKay). 268
Allocations by IMC. gee International Materials
Conference.
Bolivian tin concentrates, U.S. attitude re purchase of,
14
Loans for development of sources, summary of 1952
activities of Export-Import Bank, 222
Manganese ore production in Brazil, Export-Import
Bank loan for, 140
Mexican manganese ore, signing of contracts for de-
livery to U.S., 468
Mining areas of the Rhodesias, construction of African
railway for increased export capacity, 223
Shipment of:
Control of shipments to Communist bloc, 491, 532
Strategic materials — Continued
Shipment of — Continued
East-West trade controls, tightening of, announce-
ment (Stassen), 435
Naval blockade of China coast, remarks (Dulles),
335
Shipments made to Soviet liloc, table of, 79, S3
U.S. imports from Latin America (1950), table, 467
Stratton. Samuel S., U.S. director for technical coopera-
tion in Saudi Arabia, resignation, 56
Strau-s, Richard, article on postwar development of the
German free press, 294
Streiliert, Theodore C, appointment as consultant to U.S.
High Commissioner for Germany, 927
Stuart, R. Douglas, U.S. Ambassador to Canada, con-
firmation, 822
Sudan :
Anglo-Egyptian Accord, signing of, texts of Secretary's
messages to British Foreign Secretary and Egyptian
Foreign Minister, 305
U.S. representation at election of Sudanese Parlia-
ment, 493
Suffrage rights for women, progress, address (Hahn), 546
Sulfur :
Allocation by International Materials Conference. 119
Discontinuance of allocations, 475, 689
Supreme Allied Command, Europe :
Role in world affairs, address (Ridgway), 869
SHAPE report (1952-53) to Standing Group of NATO.
899
Sweden :
Note of protest re trade restrictions under Defense Pro-
duction Act, 558
Service on Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission.
866, 868
Switzerland :
German assets in Switzerland (Swiss-German agree-
ment ) : effective date, 654 ; provisions respecting U.S.
claimants, 838
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission, service on,
866, 868
Syria :
Ambassador (Zeineddine) to U.S., credentials, 56
Secretary Dulles' visit, report, 832
Taft, William Howard, III, confirmation as U.S. Ambassa-
dor to Ireland, 553
Tariff Commission, U.S. :
Duty on brier pipes. President's letter to Chairman re-
questing further study of. 354
Proclamations, sulisequent to recommendations of :
Dairy products and oils, imp<Jrt quotas on, background
information and text, 918, 919
Filberts (slielled), limit on importation of, text, 917
Recommendation for increased duty on screen-printed
silk scarves. President's letter to Chairman, 029
Tariffs and Trade, General Agreement on (GATT, 1947) :
Defense Production Act, attitude of contracting par-
ties on trade restrictions, 555, 556, 558
Torquay Protocol, signed by Brazil, 468
Withdrawal of Liberia, 917
Tasca, Henry J., appointment as President's special repre-
sentative for Korean Economic Affairs, 576
960
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
Tate, Jack B., Deputy Legal Adviser, statement re deter-
mination and control of territorial waters, 486
Taxation, double, conventions with :
Australia, income and estate: negotiations, 723; signed,
SIO
Finland, income and estate, entry into force, 14
Germany, income and estate, negotiations for, 303
Taxation, fiscal costs of sui'vival in a dangerous world,
address (Morton), 771, 772
Technical and economic aid on grant basis, agreement with
Indonesia, signed, 220
Technical assistance programs (U.N.) :
I'ood and Agriculture Organization, analysis of progress
(McCormick), 345
U.S. participation :
Mutual security program funds for UNTA, request
for authorization, 741
Pledge to U.N., 384, 422
Representative to ECOSOC committee (Liibin), 517
Transfer of U.S. functions to Director of Foreign
Operations Administration, 850
Technical Cooperation Administration :
Budget, U.S. contributions, 55
Information programs, transfer of functions to U.S.
Information Agency, 851, 8.54
Institute of Inter-American Affairs. See Institute of
Inter-American Affairs.
Public health conference, joint U.S.-U.N. participation
in, 340
Resignation of U.S. director (Stratton) in Saudi Arabia,
56
Transfer from Department of State, 850, 851, 8.53, 8.54
Technical cooijeration xerogram, U.S. :
Addresses and statements :
Andrews, 306, 309
Cabot, 780
Dorsey, 311
Dulles, 681
McKay, 269
Truman, 92
Agreements cited in report on human rights, 193
Agreements with : Egypt, signed, 498 ; India, 55 ; Paki-
stan, signed, 531
Latin America, review of progress in, text of year-end
statement by acting president of IIAA (Rowe), 47
Missions in : Egypt, 223 ; Iraq, 610
Mutual Security Agency productivity and technical as-
sistance program :
Agreements with : Denmark, 819 ; Italy, 838 ; Nether-
lands, 777
Tear-end report, summary, 137
Projects with : Egypt, 498 ; India, 55, 266, 314 ; Iran, 314 ;
Jordan, 308, 314 ; Lebanon, 314 ; Pakistan, 531 ; Saudi
Arabia, 314
Telecommunications :
International Telecommunication Union :
Administrative Council, opening session, U.S. delega-
tion, 763
Telegraph Consultative Committee, 7th plenary as-
.sembly, U.S. delegation, 820
Radio. See Radio.
Voice of America. See Voice of America.
Telegraph Consultative Committee of ITU, 7th i)lenary as-
sembly, U.S. delegation, 820
Tello, Manuel, Mexican Ambassador to U.S., credentials,
462
Territorial waters, control of :
Recommendations of U.S.-Ecuadoran conference on
fishery relations, 759
U.S. attitude, statement (Tate), 486
Textiles Committee of International Labor Organization,
4th session, U.S. delegation, agenda, 283
Thailand :
Ambassador Sarasin, meeting with Secretary Dulles to
discuss Viet Minh invasion of Laos, 708, 709
JIutual Security Agency defense-support program, 189
UNESCO educational services, 886
U.S. military supplies for support of resistance to Com-
munist aggression, 708, 709
Thompson, Llewellyn E., U.S. Ambassador to Austria, re-
marks on escapee program in Austria, 837
Tin concentrates, Bolivian, U.S. attitude re purchase of,
14
Tin Study Group, Working Party (International), ap-
pointment and proceedings, article (Nichols), 724
Tinian, Pacific Islands Trust Territory, transfer of ad-
ministration to Secretary of Navy, 46
Tomlinson, John D., adviser, OflSce of U.N. Economic and
Social Affairs, article on U.S.-U.N. postal agreement,
921
Torquay Protocol, signed by Brazil, 468
Trade :
American Republics :
Bolivian tin concentrates, U.S. attitude re purchase
of, 14
U.S. relations with, address (Cale), 716
Blockade of China coast, remarks (Dulles), 335
Coal, organization of common market under European
Coal and Steel Community, 800
Conferences :
Commonwealth Economic Conference, communiqufi,
397
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, 2d
regional conference on trade promotion, U.S. dele-
gation, 346
European Defense Community, Foreign Ministers
Meeting, communique, 408
Industry and trade, committee of ECAFE, 5th session,
U.S. delegation, agenda, 282
Organization for European Cooperation, and U.S.
conferences, communique, 719
U.S.-U.K. conversations, 395
East-West Europe, review of economic survey (Camp),
535
European products, necessity for marketing, address
(Merchant), 912
Export-Import Bank credit extended to Japan and
Spain for U.S. cotton imports, 681
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. See Tariffs
and Trade, General Agreement on.
Middle East, jiolitical and economical problems, address
(Gardiner), 432
/ne/ex, January fo June 1953
961
Trade — Continued
Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. See Trade Agree-
ments Act (1030).
Reduction of barriers, addresses (Cowen, Morton), 471,
G47
Restrictive measures :
Agricultural Act, section 22, proposed amendment,
statement (Linder), 653
Arms-export violators, U.S. indictment against un-
licensed traffic across Mexican border, 31.5
Brier pipes, duty on, President's letter to Chairman
of Tariff Commission and Congressional commit-
tees requesting further study, 354
Controls under I!attle Act, tightening of, announce-
ment (Stassen), 435
Dairy imports under Defense Production Act (1951),
additional restrictions, statement (Truman), 102
Dairy products and oils, import quotas on, background
information and text of proclamation, 918, 919
Defense Production Act, restrictions under : state-
ment (Linder), 554; texts of notes of protest by
foreign countries, 555, 556, 558, 5.59
Filberts (shelled), limit on importation of, text of
proclamation, 917
Fuel exports for use on ships bound for Communist
China, U.S. restrictions on, 904
Fur imports from U.S.S.R. and Poland, suspension
of, text of President's letter, 219
Screen-printed silk scarves, Tariff Commission recom-
mendation for increased duty on, texts of Presi-
dent's letters, 929
Security controls over trade with Communist bloc,
532
Shipments to Soviet bloc, by U.K., France, and Italy
(1952) : text of President's letter to Congressional
committees, 79; table, 83
Strategic materials, embargo on shipments to Com-
munist China : communiqu(5 on U.S. -French dis-
cussion, 491 ; action by other governments, 532, 533
Soviet concept of Western economy, statements
(DuUes), 744, 748
Unions, international, U.S. denial of admission to repre-
sentatives, statement (Wads worth), 625
U.S. policy:
Bell mission report, summary, 436
Commission to review U.S. commercial policy. Presi-
dent's letter to Vice President Nixon and Speaker
of House Martin, 747
President's annual message to Congress, 208
Statements on U.S. policy (Linder, Eisenhower), 651,
719
U.S. trade relations, committee to survey, appointment
of Lewis W. Douglas as head, 498
World economy, development of, address (Aldrich), 915
World Trade Week (1953) : text of proclamation, 716;
statement (Dulles), 748
Trade Agreements Act (1930) :
Escape clause limitations, summary of Bell mission
report, 437
Extension, President's recommendation for, 208, 634;
statements (Dulles, Stassen), 743, 746
Trade Agreements Extension Act (1951), su.spension of ,
fur imports from U.S.S.R. and Poland pursuant to I
provisions of, 219
Trade and Tariff rolicij in the Xational Interest, summary
of Bell mission report, 436
Trading with the Enemy Act, termination of confiscation
of German-owned property in U.S. under provisions
of, 720
Transport and Communications Commission of Economic
and Social Council, 6th session, U.S. representation,
agenda, 282
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Air force mission (U.S.), signed with Venezuela. 220
Air transport agreement signed with Cuba, text, 839
Anglo-Egyptian Accord on Sudan, signing of, texts of
Secretary Dulles' messages to British Foreign Secre-
tary and Egyptian Foreign Minister, 305
Atkinson Field (British Guiana), use of radionaviga-
tional services, signed with British Guiana, 264
Austrian exchange system, unification of, agreement be-
tween Austria and International Monetary Fund,
signed, 751
Austrian treaty negotiations. See Austrian state treaty
negotiations.
Cartel practices, prevention of, D.N. proceedings on pro-
posals for agreement, 626
Claims of U.S. for postwar economic assistance (U.S.
and Germany): signature, 373, 374; transmittal to
U.S. Senate, 665
Contractual Conventions with Germany, ratification by
German Parliament, 784
Copyright agreements with Italy and Finland cited in
report on human rights, 193
DamaL'e caused by foreign aircraft to third persons on
the surface, multilateral convention on, 221
Defense of Iceland, agreement with U.S. cited in report
on human rights, 193
Double-taxation conventions, bilateral :
Australia, income and estate, negotiations, signature,
723, 819
Finland, income and estate, entry into force, 14
Germany, income and estate, negotiations, 303
Educational foundations (U.S.), agreements with Den-
mark, Iraq, and Japan cited in report on human
rights, 193
European Defense Community :
Addresses and statements : Conant, 469 ; Cox, 710 ;
Knight, 774, 776
Communique, Foreign Ministers, 409
German Parliament action, statements: DuUes, 470;
Smith, 784
North Atlantic Council resolutions, texts, 4, 674
Settlement of Saar, commimique, 492
Financial agreement, U.S.-Korea (1950), settlement for
Korean currency advances under, 381
Friendship, commerce, and consular rights (1923 and
amendments), application of, text of agreement
signed with Germany, 877
Friendship, commerce, and navigation, signed with
Japan, 531
Geneva convention on prisoners of war. See Prisoners
of war, Geneva convention.
962
Departmeni of State Bulletin
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued
German assets in Switzerland (Swiss-German agree-
ment) : efEective date, 654; provisions respecting
U.S. claimants, 838
German dollar bonds, validation of (U.S.-Germany) :
backgromid Information, 379 ; signature, 376, 509 ;
text, 376, 666; transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665; val-
idation board, U.S. representative, 837
German external debts (multilateral) : negotiations,
329; signing, 373, 374; terms, 439; transmittal to U.S.
Senate, 665
German indebtedness for awards made by Mixed Claims
Commission, U.S. and Germany: signature, 373, 374;
transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665
German industrial controls, tripartite agreement be-
tween U.S., U.K., and France (1951), text of supple-
ment to, 263
German libraries in Italy, restoration to former owner-
ship (multilateral), signed: text, 750; Department
announcement, 749
German obligations to U.S. for surplus property, U.S.
and Germany, signed, 373, 374
Great Lakes fisheries convention with Canada, negoti-
ations toward, 39
Halibut fishery convention with Canada, signed, 441
Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, ar-
ticle 4, map of region defined by, 465
International Labor Organization convention on equal
remuneration for men and women workers, cited in
address (Hahn), 547
International Regulations for Preventing Collisions at
Sea, revision, efEective date, 220
Investment guaranty (Mutual Security Agency), signed
with Haiti, 682
Japan, treaty of i)eace: anniversary message (Dulles),
721 ; text of article 16, transfer of Japanese assets,
439
Japanese-U.S. prewar bilateral (extradition, narcotic
drugs, postal conventions, leaseholds on property,
liquor smuggling, taxation), continuance in force, 722
ilexican agricultural workers, agreement with U.S.
cited in report on human rights, 193.
Military assistance, signed with Dominican Republic,
442
Mutual-defense assi.stance, signed with Ethiopia, 785
NATO Status of Forces Agreement ( 1951 ) , Protocol to,
and agreement on status of NATO, expressions of
support (Smith, Eisenhower, Dulles, Draper), 628,
631, 633
Niagara River waters, uses of (U.S.-Canada, 19.50),
International Joint Commission recommendations for
remedial works, 783
North Atlantic Treaty :
Article 2, North Atlantic Council resolution on im-
plementation of, 4
European Defense Community, guaranties to members
of North Atlantic Council resolution on, 674
Organization of American States, Charter, cited in re-
port on human rights, 192
Political rights of women, U.N. convention, signature in
General Assembly, 546
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued
Postal agreement between U.S. and U.N. (in conformity
with U.N. Headquarters Agreement of 1947), text, 925
Prisoners of war, Geneva convention (1949) :
Exchange of sick and wounded : articles 109, 110,
text, 495 ; agreement signed by U.N. Command and
Communist liaison otficers, text, 576
Repatriation, agreement signed by U.N. Command and
Communist delegations, text, 866
Productivity agreements (Mutual Security Agency)
signed with : Denmark, 819 ; Italy, 838 ; Netherlands,
777
Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement on nonintervention in
internal affairs of other states, Soviet violation of, ad-
dress (Lodge), 541
Tariffs and Trade, General Agreement on (GATT,
1947) :
Attitude of contracting parties toward trade restric-
tions under U.S. Defense Production Act, 555, 556,
558
Torquay Protocol, signed by Brazil, 468
Withdrawal of Liberia, 917
Technical and economic aid on grant basis, agi-eement
signed with Indonesia, 220
Technical cooperation :
Agreements cited In report on human rights, 193
Agreements with: Egypt, signed, 498; India, 55;
Pakistan, signed, 531
Wheat agreement (international), signed, 714
Treaty-making power, proposed Constitutional amend-
ments (S. J. Res. 1, S. J. Res. 43), testimony (Dulles),
and texts of resolutions, 591, 594
Tripartite (U.S., U.K., and France) actions:
Aid program for Yugoslavia, Mutual Security Agency
grant under, 920
Arab-Israeli dispute, declaration re prevention of fron-
tier violation, text. 834n.
Commission on German Debts, signing of intergovern-
mental agreement for settlement of external debts:
communique, text, 329; statement, 374; terms of
settlement, 439
Condemnation of Soviet repre.ssive measures in East
Berlin, text of joint message, 897
High-level meeting, statement (Eisenhower), 778
Industrial controls in Germany, text of supplement to
1951 agreement, 263
Truman, Harry S. :
Addresses, etc. :
Dedication of shrine for U.S. documents of liberty, 9
Farewell to nation, 127
Restrictions on dairy imports, under Defense Pro-
duction Act (1951), 102
Review of U.S. national policy, 43
Correspondence :
Acheson : memo re Vincent loyalty case, 122 ; reply
to letter of resignation as Secretary of State, 162
Governor of Puerto Rico (Munoz Marin), discon-
tinuation of U.S. report to U.N. on Puerto Rico,
229
Gross, Ernest A., commendation for services to U.N.,
390
Secretary of the Treasury, suspension of fur imports
from U.S.S.R. and Poland, 219
Index, January to June ?953
963
Triiinan, Harry S — CVnitinued
Executive Orders. See Executive Orders.
Immigration and Naturalization, President's Commis-
sion on, excerpts of reijort, letter of transmittal, and
Departmental views, 97, 100
Messages, letters, etc. to Congress :
State of the Union message, 87
U.S. aid to U.K., France, and Italy, continuance of,
identic letter to Congressional committees, text, 70
Trust territories :
Pacific Islands, transfer of administration of Tinian
and Saipan to Secretary of Navy, 46
Wa-Meru case, U.N. proceedings on, 37
Trusteeship Council :
Documents listed, 231, 275, 627, 789
U.S. representative (Sears), confirmation, 883
Tungsten, distribution discontinued on recommendation
of International Materials Conference, 118
Tunisian question :
Bey of Tunis spokesman to U.N., U.S. attitude, address
(Jessup), 34
General Assembly, 7th session proceedings, article
(Howard), 359
Turkey :
Earthquake disaster, President Eisenhower's message
of condolence, 473
Mutual Security Agency defense support funds for, 499
U.S. relations with, address (Dulles), 833
Underdeveloped areas, private investment in, partnership
basis under Point 4 program, address (Andrews),
310
Unified Command. See ii7ulcr Korea.
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics :
American property in Soviet Zone of Germany, treat-
ment of, exchange of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218,
219
Assistance to Chinese Communists : statement (Lodge),
419; remarks (Vyshinsky), 420
Attacks on U.S. planes :
Hokljaido attack, 11
Hungarian seizure, detention of crew, 51, 257, 406
North Pacific Ocean attack, 577
Austrian treaty negotiations. See Austrian state treaty
negotiations.
Communist society, basic weakness of, address (Tru-
man), 128
Criticism of social conditions in U.S., statements in
response (Mrs. Roosevelt), 31, 116
Disarmament proposals :
Addresses and statements re : Cohen, 152 ; Gross, 476,
503
U.N. proceedings on draft resolution, 514
East Germany, repressive measures in : address
(Conant), 767; text of joint message (U.S., U.K.,
France) condemning, 897
Economic system, statement of comparison with U.S.
(Wiley), 108
Fur imports from, text of President's letter prohibiting,
219
Greek military personnel, Soviet retention of, address
(Wadsworth), 450
964
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics — Continued
High-level conference with, statement of U.S. attitude
toward U.K. proposal (McDermott), 748
Korea, Soviet attitude:
Addresses on (Lodge), 382, 445
"(ierm warfare" charges: statements re (Clark,
Gross), 451, G12; U.N. proceedings, 552; text of
U.N. resolution, 617
Linse kidnaping, texts of U.S. notes to Soviet Control
Commission, 12
Malenkov, Premier, speeches, statement evaluating
(Dulles), 467
Membership in United Nations, addresses re U.S. atti-
tude : Gross, 316 ; Wadsworth, 417
Military strength, appraisal, SHAPE report (Ridgway),
903
Novikov, Turi V., second secretary of Soviet Embassy,
departure from U.S., text of Department note request-
ing, 134
Persecution of non-Russian groups :
Address (Lodge), 545
Anti-Semitic policy, statements (Acheson, McDer-
mott), 131
U.S. Senate resolution condemning persecution of
minorities, text and letter of transmittal to U.N.,
506
Pra rda editorial on U.S. President's peace speech, state-
ments (Smith, Hagerty), 675, 678
Prisoners of war :
Charges of U.S. mistreatment, statements in denial :
Gross, 17, 38 ; Jessup, 16 ; U.N. proceedings, 37, 38
Exchange of, statement (Molotov), 528
Soviet foreign policy, addresses and statements re:
Encirclement policy, U.S. counteraction (Dulles), 212
Exploitation in Asia and the Pacific (Cowen), 331
Fear-basis of Soviet policy (Lodge), 446
Intervention in domestic affairs of other states
(Lodge), 541
Power factor of Soviet policy: Dulles, 896; Smith,
675, 676
Reversal of policy, peace moves: Dulles, .524, 607;
Eisenhower, 599; McDermott, 714; Smith, 677, 705
Threat to free world: Merchant, 910; Ridgway, 869
Unification of Europe, Soviet prevention of (Dulles),
896
Western economy, Soviet concept of (Dulles), 744, 748
Stalin, Josef, U.S. messages relating to illness and death
of (Eisenhower, Dulles), 400
Strategic supplies, shipment to Soviet bloc. U.S. tight-
ening of controls under Battle Act, 435
U.S. Ambassador to (Bohlen), confirmation, 519
Violation of Japanese territorial air, statement (Ache-
son ) , 131
United Kingdom :
Ambassador to U.S. (Makins), credentials, 103
Anglo-American unity, role in maintaining free-world
security and economy, address (Gordon), 405
Anglo-Egyptian Accord, signing of, texts of Secretary's
messages to British Foreign Secretary and Egyptian
Foreign Minister, 305
Arab-Israeli dispute, tripartite declaration (U.S.. U.K.,
France) re prevention of frontier violation, text, S34n.
Departmenf of Sfa/e Bulletin
United Kingdom — Continued
Budget revision, possible European interpretation, ad-
dress (Knight), 777
Condemnation of Soviet repressive measures in East
Berlin, text of joint message (U.S., U.K., and France),
897
Coronation of Queen Elizabeth II, designation of U.S.
representatives to, 4(K)
Death of Queen :\Iar.v, President's message of sympathy
to Queen Elizabeth, 493
Economic and political discussions with U.S. : texts of
communiques, 395, 396, 397, 719 ; comments in address
(Aldrich),915
Eden, Anthony, Foreign Secretary :
Tribute to Dean Acheson, address, 7
Visit to U.S., 264
Flood victims, extension of U.S. aid and sympathy :
Announcement (White House), text of President's ca-
blegram. Queen Elizabeth's reply, 256
Secretary's interim report to President and Cabinet,
335
Productivity of industry, Mutual Security Agency al-
lotment for promotion of, 381
Proposal for high-level conference with Soviets, state-
ment re U.S. attitude (McDermott), 748
Shipments to Soriet bloc, 79, S3
Sterling available to Commonwealth countries. Interna-
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development an-
nouncement, 264
Sudanese Parliament, U.S. representation at election of,
493
Three-power meeting with U.S. and France, statement
(Eisenhower), 778
Trade with Communist China and North Korea, re-
strictions on, 533
Treaties, agreements, etc. :
Austrian treaty negotiations. See Austrian state
treaty negotiations.
German libraries in Italy, restoration to former own-
ership, signed (multilateral) : text, 750; Depart-
ment announcement, 749
Industrial controls in C4ermany, tripartite agreement
with U.S. and France (1951), text of supplement to,
263
Tripartite Commission on German Debts, signing of
intergovernmental agreement for settlement of ex-
ternal debts : communique, text, 329 ; statement,
374 ; terms of settlement, 439
Tripartite-aid program (U.S., U.K., and France) for
Yugoslavia, Mutual Security Agency grant under, 920
U.S. aid to, continuance. President's identic letters to
Congressional committees, 79
U. S. Ambassador to (Aldrich), confirmation, 283
Wa-Meru case, U.N. proceedings on, 37
United Nations :
Addresses on :
Effectiveness of U.N. (Lord), 480
Enlistment of public support: Dulles, 402; Wads-
worth, 417
Progress of U.N. (Austin), 106
Role in promotion of peace (Lodge), 658
United Nations — Continued
African problems:
Addresses re U.S. position : Jessup, 33 ; McKay, 271
Morocco, U.N. proceedings, 36, 359
Tunis, U.N. proceedings, 34, 359
Agencies, specialized. See specific agencies.
American Association for the U.N. See American Asso-
ciation for the United Nations.
Cartel practices, prevention of, U.N. proceedings on
proposals for agreement, 626
Conferences :
Opium, U.S. delegation to international conference on,
761
Technical Assistance Conference, proceedings, 422
Tin Study Group, Interaational Working Party, pro-
ceedings, 724
General Assembly. See General Assembly.
Human Rights. See Human Rights.
Kashmir dispute. See Kashmir, demilitarization of.
Korea. See Korea.
Membership question :
Committee for study of: proceedings on, 38; state-
ments of U.S. attitude (Cohen), 115 ; (Wiley), 20, 23
Soviet membership, addresses stating U.S. attitude:
Gross, 316 ; Wadsworth, 417
Non-self governing territories, U.N. committee on, ad-
dress on activities respecting Africa (McKay), 271
Organizations. See specific organizations.
Personnel :
Composition of Secretariat, text of articles 97-101 of
Charter, 59
Report of Secretary-General (Lie) on personnel
policy : excerpt, 452 ; General Assembly resolution,
text, 622; statement (Lodge), 620
Security investigation: U.S. citizens on Secretariat
staff, 57, 58, 61, 62, 882; U.S. Mission employees,
229
Postage stamps, issuance of:
Article (Tomlinson), 921
Postal agreement with U.S., text, 925
Universal Postal Union commemorative stamp, pres-
entation to U.S. Postmaster General, statement
(Johansen), 924
Prisoners of war, proceedings. See Prisoners of war.
Puerto Rico, discontinuance of U.S. report to U.N., 230,
584, 585, 588
Secretary-General :
Appointment of, Security Council proceedings, 484
Hammarskjold, Dag, welcome to (Lodge), 619
Lie, Trygve:
Reports : personnel policy, 452, 620, 622 ; memoran-
dum on nationality of married women, review
(Hahn), 509
Tribute to (Lodge), 618
Security Council. See Security Council.
Technical assistance programs. See Technical assist-
ance programs (U.N.).
Trust territories, U.N. proceedings on. See Trust terri-
tories.
Trusteeship Council. See Trusteeship Council.
U.N. Command operations in Korea. See under Korea.
Index, January fo June 1953
965
Unltetl Nations — Continued
U. S. representatives :
Gross, Ernest A., resignation, letters of commencla-
tion (Eisenhower, Truman), 390
Lodge, Henry Caliot, Jr., confirmation, 203
Uniting-for-peaee resolution, collective security pro-
gram, address (Sanders), 447
Women, status of. See Women, U.N. Commission on
Status of.
United Nations Day, U.S. Committee for, appointment of
chairman (Watson), 920
United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America,
5th session, U.S. representation, 589
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Or-
ganization (UNESCO) :
Dominican Republic adult education seminar, U.S.
representative, 627
Report on progress of UNESCO, letter (Chairman Laves
to Senator Mundt), 885
U.S. National Commission, report of activities, 887
United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund
(UNICEF) :
Mutual security program funds for, request for author-
ization, 741
U.S. participation in, transfer of responsibility from
Department of State, 850, 855
United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency (UNKRA) :
Mutual security program funds for, request for au-
thorization, 741
Rehabilitation program, expansion of, 444
U.S. participation in, transfer of responsibility from
Department of State, 850, 855
United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) :
Extension of program, statement before Congressional
committee (Smith), 822
Mutual security program funds for UNRWA, request
for authorization, 741
U.S. representative on Advisory Commission (Locke),
letter of resignation, 163
United Nations Technical Assistance (UNTA), mutual
security program funds for, request for authorization,
741
United States documents of liberty, dedication of shrine,
address (Truman), 9
United States foreign policy, definition of, President
Eisenhower's message to Congress, 207
United States foreign policy in review, address (Tru-
man), 43
United States High Commissioner for Germany:
Conant, James B. See Conant.
Donnelly, Walter J. See Donnelly.
United States Information Agency, establishment under
Reorganization Plan (No. 8), 853, 854
United States Military Assistance Advisory Group to
Ethiopia, provision in mutual defense assistance
agreement, 785
United States National Commission for UNESCO, report
of activities, announcement of Fourth National Con-
ference, 887
966
United States Seventh Fleet, withdrawal of defense to
Communist China, statement (Elsenhower), 209
United States Special Representative in Europe:
Abolition of offices, Reorganization Plan No. 7, 851,
853
Resignations: William H. Draper, Jr., 763; Frederick
L. Anderson, deputy, 792
United States Treaties and Other International Agree-
ments, vol. 1, 1950, released, 242
Uniting-for-peace resolution, collective security program,
address (Sanders), 447
Universal Postal Congress, adoption of resolution recog-
nizing establishment of U.N. Postal Administration,
cited in address (Tomlinson), 925
Universal Postal Union, U.N. stamps in honor of, pres-
entation to U.S. Postmaster General, statement
(Johansen), 924
UNRWA. See United Nations Relief and Works Agency
for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.
Van Zeeland, Paul, Belgian Foreign Minister, visit to
U.S., 441, 473
Venezuela :
Ambassador (Gonzalez) to U.S., credentials, 12
U.S. air force mission, agreement with U.S. signed,
220
Vernon, Raymond, article on problems of European Coal
and Steel Community, 799, 877
Vessels :
Fueling of ships bound for Communist China, U.S. re-
strictions on, 904
Seizure of U.S. fishing vessels, U.S.-Ecuadoran con-
ference re, 759
Ships carrying strategic materials, East-West trade
controls, announcement (Stassen), 435
Transfer (U.S. to Germany) of former German vessels,
566
Viet Minh aggression in Laos, U.S. assistance to victims,
678, 708, 735
Vincent, John Carter, loyalty charges against :
Correspondence on: letter (Bingham to Acheson) and
texts of memoranda (Truman and Acheson), 121,
122 ; correspondence between Secretary Dulles and
Judge Hand, 241
Review of charges, memorandum (Dulles), 454
Visa functions :
Issuance to journalists under U.S. laws of immigration,
340
Revision under Immigration and Nationality Act
(1952) :
Address (Auerbach), 642
Article (Coulter), 195, 232
Voice of America (VGA) :
Francis, Robert J., designation as Acting Deputy Ad-
ministrator, 635
Radio time in Latin America, use by International In-
formation Administration for locally produced broad-
casts, 926
Radio transmitting plants : nonrenewal of contracts for
use of facilities, 590; termination of construction
contracts, 518
Department of State Bulletin
Wa-Meru land ease, U.N. proceedings, 37
Wadsworth, James J., U.S. representative to General As-
sembly :
Addresses, statements, etc. :
American Association for the U.N., role in the free
world, 417
Greek military personnel, U.S. attitude toward
repatriation, 450
U.S. denial of admission to representatives of inter-
national trade unions, 625
World economic conditions, 683
Nomination as U.S. representative at 2d part of 7th
session. General Assembly, 345
Wailes, Edward Thompson, appointment as Assistant Sec-
retary for Administrarion, statement (Dulles), 391
Ward, Angus, continuation as U.S. Ambassador to
Afghanistan, 859
Wari'en, George L., adviser on refugees and displaced per-
sons, articles on 4th and 5th sessions, Intergovernmen-
tal Committee for European Migration, 64, 879
Watson, Thomas J., Jr., appointment as chairman of
U.S. Committee for U.N. Day, 920
Waugh, Samuel C, confirmation as Assistant Secretary
for Economic Affairs, 859
Weeks, Sinclair, appointment to U.S. National Commis-
sion of Pan American Railway Congress Association,
883
Wheat :
Afghanistan, Export-Import Bank loan for purchase of
U.S. wheat and flour, 103
International Wheat Agreement, signatories, table of
guaranteed sales and purchases under, 714, 715
Pakistan situation : mission to survey, 723 ; President's
message to Congress requesting grant of U.S. wheat,
statement (Dulles), 889, 890
White, Francis, U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, confirmation,
455
White, Lincoln, Deputy Special Assistant for Press Re-
lations, statements:
Exchange of sick and w'ounded prisoners of war, 495,
527
Oatis, William, release from Czechoslovak prison, 785
WHO. See World Health Organization.
Wiley, Alexander, U.S. Representative to General
Assembly :
Addresses :
Comparison of U.S. and Soviet economy, 108
U.N. membership question, U.S. attitude, 20, 23
Letter of reply to President Eisenhower re European
Coal and Steel Community, 928
WMO. See World Meteorological Organization.
Women, U.N. Commission on Status of :
Convention on political rights of women : addresses
(Mrs. Roosevelt), 29, 31 (Mrs. Hahn), 546; signature,
546
Education, labor, resolutions for equal rights, 553
International aspects of status of women, address
(Hahn), 507
7th Session: U.S. representative, 517; proceedings, 553
World economy :
Condition of, statement (Wadsworth), 683
Cost of survival in dangerous world, address (Morton),
769
Development of healthy economy, address (Aldrich),
915
Economic survey of Europe (ECB), review (Camp),
534
Free-world economy, address (Cowen), 471
U.N. proceedings, 664
U.S. and Soviet economic systems, comparison (Wiley),
108
World Health Organization (WHO) :
India, malaria-control program, 56
Public health conference, joint U.S.-U.N. participation
In, 346
World Health Assembly (6th), U.S. delegation, 762
World Meteorological Organization (WMO) :
Climatology, Commission for, 1st session, U.S. delega-
tion, 483
Regional Association for Africa, 1st session, U.S. dele-
gation, 194
Sferics, World Symposium on, U.S. representation, 518
Synoptic Meteorology, Commission for, 1st session, U.S.
delegation, 483
World Peace Award, presentation by American Veterans
of Foreign Wars, statement in acknowledgment
(Dulles), 430
World policy outlook of the new administration, addresses
(Smith, Dulles), 703, 706
World Trade Week, statement (Dulles), 748
Yugoslavia :
Drought problem in, FAO Council proceedings on, 343
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment loan for completion of industrial projects, 339
Mutual Security Agency grants for :
Defense-support funds, 610
Food : supplementary purchase of, 135 ; reserve sup-
ply (tri-partite aid program), 920
Zambeti, Christache, Rumanian diplomat, declared
persona non grata by U.S., 815
Zeineddine, Farid, Syrian Ambassador to U.S., creden-
tials, 56
Correction in Volume XXVI 11
The Editor of the Btjixetin wishes to call atten- |
tion to the following error :
April 2~t: page 608, left-hand column.
letter
from General Harrison to General Nam
11, the
date in the subhead should read :
April 16
/ndex, January fo June 1953
967
Department of State publication 5299
Released Februarj- 1954
DIVISION OF PUBLICATIONS
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1954
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing OlEce, Washington 25, D. C. - Price 25 cents.
968 Department of State Bulletin
tJ/i€/ ^efia/iii^en{^ /w tnate^
\. XXI III,
Jumuiry 5, 1953
RESULTS OF MEETING OF NORTH ATLANTIC
COUNCIL, PARIS, DECEMBER 15-18:
Text of Final Communique 3
Remarks by Secretary Aeheson 5
Tributes to Secretary Aeheson by Other Delegates . . 7
ENSHRINING THE SYMBOLS OF LIBERTY • Address
by the President •• 9
U.S. DENOUNCES SOVIET CHARGES OF "MASS
MURDER" OF PRISONERS • Statements by Philip C.
Jessitp «nf( Ernest A. Cross 16
ADMHTING NEW MEMBERS TO THE UNITED
NATIONS • Statements by Senator Alexander Wiley . . 20
For index see back cover
M
'le
Qje/iwrtme^ A)/ ^tal^ JDUllGllIl
Vol. XXVIII, No. 706 • Publication 4853
January 5, 1953
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Note: Contents of thli publication are not
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The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
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Office of Public Affairs, provides the
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Results of Meeting of North Atlantic Council, Paris, December 15-18
The Jf-day meeting of the North Atlantic Coun-
cil which opened at Paris on December 15 n^as
the tenth ichich Secretary Acheson had attended
as head of the U.S. delegation. In view of his
impending resignation as Secretary of State, dele-
gates of other m-emher nations paid trihute to him
during the closing sessioji, on December 18.
'Print-ed below, hi addition to the text of the
communigue issued after the meetiiig, are the
farewell remarks made by Secretary Acheson and
of the delegates of Denmark, the United Kingdom,
France, Italy, and Canada.
FINAL COMMUNIQUE
1. The Ministerical Meeting of the North At-
lantic Council ended in Paris today. The Chair-
man was Mr. Ole Bj0rn Kraft, Foreign Minister
of Denmark. It was attended by thirty-two Min-
isters of Foreign Affairs, Finance, Economics and
Defence.
2. The Council received a Progress Report by
the Secretary General, which outlined the struc-
ture of the International Secretariat. It de-
scribed the work accomplished in the last eight
months by the Council, meeting regularly through
the Permanent Representatives, and the develop-
ment of close working relations between Nato's
civilian and military authorities. It also dealt
with the constructive work of the CounciPs Com-
mittee on civil defence, and of those concerned
with non-military aspects of the Ti'eaty covered
by Article 2, such as over-population and social,
cultural and informational matters.
3. After taking note of Lord Ismay's report,
the Council adopted a resolution (the text of which
is issued with tliis communique) periodically to
review the Organisation's work under Article 2 of
the Treaty.
4. In parallel with the Secretary General's Re-
port, the Council considered a progress report pre-
pared by the Military Committee. This Report
showed a great advance in the training and effec-
tiveness of the various national forces assigned to
the Supreme Commanders. Combined land, air
and sea manoeuvres had shown a marked improve-
ment in cooperation between units as well as at the
staff level. The Report also showed a substantial
advance in the standardization of international
military procedures, notably in signals.
5. The Council approved proposals from the
Military Committee for the establishment of a
Mediterranean Command, so completing the
European Command structure for the defence of
the North Atlantic Area. Admiral Lord Mount-
batten has been appointed.
6. The Council considered the Strategic Guid-
ance submitted to them by the Military Committee,
which took account of the accession of Greece and
Turkey to Nato. In approving it the Council
re-affirmed their determination to defend all the
territories and peoples of the North Atlantic
Treaty area.
7. The Council also had the benefit of statements
from the Supreme Allied Commander Europe,
and the Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic.
General Ridgway paid tribute to the high quality
of the forces under his command but emphasized
that only by a continuing increase in the forces
assigned to him would he be able to carry out his
responsibilities. Consequently, there could be no
relaxation: on the contrary every effort must be
made to increase Nato armed strength as rapidly
as possible. Admiral McCormick spoke in similar
vein.
8. Against this background the Council then
considered the first report on the Annual Review
for 1952. They noted with satisfaction that the
increase in forces agreed to at Lisbon had been
substantially achieved by the end of 1952, and that
it was planned to make further individual and
collective efforts in 1953 to increase, improve and
strengthen the forces now in being. At the same
time they recognised that strong defence requires
a healthy economy.
9. For the future, the Council directed that more
emphasis should be given to increasing the effec-
tiveness of the forces of the alliance and the units
necessary for their support rather than to the pro-
vision of greater numbers, to the extent that re-
sources were not available for both tasks. The
Council noted the progress being made in the co-
ordination of production of defence equipment
and directed that further study be given to this
and to further standardisation in this field. The
Council also welcomed the assistance given to
European production by United States off-shore
l^rocurement contracts.
10. Agreement was reached on the financing of
a further portion of the Infrastructure pro-
January 5, 1953
gramme for airfields, communications and jet fuel
supplies, to the amount of approximately £80
million.
11. Durinj; the past eight months, the Council
have regularly e.xchanged views and information
on political problems affecting their common in-
terests. At this meeting the Council paid particu-
lar attention to the struggle in Indo-China, to the
European Defence Comnuinity Treaty, and to the
situation in Eastern Germany. They noted in
particular that, despite the Soviet Union's re-
peated declarations favouring a German peace
treaty and German unification, no reply had been
received to the proposals of the United Kingdom,
France and the United States sent three months
ago. The Council also received a progress report
upon the work of the Interim Commission of the
European Defence Community. The Council
adopted resolutions (the texts of which are at-
tached) on Indo-China and the European Defence
Community.
12. It was agreed that the next Ministerial
Meeting of the Council should be held as early as
possible in the Spring of 1953, when its first task
will be to consider the final report on the Annual
Review for 1952.
13. In the course of the present Meeting, the
Council considered the present situation of the At-
lantic Community and its prospects for the future.
In the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, four-
teen sovereign states have developed a degree of
voluntary co-operation without precedent in his-
tory. By combining their resources and their
knowledge, by sharing the material burden of de-
fence, by the constant practice of mutual consul-
tation and mutual assistance, member states have
already increased their common strength, under-
standing and unity.
14. Member governments are more than ever
convinced that the course they have chosen is the
best way of protecting their free society from
direct or indirect Communist attempts to over-
whelm it. Such improvement as has taken place
in the general international situation can be at-
tributed to the efforts which member governments
have made in increasing their collective strength
since the foundation of the alliance. If there were
any relaxation in these efforts, there would be a
corresponding increase in the dangers to which
they are exposed. The increasingly successful co-
operation of the fourteen member governments is
a clear proof that the avowed intentions of the
Soviet Government to sow dissension in the free
world will not succeed.
15. The Council re-affirmed the purpose of their
alliance as being for defence, for peace, and for
security, and their resolve to extend the scope of
their joint action, and collectively to preserve their
common heritage of freedom. The Council wel-
comed the sense of unity which is steadily growing
among the peoples of the Atlantic Community.
Resolution on Implementation of Article 2 of the
North Atlantic Treaty
Adopted by the North Atlantic Council on 17th
December, 1952
The North Atlantic Council
CoN\iNCED of the necessity of a continuing re-
view and of an adequate solution of economic
problems which face member states, not only to
provide the defence effort with a firm foundation
but also to promote social progress and the ideals
of freedom which are the bases of the North
Atlantic Community ; and
2. HAvaxG IX MIND Article 2 of the North Atlan-
tic Treaty and the work already initiated within
the organization to give effect to the report of the
Committee on the North Atlantic Community, ap-
proved by the Council at its Lisbon session and
particularly as far as over-population problems
are concerned
3. Agrees that member Governments should seek
by individual and collective measures to strengthen
their political and economic capacities by finding
solutions to their problems such as balance of pay-
ments, inci'ease of output, internal financial sta-
bility and manpower ; and that the results of their
endeavours should be examined periodically by
the Council.
Resolution on Indo-China
Adopted by the North Atlantic Council on 17th
December, 195%
The North Atlantic Council
Recognizes that resistance to direct or indirect
aggression in any part of the world is an essential
contribution to the common security of the free
world ;
Having been informed at its meeting in Paris
on the 16th December of the latest developments in
the military and political situation in Indo-China;
Expresses its wholehearted admiration for the
valiant and long continued struggle by the French
forces and the armies of the Associated States
against Communist aggression; and
Acknoivledges that the resistance of the free
nations in South-East Asia as in Korea is in fullest
harmony with the aims and ideals of the Atlantic
Community ;
Ami therefore agrees that the campaign waged
by the French Union forces in Indo-China de-
serves continuing support from the Nato govern-
ments.
Resolution on the European Defence Community
Adopted by the North Atlantic Cowncil on 17th
December, 1952
The North Atlantic Council
Recalling the decisions taken by the Council
at Brussels and at Lisbon regarding German par-
ticipation in Western defence, and the resolution
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
of the 26th May 1952 by which the Council noted
that the Treaty establishing the European Defence
Community fulfilled the conditions embodied in
the Brussels and Lisbon decisions;
Taking note that this Treaty was signed on the
27th May 1952 ;
Taking note of the progress made towards
European integration, in particular in the eco-
nomic field by the creation of the Coal and Steel
Connnunity which is already functioning;
Having now heard the report on the activities
of the Interim Committee of the Conference for
the Organization of the European Defence Com-
munity submitted by the Chairman of this com-
mittee ;
Reiterates that the defence of Europe, including
Western Germany, calls for the early establish-
ment of the European Defence Community;
Re-affirms the importance of the reciprocal
guarantees exchanged between the parties to the
North Atlantic Treaty and the members of the
European Defence Community;
-S'/rc-ssTS the paramount importance which the
Atlantic Community attaches to the rapid entry
into force of the Treaty establishing the European
Defence Community and consequently, to its rati-
fication by all the signatories, as well as to the
ratification of the Additional Protocol to the
North Atlantic Treaty ^ on guarantees given by the
parties to the North Atlantic Treaty to members
of tlie European Defence Community.
SECRETARY ACHESON'S REMARKS TO THE
COUNCIL
Mr. Chairman, Fellow Members of the Council :
I am deeply touched and very grateful for what
the Chairman has said about my service here with
you. This is the last meeting which my colleagues
and I will attend — for at least i years. It has been
a great experience for all of us to have worked in
the creation and the building of this great institu-
tion. It is particularly gratifying to us that our
tenure of office lasted long enough so that we could
have one meeting under the new Organization
which was set up in Lisbon and which has been
so brilliantly managed by Lord Ismay and his
devoted International Staff and all of us here in
our delegation would feel very remiss if we left
your company without expressing to Lord Ismay
our deep gratitude for what he has done for all of
us and for Nato.
I am told that before the eyes of a drowning
man his entire life passes in review and perhaps
an expiring Minister may be permitted to review
briefly some of his recent life in this Organization.
And I do this, not to recall or to bore you wnth
events which you know very well, but to suggest
to you that we have all been part of a great move-
ment here, perhaps the full significance of which
we do not yet fully grasp.
' BuLLETi.N- of June 9, 1952, p. S96.
This movement began soon after the end of the
war and it is characterized, as I think we can see,
if I may review this story briefly, by two things
which are of great significance and great impor-
tance; I should say three things. One is the tre-
mendous vitality and imagination of European
statesmanship and this comes at a time when
Europe has been through very difficult years — ex-
hausting years — and yet we find a flowering of
statesmanship in Europe which is both surprising
under the circumstances and really wonderful for
the future of the world. Secondly, the thing that
I think is impressive is that this statesmanship
is exercising itself in a direction which, although
not new in the world, is new in the last 5, 6, or 7
centuries, and that is the movement toward unity,
toward a wider and greater unity and a softening
of the particularisms of nationalistic feeling.
The third thing which I think is significant is
that the members of Nato across the sea are get-
ting a new sense of their unity with these forces
in Europe and, for the first time since the begin-
ning of my country, there is a readiness, a willing-
ness, and understanding that we must assume ob-
ligations with you in tlie maintenance of peace
through the common defense. If we keep these
things in mind, perhaps it is worth while to
look for a moment at some of the particular
developments.
The first which I think begins to show the evolu-
tion of this idea was the Oeec, and here again you
have a response from America to a European
statesmanlike proposal — a proposal put forward
by Mr. Bevin and Mr. Bidault to bring the Euro-
pean countries together. At that time it was all
of them, including the Iron Curtain countries, for
the purpose of working out in common an eco-
nomic program in which the United States would
assist. Now here is the foundation of the idea of
common action, unified action, united action to
deal with a common problem. And then it de-
velops in another way, and the next phase in this
movement was taken by a man who, I think, is
vei'y dear to the hearts of all of us here, Mr. Ernest
Bevin. I think we all have the highest regard for
his character and the deepest affection for the
man himself. And I know that, in saying this,
I would have the full support of Mr. Eden as well
as the rest of us.
It was in January 1948 that Mr. Bevin com-
municated with Secretary of State Marshall and
said that he was thinking about putting forward
a plan, with his European associates, to create a
Union. He had not quite decided what form it
would take, whether it would be a treaty, whether
it would be purely military, but it was to bring
together in a political, spiritual, military, and a
defensive way the Western European countries.
General Marshall responded that the United
States would support it vigorously, which they
did, and that resulted in the Western Union
Treaty, which Mr. Schuman said in a sj)eech at
January 5, 1953
luncheon today was really the genesis of Nato.
And then the next step was the development of
the Nortli Atlantic Treaty and that in turn is a
series of developments.
After the Western Union began to develop,
there were discussions with Secretary Marehall
and my colleague, Mr. Lovett. who was Under
Secretary of State. Then Mr. Lovett worked
with Senator Vandenberg and prepared with him
and Senator Connally tlie Vandenberg Resolution
which laid the foundation with the UTS. Congress
for a receptive attitude toward the soi't of ideas
which were coming from Europe. And the basis
of the North Atlantic Treaty was to get, for the
first time, a commitment from the United States
that an attack on one of our countries was an
attack on all of us; and that therefore we would
not, in the event of a future war, have to wait for
a disastrous period of time while the American
Nation made up its mind as to what its basic
interests were. "When I succeeded General
Marshall and took over from Mr. Lovett, the
ground work for the negotiation of this treaty
had been well laid and we could carry it to a suc-
cessful conclusion in 1949.
Almost as soon as we organized under the North
Atlantic Treaty and began meeting here in these
Councils, we discovered that the idea of a guaran-
tee through political association, important as
that was, was not enough. Our colleagues began
to speak to us about the fact that it was a great
advance that the United States was ready at the
outset to throw in its lot with the Western Euro-
pean nations; but, if there was no preparation,
then the United States would be liberating a con-
tinent which would have been largely destroyed.
Therefore, it was necessary to do more than have
a political guarantee : it was necessary to prepare,
and we had a meeting in London in May 1950. At
that meeting we learned something to which I
shall return in a moment. It was at that time that
Mr. Schuman told Mr. Bevin and me about the
proposal which would be brought forth in a very
short time and which became known as the Schu-
man Plan, which was the third great step. But
meanwhile we went on in Nato, and at the May
meeting we discussed the importance of what was
then called "balanced collective forces" as against
"balanced national forces" ; and we passed resohi-
tions along that line ; we passed resolutions creat-
ing a permanent Council of Deputies and other
very advantageous measures; but we had hardly
finished that work when we saw that it was inade-
quate. All it had done was to continue Nato as
a planning operation but not as an executive or
functioning operation. There were plenty of
plans but there was no execution.
During that summer we had a gi-eat many sug-
gestions including a long memorandum from the
French Foreign Office indicating some of the steps
which in their judgment were necessarj' to build an
effective, closely knit organization. Then we had
the meeting in September in New York, and tliere
our delegation put forward a suggestion which was
that there should be a real unilied command with
troops, a staff, a commander, and supply arrange-
ments so that there would be in Europe an army
which could grow and be effective. At the same
time it was pointed out by our military advisers
that in order to have any effective defense of
Europe it had to be a defense as far east as pos-
sible, and that was particularly important to the
northern members of this Organization — the Neth-
erlands, Denmark, and Norway. And so we
worked in September on a plan for a forward
defense, and in working on that plan it became
perfectly clear that it was not workable unless
Germany took part in its own defense and in the
defense of Europe. But the problem was how to
do that and we adjourned that meeting without
coming to a conclusion.
Then we met in Brussels, and there we adopted
the imified command and the idea that Germany
should participate in its own defense and the de-
fense of Europe. In the meantime. M. Pleven
had put forward a proposal that would take the
main ideas of the Schuman Plan and apply them
in tlie military field, and we went to work on that
and also on an alternative plan — but the more we
worked at it the more clearly it seemed that what
later became known as the European Defense Com-
munity was the only proper solution to this matter,
and we went to work very hard at that point. And
so the treaty was finally signed, not only to create
the Edc but also providing, as was so necessary,
the way to bring Germany voluntarily and will-
ingly and on a basis of equality into its own defense
and the defense of the West.
In the meantime the third great step — the Schu-
man Plan — was going forward; going through all
the difficult stages of negotiation and ratification,
and finally it has been put into effect. I think that
it is fair to say that at the present moment we have
no idea how vast will be the change in the think-
ing of Europe and of the countries outside of
Europe as the Schuman Plan actually operates,
because here there is, in truth, a cession of sov-
ereignty— here is a new edict, which will create
new types of thinking and the cohesion of new
loyalties to it, and it is of the most profound sig-
nificance to Europe and to the world.
That brings us back again to where we are with
the Edc. It is now before a number of parliaments
for consideration. There are all sorts of difficul-
ties of one sort or another which arise. We in the
United States do not minimize or iniderestimate
those difficulties. We know the great problems
which it raises for all of you who are considering
it. But what I want to suggest to you is that,
in the light of the review which I have made this
afternoon and in the light of the further provi-
sions which are in the Edc treaty and which are
now actually in operation through the ad hoc
group, wliich is working on a broader political
Departmenl of State Bulletin
foundiition for unity in the Western world — what
we have in the Ei)C treaty is not merely a method
of bringing German troops to the defense of
Europe, but rather an essential step in one of the
great developments of history — which is iinifica-
tion, through the Coal and Steel Community,
through the military community, and through the
political association which is now under discus-
sion.
Here you have an essential step in the building
of this great new force in the world. And from
the point of view of a colleague of yours across the
sea, I cannot ovei-emphasize to you the importance
which we attach to this movement and to this step
m the movement. Perhaps, if I may use a figure
of speech, it seems to me that as you create this
strength and unity — this European entity — you
are in effect creating a great centripetal force
which will bring into an ever closer association
with Europe, our British friends across the Chan-
nel and your American and Canadian friends
across the Atlantic Ocean. It is as this strength
is created at the center, as this vital, new, strong
development occurs that you will attract strength.
If this process is reversed now, in my judgment
you will set up a centrifugal force. If, instead of
having unity at the center, you have disunity, you
will have disunity and weakness throughout the
Atlantic community. And this isn't a matter that
people can argue about, nor is it a matter that one
can approve or disapprove. It is in my judgment
as inevitable as the movements of the stars in their
courses. It would be just as silly to argue with the
course of a star as it would be to say that there just
must be closer and closer association between
Great Britain, as the next neighbor, and Canada
and the United States on the one hand, and a
weak Europe on the other and do nothing about it.
Whereas, if you go forward, as I know you will,
and develop this ever-growing strength and unity,
then you will present an ever-growing attraction
to your British, Canadian, and American friends.
That is tlie last message which I and my col-
leagues would like to leave with you. We believe
that we have all taken part in something of pro-
found significance. It seems to us that if we are
successful here, the twentieth century will be
known for what has come out of our work and
will not be known for the disasters which pre-
ceded it.
At your next meeting you will have other col-
leagues from the United States. They are all,
known to us and we know that they will work
with you just as closely and just as enthusiastically
as we have, and we know that you will give them
your confidence and your friendship. They are
as loyal and devoted as we are to our country, and
not only to that, but to this great association which
our country has so freely and so iinanimously
joined, and I know that we can recommend our
successors to you and that you will find them
worthy of your confidence. I am deeply touched,
Mr. Chairman, by what you have said and I am
honored to have had this opportunity to say one
last word before we break connections which we
have held for so long, and at the end of this meet-
ing, all of us will bid you an aflPectionate farewell.
TRIBUTES OF OTHER DELEGATES
Bjbrn Kraft, Foreign Minister of Denmark
Before going on to other business, other items,
I should like to say a few words on a more personal
note to the Secretary of State of the United States.
]\Ir. Acheson will retire next month from the
high office he has held for nearly 4 years. I am
sure that all members of the Council will agi'ee
that Mr. Acheson's retirement will mean a griev-
ous loss to our organization. Mr. Acheson was
instrumental in the creation of Nato, and he signed
the treaty on behalf of his Government. He has
been working untiringly to forward the cause of
the Atlantic community. He is indeed one of the
master buildei'S of the organization. But even
though Mr. Acheson will soon no longer be repre-
senting his Government, I am sure that he will
continue to lend his support to Nato. I was grati-
fied to read the other day that he had promised
to do so in a statement to the press. There could
be no better spokesman for Nato than Mr.
Acheson. I am sure that the Council will join
me in thanking Mr. Acheson for his great service
to the organization and in wishing him the best
of luck. I call on Mr. Acheson.
[Secretary Acheson's statement is printed
above.]
Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, United Kingdom
Gentlemen, as we listened just now to the mov-
ing account which Mr. Acheson has given us on
the growth and development of our defense ar-
rangements in the West, I think most of us must
have felt how much we owe in all of this to Mr.
Acheson himself, and it is a subject about which
he talked least. I am indeed grateful for his
generous tribute to Mr. Bevin which will move
all my fellow countrymen, and yet we cannot
forget that, in the years since he became Secretary
of State, the foreign policy of the United States
has evolved toward ever closer partnership with
the free nations of the West. His most famous
predecessor, and that responsible architect. Gen-
eral Marshall, will be remembered and honored in
Europe for the plan of economic aid which he
organized on behalf of this Continent when
stricken by the scourge of war. Wlien Mr. Ache-
son took over the conduct of his country's foreign
policy, it was already apparent that economic
recovery was not enough. Strength and defense
also we're needed to confront aggression from the
East but we, the free nations, were divided; we
were disorganized; we were unarmed. No other
statesman in the free world has so clearly formu-
January 5, 1953
lated the ideas and the theories under which we
were to confront this new danger as Mr. Acheson
himself. The doctrine of creating situations of
strength at the various danger points of the free
world was enunciated by him as long ago as 1949.
He has spoken out clearly from the beginning for
the ideal of an Atlantic community. The heart of
this ideal, as he said himself, if I may quote his
word — I hope it won't embarrass him — they are
very good words — is the unity of belief, of spirit,
of interest of the community of nations repre-
sented here. In a series of notable speeches over a
period of j'ears he elaborated these themes. He
showed how the free world could build up a deter-
rent to war by unity and strength. Some of my
colleagues were present when Mr. Acheson took
the chair at the first working session of the North
Atlantic Council in London; that was in May
1950. Then the broad plan of our work was laid
down and the machinery was set up and the long
effort begun which was to lead out of the extreme
peril of our defense disposition in which we then
stood. He has been with us, I think, at every
meeting of the Council since then. Under his
guidance the United States has played the major
part in building up our common defenses. We
thank him, and with him his colleagues, Mr. Har-
riman, Mr. Lovett, Mr. Snyder, each and all of
whom have played so remarkable a part, in our
work. In losing them we shall lose good friends
and I am sure you will all agree if I say to them
in all sincerity, "Thank you; we salute you for
what you have done. It will have its place in
history."
Robert Schuman, Foreign Minister of France
[Unofficial translaUon]
Mr. President, it would perhaps be superfluous
and difficult to express any better what has already
been said, by yourself, Mr. President, and by our
colleague Mr. Eden. But I believe that continen-
tal Europe has the duty also to express its grati-
tude with regard to him who, for 4 years, has rep-
resented the great continent across the Atlantic.
It is an exceptional declaration that we must
make, that despite the distance, the divergencies
of destiny, there has been, from the first contact,
from the first day, this complete comprehension
of the needs, the peculiarities of Europe. And if
Europe has had the courage to think of its unity,
to undertake it, it is because she has felt supported
by him and by those who represent this great
continental unity of the United States: this soli-
darity which has been established, not for any
considerations of self-interest but in the search
for a unity placed on the highest level, a world-
wide level. I am sure that that is the secret of the
successes that we have already been able to attain.
Mr. Acheson, permit me to say to you, for you
and for us : You will be a great Secretary of State
of your country, and you have been a great servant
of the cause of the unity of Europe on one hand,
of the unity and cooperation in the world on the
other hand.
Alcide de Gasperi, Foreign Minister of Italy
[Unofficial translation]
I associate myself with all my heart with the
sentiments, with the votes of thanks of the Presi-
dent, and of the speakers who have preceded me.
I thank Mr. Acheson and his colleagues particu-
larly for the work which they have done for us
and also, particularly, for the last messages which
they have left us in favor of European unity. We
would like to make every possible effort to arrive
at this goal.
Brooke Claxton, Minister of
National Defence of Canada
Just for a minute to refer to the very moving
speech by Mr. Acheson: There are three reasons
why I should make a very brief comment on what
he said so well and what has been referred to by
the other representatives.
In the first place Canada is a medium power.
In the second place I believe that had our Minister
of External Affairs, Lester B. Pearson — Mike
Pearson as he is so familiarly known — a former
chairman and a good frienti of all of you, been
here, he would have felt moved to say a word or
two not only because of his friendship and admi-
ration for Mr. Acheson but because of his role in
Nato. The third reason, however, is quite a per-
sonal one and that is that Mr. Acheson was almost
a Canadian. He is, if I may say so in French, a
Canadjen marque. I remember first meeting him
at the Council of Unrea in 1943 when he presided
with such distinction over the first international
meeting held during the war to prepare for the
postwar period. Since then he has presided with
equal distinction and with growing stature over
almost every meeting which has built up the post-
war world. He has himself in his remarks stressed
the positive achievements that have been made by
us here around this table and in other meetings.
We in Canada have probably closer relations with
the United States than any country has had with
another : that those relations have moved along so
well during this difficult postwar period is due in
no small measure to his wisdom, his sagacity, his
courage, and his friendship. On that account I
support everything that has been said and in the
name of Mike Pearson thank him most warmly for
what he has done for all of us.
Department of State Bulletin
Enshrining the Symbols of Liberty
Address hy the President^
White House press release dated December 15
We are assembled here on this Bill of Rights
Day to do honor to the three great documents
which together constitute the charter of our form
of Government.
The Declaration of Independence, the Consti-
tution, and the Bill of Rights are now assembled
in one place for display and safekeeping. Here,
so far as is humanly possible, they will be pro-
tected from disaster and f I'om the ravages of time.
I am glad that the Bill of Rights is at last to be
exhibited side by side with the Constitution.
These two original documents have been separated
fur too long. In my opinion, the Bill of Rights
is the most important part of the Constitution.
We venerate these documents not because they
are old, not because they are valuable historical
relics but because they still have meaning for us.
It is 161 j-ears today since the Bill of Rights was
ratified. But it is still pointing the way to greater
freedom and greater opportunities for human hap-
piness. So long as we govern our Nation by the
letter and the spirit of the Bill of Rights, we can
be sure that our Nation will grow in strength and
wisdom and freedom.
Everyone who holds office in the Federal Gov-
ernment or in the government of one of our States
takes an oath to support the Constitution of the
United States. I have taken such an oath many
times, including two times when I took the special
oath required of the President of the United States.
This oath we take has a deep significance. Its
simple words compress a lot of our history and a
lot of our philosophy of government into one
small space. In many countries, men swear to be
loyal to their king, or to their nation. Here we
promise to ui^hold and defend a document.
This is because the document sets forth our idea
of government. And beyond this, with the Decla-
ration of Independence, it expresses our idea of
* Made on Dec. 15 at the National Archives, Washington,
in dedicating the new shrine for the Declaration of In-
dependence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights.
man. We believe that man should be free. And
these documents establish a system under which
man can be free and set up a framework to protect
and expand this freedom.
The longer I live, the more I am impressed by
the significance of our simple official oath to up-
hold and defend the Constitution. Perhaps it
takes a lifetime of experience to understand how
much the Constitution means in our national life.
You can read about the Constitution and you
can study it in books, but the Constitution is not
merely a matter of words. The Constitution is a
living force — it is a growing thing.
The Constitution belongs to no one group of
people and to no single branch of the Government.
We acknowledge our judges as the interpreters of
the Constitution, but our Executive branch and
our Legislative branch alike operate within its
framework and must apply it and its principles in
all that they do.
Symbols of Faith and Liberty
The Constitution expresses an idea that belongs
to the people — the idea of the free man. Wltat
this idea means may vary from time to time.
There was a time when people believed the Con-
stitution meant that men could not be prevented
from exploiting child labor or paying sweatshop
wages.
We no longer believe these things. We have dis-
covered that the Constitution does not prevent us
from correcting social injustice or advancing the
general welfare. The idea of freedom which is
embodied in these great documents has overcome
all attempts to turn them into a rigid set of rules
to suppress freedom.
As we look toward the future, we must be sure
that what we honor and venerate in these docu-
ments is not their words alone but the ideas of
liberty which they express.
We are engaged here today in a symbolic act.
We are enshrining these documents for future ages.
But unless we keep alive in our hearts the true
January 5, 1953
meaninc of these documents, what we are doing
here could prove to be of little value.
We have treated tlie documents themselves with
the utmost respect. We have used every device
that modern science lias invented to pi'otect and
preserve them. From their glass cases we have
excluded everything; that might harm them, even
the air itself. This magnificent hall has been con-
structed to exhibit them, and the vault beneath,
that we have built to protect them, is as safe from
destruction as anything that the wit of modern
man can devise. All this is an honorable effort,
based upon reverence for the great past, and our
generation can take just pride in it.
But we must face the fact that all this pomp and
circumstance could be the exact opposite of what
we intend. This ceremony could be no more than
a niagnificeiit burial. If the Constitution and
Declaration of Independence were enshrined in
the Archives Building, but nowhere else, they
would be dead, and this place would be only a
stately tomb.
The Constitution and the Declaration can live
only as long as they are enshrined in our hearts
and minds. If they are not so enshrined, they
would be no better than mummies in their glass
cases, and they could in time become idols whose
worship would be a grim mockery of the tnie faith.
Only as these documents are reflected in the
thoughts and acts of Americans can they remain
symbols of a power that can move the world.
That power is our faith in human liberty. That
faith is immortal, but it is not invincible. It has
sometimes been abandoned, it has been betrayed,
it has been beaten to earth again and again and,
although it has never been killed, it has been re-
duced to impotence for centuries at a time. It is
far older than our Republic. The motto on our
Liberty Bell, "Proclaim liberty throughout all
the land unto all the inhabitants thereof," is from
the book of Leviticus, which is supposed to have
been written nearly 1,500 years before Christ. In
the 35 centuries since that date, the love of liberty
has never died, but liberty itself has been lost again
and again.
We find it hard to believe that liberty could ever
be lost in this country. But it can be lost, and it
will be, if the time ever conies when these docu-
ments are regarded not as the supreme expression
of our profound belief but merely as curiosities in
glass cases.
Today, the ideals which these three documents
express are having to struggle for survival
throughout the world. When we sealed the Decla-
ration and the Constitution in the Library of
Congress almost a year and a half ago, I had some-
thing to say about the threat of totalitarianism and
communism.- That threat still menaces freedom.
The struggle against communism is just as crucial,
just as demanding, as it was then.
" BuiXETiN of Oct. 1, 1951, p. 528.
We are uniting the strength of free men against
this threat. We are resisting Communist aggi-es-
sion and we will continue to resist the Communist
threat with all our will and all our strength.
Danger Threatening the Freedom Ideal
But the idea of freedom is in danger from others
as well as the Communists. There are some who
hate communism, but, who, at the same time, are
unwilling to acknowledge the ideals of the Con-
stitution as the supreme law of the land. They
are people who believe it is too dangerous to pro-
claim liberty throughout all the land to all the in-
habitants. What these people really believe is
that the Preamble ought to be changed from "We,
the people" to read, "Some of us — some of the
people of the United States, but not including
those we disapprove of or disagree with — do ordain
and establish this Constitution."
Whether they know it or not, those people are
enclosing the spirit as well as the letter of the
original Constitution in a glass case, sealed off
from the living Nation. They are turning it into
a mummy, as dead as some old Pharaoh of Egypt,
and in so doing they are giving aid and comfort
to the enemies of democracy.
The first article of the Bill of Rights provides
that Congress shall make no law respecting free-
dom of worship or abridging freedom of opinion.
There are some among us who seem to feel that
this provision goes too far, even for the purpose
of preventing tyranny over the mind of man. Of
course, there are dangers in religious freedom and
freedom of ojiinion. But to deny these rights is
worse than clangerous; it is absolutely fatal to
liberty. The external threat to liberty should not
drive us into suppressing liberty at home. Those
who want the Government to regulate matters of
the mind and spirit are like men who are so afraid
of being murdered that they commit suicide to
avoid assassination.
All freedom-loving nations, not the United
States alone, are facing a stern challenge from the
Communist tyranny. In the circumstances, alarm
is justified. The man who isn't alarmed simply
doesn't understand the situation — or he is crazy.
But alarm is one thing, and hysteria is another.
Hysteria impels people to destroy the very thing
they are struggling to preserve.
Invasion and conquest by Communist armies
would be a horror beyond our capacity to imagine.
But invasion and conquest by Communist ideas of
right and wrong would be just as bad.
For us to embrace the methods and morals of
communism in order to defeat Communist aggres-
sion would be a moral disaster worse than any
physical catastrophe. If that should come to pass,
then the Constitution and the Declaration would
be utterly dead and what we are doing today would
be the gloomiest burial in the history of the world.
10
Deparfmeni of State Bulletin
But I do not believe it is goinff to come to pass.
On the contrary, I believe that this ceremony here
today marks a new dedication to the ideals of
liberty.
Since 1789 we have learned much about con-
trolling the physical world around us. In 1789
they had nothing to compare with our modern
methods of preserving priceless documents. They
did not know how to place these sheets under con-
ditions that, left undisturbed, may keep them in-
tact and legible for a thousand years.
Perhaps our progress in learning the art of
government has been less spectacular, but I, for
one, believe it has been no less certain. I believe
the great experiment that we call the United States
of America has taught much to mankind. We
know more than our forefathers did about the
maintenance of popular liberty. Hence it should
be easier, not harder, for us to preserve the spirit
of the Republic, not in a marble shrine, but in
human hearts. We have the knowledge ; the ques-
tion is, "Have we the will to apply itT'
"Wliether we will preserve and extend popular
liberty is a very serious question, but, after all, it
is a very old question. The men who signed the
Declaration faced it. So did those who wrote the
Constitution. Each succeeding generation has
faced it, and so far each succeeding generation has
answered, "Yes." I am sure that our generation
wilt give the same answer.
So I confidently predict that what we are doing
today is placing before the eyes of many genera-
tions to come the symbols of a living faith. And,
like the sight of the flag "in the dawn's early
light," the sight of these symbols will lift up their
hearts so they will go out of this building helped
and strengthened and inspired.
U. S. Protests Soviet Attack
on Air Force Plane off Hoi<l<aido
Press release 921 dated December 16
The American Eiribassy at Moscoiv on Deeem-
her 16 delivered a note concerning the U.S. Air
Force plane shot down ojf Hokkaido on Octoher ?,
1952. The U.S. note inas in reply to a communi-
cation from the U.S.S.R. dated November ^4, 1952.
Text of the U.S. note together with that of the
L'.S.S.R. follows:
Text of U.S. Note of December 16
The Embassy of the United States of America
refers to the Ministry's note of November 24, 1952,
concerning the United States Air Force plane
shot down near the Japanese Island of HoMiaido
on October 7, 1952.
The United States Government notes that the
Soviet Government has repeated its allegation
that the United States Air Force plane violated
the state frontier of the Soviet Union and that it
opened fire on the Soviet aircraft. This allega-
tion is in complete contradiction with the facts
of the case. As the Soviet Government is aware,
the radar plot of the tracks of the United States
and Soviet aircraft showed conclusively that the
United States plane was intercepted .32 miles from
Yuri Island and approximately six miles from
the Island of Hokkaido by Soviet fighter aircraft
which illegally entered Japanese territory in the
course of making this interception. The United
States plane was entirely undefended ; in keeping
with the routine character of its mission, it carriecl
no bombs and its guns were inoperative.
The United States Government therefore must
reiterate its protest against this unprovoked and
unjustifiable attack on the United States aircraft,
and must request again that the Soviet Govern-
ment make payment of appropriate compensation
for the loss of this aircraft and the lives of the
crew members who have perished.
The United States Government also cannot ac-
cept the Soviet Government's declaration that it
does not consider it necessary to enter into dis-
cussion of the statement of the United States
Government that Yuri Island is not Soviet terri-
tory. In the view of the United States Govern-
ment, Yuri Island, together with the other islands
of the Habomai Group, is Japanese territory under
Japanese sovereignty and the status of these
islands as Japanese territory has not been changed
by the fact of their occupation by the Soviet Union.
Text of Soviet Note of November 24
[Unofficial translation]
In connection with the USA Government's note
of October 17, 1952,^ the Government of the Union
of Soviet Socialist Eej^ublics considere it neces-
sary to state the following.
The Government of the USSR cannot recognize
as satisfactory the reply of the Government of the
USA to the Soviet Government's note of October
12 = this year with regard to the violation of the
state frontier of the USSR by an American mili-
tary airplane in the region of Yuri Island.
Instead of taking urgent measures to prevent
violations of the Soviet frontier by American air-
planes, the Government of the USA took the path
of an unfounded denial of the fact of a violation
of the Soviet frontier by an American military
airplane on October 7 and is trying to justify the
illegal acts of the crew of this airplane which
opened fire on two Soviet fighter planes. Such a
position of the Government of the USA is in clear
contradiction with generally recognized standards
in mutual relations between states.
' Bulletin of Oct. 27, 1952, p. 6.^
^Ibid., p. 649.
January 5, 7953
11
In the Soviet Government's note of October 12
there were set forth the actual circumstances of
this affair. It was clearly established that the
American four-motored B-29 bomber at alxjut
1530 o'clock October 7 Vladivostok time violated
the state frontier of the Soviet Union in the region
of Yuri Island. Instead of complying with the
demand of the two Soviet figliters — to follow them
for landing — the violating airplane, which, as the
Government of the USA itself acknowledges in its
note of October 17, was armed, opened fire on the
Soviet fighters.
In view of the fact that a violation of the Soviet
state frontier by an American military airplane
has been clearly established, the Soviet Govern-
ment cannot accept for consideration the claim of
the USA Government contained in its note of
October 17. It goes without saying that Ameri-
can authorities bear responsibility for the conse-
quences of the violation of the Soviet frontier.
The Soviet Government is not in possession of
any information regarding the whereabouts of the
members of the crew of the American violating
airplane.
The Government of the USSR considers it nec-
essary to remind that in the USSR, as in other
countries, there are instructions in force according
to wliich, in case of a violation of the state frontier
by a foreign airplane, flyers are required to force
it to land at a local airport and in case of resistance
to open fire on it.
The Soviet Government does not consider it
necessary to enter into discussion of the arbitrary
statement of the Government of the USA that
Yuri Island is allegedly not Soviet territory, since
it is without any foundation and in crude contra-
diction with tlie provisions of the Yalta Agree-
ment concerning the Kurile Islands, which was
signed by the Government of the USA.
Reiterating its position set forth in the note of
October 12, the Soviet Government again insists
that the Government of the USA take the neces-
sary measures to prevent henceforth violations of
the state frontier of the USSR by American
airplanes.
Letters of Credence
Ecuador
The newly appointed Araliassador of Ecuador, .Tose
Ricardo Chiriboga Villagoinez, presented his credentials
to the President on December 12. For text of the Am-
bassador's remarks and of the President's reply, see De-
partment of State press release 014 of December 12.
Venezuela
The newly appointed Ambassador of Venezuela. C^sar
Gonzalez, presented his credentials to the President on
December 12. For text of the Ambassador's remarks and
of the President's reply, see Department of State press
release 915 of December 12.
U.S. Protests in
Linse Kidnaping Case
Following are the texts of notes, dated November
25 and Decemher 10, sent by Walter J. Donnelly,
U.S. nigh Commissioner for Germany, to Gen.
Vassily I. Chuikov, chairman of the Soviet Control
Commission for Germany, concerning the kidnap-
ing of Dr. Walter Linse from the American sector
of Berlin on July 8:^
Note Dated November 25
[Telegraphic text]
It is now more than three months since we
agreed that our representatives should conduct a
joint inquiry into the kidnaping of Dr. Linse.
More tlian two and a half months ago we gave
you information which specifically identified the
police station in the Soviet sector to which Dr.
Linse was taken by the kidnaj)ers, and other infor-
mation, from which all details of the crime could
have been easily and immediately ascertained.
Subsequent attempts of my representative to meet
with his Soviet colleague, or even to get answers
about the progress of your inquiry, were singularly
unsuccessful.
The West Berlin police have now completed and
published results of their inquiry with complete
identification of the kidnapers and complete de-
tails of their relations to security forces under your
control and of the organization and execution of
the crime. I attach a copy of their statement in
case it has not been brought to your personal
attention.^
When you agreed to an investigation into this
kidnaping, you clearly recognized your obligation
to return Dr. Linse to the U.S. sector of Berlin
and to punish the perpetrators of the crime as soon
as it was shown that Dr. Linse had been kidnaped
into the Soviet sector or zone. This fact has now
been shown, together with the fact that the kid-
naping was carried out by police agencies under
your control. I therefore demand that you carry
out your obligations and deliver Dr. Linse to the
U.S. authorities in the U.S. sector of Berlin and
take prompt action to punish the perpetrators of
the kidnaping and those associated with them.
Note Dated December 10
[Telegraphic text]
Tomorrow I shall be leaving for home.^ Before
I go I must once more request your good offices in
alleviating the fate and speeding the release of
Dr. Walter Linse from the detention he has so
unjustly suffered in the Soviet zone of Germany.
' I'\ir text of a U.S. protest dated July 8, see Bulletin
of Sept. 1, 1952, p. 320.
' For te.xt, see ibid., Nov. 24, 1952, p. 823.
'The White House announced on Dec. 5 that the Presi-
dent had accepted Mr. Donnelly's resignation, effective
Dec. 31.
12
Department of Stale Bulletin
You doubtless know the Linse case. You liave
seen police reports, the cold facts and figures; but
I wonder if you equally know the tragic drama
behind the case, which has received so much pub-
licity in the press in all parts of the West.
Mrs. Linse has visited me on many occasions.
Her story is so full of courage and hope that I must
again appeal to you. I like to believe that under
similar circumstances you too would be inspired
to write and speak on behalf of this woman who
has lost her husband who, like her, must live in
hope for the day of their reunion.
Mrs. Linse is suffering the same mental anguish
which caused the death of Dr. Linse's father a
few weeks after the kidnaping of his son. She is
constantly tormented by the last picture anyone
had of her husband . . . that of a man brutally
dragged off by hooligans, leaving behind one shoe
and glasses as evidence of his brief and brave
struggle.
I want to do whatever I can to ease the suffering
which Mrs. Linse is undergoing. Though her hus-
band may be lacking many things, she has con-
stantly in her mind that he needs glasses and shoes.
I would like to satisfy her desire to replace these,
which she wants especially to do now at the Christ-
mas season.
Mrs. Linse has asked if you could furnish,
through me, the prescription for his glasses and
size of shoes. After she purchases these articles,
she will deliver them to me. I shall then forward
them to you and ask that you be so good as to
transmit them to Dr. Linse. I shall appreciate it
if I might then be sent an acknowledgment from
Dr. Linse that he has received these articles, so
that I may reassure Mrs. Linse.
I also request that you have delivered to Dr.
Linse the food package which I am sending him
as a Christmas gift in my own name. Dr. Linse
must know tliat I have not forgotten him, nor has
my country.
Finally, because I am so deeply moved by the
human suffering which has been caused by this
brutal kidnaping. I appeal to you, General Chui-
kov, to leave nothing undone to have Dr. Linse
speedily returned to his home. I would like to
feel that you and I have been able to make the
beginning of the New Year the beginning of a new
life for the Linses.*
' On Dec. 11 the package sent to Dr. Linse in care of the
Soviet headquarters in East Berlin was returned by
special messenger, together with Mr. Donnelly's Dec. 10
letter to Gen. Chuikov. The package was marked "Ad-
dressee Not Known."
MSA Allotment for Defense
Support Program in Indochina
The Mutual Security Agency announced on
December 18 that it has earmarked 30.5 million
dollars for a defense support program in the Asso-
ciated States of Indochina during the current fiscal
year.
About 4 million dollars is to be used for military
petroleum products and about 26 million dollars
to finance purchases of such items as air-naviga-
tion aids, railway rolling stock and equipment,
airfield facilities, telecommunications equipment,
and hospital equipment and drugs for the military
forces in Indochina.
Through an agreement with the Department of
Defense, the Department of the Army will act as
the procurement agency for all items with the pos-
sible exception of some petroleum supplies. The
Chief of the Military Assistance Advisory Group
(Maao) in Indochina will be responsible for the
supervision of the end use of these items in the
same manner as all other military assistance
supplies.
The 30.5 million dollars for direct support of
the military operation represents approximately
half of the Msa program in Indochina for the 1953
fiscal year. The other half is being used for eco-
nomic-aid projects in fields such as medicine and
public health, agriculture and forestry, transpor-
tation and other public works, public administra-
tion, and industry.
American economic dollar aid in Indochina
dates back to June 5, 1950, when the support pro-
gram was initiated by the Economic Cooperation
Administration, Msa's predecessor. However, the
30.5 million-dollar Msa progi-am for defense sup-
port in the current fiscal year marks the first time
that MsA or Eca dollars are being used in Indo-
china for commodities which go directly to the
military forces.
Certain specific military projects will be sup-
ported by the Msa dollars. Two provide for
expansion of the Tourane power plant and the
Haiphong electric-power plant and power line.
Another will supply machinery and equipment for
the Saigon arsenal. More than 1 million dollars
of Msa funds will finance purchases of rails and
rolling stock for railways in Vietnam which serve
essential military needs.
January 5, 1953
13
Another project calls for basic improvement of
air-force bases, including supplying of flood lights,
motor pumps, storage tanks, generators, and
cranes. Msa will also pay for equipment to be
used in storing, testing, and distributing petro-
leum products for the Armed Forces.
Fighting off attaclis of the Communist Viet
Minli, the Indochinese forces are battling the ag-
gression mainly in North Vietnam. The Viet
Minh attaclis have grown more intensive in the
last 2 or 3 years, though they originally began on
a sporadic basis about the time of the end of World
War II.
As a result of the warfare, Indochina has a
refugee and relief problem, which Msa is also help-
ing under its economic-aid program. It is sup-
porting the Indochinese Government's resettle-
ment programs and projects for hospital and
medical care of civilian war wounded and for dis-
tribution of food, clothes, and other essential needs
to refugees.
The Msa defense-support program in Indochina
is separate from the direct military aid provided
through the Department of Defense. Purchases
of arms and other military equipment for Indo-
Chinese military forces are financed by the Depart-
ment of Defense under its portion of the Mutual
Security Program, and dollars used for this pur-
pose are not included in the MsA-administered
defense-support program.
U.S. Attitude Toward Purchase
of Bolivian Tin Concentrates
Press release 928 dated December 19
In view of the numerous inquiries which the
Department of State has received from the press
concerning the purchase of Bolivian tin concen-
trates, it is deemed necessary to define clearly and
precisely the attitude of the U.S. Government.
First, the United States has made several spot
purchases of Bolivian tin concentrates since the
Mnr ^ regime assumed control of the Bolivian
Government in April 1952. The last purchase,
made in September 1952 from the Banco Minero,
an agency of the Bolivian Government, covered
all Bolivian production through September 1952
wliich had not already been contracted for sale.
Delivery of ores in South American ports under
this arrangement was not completed until the end
of November.
Second, since September 1952 the Bolivian Gov-
ernment has not offered for spot sale to the United
States any tin concentrates whatever.
Third, the United States has informed the Bo-
' Movimiento Nacional RevoJucionario.
livian Government on several occasions that the
Reconstruction Finance Corporation is prepared
to consider offers from Bolivia to sell tin concen-
trates on substantially the same basis as in the
earlier purchase agi-eements. At no time has the
United States refused to buy Bolivian tin.
Fourth, recently the Bolivian Ambassador to the
United States informed the Department that the
Bolivian Government wished to conclude a one-
year contract for the sale of Bolivian tin concen-
trates. The interested agencies of the U.S. Gov-
ernment are currently considering the feasibility
of such an arrangement.
Tax Conventions Witli Finland
Enter Into Force
Press release 926 dated December 19
On December 18, 1952, according to informa-
tion received by the Department of State from the
American Legation at Helsinki, the instruments
of ratification of the United States and Finland
with respect to two tax conventions (treaties) were
formally exchanged at Helsinki, namely: (a) the
convention of March 3, 1952, for the avoidance of
double taxation and the prevention of fiscal eva-
sion with respect to taxes on income, and (b) the
convention of March 3, 1952, for the avoidance of
double taxation and the prevention of fiscal eva-
sion with respect to taxes on estates and
inheritances.
Upon the exchange of the instruments of ratifi-
cation the two conventions entered into force in
accordance with their respective terms.
The Senate, on July 4, 1952, gave its advice and
consent to the ratification of the conventions. On
July 21, 1952, the President ratified both conven-
tions. A proclamation with respect to the entry
into force of each of the conventions will be issued
by the President.
Finland Makes Purchase From
International Monetary Fund
The Government of Finland on December 5
purchased U.S. $4,500,000 from the International
Monetary Fund with Finnish markkas. At the
same time, a stand-by arrangement was concluded
under which the Finnish Government may pur-
chase up to $5,000,000 more from the Fund at any
time during the next 6 months.
Finland's purchase was its fii-st transaction with
the Fund. The stand-by arrangement with Fin-
land represents the first'use of a facility adopted
recently that permits members to obtain advance
assurance of access to the Fund's resources.
14
Department of State Bulletin
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings '
Adjourned During December 1952
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization):
Council: 17tb Session Montreal Sept. 9-Deo. 5
Air Transport Committee: 17th Session Montreal Sept. 10-Dec. 2
Air Navigation Commission: 11th Session Montreal Sept. 23-Dec. 4
Standing Committee on Air Performance: 3d Session Montreal Nov. 11-Dec. 5
Itu (International Telecommunication Union): International Plenipo- Buenos Aires Oct. 1-Dcc. 21
tentiarv Telecommunication Conference.
UN (United Nations):
General Assembly: 7th Session (1st Part) New York Oct. 14- Dec. 22
Economic and Social Council: Consultative Group in the Field of Pre- Geneva Dec. 8-16
vention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders — Combined Euro-
pean and North American Regional.
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organi-
zation):
Fourth Meeting of Representatives of National Commissions .... Paris Nov. 8-Dec. 11
General Conference: 7th Session Paris Nov. 12-Dec. 11
First Regional Conference on Free and Compulsory Education in Bombay Dec. 10-23
Soutli Asia and the Pacific.
West Indian Conference: 5th Session Jamaica Nov. 24-Dec. 4
Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization):
Fag/Who Joint Meeting on Malnutrition in Mothers, Infants and Gambia (Africa) .... Nov. 28-Dec. 4
Children.
Forestrv and Forest Products Commission for Asia and the Pacific: Kuala Lumpur and Dec. 1-13
2d 'Session. Singapore.
Meeting of Experts on Index Numbers Rome Dec. 1-5
Inter-American Livestock Production: 2d Meeting Bauru (Brazil) Dec. 8-19
Near East Forestry Conference Amman (Jordan) . . . Dec. 13-20
Caribbean Commission: 15th Meeting Jamaica Dec. 1-8
Ilo (International Labor Organization) :
Latin American Manpower Technical Conference Lima Dec. 1-13
Technical Meeting on the Protection of Young Workers in Asian Kandy (Ceylon) .... Dec. 1-10
Countries, with Relation to their Vocational Preparation.
Meeting on Suppression of Dust in Mining, Funnelling and Quarrying. Geneva Dec. 1-17
Sixth International Conference of Social Work Madras Dec. 14-19
Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organization): Ministerial Meeting of Paris Dec. 15-19
the Council (First).
In Session as of Dec. 30, 1952
International Materials Conference Washington Feb. 26, 1951-
Scheduled January l-March 31, 1953
Fao (Food and Agriculture Organization) :
Meeting on Rice Bangkok Jan. 5-
Coordinating Committee: 3d Session Rome Mar. 16-
Council Committee on Relations with International Organizations . . Rome Mar. 30-
Inter-American Research Seminar on National Income Santiago Jan. 5-
International Rubber Study Group: Second Session of Working Party . London Jan. 5-
IcAO (Internationa! Civil Aviation Organization) :
Second Southeast Asia Regional Air Navigation Meeting (and Melbourne Jan. 13-
Limited South Pacific).
First Air Navigation Conference Montreal Feb. 24-
UN (United Nations):
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East:
Railway Subcommittee: 1st Session Bandung Jan. 14-
Inland Waterways Subcommittee: 1st Session Bandung Jan. 14-
Committee on Inland Transport; 2d Session Bandung Jan. 19-
Committee on Industry and Trade: 5th Session Bandung Jan. 26-
Ninth Session of the Commission Bandung Feb. 6-
Second Regional Conference on Trade Promotion Manila Feb. 23-
1 Prepared in the Division of International Conferences, Department of State, Dec. 23, 1952. Asterisks indicate
tentative dates.
January 5, 1953 15
York . . .
. . . Jan. 19-
York . . .
. . . Feb. 2-
York . . .
. . . Feb. 2-
York . . .
. . . Feb. 16-
York . . .
. . . Feb. 24-
a
. . . Mar. 3-
York . . .
. . . Mar. 16-
York . . .
. . . Mar. 16-
York . . .
. . . Mar. 30-
York . . .
. . . Mar. 31-
. . . March
larive . . .
. . . Jan. 19-
Calendar oj Meetings — Continued
Scheduled January 1-March 31, 1953 — Continued
UN — Continued
Population Commi.ssion: 7th Session New
Transport and Communications Commission; Clh Session New
Statistical Commission: 7th Session New
Committee on Non -Governmental Organization New
General Assembly, Reconvening of 7th Session New
Economic Commission for Europe: 8lh Session Geneva.
Commission on the Status of Women: 7th Session New
Technical Assistance Committee New
Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 8th Session New
Economic and Social Commission: 15th Session New
Consultative Group in the Field of Prevention of Crime and Treatment Brazil
of Offenders (Latin Anaerican Regional).
Wmo (World Meteorological Organization):
Regional Association I, Africa Tananarive
Commission for Climatology: 1st Session Washington Mar. 12-
Who (World Health Organization): Executive Board: 11th Session . . Geneva Jan. 21-
International Wheat Council:
11th Session Washington Jan. 30-
Reconvening of 8th Session Washington Feb. 2-
Gatt (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade): Ad Hoc Committee Geneva Feb. 2-
for Agenda and Intersessional Business of the Contracting Parties.
Ilo (International Labor Organization) :
Textiles Committee: 4th Session Geneva Feb. 2-
Committee on Work on Plantations: 2d Session Habana Mar. 18-
Inter-American Economic and Social Council: 3d Extraordinary Meet- Caracas Feb. 9-
ing.
Pakistan Science Conference, 5th Annual Lahore Feb. 16-
Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Defense Science New Delhi Feb. 2.5-
Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organization):
Petroleum Planning Committee: 4th Meeting Paris February
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U. S. Denounces Soviet Charges of "Mass Murder" of Prisoners
In the early vioming hours of Decerriber 21, the
date on which the General Assembly had intended
to end the fir'st jmrt of its seventh session, the
U.S.S.R. representative, Andrei Crromyho, an-
nounced that his delegation requested inclusion on
the agenda of a new item, dealing with the alleged
'"''mass murder''' of Chinese and Korean pHsoners of
war. At a meeti7ig of the General Committee
called the same day, at his request, it was agreed
to include the item and to consider it without
delay. At its December 21 plenary session, the
General Assembly accepted the Committee^s rec-
ommendation. After completing action on other
agenda iteins in an all-night session, the Assem-
bly early the next morning defeated the Soviet
resolution by a vote of 5-li5, with 10 ahsfentions.
Following are statements made by Philip C.
Jessup in the General Committee on December 21
and by Ernest A. Gross in the plenary session on
December 22.
AMBASSADOR JESSUP'S STATEMENT OF
DECEMBER 21
U.S./U.N. press release dated December 21
I believe that the delegations in the General
Assembly of the United Nations will feel not only
a natural sense of irritation but also a feeling of
disgust and, I may say, contempt for this last min-
ute shabby propaganda trick \Yhich the delegation
of the Soviet Union seeks to perpetrate upon the
General Assembly.
The term a "knock on the door at midnight" has
become symbolically associated with the kind of
16
Department of State Bulletin
tactics that the Soviet Government and its secret
police employ in depriving the people unfortunate
enough to live under that rule of all of the situa-
tions which normally come to human beings in the
course of their daily life. It would seem as if the
Soviet delegation thought that it could intimidate
the General Assembly of the United Nations by a
"knock on the door at midnight" just as the Assem-
blv was about to adjourn.
"I don't think it is appropriate, Mr. Chairman,
in the General Committee to engage in a prolonged
discussion of this utterly false, slanderous defama-
tory proposal, which is now before us. The dele-
gation of the United States, of course, makes no
objection to putting this on the agenda. It should
be put on the agenda and disposed of forthwith.
Its urgent character derives not from the mis-
statements which we have heard just now from the
representative of the Soviet Union, but from the
need of the General Assembly to remove quickly,
emphatically, and clearly from its consideration
false and baseless charges of this kind. I should
merely like to point out certain things, Mr. Chair-
man, as indicative of the character oi this proposal
of the Soviet Union, a proposal which reaches a
new low in terms of the tactics of that delegation
in the United Nations.
It is alleged in this paper we have and in the
explanatory note that certain events transpired in
a prisoner-of-war camp on the Island of Pongan.
I am able to inform the members of the General
Committee, as the delegation of the United States
will be prepared in gi-eater detail to inform the
General Assembly, that there are no Chinese pris-
oners of war on this island. There are no prison-
ers of war, whether Chinese or Korean on this
island. There are only Korean civilian internees
of long standing. There are 9,200 of these Korean
civilian internees on the island in two enclosures.
The incident to which I assume the Soviet rep-
resentative refers, although the totally inaccurate
and false nature of his statements makes it difficult
to know whether he refers to anything, but if he is
referring to the item in the press to which he seems
to refer, I can say that the incident involves one
enclosure consisting of 8 compounds. Two of
these 8 compoimds did not participate in the inci-
dent. It is perhaps a curious coincidence, Mr.
Chairman, that this incident occurred on the same
day that the Chinese Communist regime rejected
the General Assembly resolution on nonforcible
repatriation of prisoners of war. Would it seem
fantastic to the members of the General Commit-
tee to assume that Communist instigation among
these internees led to the riots which required
disciplinary action ? Surely that is not a fantastic
assumption.
Mr. Chairman, as I have said, I don't want to
detain the General Committee with a full discus-
sion of this item. My delegation will be prepared
to discuss it forthwith in the plenary session.
There is no objection, in fact we welcome, as I have
January 5, 1953
236139 — 53 3
said, the course that you have proposed that this
should be taken up and disposed of and I believe
that the General Assembly, on hearing on the one
hand the false propaganda, unsupported allega-
tions of the Soviet delegation and the statement
of facts which my delegation will put before the
Assembly, will take the appropriate action to dis-
miss this and to express the sense of outrage which
it has that an item of this character should be
brought forward in this way at this time.
AMBASSADOR GROSS' STATEMENT
OF DECEMBER 22
In the remarks which I have to make I should
like to ask the Assembly to keep in mind three
factors which seem to me to be relevant to the
question which is put before the Assembly and
the manner in which it has been put forward.
The first is the timing selected by the Soviet Union
delegation in raising the question; the second is
its motives in doing so ; and the third is the sub-
stance of the charges made here, not for the first
time but repeatedly, ad nauseam, as they have
been, from the day when the Korean item came up
for discussion before the First Committee at this
session.
On an unforgettable Sunday, June 25, 1950, the
Security Council met and decided to repel aggres-
sion. Now, many Sunday nights later, the General
Assembly meets to expose a hollow propaganda
maneuver by the Soviet sponsor of that aggi-ession.
The world knows who is for peace in Korea and
who is using every means to prevent peace. On
December 3, 54 nations declared their will to peace
in Korea. The Soviet Union representative this
evening reviles the assembled dignity of this or-
ganization and says that the Indian resolution
was rubber-stamped by the Assembly under U.S.
pressure. The Soviet Union Government and its
satellites voted against peace, and that is the fact
they are seeking to conceal this evening.
Our patience is tried and our intelligence in-
sulted by a shabby midnight propaganda stunt.
Nevertheless, it is fitting that this Assembly should
discuss the item that the Soviet Union representa-
tive has raised so hastily. IVIy Government urged
that the Soviet Union item be included in the
agenda, waiving the rules which could have been
invoked to prevent its inclusion today. We be-
lieved that the item should be discussed before we
finished our pre-Christmas work, and we took this
position because we believe the Soviet Union accu-
sations should be brought out of the dark corners
of their origin and be exposed to the white light
of truth.
I turn to facts. What was the background of
the events at Pongan? Here are the facts: On
Pongan Island, over 9,000 Koreans were interned.
These were captured Communist guerrillas oper-
ating in South Korea and other Communists
rounded up for revolutionary activities behind the
17
lines. They were not prisoners captured from
enemy armies. There were no Cliinese among
them.
On December 6, 1952, the prisoner-of-war com-
mand reported indications that plans for a mass
break-out were being formulated within the
United Nations Command prisoner-of-war and
internee camps. As the Soviet Union representa-
tive brought out a few moments ago, this was just
3 days after the adoption by the Assembly of the
Indian resolution calling for peace in Korea. _ As
the Soviet Union representative said, there is a
connection between these facts. I believe the con-
nection will be clear to all those of us who are
free to think for ourselves and realize that this
was part of a consi^iracy and a design which was
undoubtedly related to the actions taken by the
Assembly. Who the conspirators were, we shall
now see.
Coded documents had been intercepted in sev-
eral of the compoimds. The code was broken by
the authorities and the documents disclosed plans
for a mass break. The code appeared to be com-
mon throughout the main camp and the branch
camp areas, indicating that the plan was centrally
directed. The date and time that these plans were
to be operative was not known.
An mvestigation was, of course, at once initi-
ated. All camp commanders were acquainted with
the situation and were directed to take every pre-
caution to negate any attempt by the internees
to put such plans into effect.
Eight days after the first reports became avail-
able the plot matured in the violence at Pongan,
and the Assembly will note that this violence oc-
curred on the same day that the Chinese Com-
munist authorities rejected the U.N. resolution.
The Chinese Communist authorities knew and
selected the day on which they chose to send their
rejection. And here, again, the connection be-
tween the despatch of that note and the events on
the island of Pongan was surely not an accident
or a coincidence.
The Facts of the Case
Now, just what did happen at Pongan? At
noon on December 14, reports came to the com-
mander of the camp that internees in two of the
camp compounds were massing. It was evident
that immediate action was necessary to prevent
the rioters from breaking out of their compounds
and inciting their fellows in the six other com-
povmds to attempt similar action. The compound
commander, with a small detaclmient of United
States and Republic of Korea guards, had to act
at once to prevent many hundreds of internees
from breaking out of their compounds and invit-
ing pitched battles. These facts are put before
my colleagues in the Assembly on behalf of the
Unified Command. They are not based upon news
despatches.
The camp commander at once despatched pla-
toons to the two compounds in which the internees
had begun to mass. Into the first of the com-
pounds, compound F, went 110 guards of the
U.N. Command. Twenty of them were armed
with shotguns. They deployed as skirmishers
25 yards away from the massed internees, who
had drawn themselves up many ranks deep in
military fashion. Behind these ranks of the in-
ternees were hundreds more, threatening, scream-
ing, and throwing rocks down upon the U.N^
guards from a high ledge upon which they had
taken positions. The camp commander ordered
the rioters to quiet down and to disperse. AVhen
his order was disobeyed, he realized that only a
show of force could restore order and prevent a
mass break-out of the rioters. The plan disclosed
in the codes which had been intercepted and
broken was in the process of being matured.
"VVliat show of force could be employed? The
direction of the wind made the use of tear gas
impossible. A frontal approach by the few guards
upon the many massed men was out of the ques-
tion. But the rioting was skillfully organized,
planned, and directed and it was necessary to fire
volleys to quell the rioters in the two compounds
where the disturbances started. And, meanwhile,
internees were massing in four of the other com-
pounds, again obviously in pursuance of a pre-
pared plan. A burst of fire was necessary in two
of these compounds in order to prevent further
outbreaks. Having quelled the riots in the first
two compounds, the camp commander was able
to send the guards into three other compounds and
move the demonstrators out without having to
use firearms. The dead and wounded were at
once evacuated. These are the facts as reported
by the commanding officer on the spot to the U.N.
Command.
Tlie necessity for using force to repress inspired
and centrally directed outbursts of fanatical vio-
lence by prisoners is, at times, unavoidable. That
such unavoidable use of force should result in
casualties is no evidence that force was not
required.
In normal course the U.N. Command at once
instituted an investigation of the incident on Pon-
gan. This investigation, which is still under way,
may well develop further facts about the origin
of this latest in a series of ruthlessly executed
plans to sacrifice human lives, to create propa-
ganda for cynical use on occasions such as this.
And who has shown more vividly and with more
sickening directness how such fabricated propa-
ganda can be used?
We also deplore the fanaticism, the suicidal
frenzy which would have involved far greater
casualties among both internees and guards of the
U.N. Command alike if the measures I have
described had not been swiftly and firmly adopted.
One may ask : What was the purpose of the out-
break at Pongan? I suggest to the Assembly
18
Deparlment of Slate Bulletin
that escape was not their only motive, that blood-
shed was the real motive, the sacrifice of as many
internees as possible and the deliberate fashion-
ing of ammunition to provide an excuse for a false
issue, for the fact is that from the beginning of
the consideration of the Korean question in the
General Assembly, the consistent purpose of the
Soviet Union Government and its delegation here
has been to create the impression that prisoners
of war all wished to be repatriated and are being
held against their will. That has been the
consistent purpose of the Soviet Union repre-
sentative from the first moment the matter was
discussed by him at the commencement of this
session. This explains why the Soviet Union
representative has produced this propaganda
item out of the middle of the night. It is obvi-
ously a clumsy attempt to smear the United States
and the United Nations at the last minute, in an
effort to cover up the fact that the aggressors and
their Soviet Union sponsors have re]ected peace
in Korea.
Soviet Rejection of Indian Proposal
Does the Soviet Union representative really
think he fools anyone by this maneuver? The
world will not forget that the Soviet Union Gov-
ernment and its satellites have rejected the fair
and honorable proposal introduced by the Gov-
ernment of India for the settlement of the pris-
oner-of-war question, as set forth in the resolution
of December 3.
The world will always remember the patience
and perseverance with which the United Nations
has sought peace in Korea at Kaesong, at Pan-
munjom, and here. The world will not be misled
into believing that black is white simply because
the Soviet Union Government says so.
The agenda item before us and the explanations
we have heard this evening amount to a warmed-
over version of the charges and invective with
which Mr. Vyshinsky sought vainly to confuse the
prisoner-of-war question earlier. We have now
heard still another round of these same lines
which characterize the Soviet Union approach to
the problem of peace in Korea.
The Soviet Union representative this evening
talked at some length, of some 1-5 or 20 minutes,
concerning incidents on Koje and Cheju Islands
where there were and are prisoners of war, not
internees but prisoners of war. He has talked,
as Mr. Vyshinsky did before him, about the fail-
ure of the United States, as he alleges, to comply
with its obligations under the Geneva Convention.
What are the facts about the treatment of pris-
oners of war in Korea? The Government of the
United States, in its initial presentation on the
Korean question, made these facts perfectly clear
on October 24 in the Fii-st Committee of this
Assembly.
From the very beginning the U.N. Command
has followed the provisions of the Geneva Conven-
tion of 1949. Tliere has never been any secret
about the administration of U.N. prisoner-of-war
camps. We have thrown these camps wide open
to the Iiiternational Committee of the Red Cross
and have encouraged full investigation of condi-
tions within our camps. There has been a thor-
ough scrutiny of what we have done and the world
has been kept fully informed. On occasions when
the International Committee has criticized us for
any conduct, the U.N. Command has taken any
necessary corrective action.
What has been the practice on the other side?
The Communist authorities have hidden their
treatment of prisoners from the eyes of the world.
They have failed to appoint a protecting power or
any benevolent organization such as the Red Cross.
They have continually refused to permit the Inter-
national Committee of the Red Cross to send rep-
resentatives to inspect their camps. They have
refused to exchange relief packages, and until
very recently they have refused to exchange mail ;
they now allow this, on only a most limited scale.
They have refused to report on the health of pris-
oners of war, and they refuse to exchange the seri-
ously sick and wounded, as is required by the
Geneva Convention. They have failed to give the
accurate location of prisoner-of-war camps and
they have failed to mark them properly. They
have situated their camps in places of danger near
legitimate military targets, in defiance of the
Geneva Convention.
The U.N. Command has observed the Geneva
Convention in all these respects. The Interna-
tional Committee of the Red Cross has been at-
tempting for some time to contact the Communist
authorities in order to obtain access to their camps
and in order to persuade the Communists that they
should live up to the Geneva Convention. But the
only answer the International Committee of the
Red Cross has ever received from the Communists
was a statement from the North Koreans early in
the conflict that they would live up to the Geneva
Convention. Having said that, the North Kore-
ans dropped a curtain of secrecy over the treat-
ment of prisoners of war.
The Soviet Union Government may now recog-
nize the mistake which it made in brutally reject-
ing the Indian resolution for peace in Korea, and
thus contemptuously flouting the will of the United
Nations. But does the Soviet Union Government
really believe that it can retrieve this mistake by
injecting a false issue into our deliberations at this
eleventh hour of our session? The Soviet Union
representative's midnight maneuver will go down
in our annals along with Mr. Vyshinsky's laughter
at disarmament during the last Assembly.
The Soviet Union Government has only one way
out from the consequence of its betrayal of peace.
That way is to accept the U.N. proposals for solv-
ing the prisoner-of-war question. Until they do
so, the world will remain convinced that those who
January 5, 1953
19
have launched aggression in Korea insist that the
bloodshed continue.
The Soviet Union and its satellites stood alone
against the 54 nations which endorsed the princi-
ple of nonforcible repatriation as the key to peace
in Korea. Now the Soviet Union can only oflFer
this lurid effort to mask its own desire to see the
conflict continue as long as the Soviet Government
can delude the victimized people of Korea and
China to fight for it.
I have already suggested that the Soviet Union
item does not pose a new problem for us. The
Soviet world-wide propaganda apparatus has been
pouring out accusations of U.N. Command mis-
treatment of prisoners of war as part of its hate
campaign. All of us have been sickened by this
effort to poison international relations. The
United States is eager to take this opportunity to
expose the latest chapter in the Soviet Union hate
campaign.
In conclusion, there is a lesson to be drawn from
this eleventh hour maneuver by the Soviet Gov-
ernment. It furnishes proof that when members
of the United Nations unite on a moral issue and
rally from all parts of the earth around the cause
of peace and in defense of the Charter, the enemies
of peace are driven into corners of desperation.
But we do not believe that our unity can be broken
or undermined by acts of lying desperation such
as those we have witnessed here.
Admitting New Members to the United Nations
Statements hy Senator Alexander' Wiley
V. S. Representative to the General Assembly
STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 13>
D.S./U.N. press release dated December 13
The United Nations can never achieve its maxi-
mum effectiveness so long as all those nations
qualified for membership are not among us. We
need the fresh energy and enthusiasm that new
blood will give us. We need the collective strength
and wisdom which the new members will bring
to our deliberations. They, in turn, need the badge
of membership in the United Nations in order to
play their proper role in tlie world community and
participate with us in our efforts to promote world
peace.
It is no exaggeration to say that the problem
before us is one of the outstanding organizational
problems of the United Nations. On its solution
depend the future growth and vitality of this
Organization.
Yet, to speak frankly, we have reached an im-
passe in our efforts to solve the membership dead-
lock. For 6 years now we liave tried to find a
satisfactory solution — without any success.
Wliy ? I think the answer is clear. One of the
permanent members of the Security Council has
abused its privileged vote. Except for this, the
representatives of 14 nations who are not among
us would be in this Committee Room today. I
refer to Italy, Ireland, and Portugal, ancient states
' Made in the Ad Hoc Political Committee on Dec. 13
on the question of admitting new members.
whose people have contributed so greatly to civil-
ization ; {o the Republic of Korea, Cambodia, Laos,
and Vietnam, at this moment valiantly resisting
aggression ; to Japan, whose people have produced
a new structure of democratic government; to the
peace-loving states of Austria and Finland, who
have made such a brave recovery from the havoc
of war ; to the newly independent states of Ceylon,
Libya, and Nepal ; and to the Kingdom of Jordan,
rich in history and religious tradition.
All of these states secured seven or more affirma-
tive votes in the Security Council when their mem-
bership applications were considered. All have
thus had the majority necessary for recommenda-
tion bj^ the Security Council. But the Soviet
Union has repeatedly blackballed them by its use
of the veto. Italy has been a victim of the Soviet
veto on five occasions.
In a period of 6 years, Soviet representatives in
the Security Coimcil have cast a total of 28 vetoes
to bar the door of this Organization to qualified
applicants. In effect, they have tried to impose a
crude dictate on the will of the United Nations —
and this on an issue which by no stretch of the
imagination can be considered a vital security
matter.
The voting record of the Soviet Union — which
has been designed to hamstring the effective opera-
tion of the United Nations — is well kno%vn to the
members of this Committee. At the San Fran-
20
Deparfmen/ of State Bulletin
cisco conference in 1945 it was agreed that im-
portant decisions of the Security Council should
require the unanimous approval of the five per-
manent menibers. At the same time, the great
l^owers solemnly assured their colleagues that they
would accept the trust reposed in them and would
not use their veto power willfully to obstruct the
work of the Council. The veto, in other words,
was to be used only in very exceptional cases. But
with the Soviet Union the exception soon became
the rule.
The Soviet Veto Record
Let us now look briefly at the record. Let us
recall the patient efForts of past General Assem-
blies to break the membership deadlock.
In the late summer of 1947, the Security Coun-
cil voted upon the applications of Jordan, Ireland,
Portugal, Italy, Austria, and Finland. Each of
them received more than the seven votes needed
for admission, but each application was vetoed
by the Soviet representative.
Before the vote, in discussing the qualifications
of Italy and Finland, the Soviet representative
acknowledged that these two countries met the
membersliip qualifications set forth in article 4
of the Charter. However, he said he would be
unable to vote for them unless the other members
of the Council agreed to admit Rmnania, Hun-
gary, and Bulgaria. None of these three coun-
tries was, in the view of almost every other mem-
ber of the Council, qualified for membership.
This fact did not trouble the Soviet rei^resenta-
tive. He insisted on his deal — or else. All five
must be admitted or none of them would be.
Since then, the nimiber of applicants has in-
creased. But the Soviet position remains the
same. Take it or leave it: The price of admis-
sion for states wlaich have been found qualified
for membership by the General Assembly and
have received more than seven votes in the Se-
curity Council is acceptance of those states which
were not deemed qualified and were unable to se-
cure the required number of votes in the Council.
In the fall of 1947, the General Assembly had
become increasingly disturbed over the lack of
progi-ess in the field of membership. And so,
taking cognizance of the Soviet position, the As-
sembly decided to ask the International Court of
Justice for an advisory opinion. The question
was: Could a member of the United Nations in
the Security Council or General Assembly make
its vote on membership dependent on conditions
not expressly provided for in paragraph 1 of
article 4 of the Charter? In other words, could
a member nation properly condition its vote for
one candidate on the acceptance of other
candidates?
The International Court of Justice gave its ad-
visory opinion in May 1948. It was this: No
member of the United Nations is juridically en-
titled to make its consent to admission of a state
dependent on conditions not expressly provided
for in article 4, paragraph 1, of the Charter. In
effect, therefore, the Soviet insistence on its pack-
age deal is inconsistent with the Charter.
Study of Voting Procedure
At its third session, in the winter of 1948, with
the advisory opinion of the Court as a point of
reference, the General Assembly again tried to
break the membersliip deadlock. It adopted
overwhelmingly a series of resolutions asking the
Security Council to reconsider, in the light of the
Court's ach'isory opinion, the seven applicants
who had been barred by Soviet vetoes.
Meanwhile, another development was taking
place which was vitally related to a solution of
the membership problem. The Interim Commit-
tee of the General Assemblj^ had embarked upon
a study of voting procedure in the Security Coun-
cil. The results of this study were embodied in
a resolution adopted by the General Assembly in
the spring of 1949. Among other things, the res-
olution recommended this : The permanent mem-
bers of the Security Council should try to agree
among themselves upon what possible issues they
might forbear to use the veto. And it suggested
that admission to membership in the United Na-
tions was such an issue.
Now that resolution pointed a simple way out
of the membership impasse, provided the members
of the Security Council were willing to follow its
recommendations. China, France, the United
liingdom, and the United States supported this
Ijroposal. Indeed, as early as 1947, my Govern-
ment declared it would not use the veto in voting
on membership applications. The U.S. represent-
ative told the Assembly at that time, and I quote:
. . . The United States will not exercise its right of
veto in the Security Council to exclude from the United
Nations any of the present applicants which the Assembly
deems qualified for membership, and we would go further
and would be willing to accept complete elimination of
the veto in the Security Council in reference to the ad-
mission of applicants in the future.
That was the attitude of my Government in
1947. Less than a year later, in June 1948, the
Senate of the United States, of which I have the
privilege to be a member, formally expressed its
approval of this position. By a vote of 64 to 4,
the Senate adopted a resolution authored by the
late Sen. Arthur H. Vandenberg, who is known
as one of the founders of the United Nations and
one of the chief architects of my country's bi-
partisan foreign policy. The Vandenberg reso-
lution urged my Government to seek voluntary
agreement in the United Nations to remove the
veto from questions involving the admission of
new members.
As recently as last January, my Government
reaffirmed its willingness to renounce the use of
the veto on membership questions. An American
January 5, 1953
21
delegate to tlie sixth session of the General Assem-
bly in Paris said, and I quote :
My Government, in keeping with the frequently ex-
pressed views of the General Assembly, has adhered to
the policy that it will not prevent the admission of any
state whose application Is approved by a sufficient num-
ber of the other Members. We will not frustrate the will
of this Organization.
Unfortunately, neither the position taken by my
Government, nor the advisory opinion of the In-
ternational Court of Justice, nor the resolution of
the Assembly calling for restraint in the use of
the veto has had any perceptible results on the
membership deadlock. Meanwhile, as one session
of the Assembly followed another, the number of
qualified candidates for membership kept increas-
ing; so did the number of Soviet vetoes.
Last year in Paris, the General Assembly made
still another determined effort to break the log
jam. It once again called upon the Security Coun-
cil to reconsider pending applications of new
members. It recommended that the Council base
its action on conditions contained in the Charter ;
and it requested the permanent members of the
Council to confer with one another in order to
make recommendations on the pending applica-
tions.
These consultations took place in the course of
the past summer. The results were negative.
The Soviet delegate insisted once again on a horse
trade. He would not permit the achnission of
nine nations deemed qualified by the General
Assembly unless the Council admitted five Soviet-
sponsored applicants who could not otherwise get
the necessary number of votes. In addition, the
Soviet representative vetoed the newly presented
applications of Cambodia, Laos, Libya, Japan,
and Vietnam, nations, which in the opinion of my
Goverimient, are peace-loving states and fully
qualified for membership. The 10 other members
of the Council voted to admit these states.
So much for the review of the record. "Where
do matters stand today? Fourteen nations that
should be among us are barred from taking their
seats. In more than 2 years, not a single new
member has been admitted to the United Nations.
Now, certainly, this is a deplorable situation.
It is one that inevitably tests our patience. Soviet
abuse of the veto on membership applications is
only one phase of the Kremlin's deliberate obstruc-
tion of any progress in the United Nations and,
in fact, of any progress toward true peace. But,
because the proper solution of the membership
problem is so vital to the growth of the United
Nations, we cannot afford to give way to im-
patience. We cannot afford to adopt a course of
action that we might well regret later.
Of course, we must break out of the impasse in
which we find ourselves. But we must do so in a
way that is fully in accord with the proinsions of
the Charter.
And this raises the question : Have we explored
every possibility that might lead to a solution of
this problem? At the present time, there are a
number of specific courses of action that have been
suggested as a way of ending the deadlock. Let
us review some of them briefly.
Courses of Action for Ending the Deadlock
The suggestion has been made that we might
ask the International Court of Justice for an ad-
visory opinion on this question : Does the negative
vote of a permanent member of the Security Coun-
cil defeat an application for membership when the
application has received seven or more votes in the
Council? In 1950 the International Court of
Justice held that an affirmative recommendation
in the Council was required before the General
Assembly could admit an applicant. But that
opinion does not directly answer the question as
to whether a negative vote cast in such circum-
stances is a veto.
The distinguished representative of Peru has
introduced a resolution recommending another
course of action.- Under his proposal, when seven
or more Council members, including the perma-
nent members, have given an applicant their vote,
the Assembly is entitled to conclude that the
Council has made a favorable recommendation.
The Peruvian delegate argues that this has already
happened, for example, in the case of Italy. In
the past, Italy has always received more than seven
affirmative votes in the Council when its appli-
cations have been considered separately. The
Soviet Union voted for Italy's admission under
the package deal. Consequently, the Peruvian
delegate argues, Italy has received a favorable
recommendation from the Council, notwithstand-
ing the five Soviet vetoes cast against Italy when
its application received individual consideration.
And therefore the ingenious argument runs that
the General Assembly can vote to admit Italy or
any one of the nine nations for whom the Soviet
delegate on the Security Council has voted under
the package deal.
Still another suggestion on the membership
question is made in the proposal introduced by the
delegations of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Honduras,
and Nicaragua.^ By this draft resolution the
General Assembly would decide for itself that the
veto does not apply in membership cases. Accord-
ing to this theory, when the Security Council has
cast seven affirmative votes for an applicant, the
Assembly can proceed to admit the applicant.
Then of course there is the well-known Soviet
package deal : This would involve the admission
of five applicants sponsored by the U.S.S.R. as
the price of admission for nine other applicants
deemed qualified by the General Assembly.
Another suggestion has emerged from the con-
clusions of the study of the Interim Committee on
' U.N. doc. A/AC.61/L.,S0 dated Dec. 8.
' U.N. doc. A/AC.61/L.31 dated Dec. 10.
22
Department of State Bulletin
voting in the Security Council. The permanent
members of the Council should agree voluntarily
to renounce the use of the veto on admission to
U.N. membership.
And, finally, there are those who feel it is time
to come to grips with the problem by amending the
Charter.
These are some of the suggestions that have been
made. There are, I am sure, still others. The
suggested avenues of approach to this problem
reveal serious disagreements. Some of the sug-
gestions seem to us highly dangerous and raise
grave constitutional issues.
Under the circumstances my Government sees
freat merit in the draft resolution presented by the
ve Central American delegations.* This resolu-
tion would create a Special Committee which
would make an exhaustive study of the member-
ship problem. The approach is similar to that
followed by the Interim Committee in 1948, when
it established a special group to study the problem
of voting in the Security Council. Wliile not all
the results of that study have yet borne fruit, it
was, in the opinion of my Government, a very con-
structive piece of work. The results of the efforts
of a similar group on the membership problem
should be of even greater utility to the United
Nations.
We are now approaching the end of a session.
In the General Assembly's debates on the member-
ship problem, we have reached, it seems plain, a
delicate point where hasty or ill-considered action,
born of impatience, may have unfortunate results.
Wliat we need is a careful, unhurried objective
exploration of every aspect of this problem. We
need to put our heads together and draw upon our
collective wisdom, undisturbed by the pressure of
time or the charged atmosphere of the Assembly.
For these reasons my Government supports
wholeheartedly the draft resolution of the five
Central American delegations providing for inter-
sessional study of the problem. We pledge our
utmost cooperation in this study if the Assembly
votes to undertake it. And let us hope that from
the labors of an intersessional committee may
emerge the elements of a solution, satisfactory to
all. With a will to unite our efforts and with the
help of divine guidance, may the nations move
forward on the road to peace I
STATEMENT OF DECEMBER IT'
D.S./D.N. press release dated December 16
I should like to comment on the remarks made
during the course of this debate by the represent-
atives of the Soviet Union and Poland. I should
also like to speak in support of the draft resolu-
' U.N. doc. A/AC. 61/L.32 dated Dec. 10. The five Cen-
tral American delegations referred to are Costa Rica, El
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua.
"Made in the Ad Boo Political Committee on Dec. 17.
tions contained in documents L.37, L.38, L.39, and
L.40. By these resolutions, the General Assem-
bly would determine that Japan, Vietnam, Cam-
bodia, and Laos are peace-loving states within the
meaning of article 4 of the Charter : That they are
willing and able to carry out the obligations of
the Charter and should therefore be admitted to
the United Nations.
Let me begin by saying once again that my Gov-
ernment believes in the goal of universality of
membership. We look forward to the day when
every candidate will meet the qualifications set
forth in article 4 of the Charter. In the view of
my Government, the following 14 applicants are
peace-loving states: Austria, Cambodia, Ceylon,
Finland, Italy, Ireland, Japan, the Kingdom of
Jordan, Laos, Libya, Nepal, Portugal, Republic
of Korea, and Vietnam.
They are willing and able to carry out the obli-
gations for membership contained in the Charter.
They would be among us today, if it were not for
the shocking abuse of the veto by one of the per-
manent members of the Security Council.
How, let us ask, does this permanent member —
the Soviet Union — justify its consistently obstruc-
tive policy ? We have once again heard from the
Soviet and Polish representatives the familiar
charge that the Security Council and, in particu-
lar, the United States have discriminated unfairly
against five applicants supported by the Soviet
Union. The Soviet representative demands their
admission as the price for agreeing to the admis-
sion of the qualified applicants. Otherwise, he
tells us — no deal.
I cannot find adequate words to describe the
Soviet proposal. It is nothing less than an attempt
at hold-up. In effect, the Soviet representative
says : Pay me the tribute I demand or you go no
further.
Is there any substance to the Soviet charge of
discrimination against their candidates for mem-
bership ? The facts will show that this is just an-
other example of Soviet double talk. The facts
will also show that all 14 of the qualified appli-
cants to which I have referred have received more
than the seven votes required in the Security Coun-
cil. One vote and one vote alone — the Soviet
veto — has kept them out of the United Nations.
If this is not discrimination, I should like to know
what the word means.
On the other hand, when the 5 Soviet-sponsored
states submitted their applications to the judg-
ment of this organization, what was the result?
None has ever been able to secure the required
number of favorable votes in the Security Council.
The General Assembly has never found a single
one of them qualified for membership.
These repeated findings of the General Assem-
bly do not impress the Soviet delegate. He speaks
of blocs of votes which the United States allegedly
controls. We hear of mechanical majorities
which the United States can muster as it pleases.
January 5, 1953
23
A Calculated Insult
The Soviet delegate's remarks are a calculated
insult to the vast majority of delegates in this
room. Let the Soviet delegate inspect the voting
record of the Assembly. He will find no mechani-
cal voting here. On every issue, the great major-
ity of representatives vote their convictions. My
Government, happily, has often found itself in
agreement with the majority. It has also been
outvoted. Does this record substantiate the
charge of the Soviet delegate ?
Has it ever occurred to the Soviet delegate that
when 54 nations vote for peace in Korea it is be-
cause they sincerely want to end the bloodshed?
Has it ever occurred to him that when the vast
majority of this organization is in substantial
agreement on an issue, and only the Soviet bloc is
in opposition, it is because the majority is right
and the Soviet bloc is wrong? Has it ever oc-
curred to him that men of different nations, races
and creeds can agree out of sincere conviction and
not because they are forced to agree ?
Unfortunately, the Soviet delegate judges
others on the basis of his own experience and the
practices of his Government. He imputes to
others the motives which inspire Soviet actions.
If there is any mechanical voting in this organ-
ization, it is the voting record of a mechanical
minority of five nations led by the Soviet Union.
Show me one instance where the Soviet delegate
has voted yes, and his camp followers have voted
no. Wlien Mr. Gromyko smgs pianissimo, a soft
echo is heard from the other members of the
Soviet bloc. And when the Soviet representative
roars fortissimo, thunder is heard from the rest of
the chorus. He calls the tune, the others dance.
And woe betide the unlucky one who falls out of
step.
In his speech on Monday, the Soviet delegate
took it upon himself to criticize my diplomatic
manners. I found this interesting, coming from
the representative of the Soviet Union. I could
not help recalling that it was the Soviet Govern-
ment which cracked the whip on Czechoslovakia
when that unfortunate country dared to announce
its acceptance of Marshall Plan aid before hearing
from Moscow. Publicly humiliated, the Czech
Government had to back out under the Kremlin's
orders. How many times have Czechoslovakia
and other countries felt by harsh experience the
rude methods of Soviet diplomacy? How often
have they experienced threatening Soviet declara-
tions, blockades that endangered peace, walkouts
from international meetings, the use of Soviet
military force to coerce compliant conduct from
a, peaceful neighbor? I need not rehearse the
long sorry record of Soviet diplomacy.
The qualifications for membership in this great
organization are set forth in the Charter in un-
equivocal terms : Article 4, paragraph 1, provides
that membership is open to all peace-loving states
that accept the obligations of the Charter, and,
in the judgment of this Organization, are able
and willing to carry them out.
Article 1 describes the purposes of the United
Nations in specific language. Let me recall some
of them : To develop friendly relations among
nations; to promote and encourage respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms; to settle
disputes that might lead to a breach of the peace
in conformity with the principles of justice and
international law.
How, we may ask, does the behavior of thd
regimes sponsored by the Soviet Union square
with the ooligations of membership and purposes
of the United Nations? The record speaks for it-
self. It is a damning record.
To dispose quickly of one of the applicants —
Outer Mongolia — let me say that so far as most
of us here are concerned it is a phantom stats.
Certainly it has never demonstrated the slightest
capacity to play the normal role of a sovereign
state in the international community. What of
the others? Albania, Bulgaria, Kumania, and
Hungary. Here, too, the record is clear.
Support for Aggression in Korea
All of these states have rendered at least moral
support to Communist aggression in Korea. All
have waged the most open and virulent kind of
hate propaganda against the free world. All of
them defied the efforts of the General Assembly to
end the guerrilla war in Greece. All refused to
cooperate in repatriating Greek children, a heart-
less act which this Committee has condemned.
Tliey have waged and continue to wage a war of
nerves against Yugoslavia, a member of the United
Nations. They have molested foreign diplomats
and imprisoned foreign citizens on false charges.
Let me now turn to another page of the record.
As we all know, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania
are bound by the provisions of their peace treaties
to protect and safeguard human rights and funda-
mental freedoms, including freedom of expression,
of press and publication, of religious worsliip, of
political opinion and public meeting. How have
the regimes in power in these three Balkan coun-
tries lived up to their solemn obligations ?
Once again, the record is clear. In each country
a ruthless minority — directed from Moscow — has
seized power through force, terror, and intimida-
tion. This minority has maintained itself in
power by cruelly suppressing every fundamental
right and essential freedom in open defiance of
the express provisions of the peace treaties. Lead-
ers of opposition political parties have been liqui-
dated ; their parties suppressed. Religious organi-
zations have been destroyed or taken over by the
state. Religious leaders have been martyred and
replaced by stooges obedient to the regimes in
power. Freedom of expression, of press, publi-
cation, and public meeting no longer exist. Politi-
24
Department of State Bulletin
cal dissent has been snuffed out. Freedom of wor-
ship has been curtailed or subverted. The trade-
unions have been transformed into servile instru-
ments of the state. The judiciary has been per-
verted into a weapon of injustice. Arbitrary ar-
rest, deportation, imprisonment, and forced labor
are common practices. People are seized, taken
from their homes at night, and never heard of
again. Over every man, woman, and child hovers
the evil shadow of the secret police.
Such is a summary description of the sinister
course of events which has transformed Bulgaria,
Hungary, and Rumania into police states. Time
does not permit me to trace, step by step, the way
this tragic transformation took place in the course
of 2 or 3 years. Instead, let me call the roll of
honor of three of the outstanding heroes who re-
sisted the tyrants and who paid heavily for their
resistance :
Nicolay Petkov, great Bulgarian patriot. All
his life he fought tyranny. Executed by the
Communists.
Juliu Maniu, beloved peasant leader of Ru-
mania. He devoted himself to bettering the con-
ditions of the Rumanian peasants. Sentenced to
life imprisonment by the Communists.
Cardinal Mindszenty, firet Catholic of Hungary.
Faithful to his Lord, he refused to submit to the
dictates of a Communist Caesar. Sentenced to
life imprisonment.
These are but a few of the heroic victims of Com-
munist violence and oppression whose names we
know. But what of the others . . . the nameless
millions in all these three countries who have never
accepted the dictatorships that rule them? They
suffer in silence and wait patiently for their tor-
ment to end. For them we have the most heart-
felt sympathy and friendship.
The Polish and Soviet delegates gave us a
highly lyrical account of the peaceful reconstruc-
tion, as they put it, taking place in the so-called
People's Democracies whose admission they favor.
As they spoke, the following thought occurred to
me : If their accounts are true, then the peoples of
these countries must enthusiastically support
regimes so devoted to their welfare and happiness.
Why then, why, I ask, have human rights been
so ruthlessly suppressed in all these countries?
Wliy isn't there freedom of press and opinion?
Why cannot the people worship God as they
choose? Why are not opposition political parties
permitted to exist? Surely, if the regimes in
power are as benevolent as the Polish representa-
tive said, they would have nothing to fear from
permitting the exercise of such freedoms. And
surely, too, they would have nothing to fear from
lifting the Iron Curtain which walls their
countries off from the free world. They would
permit citizens from the free world to visit these
so-called earthly paradises. They would be only
too happy to permit their own citizens to travel
freely abroad and to see for themselves how lucky
they are to live in the People's Democracies.
After all, in what the Soviet-bloc representative
would term a decadent democracy like the United
States, hundreds of thousands of citizens travel
abroad every year and hundreds of thousands of
foreigners enter the country every year.
Fear of Possible Comparisons
Could it be that the Soviet-bloc Communist
regimes do not permit this because they are
afraid? Afraid that if they permitted their citi-
zens to travel freely abroad, too many of them
would not return? Can it be that they fear the
comparisons their people would make between
the life in the free world and life at home? Can
it be that if they permitted human rights to
flourish within their borders, they would be
thrown out of power forthwith ?
This is what I suspect. And I suspect it not
merely because there would otherwise be no way
of explaining their obvious fear of giving their
people freedom of speech, press, religious wor-
sliip and political opinion. I suspect it for
another very good reason: for the evidence they
themselves give us when they are not talking for
propaganda consumption.
The Polish delegate gave us a glowing descrip-
tion of events in Rumania. Does he think we are
utterly naive? Only a few months ago, the Min-
ister of Foreign Affairs in that country — Ana
Pauker — one of the veteran leadei's of world com-
munism was purged along with a host of other
important officials. They have not yet been
brought to trial. Presumably their confessions are
being prepared for them, and this takes time. But
in justification of the purge, we are told by official
propaganda that these high officials were respon-
sible for every kind of sabotage, responsible in-
deed for bringing Rmnania to the verge of
economic crisis.
And this is only one example— Bulgaria and
Hungary and the other countries of the Soviet bloc
have been torn by similar purges.
Now I do not presume to pass judgment on the
victims of Soviet-style justice or injustice. But
I raise this dilemma. Either the victims of these
purges are guilty or not guilty. If they are
guilty, what are we to say of a system which
claims to be so progressive and yet is torn peri-
odically by convulsions in which trusted and life-
long Communist leaders admit to the blackest
crimes ? And if they are not guilty, what are we
to say of a system in which justice is .so tortured
as to produce these ghastly frame-ups?
In either case the periodic upheavals in the so-
called Peo^jle's Democracies, and the justifications
offered for them, do not substantiate the poetic
accounts which the Polish and Soviet representa-
tives offered for our consumption.
January 5, 1953
25
Peace Treaty Violations
Let me turn now to a proljlem which has con-
cerned past assemblies — the jnoblem of the viola-
tions of the human rij^hts provisions of the peace
treaties by the regimes of Rumania, Bulgaria, and
Hungary. Disturbed by these violations in 1949,
my Government invoked the dispute-settlement
clauses of the treaties. A number of other treaty
signatories did likewise. We called upon the
Communist regimes concerned to join in establish-
ing commissions to settle the disputes. All three
countries refused.
I shall not attempt to describe our patient efforts
to settle these differences. The General Assembly
repeatedly endorsed and encouraged these efforts.
It expressed its deep concern over the problem and
did its best to bring the disputes to the judgment of
a settlement commission. The International Court
of Justice held that a dispute between the three
Balkan states and the other treaty signatories ex-
isted and that the Balkan countries were required,
under the provisions of the peace treaties, to ap-
point representatives to a settlement commission.
Wliat were the results? The Bulgarian, Hun-
garian, and Rumanian regimes flouted the re-
peated recommendations of the General Assembly
and ignored the advisory opinion of the Court.
They never appointed representatives to a settle-
ment commission, or even admitted the existence
of a dispute. The General Assembly finally con-
demned by an overwhelming majority the refusal
of these three countries to abide by the provisions
of the peace treaties.
Mr. Chairman : Against the background of this
record, I think it is fair to ask —
Can the Soviet-sponsored applicants honestly
pledge to uphold the Charter when they have so
consistently acted contrary to its principles?
Can the Charter be anything more to them than
a scrap of paper?
And, finally, to turn to a related aspect of this
problem — what are we to say of the deplorable
voting record of the Soviet Union in the long his-
tory of the membership problem?
At San Francisco, remember, it was agreed that
important decisions of the Security Council should
require the unanimous vote of the permanent mem-
bers. They assured their colleagues that they
would solemnly accept the trust reposed in them
and not use the veto power willfully. The veto,
in other words, was to be used in very exceptional
cases. With tlie Soviet Government, the excep-
tion became the rule.
In his speech on Monday, Mr. Gromyko made
a very revealing statement on the Soviet attitude
toward the veto. He said, and I quote :
I should like to point out that the way in which any
State utilizes its so-called power of veto is entirely up
to that State to use as it sees fit in accordance with its
policies and principles.
26
Now let us consider well what Mr. Gromyko said.
In effect, he is telling us that the Soviet Govern-
ment is not bound in the slightest by the prin-
ciples and purposes of the Charter. It will use
the veto as it sees fit, irrespective of these prin-
ciples and purposes. If the Soviet regime abuses
its pi'ivileged vote, so much the worse for the other
members of the Security Council who abide by the
obligations of the Charter. So much the worse
too, for any opinions of the International Court of
Justice. Were the Czars ever more arbitrary or
capricious?
On 55 separate occasions, Soviet representatives
have cast vetoes to obstruct the will of the majority
of the Security Council and to frustrate the work
of this organization. In the membership question
alone. Soviet representatives cast 28 vetoes. The
great Italian Nation was five times a victim of the
veto.
Some Important Soviet Vetoes
What about the other vetoes? Let me call the
roll of some of the most important :
Efforts to bring to an end Communist aggres-
sion against the Republic of Korea . . . three
vetoes.
Efforts to secure international control and elim-
ination of weapons of mass destruction and the re-
duction, limitation and control of conventional
armaments . . . four vetoes.
The request for an impartial investigation of
Communist germ warfare charges . . . two vetoes.
Efforts to mediate the fighting in Greece, in-
stigated by Moscow and carried on by Communist
guerrillas . . . six vetoes.
Efforts to end the dangerous situation caused by
the Soviet blockade of Berlin . . . one veto.
Inquiry into the Soviet employment of duress in
the overthrow of the democratic Benes-Masaryk
Government of Czechoslovakia ... 2 vetoes.
Mediation of the war between Indonesia and the
Netherlands ... 3 vetoes.
This is a roll call of some of the most important
Soviet vetoes. It is a roll call of obstruction of the
Security Council's efforts to resolve tensions and
promote peace.
And, unhappily, this attitude is only part of
the picture. The obstructive tactics employed by
the Soviet Union in the Security Council are
mirrored by similar tactics in the General As-
sembly. They are mirrored in the Soviet attitude
toward the specialized agencies of the United
Nations. The Soviet regime has refused to par-
ticipate in or cooperate with such humanitarian
bodies as the Food and Agriculture Organization,
the World Health Organization, and almost all
the other specialized agencies.
What has become of the bright hopes and visions
of 7 3'ears ago? "VA^ien this Organization came
Department of State Bulletin
into being at San Francisco, mankind had just
passed through a terrible war. The cry was for
peace and a better world.
We all felt sure then that this cry would be
answered. The American people trusted the pur-
poses of the Soviet Government. Had we not
worked together to defeat Nazi aggression? Had
we not responded to the Soviet appeal for aid in
their hour of peril by giving lavishly of our sub-
stance and the blood of our youth?
"We hoped, that the Soviet regime would recog-
nize the good will of the American people. ^\ e
hoped that in the postwar years it would permit
the Russian people to respond to the friendship
and admiration of the American people. We
hoped that out of an alliance sealed in blood, there
would arise a peaceful world.
These hopes were cruelly deceived. The visions
of a brighter world that mankind dreamed of have
faded. The Soviet regime cut its people ofi' from
contact with their American friends. It took the
path of aggression against its former allies in the
free world. As a result, instead of devoting all
our energies to peaceful reconstruction, we have
had to rearm to defend ourselves. We have had
to unite with other free nations in such regional
security organizations as the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization. We have had to devote
to the defense of peace — sweat, toil, and wealth
that could be so much more fruitfully applied to
creating a better world.
Today, when I look at the record of Soviet vetoes
in the Security Council, and indeed at the whole
of Soviet policy in international affairs, I ask my-
self: What is the Soviet regime trying to do? Is
the Soviet Union trying to kill the United Na-
tions? What are the Soviet purposes in regard
to this Organization?
I wish I could be an optimist : I wish I could
believe that the policies of the Soviet Government
and the applicants it has sponsored are based on
simple errors of judgment; that they are not part
of a calculated design. Unfortunately, I cannot.
The Cominform leaders are fanatically con-
vinced that everything they do is right. They
are imbued with the belief, and have repeatedly
stated it in their most important theoretical works,
that the peaceful coexistence of the Communist
and non-Communist worlds is in the long run im-
possible. They are dedicated to a doctrine which
demands the overthrow of the non-Soviet world
by subversion or violence. They are in absolute
control of public opinion in their own countries.
They make promises not to keep them. They sign
treaties and proceed to break them. They are in
Lenin's words ready and willing "to agree to any
sacrifice" and to "resort to any stratagem and
maneuver and illegal methods'' in order to ad-
vance the Soviet cause of world domination.
Let me now address myself to an agreeable task.
I wish to speak for a few minutes in support of
the draft resolution contained in document L.37.
Under this resolution the Genei'al Assembly would
determine that Japan is, in its judgment, a peace-
loving state within the meaning of article 4 of the
Charter; that it is able and willing to carry out
the obligations of the Charter and should there-
fore be admitted to the United Nations. This reso-
lution would also request the Security Council
to take note of Japan's application in the
light of the Assembly's determination. In 1945,
immediately after conclusion of hostilities the
Japanese people and Government, under the
Allied Occupation, set out to build a new peace-
loving and democratic nation. They undertook
this task with a vivid memory of the destruction
that war entails. Defeat in war and the subse-
quent occupation rid Japan of its militaristic mas-
ters. It did more : It created a climate favorable
to the growth of democratic principles and insti-
tutions. The enthusiasm with which the Japanese
people have participated in the political affairs of
their country is evidence of their dedication to
peaceful advancement.
On April 28, 1952, Japan formally reentered
the society of nations. This was the date of the
entry into effect of the peac« treaty which was
signed a little over a year ago at San Francisco by
48 nations. Already over 30 nations have entered
into or resumed full diplomatic relations with
Japan on the basis of sovereign equality. In the
preamble of this treaty, Japan recorded intentions
and aspirations welcomed by the whole world. It
declared its "intention to apply for membership
in the United Nations and in all circumstances to
conform to the principles of the Charter of the
United Nations. . . ."
In article 5 of the treaty, Japan accepted the
obligations of article 2 of the Charter, in par-
ticular the obligations to settle its disputes by
peaceful means, to refrain in its international re-
lations from the threat or use of force; and to
give the United Nations every assistance in any
action it takes in accordance with the Charter.
On June 23, 1952, Japan filed its application
for membership in the United Nations. In the let-
ter of application, the Minister for Foreign Af-
fairs stated, and I quote: "The Japanese people
have an earnest desire to participate in the work
of the United Nations and to utilize the purposes
and principles of the Charter as a guide to the
conduct of their affairs. There exists among the
Japanese people nation-wide sympathy with the
objectives of the United Nations to foster inter-
national peace and cooperation among nations.
The Government of Japan is eager to apply for
membership in the United Nations, therefore, and
will undertake to fulfill the obligations of mem-
bership in the Organization by all means at its
disposal."
The United States was proud to submit to the
Security Council a proposal that Japan be ad-
mitted to membership. This proposal was voted
January 5, 1953
27
upon last September and received 10 votes in favor
to 1 opposed. We deeply regret that the Soviet
Union again chose to block the will of every
other member of the Council by casting a veto.
However, in the opinion of the United States
and of every member of the Security Council,
save the Soviet Union, there is no question but
that Japan is willing and able to carry out the
obligations of the Charter. The fact that Japan
has already cooperated with the United Nations
in many areas is ample demonstration of Japan's
sincerity and ability. Japan is a responsible mem-
ber of most of the specialized agencies of the
United Nations: the World Health Organization,
the International Labor Organization, the Food
and Agriculture Organization, and the United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Or-
ganization, and others. Recently, Japan became
an associate member of the Economic Commission
for Asia and the Far East.
Japan's interest in the ideals and objectives of
the tjnited Nations is by no means confinecl to
governmental circles. The work of the United
Nations and its specialized agencies is a matter
of wide popular interest in cities, towns, and
villages throughout Japan. The Japanese people
have made sizable contributions to the U.N. Inter-
national Children's Emergency Fund. Over 300,-
000 Japanese citizens signed a petition requesting
the admission of their nation into the United Na-
tions. This petition was recently submitted to the
Secretary-General.
Surely Japan's indications of intention backed
up by demonstrated performance leave no room
for doubt as to her ability and the firmness of her
desire to carry out the obligations imposed by
membership in the United Nations. The United
States believes that it would be a great advantage
for the United Nations to have in its midst this
great nation, which has once more become a
friendly independent member of international
society. It would be no less an advantage to
Japan. Its admission would provide Japan with
a further stimulus to continue the positive con-
tributions it is already making to the United
Nations.
As I said before, were it not for the Soviet veto,
the General Assembly would already have before
it a favorable recommendation on Japan's can-
didacy. Under the circumstances, it seems to me
that the least this Assembly can do is to go on
record as determining that Japan is qualified for
membership and requesting the Security Council
to take note of Japan's application in the light of
this determination.
The General Assembly has already given such
endorsements to all ten qualified states who have
received more than the required number of votes
in the Security Council but who have been barred
by the Soviet veto. Since the Japanese applica-
tion was filed only last June, this is the first time
the Assembly has had the opportunity to render
its judgment on Japan's qualifications. Not to
do so at this time would be an act of unwarranted
discrimination.
The same thing, I hasten to add, should be said
for the candidacies of Cambodia, Laos, and Viet-
nam, also filed this year. Like Japan, they would
already have received a favorable Security Coun-
cil recommendation except for the Soviet veto.
I need not speak at any length in support of
Assembly action determining that they are qual-
ified for membership. The French delegation has
sponsored draft resolutions in support of the ap-
plications of these three States and has described
to us their qualifications. We support these draft
resolutions wholeheartedly.
The basic accords leading to the independence
of these three States were signed between them and
France in 1949. Early in 1950 other free nations
took notice of the newly reestablished status of
these countries. Since that time recognition has
been accorded by 33 sovereign States. The recog-
nition has been strengthened through reciprocal
establishment of legations and embassies by the
Associated States and other powers. The three
States have participated in a number of interna-
tional conferences and have adhered to interna-
tional regulatoiy conventions. They have al-
ready joined many of the specialized agencies of
the United Nations. General Assembly endorse-
ment would provide a heartening stimulus for
beleaguered peoples fighting desperately for their
independence against those aggressive organiza-
tions seeking to overthrow the legal governments.
Let me make it clear that I am urging the Gen-
eral Assembly to endorse the applications of
Japan and the Associated States of Indochina at
this session. There should be no confusion over
our support of such action now and our support
for an intersessional study by a special committee
where the more complicated problems involved in
a solution of the membership deadlock would be
studied. General Assembly endorsement of the
qualifications of the four new applicants would
merely be consistent with the Assembly's findings
in the case of 10 other nations that it has found
qualified for membei-ship and bring the record up
to date. This action does not need further study,
nor would it prejudice the contemplated Assem-
bly committee study in any way. J
As for the resolutions before us proposing dif- \
ferent solutions of the membership impasse, I can
only repeat what I have said in my opening speech
on this subject. We are now in the last week of
the present session. The debates we have heard
demonstrate a large measure of disagreement over
the appropriate course of action to pursue. Solu-
tion is vital. Hasty action would be dangerous.
"Wliat we need is a careful, unhurried exploration
of every aspect of this problem, undisturbed by
the pressure of time or the charged atmosphere
of the Assembly.
Therefore, my Government renews its support
28
Department of State Bulletin
of the draft resolution of tlie five Central Ameri-
can delegations providinp; for intersessional study
of the problem. We pledge our utmost coopera-
tion in this study if tlie Assembly votes to under-
take it. And, working loyally with the other
members of the study group, we shall do our best
to break the deadlock in which our organization
now finds itself.
U. N. Deliberations on Draft Convention
on the Political Rights of Women
Statements by Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt
U. S. Representative to the General Asserribly
STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 12 i
U.S./U.N. press release dated December 12
As most of you know, the subject of this con-
vention— equal suffrage for women — is very close
to my heart. I believe in active citizenship, for
men and women equally, as a simple matter of
right and justice. I believe we will have better
government in all of our countries when men and
women discuss public issues together and make
their decisions on the basis of their differing areas
of experience and their common concern for the
welfare of their families and their world.
In the United States, and in most countries to-
day, women have equal suffrage. Some may feel
that for that reason this convention is of little
importance to them. I do not agree with this
view. It is true, of course, that the first objective
of this convention is to encourage equal political
rights for women in all countries. But its signifi-
cance reaches far deeper into the real issue of
whether in fact women are recognized fully in
setting the policies of our governments.
"While it is true that women in 45 of our 60 mem-
ber nations vote on the same terms as men, and in
7 more already have partial voting rights, too
often the gi-eat decisions are originated and given
form in bodies made up wholly of men, or so com-
' Made in Committee III (Social, Humanitarian and
Cultural) on the item "Draft Convention on the Political
Rights of Women." For text of the operative paragraphs
of the draft, see Buxletin of Dec. 29, 1952, p. 1046. The
Committee approved the draft on Dec. 17. In plenary ses-
sion on Dec. 20 the General Assembly amended the con-
vention and voted to open it for signature after the end of
its present session.
pletely dominated by them that whatever of spe-
cial value women have to offer is shunted aside
without expression. Even in countries where for
many years women have voted and been eligible
for public office, there are still too few women serv-
ing in positions of real leadership. I am not
talking now in terms of paper parliaments and
honorary appointments. Neither am I talking
about any such artificial balance as would be im-
plied in a 50-50, or a 40-60 division of public
offices. "\Aliat I am talking about is whether
women are sharing in the direction of the policy
making in their countries ; whether they have op-
portunities to serve as chairmen of important
committees and as cabinet ministers and delegates
to the United Nations.
We are moving forward in my country in this
regard, for we have had women in all these posts,
but not enough of them, and they do not always
have a full voice in consultation. I do not expect
that there will ever be as many women political
leaders as men, for most women are needed in their
homes while their children are small and have
fewer years in which to gain public recognition.
But, if we are honest with ourselves, we know that
all countries have a long way to go on these mat-
ters. I believe it is this situation, far more than
the continued denial of equal suffrage in a few
countries, which has spurred interest in this con-
vention and brought it before our Committee to-
day. This situation cannot be changed entirely
by law, but it can be changed by determination and
conviction. I hope we will use this discussion to
deepen these convictions in ourselves and in our
governments.
This convention is the result of woi'k in the
ianuary 5, 1953
29
Commission on the Status of Women. The
United States is proud of the contribution it has
been able to make to this Commission through the
Earticipation of our representatives, Judge
'orotliy Kenyon and Mrs. Olive Goldman.
The terms of the draft convention before us are
simple. Articles 1 and 2 provide for the right to
vote and to be elected to publicly elected bodies,
such as parliaments, established by national law.
These are the basic rights which all people must
have to express their interest and protect them-
selves against discrimination or deprivation of
liberty. The Charter of the United Nations re-
aflirms in its preamble the j^rincij^le of equal rights
for men and women. The first General Assembly
endorsed these rights when it unanimously
adopted the resolution recommending that all
member states, which had not already done so,
adopt measures necessary to fulfill the purposes
and aims of the Charter in this respect by grant-
ing to women the same political rights as men.
This convention spells out this recommendation
in clear and practical terms, on which all parties
in a country can unite.
I think I am correct in saying that 24 countries
have taken action to extend suffrage rights for
women since the Charter was signed in 1945. The
most recent of these changes have been in Leba-
non and Bolivia — so recent that they are not
included in the Secretary-General's excellent
memorandum analyzing the record of women's
suffrage in 1952.= Important gains have been
made within the past few years in a number of
other
Haiti,
countries — Greece, for instance, and
m
Article 3 of this convention goes beyond the
basic rights in articles 1 and 2 into the matter of
public office. It provides that women shall be
entitled to hold public office established by na-
tional law on the same terms as men, and to ex-
ercise all public functions in the same way. The
object of this article — to encourage opiDortunities
for women in govermuent service — has my hearty
endorsement, and that of my Government.
Women today hold many important Government
posts and an increasing number are in executive
positions and in Foreign Service. The wording
of article 3 presents certain problems that I be-
lieve we should discuss, and in a moment I will go
into them in more detail. In principle, however,
I am sure we are all in agi'eement with ai'ticle 3.
We are also asked to consider formal clauses to
complete the convention, on the basis of texts pro-
posed by the Secretary-General. The United
States is in general agreement also with these
proposals. This is a very simple convention, and
it would seem to us that the formal clauses should
be limited to the fewest necessary to make the
convention effective. These would presumably
be those providing for ratification or accession,
' U.N. doc. A/2154 dated Aiigu.st 13.
30
entry into force, settlement of disputes, notifica-
tion, and deposit. The Secretariat has proposed
certain other clauses which, of course, can be in-
cluded if the Committee desires, but they do not
seem to me to be essential. The simpler and
shorter we can keep this convention, the more
readily people will understand it and the more
effective it will be.
There are other questions we will no doubt want
to debate in regard to this convention. I hope,
however, that in our debates we will never lose
sight of the significance and importance of our
objectives.
Now I want to go back to article 3. This is a
very interesting article, for the right to "hold
public office" includes both elective and appoin-
tive office. The right to be elected to public office-
has usually been recognized along with the right
to vote. For instance, the Inter- American Con-
vention on the Granting of Political Rights to.
Women, formulated at Bogota in 1948, includes
the right to vote and to be elected to national office.
Article 2 of this convention covers a part of this;
right, the right to be elected to such bodies as
parliaments. However, the right to be appointed
to public office has not previously been included
in an international convention, so that we are now
considering its expression in treaty terms for thfr
first time.
In relation to appointive office, the language in
article 3 is very broad.
The term "public office" is taken to include ap-
pointments to posts in the (1) civil service, (2)
foreign (diplomatic) service, and (3) judiciary,.
as well as (4) posts primarily political in nature,,
such as cabinet ministers or secretaries. Th&-
number of appointive offices established by na-
tional law is usually large, far larger than the-
number of offices filled by election, and the tasks-
to be performed by appointive officers are likely tO'
vary widely in substance and in level of respon-
sibility.
Article 3 specifies offices are to be held "on equal
terms with men." This is also an inclusive phrase,,
covering such matters as recruitment, exemptions,,
pay, old age and retirement benefits, opportuni-
ties for promotion, employment of married women.
All these are imi)ortant matters on which women,
have sought equality for many years.
As I said before, in the United States women
have the rights specified in this convention, includ-
ing the rights we believe article 3 is intended tO'
cover, and we have long urged that women in all
countries have similar opportunities. A question-
does arise, however, as to whether the term "pub-
lic office" is intended to include military service..
My delegation believes it is not so intended. Al-
most all countries make some distinctions in the-
kinds of military duty they regard as suitable for
women. The most usual distinction, and a natural
and proper one, is that women are not used as com-
bat troops and are not appointed to certain postr
Deparimeni of State Bulletin'
which miclit involve the direction of combat opera-
tions. Our attitude toward article 3 is, therefore,
based on the understanding that it does not include
military service.
The United States also has some difficulty with
the phrase "public functions," which occurs in the
second part of article 3. The U.S. law "Public
Office" covers all public posts and this may be true
in other countries. The term "public functions"
accordingly does not seem to add anything to the
text. The phrase might be clarified, however, if
the words "related thereto" were inserted after
"public functions." This would make it quite
clear that no traditional or legal limitation on
women in any country, such as restrictions on a
woman's right to serve in certain professions or to
bring suits at law would interfere with her ca-
pacity to serve in public office.
If the phrase is retained in its present form, the
view of the United States would be that the public
functions referred to in this convention are co-
terminous with public office.
This convention on political rights of women is
not in itself an answer to the problems of modern
government. But it points up, I believe in useful
ways, how governments can expand their resources
by taking full advantage of the energy and ex-
perience of their women citizens. Women's or-
ganizations throughout the United States liave
stated their belief in its principles and its vahie.
The convention is a symbol of the progress women
have made in the past 100 years, and a challenge
to them to claim and make full use of the political
rights they achieve. It is for these reasons that
the United States hopes that this Committee may
agree on a text to which we can give unanimous
endorsement.
STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 15'
D.S./U.N. press release dated December 15
I want first to say just a little about the state-
ments which the distinguished delegate of the
Soviet Union and several of her colleagues have
made on the situation of women in the United
States. These delegates seem concerned, for in-
stance, that in most of our States women share the
doraicile of their husbands and vote from it as
their legal residence. Of course, this is true also
of the men; their legal residence is the family
domicile shared by their wives. In the United
States we assume that husbands and wives wish to
live together, and we protect their right to do so,
and to share in the management of family affairs
and the guardianship of their children. If the
woman desires to be separated from her husband,
she can set up a separate domicile. The courts also
decide how best to protect the welfare of children
' Made in Committee III on Dec. l.T in answer to Soviet
cliarges of U.S. discrimination against women, and on
Iii-oposed amendments to the draft convention on political
riu'lits of women.
of separated couples, and unless there is good rea-
son to the contrary, the mother is almost always
preferred to take care of young children.
A great many of the other comments which have
been made seem to spring from the same source —
a difference of opinion, really, as to the importance
of the family in all our relationships, including our
responsibilities as individuals toward our govern-
ments. We were struck, for instance, with the
distinction the distinguished delegate of Byelo-
russia made Saturday afternoon. She said, I be-
lieve, that one of the great values in the provision
of creches and nursery schools in the Soviet Union
was that it permitted a woman to fulfill her role
as mother and at the same time share in the public
life of her country. We do not think of the "role
of mother" in our country as separating women or
denying women a full share in our public life.
We feel rather that it is the family which is the
center for men and women alike, and for their
children, and we try to make it possible for the
father of the family to earn enough so that the
woman can stay home and care for their children
if she wishes. At the same time, as you all know,
American women participate fully in all profes-
sions and public activities, and more than half our
employed women are married women.
Our family relationships result in a number of
legal and judicial distinctions which limit the hus-
band as well as the wife. Our laws are changed if
these distinctions become unjust to either party,
and changing conditions, particularly in modern
business, have led to various changes. But the
family is still the center of American living.
I am ])uzzled by certain other comments that
have been made because, so far as I can see, what
my Soviet colleagues wish us to do is to discrim-
inate against men.
For instance, people in the United States speak
many languages. Here in Xew York you will
hear many different languages in the streets and
restaurants. In some of our States, however, one
seldom hears any language but English. In those
States, voters are usually required to be literate in
English. But in others — for instance, our South-
western States, where Spanish is frequently
spoken — voters may qualify in either language.
In our courts, interpreters are always provided for
those who cannot speak or understand English.
In no case is there discrimination against women
as such.
The distinguished representatives of Czecho-
slovakia and the Soviet countries have spoken also
of the situation of Negro voters in the United
States. As you know, great progress has been
made in recent years in assuring Negro voters full
security in casting their votes. Many more Ne-
groes voted in this past election than ever before
in our Southern States as well as Northern. The
figures these delegations quoted seemed to be some-
what out of date in this regard. It was implied
that the difficulty Negro women have experienced
January 5, 1953
31
in regard to suffrage is connected with tlie exist-
ence of a poll tax in some of our Southern States.
The poll tax is a per capita tax, once usual in many
countries, but it is now being replaced almost
everywhere by other forms of taxation. It now
exists in only five of our States. It applies equally
to all people, whites as well as Negi'oes. However,
since it applies equally to men and women, I do
not see how any provision on the poll tax could be
included in this convention without its resulting in
discrimination against men.
I have been glad to hear that Soviet women hold
many public offices and participate widely in pub-
lic life. I have been glad to note this year that
the Soviet Union, the Ukraine, and Byelorussia
have included women on their delegations to the
General Assembly. There have been very few
women on these delegations in the past — in fact,
I do not recall any since the first General Assembly
in 1946. I hope that this convention may lead
to greater participation by women in the true
organs of power in the Soviet Union, such as the
Presidiinn and the Secretariat of the Central Com-
mittee of the Communist Party, in which I under-
stand no women are now included. The experi-
ence women have achieved in the more formal and
subsidiary bodies throughout the Soviet Union
should entitle them to recognition also in bodies
which determine the major policies of their Gov-
ernment.
The Soviet Union has brought in a number of
amendments, and I want also to discuss these
briefly. I understand those on the first three
articles of the convention are similar to those pre-
sented in sessions of the Commission on the Status
of Women and in the Economic Council. Both
the Commission and the Council rejected the
changes and additions in these proposals on the
ground that they are unnecessary in so simple a
convention as this one. I would like to point out,
however, that the language proposed by the Soviet
Union, presumably to assure application of this
convention "without discrimination," is in fact
very discriminatory, because it enumerates only a
few grounds and omits others. The most notable
omission is in regard to political opinion. The
Soviet amendment also omits the phrase "without
discrimination of any kind,'' which might other-
wise cover "political opinion." It seems to me
that in a convention on political rights, if you are
going to provide any guaranties against discrim-
ination, the most important one would be freedom
for all types of political opinion. But, as I said
before, the intent of this convention to apply to all
women is entirely clear, and we believe any such
additional clause would be confusing and might in
fact have the result — as the Soviet proposal does —
of limiting its effect.
The proposal to expand article 2 by enumerat-
ing certain other bodies also seems unnecessary,
since all those mentioned in the Soviet draft are
included within the phrase "publicly elected
bodies" already in article 2. Neither does it seem
necessary to add their proposed article 4, calling
for implementing legislation. In so simple an
agreement as this, the convention itself is sufficient.
Another proposal has to do with the proposed
clause on settlement of disputes and provides for
arbitration rather than a reference to the Inter-
national Court of Justice. The United States
regards this proposal as a departure from the pro-
cedures already approved as part of our U.N.
structure and will oppose it accordingly.
Several countries have proposed that the con-
vention include a clause on the extension of the
convention to non-self-governing and trust terri-
tories. Women in all territories under the ad-
ministration of the United States have the rights
in this convention, and we believe all women
everywhere should have them. As I said earlier,
this is a very simple convention, and the simpler
and briefer we can keep the formal clauses, the
easier it will be for people to understand it and
the more effective it will be. However, the United
States has no objection to the addition of such a
clause, if the majority desire it. In this case, my
delegation would prefer the Indian text in L. 333.
We have been listening with great care to the
statements on this convention, because, you re-
member, the United States indicated in its state-
ment that we do not believe the convention ap-
plies to military service, and asked whether that
was the general opinion among the delegates. We,
therefore, appreciated gi-eatly the strong expres-
sion of agreement with our position by the dis-
tinguished delegate of France, and also various
other statements which supported this view. I
believe no contrary view has been expressed and
take it there is general agreement that the present
convention does not include military sen-ice. As
I said earlier, the United States regards the obli-
gation it would undertake under this convention
with regard to "public functions" as coterminous
with "public office."
I have not answered certain charges against the
United States as to the economic situation of
women — Negro women especially — because this is
a convention on political rights, and I have not
wanted to take the time of this Committee for ir-
relevant matters.
32
Department of State Bulletin
Challenge Presented by Moroccan Question
Statement hy Philip C. Jessup
U.S. Representative to the General Assemhhj '
U.S. /U.N. press release dated December 15
We come to this debate on Morocco with the
advantage of having heard the long discussion that
we have just completed on the kindred question of
Tunisia.^ I recall what the distinguished repre-
sentative of Pakistan said in opening the Tunisian
debate :
The two subjects [of Tunisia and Morocco] are perhaps
symptomatic of the state of political and constitutional
development at which we have arrived, and similar con-
siderations apply to both of them. I may have to enter
into some detail in submitting our observations on the
Tunisian case, and it may not tlien be necessary to repeat
those general observations and considerations wlien we
come to discuss Morocco.
Certainly my own delegation does have the sense
that we approach the present question from a more
advanced point of general understanding of the
points of view represented in this Committee.
Therefore, with full regard for the importance of
the problem of Morocco and with full respect for
the sincere concern which motivated the propo-
nents of this item, we feel justified in confining
our statement largely to the arguments which are
applicable specifically to Morocco.
There are of course significant differences
between the two problems. We must recognize
the distinctive characteristics of the peoples of the
two ancient sovereign states of Tunisia and
ilorocco.
The racial pattern is more intricate in Morocco.
The non-Moslem minorities are larger. The
Moslem population is divided into two large and
distinct ethnic groups. This pattern undoubtedly
requires a high degree of statesmanship in order
to achieve a system of self-government which will
assure justice to all elements of the community.
In the political field, the treaty of Fez grants
to the French far more extensive powers than do
'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on
Dec. 15.
■ For text of a statement by Ambassador Jessup on the
Tunisian question, see Bulletin of Dec. 22, 1952, p. 986.
the treaties of Le Bardo and La Marsa. Finally,
the French Protectorate covers only a portion of
the territory with the sovereign domain of the
Sultan of Morocco, other states having legal rights
and interests in other parts of that domain.
I shall not attempt to analyze the implications
of these differences. Our attitude toward both
questions — the question of Tunisia and the ques-
tion of Morocco — has been determined by our
belief that we cannot in this Committee usefully
concern ourselves with specific problems which
can only be solved in direct negotiation between
the parties concerned.
We find ourselves again facing a question which
relates to the fulfillment of national aspirations.
We again have the problem of deciding what, if
any, action by the General Assembly will be really
helpful.
For the second time the problem is brought be-
fore us, not by one of the two states principally
involved but by a group of 13 other states.^
Like the treaty of Le Bardo between France
and Tunisia, the treaty of Fez between France and
Morocco — which governs the relationship between
these two sovereign states — is recognized as a
valid international obligation.
We can hardly be surprised that treaties such
as these, involving the closest relationship between
two countries, the most complicated interplay of
two administrative structures, and an intimate
and long continued juxtaposition of two cultures,
would present problems in their implementation.
Both of these treaties establish not a static but an
evolving relationship. When we consider that
both treaties are dedicated not to the freezing of
the status quo but to continuous progressive
change through the development of free and vital
national institutions, we are impressed once more
^ This group of 13 states includes Afghanistan, Burma,
Egypt, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan,
the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen.
January 5, 1953
33
by the need for wisdom in the contacts between
the parties.
The great P^njilisli philosoplior xVlfred North
Wliitehead has said :
In a living civilization, there is always an element of
unrest, for sensitiveness to ideas means curiosity, ad-
venture, chanjre. Civilizefl order survives on its merits
and is transformed by its power of recognizing its im-
perfections.
In subscribing to treaties based on the princi-
ples of development, both parties have displayed
the creative power of recognizing present imper-
fections and seeking to remedy them in an orderly
fashion.
I believe I can accurately state that all of us,
regardless of differences in our views, agree that
it will be most beneficial to Tunisia, to Morocco,
to France, and to world peace, if there is a situa-
tion in which these two protectorates progress
steadily toward the fulfillment of their national
aspirations.
To stress the area of agreement and to say that
the problem before us is one of techniques is in no
way to belittle the difficulties that remain. To
achieve progress and change and at the same time
to preserve order and justice is a fundamental
challenge to the capacity of a civilization. We
are confronted now by the same challenge that we
have already faced in connection with the Tuni-
sian question.
Many members of this Committee have ex-
pressed their deep concern over the recent out-
breaks of violence in North Africa. Except for
five delegations representing governments which
are officially committed to a program of revolu-
tionary violence and subversion. I believe all
members of the Committee share this view. The
Government of the United States deplores all
resort to violence in which the cause of peace and
progress must always lose more than it can gain.
I believe we all agree that the cause of peace has
lost a valuable supporter with the death of a great
Tunisian patriot, Farhet Hached. This influen-
tial leader had been a steadfast advocate of the
interests of the Tunisian people and had ahvays
publicly stated that he favored a policy of mod-
eration. AVe hope that tlie spirit of moderation
for which he stood will be the dominant spirit in
Morocco and in Tunisia.
In appealing for calm in Morocco, we can do no
better than to quote the words of His Majesty, the
Sultan of Morocco. My delegation would cer-
tainly say a heartfelt "Amen"' to liis prayer that
"God extend to us a reign of calm and peace so
that a friendly and peaceful cooperation between
the inhabitants of this country, and especially the
French and Moroccans, may be achieved."
I cannot dwell on any aspects of the relations
between France and Morocco without mentioning,
in addition to the well-known profound friendship
existing between France and the United States,
the perhaps less well-known historic friendship
between the United States and Morocco. Morocco
was one of the very first nations to recognize the
independence of the United States and my country
lias never forgotten the friendship between our-
selves and the people of Morocco. For this reason,
M'e are particularly desirous that France and
Morocco, with both of whom we are tied by the
close bonds of history, may work out peacefully
and rationally the differences which may exist
between them.
In short, while there are similarities between the
Tunisian and the Moroccan problems, the nature of
the differences lead us to the conclusion that the
Moroccan problem is more complex and requires
very high statesmanship in its solution. Hasty
and unsound moves would cause even more harm
to the peoples of Morocco and France and to the
people of the world.
Tlie sense of urgency and the need for modera-
tion are two themes that have been heard again
and again in the two debates. Energy and ingenu-
ity must be combined with i)atience and restraint
if a happy resolution is to be found for the urgent
problems now troubling Morocco.
Again, we cannot accept the plea that we dis-
trust the sincerity of France. We say again, "We
trust France and wish to sui:)port, and not in any
way to make more difficult, the achievement of the
liiffh purposes to which France has pledged her-
self."
We have faith in the peoples and Governments
of France and Morocco who must and will work
out their destinies together.
Proposal To Invite Bey of Tunis
To Send Spokesman to U. N.
Statement hy Philip C. Jessup
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
U.S. /U.N. press release dated December 10
I am bound to say that the reasons which have
been advanced by proponents of this item in favor
of it seem to me to be arguments which lead ray
delegation to the conclusion that this invitation to
His Highness the Bey of Tunis should not be ex-
tended. I would like to comment on several of the
points which have been made.
For example, the distinguished representative
of Iraq reminded us that His Highness the Bey
is in treaty relations with France. That is true.
Therefore, it seems to me we must look at the
treaty and see what those treaty relations are. If
one looks at article (i of the treaty of Le Bardo,
one finds in it that His Highness the Bey ''^s' engage
a ne conclure aucun acte ayant un caractere inter-
" Made Dec. 10 in Committee I (Political and Security)
on Pakistan's motion relating to participation Ijy the Bey
of Tunis in the debate on the Tunisian question. Tlie
motion was rejected later in the same session.
34
Department of State Bulletin
national e'' — conclude no act of an international
character.
Now. I should suppose that no one could deny
that if His Highness the Bey accredited a delegate
to come to the United Nations to argue a question
whether France has complied with its obligations
under the treaty, or perliaps to contend that the
treaty should be changed, that it was outmoded,
or whatever his argument miglit be, that surely the
act of His Highness would fall within this pro-
vision of the treaty. Therefore, if the Committee
were to send this invitation to His Highness the
Bey, it would in effect be asking him to violate his
treaty obligations. I am sure that is a result which
the Committee would not wish to bring about.
Now, I do not want to make a long legal argu-
ment, but I do think it is necessary, perhaps in
anticipation of any attempted rebuttal of what I
liave said, to recall that the distinguished Foreign
Minister of Pakistan [Sir Zafrullah Khan], in
that very illuminating address which he made in
behalf of his delegation here the other day, did
refer to certain principles about the interpretation
of treaties in connection witli the treaties between
France and Morocco. He did not advance these as
his own view. He was reading from a document.
However, there were suggestions, there were brief
quotations from opinions of the old Permanent
Court of International Justice to the effect that
treaties should be interpreted according to certain
legal maxims and that the result of the applica-
tion of these maxims was to get an interpretation
favorable to the position of Tunisia as against
perliaps some otlier interpretation favorable to
France.
That is of course a subject which has been much
debated in juridical circles for a long time. Per-
sonally, I believe that it is well agreed and well
supported by international jurisprudence and by
doctrine that the whole basis of interpreting a
treaty is to find out what the parties intended, what
they were trying to do when they wrote these
words into the treaty. Now, it may be said that
the parties did not have in mind the question of the
procedures of the United Nations and therefore
did not cover that. Well, of course, they did not
have it in mind in 1881. But who can doubt that,
if they had been so f arsighted as to contemplate an
international organization, they would have
thought that this provision would apply equally
to international organizations as to bilateral inter-
national relations, and the spirit of the treaty,
the spirit of the creation of the protectorate, is
obviously along those lines.
I would not want to leave this just as a legal
question. The distinguished representative of the
Soviet Union has said that the extension of this
invitation and action upon the invitation would
give us valuable information. However, as I
have tried to explain in the statement I made
the other day on behalf of my delegation on this
•question, we are not concerned here, in my opinion,
in collecting a lot of information about Tunisia
because we are not a court collecting evidence
and trying to pass judgment on the basis of
evidence. As far as information is concerned,
I would recall that another distinguished rep-
resentative of Pakistan in the Ad Hoc Political
Committee, in connection with the so-called
apartheid item and the Union of South Africa,
said there is not a library in the world where any
one who cares to read cannot obtain dozens of
books written from all angles describing the situ-
ation in South Africa. That is equally true, of
course, in regarcl to Tunisia, if we were engaged in
the process of collecting all the available informa-
tion.
The point was made even more emphatic by the
representative of Eg>'pt this morning who said
tliat he thought that if a representative of the
Bey came here he would present us important ele-
ments on which we could base our judgment. Well,
now, it is precisely that point with which I must
differ as I have explained more at length in my
other statement. We are not here, it seems to me,
as a court passing judgment. It is for that reason
again that it seems to me that this is not an
appropriate action to take.
Again I would like to put it rather on an even
broader ground — and it is the spirit with which we
have been trying to approach this whole question —
what is going to be helpful in the actual dealing
with this question which is before us and about
which many delegations are so intimately con-
cerned. Is it practically advantageous to the woi'k
of this Committee in aiding us to reach an appro-
priate disposition of this item on our agenda to
send an invitation to His Highness the Bey of
Tunis to send a representative here to speak before
it?
Again, as I have tried already to explain to the
Committee, it seems to me the best thing the
Assembly can do is to try to create an atmosphere
in which negotiations between France and Tunisia
can proceed in a calm and forward-looking man-
ner. And because this is an item proposed by the
delegation of Pakistan, I would like to recall an-
other remark made by another distinguished rep-
resentative of Pakistan in discussing the Palestine
question in the Ad Hoc Political Committee, when
he told us that the whole problem of adjustments in
the Middle East depends on the creation of the
right psychology. I think that is a wise observa-
tion. I think it applies to the situation before us
here in dealing with this Tunisian question. I do
not think that the creation of the right atmosphere
or the creation of the right psychology for the
actual settlement of this question — which I repeat
must in the long run be determined in negotiations
between France and Tunisia — I do not think that
an atmosphere or that psychology would be created
by the extension of this invitation.
For all of these reasons, my delegation will vote
against this proposal.
'onoory 5, 7953
35
The United States in the United Nations
[December 19-23, 1952]
Security Council
By a vote of 9 to 0, with the U.S.S.R. abstain-
ing, the Council on Dec. 23 approved the
U.S.-U.K. draft resolution urging that India and
Pakistan begin negotiations immediately to work
out a specific agi'eement on demilitarization of
their forces in Kashmir.^ As a party to the dis-
pute, Pakistan did not participate in the decision.
Under a Netherlands amendment, accepted by the
sponsors, paragi'aph 7 of the approved text urges
India and Pakistan "to enter into immediate nego-
tiations under the auspices of the United Nations
Representative in order to reach agreement on the
specific number of forces to remain on each side
of the cease fire line" after demilitarization. The
italicized passage replaces the phrase "at the
Headquai'ters of the United Nations" in the origi-
nal draft. As in the original draft, the approved
text of paragraph 7 specifies that the number of
forces remaining on Pakistan's side should be
between 3,000 and 6,000 and the number on the
Indian side between 12,000 and 18,000, bearing in
mind the principles of criteria suggested by the
U.N. representative in his September 4, 1952
jjroposal.
The session opened with an extended inter-
change between Mrs. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit
(India) and Sir Zafrulla Khan (Pakistan), dur-
ing which the former rejected Pakistan's "con-
crete offer" of Dec. 16 and declared that India was
"not prepared to enter into any talks on the basis
suggested in paragraph 7" of the draft resolution.
Sir Gladwyn Jebb (U.K.) expressed concern at
suggestions that the draft contained proposals
inconsistent with and contrary to the principles of
the Uncip resolutions. Reviewing the earlier
texts in detail, he concluded that their principles
had been faithfully reflected, as had the essential
elements in the demilitarization provisions. The
limits within which the parties were asked to ne-
gotiate an agreed figure for the forces on each
side, he pointed out, were the limits proposed by
the U.N. representative.
" BurxETiN of Nov. 17, 1952, p. 801.
John C. Ross (U.S.) restated his delegation's
position that the joint resolution was not intended
in any way to impair or limit the authority of the
U.N. representative and that the latter was ex-
pected to continue to exercise his functions under
])revious resolutions. The United States assumed
that negotiations would be under his auspices and
therefore willingly accepted the amendment of-
fered by the Netherlands.
Despite the fact that both parties had not found
it possible to accept the draft, he emphasized that
it had meaning and importance; it represented a
careful study and appreciation of the U.N. rep-
resentative's suggestions which, after 16 months
of work, it was appropriate for the Council to
make.
V. K. Krishna Menon (India) said that his
Government was willing to continue negotiations
on the basis suggested by the U.N. representative
but that it would not be a party to negotiations
on the basis of paragraph 7 of the draft and would
regret a Council decision approving the resolution.
General Assembly
The Assembly on Dec. 19 approved the Latin
iVmerican resolution on Morocco, 45 (U.S.) -3
(Belgium, Luxembourg, South Africa) -11 (So-
viet bloc, U.K., Pakistan). In Committee I the I
United States had voted against the resolution
because of a Pakistani amendment replacing one
of the operative paragraphs. (The Pakistani
wording would have made this paragraph identi-
cal with the one in the Tunisian resolution.)
The original paragraph was restored in plenary.
As approved, it expresses hope that the parties
will continue negotiations on an urgent basis to-
ward developing the free political institutions
of the people of Morocco, with due regard to legit-
imate rights and interests under the established
norms and practices of the law of nations. The
vote on the amendment to restore this wording
was 29 (U.S.)-8 (Soviets, Pakistan)-22. The
French delegation was absent throughout the
entire proceedings, both in the Committee and in
plenary.
36
Depar/menf of Sfofe BuUeUn
Diirinor the Dec. 19 session President Lester B.
Pearson announced the appointment of the follow-
ing; as members of the Committee on International
Criminal Jurisdiction : Argentina, Australia, Bel-
gium, China, Denmark, Egypt, France, Israel, the
Netherlands, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, the Philip-
pines, the United Kingdom, the United States,
Venezuela, and Yugoslavia.
At its Dec. 20 session, the Assembly adopted the
Connnittee I resolution i-ecommending a renewed
and urgent effort to reach agreement on the terms
of an Austrian treaty. The vote was 48-0-2
(Pakistan, Afghanistan), identical with that of
Committee I on Dec. 19; the U.S.S.R. and its
four associates did not participate on either occa-
sion. Pakistan abstained, its representative said,
in protest against the inconsistency shown by some
of the states supporting the resolution in regard
to other questions involvin»^ similar principles,
such as the Palestine and Moroccan questions.
His delegation nonetheless supported the aspira-
tions of the Austrian people.
In other action at the Dec. 20 meeting, the As-
sembly, by a vote of 37-2-13 (U. S.), established
a 15-member committee to study the question of
defining aggression and approved the opening for
signature of the Convention on Political Rights
for Women by a vote of -46-0-11. It also approved
Committee III drafts on refugees, the U. N. In-
ternational Children's Emergency Fund, and inte-
gration of economic and social development, and
Committee IV texts on administi"ative unions, ces-
sation of information on the Netherlands Antilles
and Surinam to the Committee on Factors, post-
ponement of consideration of South-We»st Africa
until tlie eighth session of the General Assembly,
and an amended resolution on the Ewe question.
The Assembly concluded the first part of its
seventh session at 4: 45 a. m. on Dec. 22 after act-
ing on 13 items during an afternoon and an all-
night meeting. The final item, "Complaint of
Mass Murder of Korean and Chinese Prisoners of
War by U. S. Armed Forces on the Island of
Pongan,"" had been added to the agenda at the re-
quest of the Soviet delegate, Andrei Gromyko,
who on Dec. 20 addressed a letter to President
Pearson enclosing a draft resolution and an ex-
planatoi^y note citing the killing of 82 prisoners
on Dec. 14.
Agreement to consider the item without delay
was reached at a meeting of the General Commit-
tee on Dec. 21 by a vote of 12-0-2, after the words
"Complaint of . . ." had been added to the
original Soviet title. During the Committee's de-
bate, Philip C. Jessup (U. S.) referred to the
Soviet request as a "last-minute shabby propa-
ganda trick."' He continued :
The term "a knock on the door at midnight" has be-
come symbolically associated with the kind of tactics that
the Soviet Government and its secret jwlice employ in
] " For fnll text, see p. 16.
January 5, 1953
depriving the people unfortunate enough to live under
that rule of all of the situations whi<'h normally come to
human beings in the course of their daily life.
It would seem as if the Soviet delegation thought it
could intimidate the General Assembly of the United
Nations by a "knock on the door at midnight" just as the
Assembly was about to adjourn. . . .
The delegation of the United States, of course, makes
no objection to putting this on the agenda. It should be
put on the agenda and disposed of forthwith.
Its urgent character derives not from the misstatements
which we have heard just now from the representative of
the Soviet Union, but from the need of the General As-
sembly to remove quickly, emphatically, and clearly from
its consideration false and baseless charges of this
kind. . . .
It is perhaps a curious coincidence, Mr. Chairman, that
this incident [at Pongan] occurred on the same day that
the Chinese Communist regime rejected the General As-
sembly resolution on non-forcible repatriation of prisoners
of war. Would it seem fantastic to the members of the
General Assembly to assume that Communist instigation
among these internees led to the riots which required dis-
ciplinary action? Surely that is not a fantastic assump-
tion. . . .
There Is no objection, in fact we welcome, as I have said,
the course that you have proposed, that this should be
taken up and disposed of, and I believe that the General
Assembly, on hearing on the one hand the false propa-
ganda, unsupported allegations of the Soviet delegation,
and the statement of facts which my delegation will put
before the Assembly, will take the appropriate action to
dismiss this and to express the sense of outrage which it
has that an item of this character should be brought for-
ward in this way at this time.
The General Committee's vote on inclusion of
the Soviet item, which preceded the decision to
consider the item without delay, was 11-0-3 (Ar-
gentina, China, Honduras) .
At the opening of the Dec. 21 plenary, it was
decided to take up the new Soviet item after com-
pletion of the original 13 agenda items, despite Mr.
Ch-omyko's efforts to have it considered after the
second item.
The Assembly proceeded to approve the second
report of the Credentials Committee, Committee
V's reports on the U. N. joint staff pension fund,
the 1953 budget estimates. Committee V's recom-
mendation that the organization of the Secretariat
be considered as a possible agenda item at the
Eighth General Assembly, and the same Commit-
tee's proposal concerning the question of defining a
probationary period in a Staff Regulation.
Trusteeship Items — In addition to the five reso-
lutions submitted in the Committee IV report, a
new draft resolution on the Wa-Meru land case
was proposed during the Dec. 21 plenary by
Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand,
Norway, Sweden, and Uruguay. The 7-power pro-
posal invited the administering authority to re-
lieve the hardships suffered by the Wa-Meru and
to grant compensation for lost lands. It further
eypressed hope that the authority, in consultation
with the Wa-Meru, would find a satisfactory ad-
justment of the issue and a.sked the Ti-usteeship
37
Council to invite tlie administering autliority to
consider the possibility of utilizing part of the area
in question as an experimental farm for training
indigenes.
The U.K. and France both announced support
for the new draft and opposition to the resolution
recommended by the Conunittee in the Wa-Meru
case which invited the administering authority to
take appropriate steps to return immediately to
the Meru the lands from which they were expelled.
Ambassador Jessup expressed belief that the As-
sembly could look forward to fruitful results from
the 7-power draft. In the voting, however, neither
it nor the Committee's text received the necessary
two-thirds majority.
The Assembly approved Committee IV resolu-
tions on the following questions: Indigeneous
participation in territorial government and Trus-
teeship Council work, the Trusteeship Council's
report, the hearing of French Cameroons peti-
tioners, and the hearing of Somaliland petitioners.
Memhership — On the membership question, the
Assembly voted to establish a special 19-member
committee to study proposals relating to U.N.
membership and confirmed the U.S. proposal as
to Japan's fulfillment of membership qualifica-
tions. Similar determinations were accepted re-
garding Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Libya, and
Jordan, with the Soviet bloc consistently casting
five negative votes.
On a Philippine motion, the word "simultane-
ous" was deleted from the Polish proposal re-
questing the Security Council to reconsider 14
applications in order to submit a recommenda-
tion on their admission; the Polish proposal was
then rejected by a vote of 9-30 (U.S.S.R., U.S.,
U.K., France) -10.
Committee VI Propomh — The Assembly es-
tablished a 15-member committee to study the
Secretary-General's memorandum on measures to
limit the duration of regular sessions and con-
firmed a Committee VI resolution relating to
claims for injuries incurred in U.N. service. It
also approved the Committee's request that the
Secretary-General transmit a copy of the cor-
rected Chinese text of the Genocide Convention to
U.N. members and nonmembers.
Committee II Report — The following resolu-
tions recommended by Committee II were ap-
proved: The expanded technical-assistance pro-
gram ; the 3-part proposal on financing economic
development i-elating to the proposed special de-
velopment fund, the proposed International Fi-
nance Corporation, and the analysis of the flow
of private capital; establishment of equitable in-
ternational prices for primary commodities; mi-
gration and economic development ; land reform ;
the right to exploit freely national wealth and
resources ; and increasing food pi-oduction.
38
The U.S. delegation voted in favor of all but the
resolutions on prices and exploitation of national
wealth and resources. The latter, which, in effect,
is concerned with nationalization, was amended by
India to inchide a reference to the need to maintain
"the flow of capital in conditions of security." The
purpose of the addition was to clarify further the
Ijrotection of foreign capital, the Indian repre-
sentative explained. Isador Lubin (U.S.) said
that this change was "a considerable improve-
ment" but that it did not go far enough. He noted
that U.S. amendments designed to assure protec-
tion to foreign capital in greater detail had not
been adopted by Committee II.
Adoption of the Committee II resolutions com-
pleted action on the original agenda. Considera-
tion of the new Soviet item opened with a lengthy
address by Mr. Gromyko, who charged that the
"bloody brutality" of the American "monsters" in
the Pongan prisoner-of-war camp overshadowed
all previous "atrocities" and constituted retalia-
tion against prisoners desiring repatriation. He
claimed that the incident offered new evidence of
the U.S. policy of systematic extermination of aU
Chinese and Korean prisoners.
Ernest A. Gross (U.S.) asked the Assembly to
keep thi'ee factore in mind when considering the
item : The timing selected, the motive, and the
substance of the charges which, he said, had been
repeated ad nauseam since discussion of the Ko-
rean item first began at this session.^
Turning to the facts behind this "shabby mid-
night stunt," he explained that the 9,000 Koreans
interned on Pongan represented captured Com-
munist guerrillas and included no Chinese. Cen-
trally directed plans for a prisoner uprising ma-
tured on the same day that the Chinese Commu-
nists rejected the U.N. resolution on Korea, Am-
bassador Gross pointed out ; ". . . the con-
nection between the despatch of that note and the
events on the Island of Pongan was surely not an
accident or a coincidence." He concluded :
. . . there is a lesson to be drawn from this eleventh
hour maneuver by the Soviet Government. It furnishes
proof that when members of the United Nations unite on
a moral issue and rally from all parts of the earth around
the cause of peace and in defense of the Charter, the
enemies of peace are driven into corners of desperation.
But we do not believe that our unity can be brolieu or
undermined by acts of lying desperation such as those we
have witnessed here.
Selwyn Lloyd (U.K.) called the Soviet charge I
a last-ditch attempt to score a propaganda victory \
at this session, and added that it was quite evi-
dent that the Chinese High Command was de- it
liberately inciting the incidents which served as
the excuse for introducing the Soviet item.
He agreed that the death of 82 men was a grave
matter but expressed confidence that the U.N.
' For full text, see p. 16.
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
Command would conduct a fair, objective investi-
gation. Turkey, Greece, Canada, New Zealand,
France, and Israel made statements in opposition
to the Soviet item. The Soviet complaint was
then rejected by a vote of 5—15-10 (Afghanistan,
Burma, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Iran, Pakistan,
Saudi Arabia, Syria, Yemen), and the Assembly
adjourned.
Followinof are the agenda items to be considered
ft • 1 •
when the second part of the session begins on
Feb. 24:
1. Methods which might be used to maintain and
strengtlien international peace and security in accord-
ance with the purposes and iirinciples of the Charter :
report of the Collective Measures Committee.
2. Resulations, limitation, and balanced reduction of
all armed forces and all armaments : report of the Dis-
armament Commission.
3. Interference of the United States in the internal
affairs of other states as manifested by the organization
on tlie part of the Government of the United States of
subversive and espionage activities against theU.S.S.R.,
Peoples, Republic of China, Czechoslovakia, and other peo-
ples' democracies.
4. Question of an impartial investigation of charges of
use by United Nations forces of bacteriological warfare.
5. Measures to avert the threat of a new world war
and measures to strengthen peace and friendship among
nations.
6. Reports of the United Nations Agent-General for
Korean Reconstruction.
7. Complaint of non-compliance of states still detaining
members of the Greek armed forces with the provisiims
of resolution 382 A (V), adopted by the General Assem-
bly on 1 December 19.")0 recommending "the repatriation
of all those among them who express the wish to be
repatriated."
8. Report of the Secretary-General on personnel policy.
9. Reports of the United Nations Commission for the
Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea.
10. Appointment of the Secretary-General.
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Great Lakes Fisheries Discussions
The Department of State announced on Decem-
ber 17 (press release 924) that negotiations be-
tween the U.S. and Canadian Governments would
open on that day at Washington looking toward
the conclusion of a convention for the Great Lakes
fisheries.^
Certain Great Lakes fisheries, especially the
more valuable ones such as the lake trout, are suf-
fering from the scourge of the sea lamprey, a
predatory, eel-like creature which lives by attach-
ing itself like a leech to a iish and subsisting upon
its blood. It is estimated that some 5 million dol-
lars in lake trout alone have been lost each year to
this parasite since 1949. The lamprey is now
invading Lake Superior and threatens to destroy
the lake-trout fisheries tliere, as it has already de-
stroyed those of Lakes Huron and Michigan.
The immediate purpose of the convention is to
bring about joint action by the United States and
Canada to eradicate this pest. The Fish and Wild-
life Service, cooperating with research agencies in
Michigan and the other Great Lakes States, has
developed electrical and meclianical devices which
will control the lamprey, but these must be in-
stalled on both U.S. and Canadian shores of the
lakes to be effective. In addition, it is expected
that arrangements will be made to coordinate the
fishery research programs in the lakes which are
now being undertaken by eight State Governments,
the Province of Ontario, and the two National
Governments.
The U.S. delegation is as follows :
Chait-man
William C. Herrington, Special Assistant to the Under
Secretary, Department of State
Members
J. L. Kask, Assistant Director, Fish and Wildlife Serv-
ice, Department of the Interior
Warren P. Looney, Foreign Affairs Officer, Department of
State
Sylvia Nilsen, Treaty Adviser, Department of State
William M. Terry, Acting Chief, OfiBce of Foreign Activi-
ties, Fish and Wildlife Service, Department of the
Interior
Claude Ver Duin, Executive Secretary, Michigan Fish
Producers' Association ; Secretary, Wisconsin Fish
Producers' Association, Grand Haven, Mich.
F. A. Westerman, Chief, Fish Division, Michigan Depart-
ment of Conservation, Lansing, Mich.
' On Dec. 19, the Department announced (press release
927) that preliminary discussions between the two Gov-
ernments had been completed and that further discussions
would be resumed in late January.
January 5, 1953
39
January 5, 1953
In d
e X
Vol. XXVIII, No. 706
Africa
MOROCCO: Challenge presented by Moroccan
question (Jessup) 33
TXTNISIA: Proposal to Invite Bey of Tunis to
send spokesman to U.N. (Jessup) .... 34
American Principles
Enshrining the symbols of liberty (address by
the President) 9
American Republics
BOLIVIA: U.S. attitude toward purchase of tin
concentrates 14
ECUADOR: Letter of credence 12
VENEZUELA: Letter of credence 12
Asia
INDOCHINA, ASSOCIATED STATES OF: MSA
allotment for defense support program . .
JAPAN: U.S. protests Soviet attack on Air Force
plane off Hokkaido
Aviation
U.S. protests Soviet attack on Air Force plane
off Hokkaido
Communism
New U.S. protest in Linse kidnaping case . . .
Europe
FINLAND:
Purcliase from International Monetary Fund .
Tax conventions enter into force
FRANCE: Challenge presented by Moroccan
question (Jessup)
13
11
12
14
14
33
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Dec. 15-29, 1952
Releases may be obtained from the Office of tbe
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to Dec. 15 which ap-
l)ear in this
issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 914 of
Dec. 12 and '
)15 of Dec. 12.
No. Date
Subject
t918 12/15
I.iberian port works remittance
1919 12/15
Korean resolution rejected
1920 12/15
Loyalty ca.ses : Vincent, Davies
921 12/16
U.S. note re air force plane
t922 12/16
Kissick : Chief of IC
t923 12/17
U.S. note to U.S.S.R. : detention of
plane
924 12/17
Great Lakes fisheries negotiations
1925 12/18
Letter of credence : Syria
926 12/19
Finnish tax conventions
927 12/19
U.S., Canada discuss fisheries
928 12/19
Purchase of tin from Bolivia
t929 12/22
Icnc proposals on Koje-do
*930 12/2.3
U.S. educators assigned overseas
*Not printed. |
tHeld for a
later issue of the Bulletin.
Europe — Continued
U.S.S.R.:
New U.S. protest in Linse kidnaping case . . 12
U.S. denounces Soviet charges of "mass
murder" 16
U.S. protests Soviet attack on Air Force plane
off Hokkaido 11
Finance
Finland makes purchase from International
Monetary Fund 14
Human Rights
U.N. deliberations on Draft Convention on the
Political Rights of Women (Roosevelt) . . 29
International Meetings
Calendar of meetings 15
U.S. DELEGATIONS: Great Lakes fisheries dis-
cussion 39
Mutual Aid and Defense
MSA allotment for defense support program In
Indochina 13
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Results of meeting of North Atlantic Council.
text of final communique 3
Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property
U.S. protests Soviet attack on Air Force plane
off Hokkaido 12
Strategic Materials
U.S. attitude toward purchase of Bolivian tin
concentrates 14
Treaty Information
Tax conventions with Finland enter into force
14
United Nations
Admitting new mem.bers to the U.N. (Wiley) . . 20
Deliberations on Draft Convention on the Po-
litical Rights of Women (Roosevelt) ... 29
Finland makes purchase from International
Monetary Fund 14
U.S. denounces Soviet charges of "mass mtir-
der" 16
U.S. in the U.N 36
Ndiiiv Iniltx
Acheson, Secretary 3
Bey of Tunis. His Highness the 34
Chlriboga Villagomez, Jose Ricardo 12
Claxton, Brooke 8
de Gasperi, Alcide 12
Donnelly, Walter 12
Eden, Anthony 7
Gonzalez, Cesar 12
Gross. Ernest A 16
Herrington, William C 39
Jessup. Philip C 16, 33, 34
Kraft. B]0rn 7
Linse, Dr. Walter 12
Roosevelt, Mrs. F. D 29
Schuman, Robert 8
Truman, President 9
Wiley, Alexander 20
U. S- GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1953
tJ/i€/ ^eha/}(&nenl/ /)^ t/iate^
Vol. XXVIII, No. 707
January 12, 1953
U.S. FOREIGN POLICY IN REVIEW • Address by the
President 43
WITNESSING THE BIRTH OF A NEW EUROPE •
Uy Anibassailnr Myron M. Cowen 48
U.N. SUPPORT FOR EARLY AUSTRIAN SETTLE-
MENT • Statement by Benjamin V. Cohen .... 67
AMERICAN CITIZENSIIN^THE U.N. SECRETARIAT . 57
MIGRATION COMMITTEE TO EXPAND SERVICES IN
19a3 • Article by George L. Warren , , 64
For index see back cover
iJ/ie z!lefia/y(^&n(^
^^tate buliGtin
Vol. XXVIII, No. 707 • Publication 4857
January 12, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Goverament Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
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The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
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Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
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OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested aiiencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and tlie Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affiiirs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
U.S. Foreign Policy in Review
Address by the President '
Wbite House press release dated December 19
You men are engaged in one of the most im-
portant studies that Americans can engage in to-
day. You are studying our national policy in its
broadest sense. Our national policy is not simply
our foreign policy or our military policy or our
domestic policy. It is a combination of all three.
The internal domestic jDolicies which a nation fol-
lows are the foundations of its foreign policy and
its military policy. "Wliat we can do and ought to
do abroad depends upon the kind of nation we are
at home.
We are, above all else, a peaceful nation, and
what we want most in the world is peace — a just
and lasting peace that will release the constructive
and creative energies of mankind and increase the
happiness of men and women everywhere.
Our national policy, the policy you are study-
ing, in all its aspects, is simply a policy designed
to reach that objective. It is a policy for peace.
You who are privileged to study here have an
opportunity that is available nowhere else in our
country. You are given facts that cannot be
generally publicized. You can look at the prob-
lems confronting the United States in the world
today clearly, steadily, and as a whole. I am sure
you appreciate this opportunity and understand
how important this background will be in the posi-
tions of high responsibility you will occupy when
you leave here.
I want to talk to you today about this policy for
peace and what our country has been doing to put
it into effect since the end of the World War II.
There has never been a greater need than there is
now to think about these matters clearly and com-
preJiensively. We must try to do this with detach-
ment and without partisan bias. The situation
of the world is such that anything less than our
clearest and wisest judgment may be disastrous to
our future.
" Made at the National War College, Washington, on
Dee. 19.
January 12, J 953
If we look back over what we have done since
the end of World War II, I think we can say that
we have been successful in laying the foundations
for a structure of peace. Things which were mere-
ly principles in 1945 and only blueprints in 1947
and 1948 have now become established realities —
growing and living institutions.
We have done a great deal and we have done it
very rapidly in the past 7 years. Some of our
policies have been successful and some have not,
but, by and large, it can be said that we have
created the basic framework that is necessary to
resist aggression and to uphold the principles of
the United Nations. Whether that structure will
succeed depends upon a number of factors, includ-
ing the degree to which we give it material sup-
port. But the progress we have already made
gives us confidence that we can succeed.
1945 and Our Hasty Demobilization
At the end of World War II, the people of the
United States were anxious to return to peaceful
concerns. We wanted to forget about the prob-
lems of national security and national defense.
We were indeed too eager to do this, and, in our
hasty demobilization, we impatiently threw away
a good deal of what we needed.
A little more than 7 years ago, in a speech which
I made in New York on October 27, 1945,= I pointed
out that we needed to continue to have strong
armed forces and a universal training program.
I said that we needed these things in order to
enforce the terms of the peace, to fulfill the mili-
tary obligations which we were undertaking as a
member of the United Nations, and to protect the
United States and the Western Hemisphere.
To many people these statements sounded like
strange talk in 1945. In those days, few of us
realized that we would need strong defenses and
trained manpower. Some people still don't see
why we have to have universal military training.
' Bulletin of Oct. 28, 1945, p. 653.
43
But the intervening years have proved that this
was the right position to take in 1945. A new
danger was then beginning to appear— a danger
which has since become quite familiar. That was
the refusal of one of our former allies to cooperate
in the efforts of the free nations to build a peace-
ful world. That nation— that former ally— set
out to expand its own power by taking advantage
of the weariness and yearning for peace that was
prevalent throughout the world in the chaotic
aftermath of the war.
This threat was global. It was sustained and
persistent. It included political subversion, eco-
nomic strategems, and military and diplomatic
pressure. It was aimed at all free nations, wher-
ever weakness might appear, and most particularly
at the nations in Europe and Asia bordering on
the territory dominated by the Soviet Union.
To meet this threat we had to devise new plans
and programs. We had to develop measures that
were new, that went beyond many of our traditions
and experiences. I think that we have met this
problem, and on the whole we have met it success-
fully. The American people did develop new
measures to meet this postwar threat to freedom.
These measures have by now become so familiar to
us that many of us tend to forget what they are
designed to do.
Our first objective is to preserve peace m the
world. Our determination to do that was very
clearly stated, I think, in the same speech I made
in October 1945 setting forth the principles that
were to guide us in international affairs. I said
then that we do not seek for ourselves one inch of
territory in any place in the world but that we are
prepared to use our military strength to fulfill our
obligations as a member of the United Nations.
Along with this, I stressed our conviction that it
is essential that there be no territorial changes
which are not in accord with the freely expressed
wishes of the people concerned and that no govern-
ment be imposed on any nation by the force of any
foreign power.
That was said in 1945. We recognized at that
time that there were limitations on what this
country could do to make that declaration effective.
We knew we could not prevent subversion or con-
cpiest everywhere in the world. But we engaged
ourselves to stand firmly behind the United Na-
tions and to use our resources to make freedom
secure for ourselves and for others.
Bolstering the Free Nations' Internal Strength
Our first problem was to help the free nations
strengthen themselves as rapidly as possible. The
war and its aftermath had seriously weakened
them. Destruction, economic chaos, hunger, po-
litical turmoil— all appeared to open the way for
Communist subversion. The human misery and
confusion in Europe and Asia aroused Communist
expectations of easy opportunities for expansion.
44
The free nations had to have new internal strength
before they could resist Communist pressure.
In 1947 we moved first to help the people of
Greece. Their national independence was threat-
ened by foreign intrigue, guerrilla warfare, and
military pressure. We gave them military and
economic aid. Greece did not lose its independ-
ence. The elements that were trying to destroy
that independence were defeated. The Greek
people recovered, to stand beside the people of
Turkey in defense of freedom and stability m the
area of the eastern Mediterranean.
Next, we moved to bolster the internal strength
of the nations of Western Europe. By their own
efforts alone they were unable to recover from
the terrible economic devastation of the war.
Communist imperialism, using political weapons,
was moving rapidly to take over their govern-
ments. We set out to give to these peoples eco-
nomic assistance and a sense of hope and confi-
dence in the future.
Moving ahead another step in our program to
keep the peace, we signed the North Atlantic
Treaty in 1949. This joined the free nations of
the Atlantic area in a pact which was something
much more than a traditional military alliance.
It was instead a permanent partnership in the task
of maintaining and asssuring the peace. It
brought the countries of Western Europe into
closer economic and military unity.
These measures have, up to now, been success-
ful. Never has the United States made a better
investment in security.
The peoples of Western Europe did not suc-
cumb to panic and despair ; they did not yield their
freedom to internal subversion or to outside in-
timidation. The peoples of Western Europe are
not in Communist hands today and they are not
going to be. The economies of these countries
recovered, despite the embittered efforts of the
Communists to prevent it. Today, the military
potential of these Western European peoples is
Growing. This is of tremendous importance to
the world. The men and machines of Western
Europe are a key factor in preserving peace and
freedom. If they should fall under Communist
control, the scales of world power would shift
drastically in favor of Communist imperialism.
We have also had to meet Communist efforts to
aain control over the two great peoples on the
western and the eastern borders of the Soviet
Union— Germany and Japan. Here, too, we have
been largely successful.
That part of Germany not occupied by Com-
munist forces— and it is the greater part— has
been enabled to maintain its freedom. We have
helped it toward a position of full sovereign
equality in the community of free nations. We
hope that it will become an important part of the
newly emerging united Europe.
On the other side of the world, the Communists
have also been thwarted in seeking the political
DeparlmenI of Sfafe BuUefin
capture of Japan, with its industries and its
trained manpower. "VVe have signed with tlie
Government of Japan a fair and generous Treaty
of Peace. "We have shown our confidence in the
Japanese people.
Another step in carrying out our policy for
peace was taken when we joined with other free
countries in the Pacific area in a series of security
arrangements.
This whole policy of ours met its greatest test
when the Communists attacked the Republic of
Korea. That was the great challenge — that was
the crisis that decided whether we meant what we
said, whether we were really determined to sup-
port the United Nations and the concept of in-
ternational law and order.
I believe the Communists were bent on testing
the authority of the United Nations and the
strength of the free countries by force sooner or
later. If the test had not come in Korea, it would
have come somewhere else. But it came in Korea,
and that was where we had to meet it and stop it.
The Communist aim was to bring South Korea
under Communist domination, to demoralize the
resistance of the free nations to communism, and
to prepare the way for attacks elsewhere. The
Communists have failed to achieve this end. But
our aim, which was to repel the attack, to support
the Charter of the United Nations, and to prevent
the piecemeal conquest of other free nations — this
aim has been achieved.
This conflict has taken tragic sacrifices. It has
caused impatience and disagreements among us.
But in spite of this, we have stood firm.
By every possible means we have been trying to
restore peace and security in Korea. The Com-
munists have refused the opportunity we oifere<l
for an honorable end to the fighting. The result is
a terrible and a serious problem. But while we
deal with this problem, let us not lose sight of
how much we have already accomplished bj' fight-
injr in Korea.
Accomplishments in Korea
If the attack had been allowed to succeed, the
United Nations would have been shattered, and
all our hopes of building up a collective-security
system for the free nations would have been de-
stroyed. If we had failed to meet the test there,
the free world today might well be in retreat be-
fore communism on a dozen other fronts.
The foreign policy we have developed in these
last 7 years is not a negative one. It is not simply
a design to resist communism. It is much more.
It is a program of going forward, overcoming
want and poverty, and enlarging freedom. Be-
hind the shield of defensive alliances and military
strength, it is our purpose to help people to im-
prove their conditions of life — to create a world in
which democracy and freedom can flourish. This
is a part of our total policy which is uppermost in
my concern. It is affirmative, creative, and con-
structive.
Through the Point Four Program, through
measures of economic development, we are moving
to bring modern technological progi-ess into the
reach of other peoples so that they can help
themselves to raise their standard of living.
In the Helping-Hand Tradition
This kind of activity comes naturally to us.
It is close to the helping-hand tradition of the
American frontier. But today it has a new sig-
nificance. For the majority of the people of the
world live in what are called "underdeveloped
areas." These people are determined to conquer
poverty and disease and misery. We can show
them how to do it. With patience and under-
standing, we can help them adapt the methods of
modern science to their own needs.
Our programs of technical cooperation, our in-,
formation programs, our exchanges of books and
people — all are intended to broaden the horizons
of freedom and progress in the world. Further-
more, they are a vital weapon against Communist
imperialism. They show that the genuine road
to progress is the way of freedom. They show that
the deeds of free men are better than the false
promises of communism.
In carrying out all these steps I have been de-
scribing, we have experienced both successes and
failures. In this great world struggle there have
been some burdens we could not undertake because
our resources were not unlimited.
China was one of those. With all our material
help, and it was very large, the Government of
China was not able to save itself.
Let no one think that this Administration under-
estimates the effects of the Connnnnist victory in
China. We know that the capture of the great
Chinese people by a clique of ruthless Communist
fanatics was a tragic loss to the cause of peace and
progress in Asia and elsewhere. We hope it will
not be an irrevocable loss.
It is very easy now to look at some particular
part of the wdiole world problem and say we
did the wrong thing there. But those who criti-
cize past decisions rarely look at the entire balance
sheet of our assets and commitments and tell us
what things we should have dropped in order to
do the things they think we should have done.
They forget that our power is not unlimited and
that we cannot commit ourselves everywhere.
I do believe, however, that we have by and large
succeeded in the main purposes to which we have
set ourselves and our resources. We have demon-
strated to the Communists that their expansionist
efforts will be checked.
The sum total of the actions we have taken and
which I have briefly described has now brought
us, I believe, to a situation in which it should
become clear to the Soviet leaders that they cannot
January 12, 7953
45
gain their objectives by the use of force. Tliey
know tliis country is becominfi; strong. They
know the strength and unity of the free nations is
mounting. They can gain nothing from war but
catastrophe.
In recognizing our progress, we must not be-
little the dangers that still lie ahead.
The Soviet leaders have not abandoned their
purposes. Tliey are persistent and determined.
Even if they turn away from outright aggression,
they still hope to win. More and more I think
they are placing their hopes of victory on factors
in the free world which they think will work to
their advantage. They are placing their hopes
above all on the differences and disagreements
among the free countries, particularly between
ourselves and the others. To this end they are
conducting against the people of the United States
the most shameless, cynical, and terrible campaign
of vilification that has ever been conducted against
an entii'e people anywhere.
We must not underrate the dangers this
involves.
Our great wealth and ovir responsibilities as a
leading world power have led to much resentment
and misunderstanding, even among other free and
friendly peoples.
The aid programs we have carried out, along
with all the good they have done, have led to much
oversensitiveness and to many unhealthy reac-
tions. Giving aid is not easy, either for those who
give or for those who receive.
These difficulties are frequently exaggerated,
but we would be foolish to underrate their im-
portance. They involve some serious dangers.
If we wish to proceed successfully with our policy
for peace, we must meet this present phase of the
Communist challenge as we have met others in the
past. We must make a real effort to ovei-come the
things that tend to divide us from our friends and
allies.
Moving Forward to a Better, Safer World
If this is done — if we are able to preserve unity
and confidence among the free nations — we need
not be panicky today about the state of the world.
We are not on the losing side. The world is not
about to collapse around us.
We have a clear and consistent policy for peace.
It is not a perfect one. No course of action ever
is. It needs constant improvement and revision.
But it has proved basically a sound and rugged
policy, in line with the feelings of our people and
the requirements of the situation.
Future historians may recognize some mistakes.
But on balance, I believe they will say that never
in history did a great nation respond so effectively
and promptly to new and unaccustomed problems
as did this Nation in the past 7 years ; and never
was a greater or more enlightened effort expended
for a nobler purpose — the aim of world peace.
One of our greatest dangers today is the danger
of impatience. It is the danger that we will sell
ourselves short — that we will underrate our own
accomplishments. It is the danger that we will
break away from the best path, just because it is
long and stony and because there are times when
we cann(jt see over tlie top of the hill. It is the
danger that we will take hasty or erratic action,
and thereby sacrifice the very real and impressive
achievements already in our hands.
What we need in this coming period is faith
in ourselves, courage to do the difficult and dis-
tasteful things, consideration and forebearance
for our allies, without whose confidence and help
our purposes will not be accomplished.
To guide us on this path will soon be the re-
sponsibility of new i^eople. No statesmen have
ever had a heavier responsibility than these men
will have. Let us see that they are given the type
of support they need to do their work. Let us
tell them frankly when we think they are wrong.
But let us support them wholeheartedly when they
are right. Let us work with them for peace and
freedom in the world and for progress and security
for our country.
If we do these things, I am sure we can continue
to move forward, with God's help, to a better and
safer world.
Administration of Tinian and Saipan
Executive Order 10408'
Whereas tlie administration of the Trust Territory of
the Pacific Islands (hereinafter referred to as the trust
territory) was transferred to the Secretary of the In-
terior by Executive Order No. 101265 of .lune 29, 19.51,^ and
AVhekeas tlie purposes of the trusteeship agreement
approved by the Security Council of the United Nations
on April 2. 1947, and by the United States Government
on July IS, 1947, can better be effectuated by placing in
the Secretary of the Navy the authority and responsibility
for the administration of that portion of the trust terri-
tory which includes the islands of Tinian and S lipan :
Now, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested ia
me as President of the United States, it is ordered as
follows :
1. The administi-ation of that portion of the trust terri-
tory which includes the islands of Tinian and Saipan is
hereby transferred from the Secretary of the Interior to
the Secretary of the Navy, such transfer to become
effective on .Tanuary 1, 19.53.
2. When the transfer of administration made by this
order becomes effective, the Secretary of the Navy shall
take such action as may he necessary and appropriate,
and in harmony with applicable law. for the administra-
tion of civil government in that portion of the trust ter-
ritory wliich includes the islands of Tinian and Saipan
and shall, subj:^ct to such policies as the President may
from time to time prescribe and. wlien appropriate, in
collaboration with otiier departments or agencies of tlie
Government, carry out the obligations assumed by the
United States as the administering authority of the trust
territory under the terms of the trusteeship agreement
aiiproved by the United States on .July IS, 1947, and
under the Charter of the United Nations : Provided, \
' 17 Fed. Rea. 10277.
' Bulletin of July 16, 1951, p. 106.
46
Department of Sfafe Bulletinl
hotcever. That the authority to specify parts or all of
either of such islands as closed for security reasons and
to determine the extent to which Articles 87 and 88 of
the Charter of the United Nations shall be applicable to
such closed areas, in accordance with Article 13 of the
trusteeship asreenient, shall be exercised by the Presi-
dent: Avd provided fvrthcr. That the Secretary of the
Navy sliall keep the Secretary of State currently informed
of activities on such islands aftectin? the foreign policy
of the United States and shall consult the Secretary of
State on questions of policy concerning such islands which
relate to the foreign policy of the United States, and
that all relations between departments or agencies of the
Government and appropriate organs of the United Nations
with respect to such islands shall be conducted through
the Secretary of State.
3. The executive departments and agencies of the Gov-
ernment are authorized and directed to cooperate with
the Departments of the Navy and Interior in the effectua-
tion of the provisions of this order.
4. To the extent that they pertain to the Lslands of
Tinian and Saipan, the provisions of Executive Order
No. 102(5.5 of June 20, 19.")1, shall be susperseded by the
provisions of this order as of the date set out in the
paragraph numbered 1, above.
Haket S. Truman
The White House,
November 10, 1952.
Review of Progress in Latin America
FoUoimng is the text of a year-end statement iy
C. 0. Uoxoe., Acting President of the Institute of
Inter-American Affairs of the Technical Coopera-
tion Administration :
Nineteen hundred and fifty-two marked a
decade of technical cooperation between the Latin
American Kepublics and the United States, repre-
sented by the Institute of Inter-American Affairs.
It also opened a broader concept of cooperative
technical assistance designed to encompass new
fields of activity which will make a contribution
to economic developnent. Looking beyond tradi-
tional programs of health and sanitation, food
supply, and education, the cooperative program
aims toward developing assistance to industry,
labor, and public administration; the i^rovision of
technical and scientific services; the development
of natural resources; and the improvement of
social welfare and housing.
This cooperative program is becoming more and
more a matter of pride with the American Re-
publics. It has been an inspiration to many other
areas where similar programs are under way.
Training of Latin American nationals continues
to be one of the most important responsibilities of
each of the cooperative programs. Over 850
technicians have been provided with opportunities
for advanced technical training in the United
States during 1952. One important device of
training in the United States is the development
of special courses designed for specific training
groups. A group of 25 rural teachers from three
Republics has recently completed a 10-month
course under a contract with the University of
Maryland. Another group of 12 from an Ameri-
can Republic is being trained at the University of
Texas to assume its duties as the core of the teach-
inw staff of an important normal school.
Local training is provided to Latin American
nationals through seminars and workshops, dem-
onstration projects, adult-education courses, on-
the-job training within industry, summer schools,
normal-school training of teachers, and day-by-
day association with their U.S. colleagues work-
ing in the jointly financed programs.
During 1952, the participating governments
have expanded considerably the activities of these
jointly financed programs, most of which are of
the S'ervicio type. Today there is a total of 43
jointly financed programs in operation : 17 in the
field of health and sanitation, 14 in agriculture
and the development of natural resources, 10 in
education, and 2 which provide assistance to in-
dustry and government services. Approximately
620 U.S. technicians are participating in the ac-
tivities of these programs, working with over
15,000 Latin American nationals.
The key to the success in carrying out a plan
for economic development — and there have been
many plans proposed in the past — is the reservoir
of available Latin American technicians who are
trained to do their jobs. After 10 years of prog-
ress, competent Latin American technicians are
becoming increasingly available to carry through
programs successfully. Consequently, interna-
tional lending agencies are approving loans to
Latin American Governments for agricultural and
industrial development. They are making these
loans on the basis of known available technical
knowledge and manpower, recognizing that the re-
sulting improvement in economic conditions will
serve to safeguard the loans. Loans cover pur-
chases of many kinds of capital equipment. Joint
economic-development commissions have been
utilized to develop investment programs and to
complete those surveys which are needed to siib-
stantiate applications for loans. In countries
where these joint commissions have been estab-
lished, projects have been planned for the develop-
ment and improvement of railways, highways,
ports and harbors, shipping facilities, municipal
water-supply and sewer systems, agricultural
equipment, irrigation and hydroelectric power,
warehousing, and industry. A number of loan
applications have been approved and others are
under consideration by international lending
agencies.
The successes of the technical-cooperation pro-
grams have not been easily achieved. They have
been possible only because of the cooperative spirit
and the constructive thought and labor on the part
of the Latin American countries and their tech-
nicians. The United States shares with its Latin
American neighbors the firm belief that great
strides have been made and will continue to be
made toward the mutual strengthening of the
economic and human resources in the hemisphere.
January ?2, 1953
47
Witnessing the Birth of a New Europe
by Myron M. Cowen
Ambassador to Belgium, ^
Today while we are lunching here, there are two
meetings taking place in Europe that are illus-
trative of the world in wliich we live. In Vienna,
the Communist Party has sponsored another of its
quite numerous international peace conferences
and, in Paris, the Council of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization is meeting.
It is sometimes difficult for us who are not Com-
munists and who do not live behind the Iron Cur-
tain to follow the logic of the propaganda of tlie
U.S.S.K. The meeting in Vienna can hardly be
seriously intended to bring about peace. New
York, where the United Nations has been meet-
ing, or Korea, where the truce negotiations have
been going on for over one year, would seem to be
more appropriate places to discuss peace. The
choice of the city of Vienna for this week's meeting
does not make sense to us. The Western Nations
have spent close to 8 years trying to bring about a
peace treaty with Austria so that that unfortunate
country could once again be united. At literally
hundreds of meetings it has been the U.S.S.R.,
and only the U.S.S.R., that has prevented the
making of a peace treaty with Austria. The Aus-
trian people who have been allowed to vote in the
Western zone have shown an overwhelming lack
of appreciation of the Russian occupation. Some
95 percent of them have voted against communism.
They have not had the privileire of seeing the peace
that is being talked about in Vienna this week.
Likewise, the timing of the so-called peace meet-
ing in Vienna appears unfortunate to those of us
who live in a free world. It follows by such a few
days the U.S.S.R's outright rejection of the Indian
effort to find a solution to the war in Korea.
If, as I suggest, we who are allowed to use our
own minds find little logic in the words of the
Communists in Vienna that contrast so shockingly
in the actions of the Communist world, it would
still be a tragic mistake for us to ignore this meet-
ing. We once took Nazi Germany too lightly.
We thought that the lies spoken by its leaders
' Excerpts from an address made bofore the Belgo-
American Assnoiation at Charleroi, Belgium, on Dec. 19.
completely, wholly discredited them. We should
not now ignore this meeting in Vienna. Today
from the loudspeaker of communism comes the
automatic repetition, "peace, peace, peace;" while
at the same time from the U.S.S.R. spokesmen in
Korea and at the United Nations comes, "no, no,
no," to each constructive effort to bring about
peace.
To us, this inconsistency does not make sense,
and we would reject those who say "yes" and "no"
at the same time. But not all of the world reads
well-reported and accurate stories of the sessions
of the United Nations and of the truce negotia-
tions in Korea. Some of the world will only see
the artificial peace doves of Vienna and hear the
loudspeakers saying, "peace, peace, peace." And
even in our own countries there will be some who
are tired and confused, to whom the loud reitera-
tion of the word peace will be easier to follow than
the twisted course of obstruction and aggression
that has kept the world from peace in these recent
years.
It is because the nations of the free world have
so painfully learned in the last 7 years that the^
same men who sponsor meetings for peace in
Vienna can be responsible for intimidation, ag-
gression, and war in other places that we have
today regional security pacts in the Americas, in
the Pacific, and among the nations of the North
Atlantic community. The meeting that is being
held today in Paris of the Council of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization is for the very pur-
pose of measuring our defenses against the spon-
sors of the peace conference in Vienna.
We know too jjainfully well the policies and
actions against which these defensive pacts were
built — Greece, Czechoslovakia, and Korea, the
darkness that shrouds Central Europe and China,
the continuous veto in the United Nations, the
sabotage and obstruction of tlie Communist Par-
ties within our own borders, the civil war that still
flickers in the Philippines and which is a roaring
fire at this moment in Indochina.
As the free nations took stock of the postwar
world, what did they find ? They found that the
48
Department of State Bulletin
world had been sharply divided into two parts by
the Iron Curtain. On the other side of the Iron
Curtain the U. S. S. K. controlled the largest em-
pire in the history of the world. The U. S. S. R.,
its satellites, and China comprised a population
of some 750,000,000 people. The U. S. S. R. had
not disarmed after the war. It had kept up its
own forces and had taken energetic steps to build
new forces in the satellite states and China. It
was devoting its resources to increasing its ca-
pacity for making war. In addition, the free na-
tions found that the U. S. S. E. did not want a
peaceful solution of the causes of international
tensions. Or it would tolerate only such solutions
to international problems that increased Commu-
nist power and weakened the independence of the
free nations.
These were the conditions, these were the facts
of the world in which the free nations faced their
struggle for survival. Immediately these nations
had to :
1. Rearm.
2. Rebuild.
3. Re-create viable or workable economies.
4. Refill the vacuums in those areas of the world
from which power and authority had been with-
drawn.
Future of the North Atlantic Community
Today, because of the limits of time, let us con-
centrate our consideration on the North Atlantic
community and see how the problems have been
met: Have the steps taken been satisfactory?
What of the future?
As you know, these questions which we are now
considering are being intensively discussed
throughout the free world. I make a serious effort
to keep myself informed of this discussion as it is
reflected in three groups of newspapers, those of
the United States, Great Britain, and the Conti-
nent. Please do not misunderstand me. No
mortal man could adequately follow all of these
papers, but it is possible by looking at them from
time to time to be familiar with their major reac-
tions to this discussion.
The reason I mention this to you is that I have
come to a conclusion about this discussion that
might be somewhat of an oversimplification but
which I believe is essentially true.
I have come to believe that there are two sharply
contrasted types of men who are engaged in look-
ing for answers to our questions. The man of
one of these types starts his examination of the
problem by saying, "Wliat is it that we must have
in order to reach a satisfactory answer to our
problem?"
And the other type of man starts his examina-
tion of these problems by saying, "Are we going
in the right direction, and are we making substan-
tial progress?"
Before I go further with our discussion, I must
January 12, 1953
reveal to you that I find myself in this last classi-
fication, and my answers will therefore have some
bias. I think that we may start our discussion
with some positive signs of progress.
First, in the years immediately after the war
Europe was faced with serious economic collapse;
this has been avoided. Today's industrial output
in Western Europe is approximately 40 percent
larger than in 1948 and 60 percent larger than in
1947. Agricultural production has improved.
Trade between European nations, which had prac-
ticallv stopped in 1947, has now increased until
it is one-third more than it was in prewar years.
Seco7ul, this economic improvement has been
made while the countries of Western Europe have
been engaged in a large rearmament program.
This improvement has not been made by cutting
consumptiou, which is today at prewar levels. De-
fense burdens today are higher than they were in
1938.
Third, European military forces have consist-
ently improved. Today, a potential aggressor
would know that Europe's military forces, with
American assistance, would meet his force with
force.
Fourth, the political health of Western Europe
has improved greatly and is continuing to im-
prove. Communist strength in European govern-
ments has constantly declined.
However, as important as these factors are,
much more important are the many manifestations
of Europe's ancient political genius. No one can
have observed Europe since 1947 without being
struck by the manifestation of political talent,
imagination, skill, and vitality.
It has been said that the free world today faces
tlie ]iroblem of unity in freedom or unity in slavery.
This statement seemed particularly pertinent to
the Europe of 1947. Since that time, under the
most difficult circumstances Europe has made al-
most unbelievable steps toward integration. Per-
haps the peril that faced Europe has been impetus
for the progress Europe has made. Certainly,
there has been stimulation for the evolution and de-
velopment of new political institutions from both
sides of the Atlantic. Undoubtedly, the economic
and military assistance programs of the United
States have made a very substantial contribution
to this progress. But it is equally true that no
matter what the magnitude of these programs
might have been, they could not have been super-
imposed on a community that lacked political
talent, capacity, vitality, and a will to succeed.
It is impossible now to trace the growth of the
many new political institutions which have de-
veloped in Europe since 1947. but I would like to
recall a few of the major developments. The first
step toward European economic union grew out of
U.S. assistance under the Marshall Plan. It was
the establishment by 16 countries of Western
Europe of the Organization for European Eco-
nomic Cooperation (Oeec) . Its primary respon-
49
sibility was to insure the effective use of American
aid. Among its first responsibilities was the task
of recommending the distribution of Marshall
Plan funds among the European countries who
participated in the plan. It was in this committee
that many of the most competent experts in
Europe worked together as members of the
European community, rather than as citizens of
one country.
The Okec created the European Payments
Union (Epu) as a clearinghouse for intra-Euro-
pean payments. The creation of Eru, as it is
called, was a first step toward the creation by
Western Europe of one large and competitive
market where goods and currencies could move
freely.
In 1948 the Governments of Belgium, France,
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and the United
Kingdom met in Brussels to create a collective-
defense system that would be capable of protect-
ing the security of the Western European nations.
However, the Brussels treaty went much further
than an agreement of the signatories to come to
each other's aid in the case of an armed attack.
The countries that signed the treaty agreed to
organize and coordinate their economic policies
and activities. They agreed to develop social
services and to promote cultural exchanges.
The present North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion (Nato) grew out of the Brussels treaty. The
primary objective of Nato has been to build "an
integrated military force adequate to defend
Europe." This force is intended to be more than
a paper force to come into being at a time of emer-
gency. It is intended to be a force in existence in
peacetime.
One of the articles of the North Atlantic Treaty
provides for collective action in political, eco-
nomic, and social fields. Every day there are
countless decisions made and actions taken under
Nato that represent European integration. Many
of the decisions of Nato are political and economic
in character — for an example, "The Annual Re-
view" that is made of each country's contribution
in relation to that country's economic capability.
European integration has already been devel-
oped more intensively in yet another organization,
the Coal and Steel Community. Six European
Governments — Belgium, France, the Netherlands,
Luxembourg, Italy, and West Germany — have
pooled their coal and steel industries into single
production and marketing areas.
These same six countries have agreed to merge
their national armed forces into a single Eui'opean
defense force. In the near future, the legislative
bodies of all of these countries should have this
agreement before them for ratification.
The European Coal and Steel Community is an
established, functioning institution. When, in
addition to that, the European Defense Commu-
nity comes into being, a strong and united Europe
will lie a very short distance in the future.
50
I told j'ou that I looked at the recent years of
European history with a prejudice. My prejudice,
my prefei'ence, is to measure these years by what
has been accomplished rather than measuring
them by what has not been accomplished. These
have been great achievements. They are visible
evidences of the talent and vitality of the new
Europe.
Hopes Held by the Men in the Kremlin
However, no matter how great these achieve-
ments are, we must consider the other point of
view that asks whether there is in Europe today
a force which could successfully defend Europe
against a Soviet attack. "VAliat progress has Eu-
rope made toward the restoration of its capacity j
for self-defense? To both of these questions, the '
answers would be negative. Europe has not a
force in being comparable to Soviet forces that we j
know exist, and Europe still has tremendous steps |
to take before it can reestablish its capacity for
self-defense.
From the great outpouring of speeches and
printed material at the recent Moscow Conference,
it would appear that the men in the Kremlin wish
time to build up the productive capacity of their
unparalleled empire. They have made it clear that
they believe that their system can endure a long
Cold War better than the free nations. They
have made it clear that they believe that the free
nations cannot work out their economic problems
without conflicts, that the free nations will not
be able to maintain the unity they have been devel-
oping. These views will bear our close attention.
The men «in the Kremlin will take every oppor-
tunity that is presented them to separate the free
nations and undo the unity that has been achieved.
In addition, the free world can never be sure
that the men in the Kremlin will not decide to
attack. At any moment they may decide that it
will profit them to attack and attempt to destroy
the growing strength of the free nations.
These are dangers that we must face immedi-
ately. They are dangers that we must live with.
They constitute a risk which we cannot ignore.
I have said several times that I am impressed
by the accomplishments that have been made. I
think that we in our day are witnessing the birth
of a new Europe. I believe this new Europe has
the capacity and the fortitude to achieve heights
that will surpass even its ancient greatness. There
are dreadful problems before it, economic prob-
lems, social problems, and political problems. All
of these have to be solved in order to solve the
military problem. I believe that the new Europe
has a momentum that is just now getting under
way. I believe this momentum is sweeping the
old defeatism away. I believe it is gaining the
power to reestablish the new Europe — "mistress
as of yore ... of the hearts of men."
Department of Stale Bulletin
Soviets Say "Wrong Address" in Reply to U.S. Notes
on Hungarian Plane Incident
Elim 0''Shauf!hnessy, Charge d* Affaires ad in-
terim of the United States at Moscoiv, on Dccemier
17 transmitted a note to Jacob Malik, Acting
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union of So-
viet Socialist Republics, in connection loith the
liability of the Soviet Government arising from
the seizure and detention of the U.S. C-lt7 air-
plane 6026 and its crew in Hungary on November
19, 1951.
An earlier U.S. note on the subject had been
delivered to the Soviet Foreign Office on December
10, 1952} On December 11, 1952, the Soviet Gov-
ernment returned to the American Embassy in
Moscou) the U.S. note of December 10, on the
ground that the note iras ^incorrectly addressed^''
implying that it should have been addressed to the
Hungarian Government.
Following receipt of Mr. 0''Shaughnessy''s De-
cember 17 communication, the Soviet Government,
in a note dated December 20, returned the U.S.
note for the second time. Printed here are the
texts of (1) the Soviet reply to the original U.S.
note of December 10; {2) the U.S. communication
of December 17 transmitting the December 10 note
under new cover; and (3) the second Soviet reply.
Soviet Note of December 11
Moscow, December 11, 1952.
!Mr. Charge d'affaires ad interim.
There is returned herewith your note No. 473
of December 10. 1952, as incorrectly addi'essed,
since it refers to the question of the American mili-
tary transport airplane C-47 which in November
1951 violated the frontier of the Hunfjarian Peo-
ples Republic and was confiscated by the Hungar-
ian authorities together with objects in it in
accordance with the judgment of the Budapest
Military Tribunal.
Yours resi^ectfully,
Y. A. Malik
To Mr. O'Shatjghnessy,
Charge dWffaires ad interim of the U.S.A. in
the U.S.S.R., Moscoiv
U. S. Note of December 17
Press release 923 dated Decemher 17
The Charge d'Affaires ad interim of the United
States of America presents his compliments to
the Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and has the
honor to refer to the Acting Minister's note dated
December 11, 1952, returning to the Embassy the
United States note of December 10 concerning the
airplane incident in Hungary on November 19,
1951, on the ground that the note was incorrectly
addressed.
The Soviet Government is well aware that the
United States Government has communicated
separately with the Hungarian Government in
this matter.^ The United States note of Decem-
ber 10 to the Soviet Government refers cleai'ly to
instrumentalities of the Soviet Government which
were involved in the detention of the United
States plane and crew and concerns actions, ma-
terial, and information which only the Soviet
Government can explain or provide. Thus the
United States note to the Soviet Government is
not incorrectly addressed, but the Soviet Govern-
ment has apparently failed to take proper notice
of its full contents. Specifically, the attention of
the Soviet Government is called to numbered
paragraph 2 of the United States note, which re-
quests identification of certain items with regard
to Mr. Vishinsky"s speeches before the United
Nations General Assembly in Paris; to paragraph
3 requesting copies of statements and investiga-
tion reports in the Soviet Government's files; and
to paragraph 4 which concerns provisions of
treaties, agreements and arrangements between
the Soviet and Hungarian Governments.
As regards the statement made in the Acting
Foreign Minister's note that the United States
aircraft was confiscated by the Hungarian au-
thorities in accordance with the judgment of the
Budapest Military Tribunal, it may be pointed
out that that statement does not establish defi-
' Bulletin of Dec. 22, 1952, p. 981.
January 72, 1953
'Ibid., p. 982.
51
nitely whether the Soviet Governnieiit turned over
to tlie Hungarian Government tlie airplane and
its contents and, if so, on what date and under
wliat circumstances the transfer occurred. More-
over, the Soviet note does not make clear whether
the Soviet Government is claiming that the decree
of confiscation by the Hungarian military court
relieves the Soviet Government from liability to
the United States Government for failure to I'e-
turn the airplane and its contents or their value.
In the absence of a specific reply on these points,
the United States (Jovernment will assume that
the United States property in question was volun-
tarily turned over to Hungarian authorities by
the Soviet Government. The Soviet Government
is informed that the action of turning over the
described property to the Hunjijarian authorities
and the action of the Hungarian authorities in
purporting to confiscate the property in no way
relieve the Soviet Government from liability to
the United States; and further that any steps
which the United States may take directed to
obtaining a return of the property in question, or
their value, from the Hungarian Government will
in no way constitute condonation by the United
States of the illegality of the Soviet Government's
action or relieve it from liability to the United
States.
The Charge d'Affaires ad mterim therefore is
again transmitting the original United States note
and requests the Acting Minister for Foreign Af-
fairs tliat due consideration be given to the note
antl an appropriate reply be transmitted as re-
quested.
Soviet Reply of December 20
No. 50/U.S.
In comiection with the note of the Embassy of
the United States of America No. 495 of Decem-
ber 17, 1952, with which the Embassy again for-
warded to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
U.S.S.R. the note of the Charge d'Affaires ad
interim of the U.S.A. in the U.S.S.R. of December
10, IDSB, the Ministry states the following.
Inasmuch as the Embassy's note of December
17, 1952 touches upon the same question as the
note of the Charge d'Affaires ad interim in the
U.S.S.R. of December 10, 1952, which was returned
to the Embassy for reasons set forth in the letter
of the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
U.S.S.R., Y. A. Malik, of December 11, 1952, the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not see any rea-
son for new consideration of this question and
returns herewith the Embassy's note of December
17 and the Embassy's note of December 10 which
was attached to it.
Moscow, December 20, 1952.
To the Embassy of the United States of America,
Moscow
U.S. Position on ICRC's Proposals Relative to Koje-do Incident
Press release 929 dated December 22
The International Committee of the Red Cross
{ICRG) released last week at Geneva a collection
of correspondence in two volumes, called the
'"''Korean Conflict,''^ covering the period from
January 1 to June 30, 1952.
News stories based on the ICRG release of cor-
respondence referred to a cotnmittee letter dated
May 12, 1952, and to a letter from Gen. Mark W.
Clark, Cotnmander in Chief, United Nations
Forces. The letter from General Clark was dated
June 12, 1952, and tvas in fact a reply to a letter of
May 2 J,, 1952, from the ICRC.
The ICRC correspondence of May 12 was in the
form of an aide-memoire to the American Consul
at Geneva. This aide-memoire of May 12 was
answered by the American Consul on July 28.
The Consul's reply did not appear in the collec-
tion of correspondence released by the ICRC last
week. Following are the texts of the ICRCs aide-
memoire and the reply of the Amei^can ConsuJ:
ICRC'S AIDE-MEMOIRE OF MAY 12
The attention of the International Committee of
the Red Cross has recently been drawn by its Dele-
gation for Korea to the dangerous situation pre-
vailing in the United Nations POW Camp No. 1 at
Koje-do, and, in addition to the events of 18 Feb-
ruary 1952, to the grave occurrences in this camp
on 13 March and 10 April 1952.
On 13 March a group of soldiers of the Republic
of Korea and a group of Korean prisoners of war
from Compound 93, who were under guard by
South Korean soldiers, passed alongside Com-
pound 92 (which was also a Compound of Korean
52
Department of State Bulletin
prisoners of war). The prisoners of war of the
two Compounds 92 and 93 are stated under these
circumstances to have begun throwing stones at
one another on grounds of differences of political
opinions. Certain South Korean soldiers are said
to have been hit by these missiles, on which they
opened fire, and killed 12 prisoners of war and
wounded 26.
On 10 April in the matter of a wounded prisoner
in Compound 95, whom his comrades refused to
permit to be moved to the hospital, orders were
issued to move the man. Unarmed military per-
sonnel of the Republic of Korea entered the Com-
pound for the purpose, but did not take the forma-
tion they were directed to take. Trouble followed,
in the course of which the American troops opened
fire, in which ROK soldiers joined. As a result
there were wounded and dead amongst the pris-
oners of war and the guards.
In the dual circumstances it appears that the
firing constitutes a violation of Article 42 of the
Geneva Convention of 1949.
The Head of the International Committee of the
Red Cross delegation for Korea thought it neces-
sary to inform General Ridgway personally on 25
March as to the position, and in particular as to
the events of 13 March above stated, and to make
certain proposals to him with a view to improving
the position. The proposals in question were for :
1. Withdrawal of the South Korean guards of
Koje-do Camp, their employment as guards of
their compatriots constituting a continual risk of
incidents.
2. Avoidance of political demonstrations of any
kind, and in particular of the continuance of the
political programme of the C. I. E.^ for the educa-
tion of prisoners of war. Political questions do
not in general concern the International Commit-
tee of the Red Cross; but it thought it should raise
the present issue in view of its humanitarian as-
pects, political activities being a constant source
of incidents.
3. Distribution of the enormous Koje-do Camp
amongst smaller camps, which would be more
easily controlled.
General Ridgway agreed in principle with these
three proposals. He gave immediate orders with
regard to the second proposal. He said he would
endeavour to find means of acting on the first pro-
posal. The third proposal was, he said, a matter
which exceeded his powers, but he would support
the proposal, should occasion arise. The Inter-
national Committee of the Red Cross has since
learnt that steps have been taken on the subject
of this last proposal.
The International Committee of the Red Cross
is anxious in the first place to say how much it
appreciates the facilities which have been given to
it to enable it to fulfil its tasks in connection with
' Civil Information and Edueation.
January 12, 1953
the prisoners of war. It also appreciates the
understanding displayed by the highest Military
authorities in relation to tlie Head of the Inter-
national Committee's delegation.
In submitting the above to the competent au-
thorities, the International Committee of the Red
Cross is expressing the hope that the proposals
put forward by its delegate will be taken into con-
sideration. Their application would most likely
avoid the rejietition of serious incidents, and in
general promote relaxation of a dangerous tension.
CONSUL GENERAL'S REPLY OF JULY 28
The Consul General of the United States of
America has the honor again to refer to the Aide-
Memoire of the International Committee of the
Red Cross dated May 12, 1952. This document
concerned the situation then prevailing at the
United A^ations Prisoner of War Camp No. 1 at
Koje-do in South Korea.
The Consul General has been instructed to reply
to the Committee's Aide-Memoire as follows :
1. It is believed that the following facts more
completely describe the incident of April 10, 1952,
at Camp No. 1 :
(a) On April 10, 1952, the Communist pris-
oners once again challenged camp authorities.
This incident began with a violent Communist
demonstration inside the barrier of Compound
95 of Enclosure Number 9. The several com-
pounds of this enclosure containing North
Korean Army enlisted men had been involved
in virulent Communist agitation, beatings, and
intimidations of non-Communists since mid-
September, but never before had the leaders or
the group as a whole openly challenged camp
authority. In the efforts to restore order one
prisoner of war was wounded. A United
States Army Captain and two United States
soldiers, all unarmed, immediately entered the
compound dispensary, just within the com-
pound gates, to remove the wounded man to the
hospital. They were forced to withdraw by the
swarming Communists.
(b) Brigadier General Francis T. Dodd,
then Camp Commandant, promptly ordered
that the Communist leaders in the compound
permit the evacuation of the wounded Com-
munist. Wlien they refused. General Dodd
ordered 100 unarmed Republic of Korea guards
into the enclosure to bring out the casualty.
The guards were promptly set upon with clubs
and stones; one guard was seized by the Com-
munists and disappeared in the rioting mass.
The armed guards outside the perimeter, in an
attempt to protect the unarmed Republic of
Korea soldiers, fired into the enclosure, wound-
ing, amon^others, a United States Army officer
and some Republic of Korea guard personnel.
(c) At this point, the Communists staged a
mass rush on the open gates. This attack was
53
stopped by the prompt and determined action
of an American officer and two American sol-
diers manning a jeep-mounted .30 caliber ma-
chine gun which, was covering the gate to
prevent any mass escape. As a result of this
disturbance, precipitated and continued by the
prisoners, three Connnunists were killed and
fifty-seven wounded; four Republic of Korea
Army guards were killed, six wounded ; and one
American officer was slightly wounded.
2. With regard to the three proposals made by
the International Committee of the Red Cross to
General Ridgway, the following information pre-
sents certain developments since the proposals
were made, as well as certain facts not mentioned
by the International Committee of the Red Cross,
pertinent to the subject.
(a) Withdrawal of South Korean guards: A
large number of UN (other than Republic of
Korea) guards are now on Koje-do; however,
the magnitude of the job directs some utilization
of South Korea guards.
(b) Education of prisoners of war: The
CI&E program consists of an orientation pro-
gram during which prisoners of war, on a volun-
tary basis, attend lectures on the history of
Korea and China ; Korea under the American
occupation; the aims, structure, functions and
accomplishments of the United Nations; the
principles, ideals and practices of democracy as
contrasted to those of totalitarianism. Follow-
ing the orientation program, prisoners of war
are assisted in developing vocational skills
which will enable them to participate in the
future rebuilding of their countries while at the
same time to improve their living conditions in
the camps where they are held as prisoners of
war. This phase was removed from the pro-
gram early in April, 1952; the entire CI&E
program was discontinued late in April, 1952,
because of the screening operations and the sub-
sequent transfer of prisoners of war to other
componnds. A complete CI&E program, in-
cluding tlie "orientation course", is currently in
progress at all installations housing prisoners
of war who have refused to return to Com-
munist control. In these installations, the pro-
gram is being well received by the prisoners.
Camp authorities especially desire the CI&E
program as a means of providing constructive
use of the time of the prisoners, which con-
tributes to good order and discipline.
(r) Distribution of prisoners of war: It is
believed that this has been satisfactorily ar-
ranged. By June 22, 1952, eighty-one thousand
prisoners of war had been moved to more
manageable 500-man compounds.
3. It is believed that appropriate action has
JDcen taken on the International Committee of the
Red Cross proposals to avoid repetition of serious
incidents and to relax tension in the compounds.
54
Loan for Expansion of Iron and Steel
Production in India
The International Bank for Reconstruction and
Develo])ment on December 19 announced a loan of
31.5 million dolhirs for a major expansion of iron
and steel production in India. The borrower is
the Indian Iron and Steel Company, Ltd. (Iisco),
a privately owned Indian company whose works
are situated in West Bengal. The loan is for a
term of 15 years and is guaranteed by the Govern-
ment of India.
The loan will help the company carry out a
5-year project for increasing its blast-furnace
capacity from r)40,0()0 tons to 1,-100.000 tons of iron
a year and for raising finished steel capacity from
350,000 to 700,000 tons annually. When com-
pleted, the company's program will double the
quantity of foundry iron now available from
domestic sources in India and will increase the
countr}''s present output of finished steel by about
one-third.
India is now in the second year of a 5-year plan
for economic development. Greater supplies of
iron and steel are essential to the continued prog-
ress of the plan. Large amounts of both will be
required for the increased production of food, a
pressing need of the Indian economy. Iron is re-
quired for the manufacture of plows and other
farm equipment. Steel is needed for the construc-
tion of large irrigation and flood-control works
designed to increase agricultural output, for ex-
tension of railroads and roads, for hydroelectric
works to furnish power to industry and rural
areas, and for new housing. Tlie demand for steel
is already considerably larger than can be met by
Indian producers, and substantial amounts of
foreign exchange are spent each year for steel
imports.
India is in a particularly good jjosition to pro-
duce her own steel. Her steel companies are low-
cost producers. The country has rich deposits of
the basic materials needed — iron ore, coal, manga-
nese, and limestone — and labor is plentiful, i
Iisco's works, west of Calcutta in the Burnpnr
area of the Damodar Valley, are situated conveni-
ently close both to basic raw materials and to the
principal markets for steel in India.
The present loan grows out of reconnnendations
made by an International Bank mission headed by
George Woods, chairman of the First Boston Cor-
poration. The mission concluded that the Bank
could most quickly help India achieve important
gains in production by helping to finance new
facilities at the works of Iisco and of the Steel
Corporation of Bengal, Ltd. (Scon).
ScoB and Iisco are separate companies but are
to be merged as of January 1, 1953, under legisla-
tion introduced in the current session of the Indian
Parliament. The assets and liabilities of Scob
will be transferred to Iisco, and Scob will cease to
Deparfment of Sfate BuUefin
exist. The plants of the two companies are under
the same management, and their works at Burnpur
already are physically integrated.
The'program for which the Bank's loan is being
used consists of the expansion of the integrated
facilities at Burnpur, the modernization of Iisco's
iron plant at Kulti, a few miles from Burnpur,
and the expansion and mechanization of Iisco's
operations at its iron mines at Gua. At Burnpur,
two new batteries of 78 coke ovens each will be
installed and an obsolete 40-oven battery will be
removed; two new blast furnaces, each with a
daily output of 1,200 tons of iron, will be installed.
Steel-making facilities will be increased by the
addition of a third 25-ton Bessemer converter.
The finishing departments in the rolling mills will
be expanded for additional tonnage. At Iisco's
Kulti works, which make iron for foundries, the
blast furnaces will be modernized and equipment
will be installed to lower production costs.
The total cost of this program is estimated at
approximately 73.5 million dollars. More than
half of the cost will be met out of Iisco's revenues
and by loans and advances from the Indian Gov-
ernment ; the Bank's loan will be used to pay for
imported equipment and services.
While the Bank in the past has lent funds for
private manufacturing enterprises, it has done so
by making loans to intermediary borrowers, such
as central or development banks, who have re-lent
the proceeds to these enterprises. The Iisco loan
is the first the Bank has made directly to a manu-
facturer. The interest rate is 4% percent includ-
ing the 1 percent commission which, in accordance
with the Bank's articles of agreement, is allocated
to a special reserve. Amortization payments will
begin on April 15, 1959, and are calculated to pay
off the loan on October 15, 1967.
This is the Bank's fourth loan in India. The
others are 31.2 million dollars for the rehabilita-
tion of the Indian railways; 18.5 million dollars
for the development of power and irrigation in
the l3amodar Valley; and 7.5 million dollars for
land clearance in central India. The first project
has been completed; the others are still being
carried out.
Point Four Agreement
for Indian Malaria Control
Press release 9.33 dated December 30
A malaria-control program designed to provide
protection for approximately 75 million people in
India by March 1954 has been agreed upon be-
tween the Government of that country and the
Technical Cooperation Administration, it was an-
nounced on December 30. The program provides
for a contribution by the United States of
5,200,000 dollars of Point Four funds for the first
January 12, 1953
year's operation and of 14,900,000 rupees (the
equivalent of 3,129,000 dollars) by India for the
same period.
During the last fiscal year the United States
contributed (548 thousand dollars of Point Four
funds to the Indian malaria-control program.
These funds were used for the purchase of DDT
and resochin tablets.
India has included the control of malaria in its
over-all 5-year development plan. Point Four
will supply some 4,000 long tons of 75 percent
wettable DDT, 2,250 Pludson sprayers, 4,500
stirrup pumps, 75 motor-driven spraying units, 75
microscopes, 300 trucks, 75 jeeps, and 9 station
wagons for the operation of the program. The
cost of these items, all to be purchased in the
United States, is estimated at 5,200,000 dollars.
The Indian contribution is to be used in defraying
local costs, materials, and services.
For more than a century, malaria has been rec-
ognized as the most formidable health problem in
India. The Government already has taken meas-
ures to combat it and its program today is calcu-
lated to bring benefits to some 30 million people.
The best available statistics indicate an annual oc-
currence of 100 million cases with one million
deaths directly attributable to the disease and
another million in which malaria is an indirect
factor.
There are no direct figures on the personal mone-
tary losses the disease has been causing, but the
World Health Organization found that since the
beginning of its malaria program in Terai, United
Provinces, there has been a 36 percent increase
in land under cultivation, an equal percentage of
increase in grain-food production, more than 100
percent increase in production of grain and edible
oils and in industrial undertakings. There was a
75 percent increase in population due to resettle-
ment of Pakistani refugees who returned to the
territory after it was made safe.
The organization for the malaria-control pro-
gram rests with the Malaria Institute of India and
the state governments. Nine of the states have
programs in operation ; eight others have limited
organizations. They are assisted with funds and
technical advisers by the Central Government.
The proposed nation-wide program which pro-
vides for continuous operation is divided into a 3-
year accelerated program, financed in part by the
Indo-American Fund to bring malaria speedily
under control, and a state-controlled program
financed by the states with or without funds from
the Central Government. The over-all control
will rest with the Ministry of Health of India,
with state, private, and governmental-agency
participation.
The international, bilateral, and selected gov-
ernmental agencies will serve as an advisory com-
mittee to the Ministry of Health with respect to
the malaria-control program and its operation.
They will also provide expert technical consulta-
55
tion or assistance as requested by the Ministry of
Health of India or by the states. Constant evalu-
ation of the ])rograni will be made to insure its
efficient operation.
The Indian 5-year plan also includes the con-
struction of a DDT plant (programed for 1954-
55) to sujjploment the output of the DDT plant
programed by the Government of India with the
assistance of the World Health Organization.
The plant is sche<hiled to be put into operation
during the spring of 1954, with an output of 750
tons of DDT.
The Indo- American cooperative program is for
3 years. During that time the Indo-American
Fund will be used to provide financial assistance
to the states through jj;rants of DDT and essen-
tial new equipment, btate governments and the
Central Government will provide the rupee costs
for operations in an amount at least equal to the
DDT costs. At the end of the 3-year period the
Central and state governments will provide all
fmids for the continuation of the program. It is
planned to establish and operate 200 malaria-
control units. Each unit will benefit about one
million population and will utilize from 30 to 40
tons of DDT. It will consist of a malaria-control
officer, four senior malaria-control inspectors, four
malaria inspectors, an accountant, three clerks,
five van drivers, 13 field workers (full time), 130
part-time field workers, and 6 other persons for
watchmen, sweepers, and peons.
It is planned to get 75 of these units into oper-
ation during 1953-54. An additional 50 will be
added the next year and a final 75, to bring the
total to 200, during the third year of the program.
The World Health Organization and Rocke-
feller Foundation have collaborated in India's
malaria-control program and the latter still pro-
vides consultation on request, overseas training
for malariologists and contributions to the sup-
port of operations in malaria control in Mysore
State.
During the entire period of the program, special
attention will be given to training Indian techni-
cians to continue the operations when the original
3-year plan is completed. The medical officers
and malaria inspectors will receive their training
at the Malaria Institute and the spraying crews
will get their training in the field.
Point Four in Saudi Arabia
Press release 2 dated January 2
Dr. Samuel S. Stratton, U.S. director of Tech-
nical Cooperation in Saudi Arabia, having con-
cluded his assignment, left his post on December
19, 1952, to return to the United States.
John A. Dunaway, chief of the Government
Sei-vices and Public Administration Division of
the TcA staff in Saudi Arabia, will be acting di-
rector of technical cooperation until a successor
to Dr. Stratton is named. Mr. Dunaway, a spe-
cialist in customs and tariff matters with long
experience in the international field, has had serv-
ice with various international commissions in the
Near East and a period of service as financial ad-
viser to the Government of Liberia. He is pres-
ently engaged in helping the Government of Saudi
Arabia revise and modernize its entire tariff and
customs system, as part of a broader undertaking
for systematizing the entire fiscal and monetary
structure of the Government.
During Dr. Stratton's year in Saudi Arabia, a
monetary agency has been established ; a system of
Government control over expenditures and re-
ceii?ts has been inaugurated; a new currency has
been adopted ; ground-water surveying and water-
well construction has continued and expanded;
plans have been completed for surveys of the
Riyadh-Jidda railway route, preliminary to
award of contracts for construction; the nation's
first commercial school has been started ; and pre-
liminary work has been completed on a coopera-
tive community-development program, which will
be a large-scale effort by the Saudi Arabian Gov-
ernment to improve the economic and social con-
ditions of villagers. Activities in health, sani-
tation, education, and agriculture are expected to
get under way shortly.
Letter of Credence
Syria
The newly appointed Ambassador of Syria,
Farid Zeineddine, presented his credentials to the
President on December 18. For text of the Am-
bassador's remarks and of the President's reply,
see Department of State press release 925 of De-
cember 18.
56
Department of State Bulletin
American Citizens in ttie U.N. Secretariat
LETTER FROM SECRETARY ACHESON
TO REPRESENTATIVE FRANK L. CHELF >
Press release 932 dated December 30
December 30, 1952
My Dear Mr. Chelf :
In the course of testimony before the Subcom-
mittee of which you are Chairman, an official of
tlie Department of State has discussed the highly
confidential arrangements whereby the Depart-
ment of State has identified for the Secretary-
General of the United Nations American citizens
employed in the United Nations Secretariat, or
contemplated for employment therein, whom the
Department believed, on the basis of investigation,
to be Communists or under Communist discipline.
You have asked that officers of the Department
furnish to your Committee the names of the per-
sons in the Department of State who evaluated
the information resulting from the investigation
of American citizens employed or who were con-
templated for employment by the United Nations.
Evaluation is not a single act. It is a process in-
volving a series of responsible administrative ac-
tions. The official in the Department of State
who is responsible, under my supervision, for
handling all aspects of United States policy to-
ward the United Nations and all relationships
between the United States and the United Nations
is Mr. John D. Hickerson, Assistant Secretary of
State for United Nations Affairs. On instrvic-
tions from the President, the Department is un-
able to supply you with the names of those persons
who participated in the evaluating process in con-
nection with American citizens in the employ of
the United Nations.
To carry out successfully the foreign policy of
the United States, the Department of State re-
quires loyal, objective, fearless, and able per-
formance of duty by operating officials. All tasks
assigned to a subordinate official of the Depart-
ment of State must be carried out in that manner,
whether the individual likes the particular task
or not. Some tasks are themselves likable and
enjoyable while others must be performed regard-
less of whether the official enjoys them. If the
name of a subordinate official who evaluated se-
' Chairman, Sppcial .Subcommittee of the House of
Representatives Committee on the Judiciary.
January 12, 1953
236686—53 3
curity information regarding American employees
in the United Nations were to be made public, or,
indeed, if the names of those officers who drafted
particular political documents regarding our re-
lations witli individual foreign countries were to
be made public, the successful carrying out of the
foreign policy of the United States would be ad-
versely affected, if not seriously compromised. It
is apparent, at the outset, that a demand for the
names of subordinate officials involved in any par-
ticular foreign relations task of the Department
of State is, by itself, indicative that the task upon
which they have been engaged is a matter of public
controversy; if tiie subject matter itself were not
a matter of controversy there would ordinarily
be little motivation for any desire to identify sub-
ordinate officials connected with it. A practice
of making public these names would of necessity
be a signal to all subordinate officials of the De-
partment of State to avoid as best they could
becoming involved in matters which were con-
troversial, or, if unavoidable, for each to tailor
his actions with respect to such a matter to what
he conceived to be, at that time, the state of popu-
lar feeling or of any articulate portion of the
public regarding it, even though he considered
that action based upon that feeling or a portion
of it to be contrary to the interest of the United
States, as his own honest, considered, and trained
judgment saw that interest. Not only that, he
would be apt to document his precise contribution
or attitude — "make a record" — on the controversy
against the day when he would have to justify
himself "on the record". A foreign service or civil
service career official, loyal and trained, who en-
joyed his work and wished to continue in it, would
without question consider that he would be taking
risks which would appear to him to be undue
should he act otherwise under those circumstances.
A Department of State whose officers avoided
working on difficult and controversial matters, or
adjusted their own judgments to what they con-
ceived to be popular judgments, or were busily
engaged in "making records", could not operate
effectively to carry on successfully the foreign
relations of the United States.
These considerations have long been recognized
in the Department and have resulted in the adop-
tion long ago of the principle of effective responsi-
bility of the top officials of the Department.
57
These men, the Assistant Secretaries of State or
their equivalent in rank, are responsible for the
work of all subordinate oflicials who serve under
them. They, and the Secretary of State under
whose supervision they work, are responsible for
all the work performed by the Department of
State. Their subordinates have their confidence or
they cease to be subordinates. It is essential in
order that the efficiency of the Department as an
operating institution be maintained, to preserve
this principle. To disclose the names of subordi-
nate officials who have evaluated the security in-
formation on an American citizen employed by
the United Nations, or who drafted a controversial
note to the French, would undermine that princi-
ple to the detriment of the Department and the
United States.
The arrangements between the United States
and the United Nations regarding the identifica-
tion of American citizens employed by the United
Nations who are Communists or under Communist
discipline were established on the most highly
classified basis in 1949. The names of the evalu-
ating officials in the Department of State who
performed functions under this arrangement were
classified on the same basis at the same time.
While the existence of this arrangement has been
made public, this portion of the arrangement has
not been and cannot be declassified. It is essential
that this be so in order that the integrity of the
investigative files themselves can be maintained.
For the furnishing of the names of these officials
can lead only to questioning of these officials re-
garding their action — the reasons for their evalua-
tion of particular individuals. Such questions
could be answered only upon the basis of infor-
mation contained in investigative files as recol-
lected by tlie officer. As a consequence, informa-
tion contained in investigative files themselves
would have been disclosed. As you know, it is
the established policy of this Government that
security files of individuals must remain con-
fidential in the public interest.
For these reasons, and by direction of the Pres-
ident, the names of the subordinate evaluating
officers cannot be furnished.
Sincerely yours.
Dean Acheson
STATEMENT BY JOHN D. HICKERSON
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR U.N. AFFAIRS'
Press release 934 dated December 31
I should like to begin by first clarifying certain
important points that have arisen in the recent
discussions on the subject of the loyalty of Ameri-
cans on the U.N. Secretariat. Let me summarize
" Made before the Special Subcommittee of tlie House
Committee on the Judiciary on Dec. 31. For text of Mr.
Hickerson's statement before the Senate Internal Security
Subcommittee on Dec. 10, see Bulletin of Dec. 29, 1952,
p. 1026.
the main points first and then take them up in
greater detail later.
1. The Department of State has always felt that
Americans who are Communists or under Com-
munist discipline should not be employed by the
United Nations and that all appropriate steps
should be taken to remove them. This view has
been shared by the Secretary-General of the
United Nations, who under the Charter of the
United Nations has the responsibility of hiring
and firing Secretariat employees.
2. In 1946 Secretary Byrnes established the
policy that, with the exception of the appointment
of the first Assistant Secretary-General for Ad-
ministrative and Financial Services, the U.S. Gov-
ernment would not make recommendations for
employment on the U.N. Secretariat. That policy
has been followed ever since.
3. The Department of State has never under-
taken to clear or "give a clean bill of health" to
any American employed by the United Nations.
The fact that the Department of State did not
make adverse comments on Americans on the U.N.
Secretariat under a confidential arrangement
started in the fall of 1949 did not mean that those
individuals were cleared, and this was understood
by the Secretary-General. The U.S. Government
was not in a position to assume responsibility for
the reliability of Americans on the Secretariat on
loyalty grounds, and the Secretary-General was
so informed.
4. The Department of State could not, without
violating security practices of the U.S. Govern-
ment, make available to the United Nations tlie in-
formation provided it by the FBI and other se-
curity agencies which was the basis for the ad-
verse comments sent to the Secretary-General.
5. The Department has not had evidence justi-
fying a conclusion that there was spying or espio-
nage on tlie part of American citizens employed by
the United Nations. If either the Department of
State or the Department of Justice had had evi-
dence justifying such a conclusion, prompt action
would have been taken under the criminal laws
of the United States by the Department of Justice
whicli has responsibility for enforcing these laws.
6. Witliout in any way minimizing the impor-
tance whicli the Department places on seeing that
the employees of the Secretariat are persons of
integrity, it should be borne in mind that the se-
curity of classified information is not involved in
this question. The employees of the Secretariat
of the United Nations do not have access to any
U. S. security information.
7. Despite the handicaps which the confidential
nature of the arrangement with the Secretary-
General imposed on it, the arrangement achieved
the dismissal of a number of disloyal Americans
and prevented the employment of others.
Misconceptions on these points have arisen from
the failure to understand the background of the
58
Department of State Bulletin
confidential arrangement between the U.S. Gov-
ernment and the Secretary-General on subversive
Americans on the U.N. Secretariat. The confi-
dential nature of the arrangement created limita-
tions and difficulties.
The U.N. Secretariat is one of the principal or-
gans of the United Nations. It is a staff of inter-
national employees charged with servicing the
various organs and agencies of the United Nations
and of serving the 60 member nations represented
in these organs. It was clear when the organiza-
tion of the United Nations was being planned
that this staff had to be set up as an impartial and
objective staff, subject to the orders of no member
state. The Secretariat was accordingly placed
under the authority of the Secretary-General, the
chief administrative officer of the organization,
and established as an international civil service
not subject to instructions from any government
or from any other authority external to the organ-
ization. Of course, we realized that some govern-
ments might abuse the position of their nationals
on the Secretariat. But we believed that the
United States should set an example, and we did,
in seeking to assure a firm basis for the interna-
tional character of the Secretariat as the only
means of establishing a solid basis of confidence
by the member states in the work of the organiza-
tion.
It is important to look at the precise provisions
of the Charter on this subject :
Article 7, paragraph 1 states that "There are
established as the principal organs of the United
Nations: a General Assembly, a Security Council,
an Economic and Social Council, a Trusteeship
Council, an International Court of Justice, and
a Secretariat."
Articles 97 through 101 recite the detailed Char-
ter provisions in regard to the composition of the
Secretariat. These articles read as follows :
Article 97
The Secretariat shall comprise a Secretary-General and
such staff as the Organization may require. The Secre-
tary-General shall be appointed by the General Assembly
upon the recommendation of the Security Council. He
shall be the chief administrative officer of the Organiza-
tion.
Article 98
The Secretary-General shall act in that capacity in
all meetings of the General Assembly, of the Security
Council, of the Economic and Social Council, and of the
Trusteeship Council, and shall perform such other func-
tions as are entrusted to him by these organs. The
Secretary-General shall make an annual report to the
General Assembly on the work of the Organization.
Article 99
The Secretary-General may bring to the attention of
the Security Council any matter which in his opinion may
threaten the maintenance of international peace and
security.
Article 100
1. In the performance of their duties the Secretary-
General and the staff shall not seek or receive instruc-
tions from any government' or from any other authority
external to the Organization. They shall refrain from
any action which might reflect on their position as inter-
national officials responsible only to the Organization.
2. Each Memlier of the United Nations undertakes to
respect the exclusively international character of the
responsibilities of the Secretary-General and the staff and
not to seek to influence them in the discharge of their
responsibilities.
Article 101
1. The staff shall be appointed by the Secretary-General
under regulations established by the General Assembly.
2. Appropriate staffs shall be permanently assigned to
the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Coun-
cil, and, as required, to other organs of the United Nations.
These staffs shall form a part of the Secretariat.
3. The paramount consideration in the employment of
the staff and in the determination of the conditions of
service shall be the necessity of securing the highest
standards of efficiency, competence, and integrity. Due
regard shall be paid to the importance of recruiting the
staff on as wide a geographical basis as possible.
In effect the Charter, in particular articles 100
and 101, states that hiring and dismissal of U.N.
staff members is the sole responsibility of the
Secretary-General in accordance with the regu-
lations established by the General Assembly and
that the Secretary-General shall not seek or re-
ceive instructions from any government in the dis-
charge of this duty as well as his other duties. At
the same time, every member state is committed
to respect the international character of the Sec-
retary-General's responsibilities and not to seek
to influence him. The United States has acted
accordingly in its relations with the Secretary-
General.
The second factor basically affecting the nature
of the confidential arrangement was that before
the International Jurists' Report last month ^ the
Secretary-General had not found it possible to
discharge Americans on the stated ground that
they were Communists or under Communist disci-
pline. Furthermore, in discharging employees
the Secretary-General had to contend with an
elaborate appeals procedure, including an Ad-
ministrative Tribunal, with power to demand a
reversal of the Secretary-General's action or dam-
ages in lieu thereof. These circumstances made it
essential that the Secretary-General protect him-
self against the charge that he was being unduly
influenced by the U.S. Government, in violation
of the Charter, when moving against persons
identified by the Department as subversive.
At the first session of the General Assembly in
1946, Trygve Lie was elected Secretary-General
and, under regulations established by the General
Assembly, he proceeded to appoint the Secretariat
staff.
Subsequently, in 1946 the Secretary-General
discussed with the Department the recommenda-
tion of an American as Assistant Secretary-Gen-
eral for Administrative and Financial Services,
and the general question as to whether the U.S.
' U.N. doc. A/INF/51 dated Dec. 5, 1952.
January 12, 1953
59
Government proposed to make recommendations
with respect to other U.S. nationals to be em-
ployed in the Secretariat. J. B. Hutson was
recommended for the post of Assistant Secretary-
General by Secretary Byrnes and was appointed
by Mr. Lie. At the "same time, Secretary Byrnes
indicated that it would be the policy of the U.S.
Government not to make recommendations with
respect to subordinate positions. The Depart-
ment, in pursuance of this policy, has not recom-
mended persons for employment in the Secretariat.
It has not given instructions to the Secretary-
General, nor has it assumed a responsibility for
"clearing" employees.
When I assumed my present duties as Assistant
Secretary of State for United Nations Affairs in
August 1949, I found that the Department of
State was concerned over the situation which in-
vestigative reports were disclosing. A few days
after assuming these duties I discussed this prob-
lem with one of the principal assistants of the
U.N. Secretary-General. As a result of our mu-
tual concern with the problem, there was worked
out a confidential arrangement under which the
U.S. Government was to identify for the Secre-
tary-General U.S. nationals employed by the
United Nations or contemplated for employment
who would appear to be members of the Commu-
nist Party or under Communist discipline. The
jjurpose of this arrangement was to give the Sec-
retary-General all the assistance we felt we could
properly give him but without assuming any part
of his responsibility.
Under this arrangement, the Secretary-General
undertook to submit to the Department lists of
names of U.S. nationals on the Secretariat or being
considered for employment, with the request that
the Department inform the United Nations
whether readily available information disclosed
any police or criminal record. The Department
of State initiated name check investigations draw-
ing upon such information as was available in
the Department, together with such information
as was made available on request by the FBI and
other investigative agencies of the Government.
The information was reviewed by the Depart-
ment. A routine reply was then made to the
United Nations on the question of evidence of a
criminal or police record. If the national agency
checks had produced information which was con-
sidered to warrant an adverse comment on the
grounds of Communist membership or subjection
to Communist discipline, this adverse comment
was conveyed by word of mouth before despatch
of the cover reply. The security practices of
the U.S. Government made it impossible to com-
municate to the United Nations the detailed se-
curity information on which the adverse comment
was based.
Let me emphasize that we did not undertake to
"clear" anybody, and the Secretary-General un-
derstood this. Furthermore, as a consequence of
the confidential nature of the arrangement, the
U.S. Government was not in a position to conduct
full field investigations on Americans in the U.N.
Secretariat. Such investigations would have be-
come a matter of general knowledge and would
have undermined the operation of the arrange-
ment.
The arrangement thus operated under many
handicaps. A considerable period was required
for the U.S. Government to deal with individual
cases. The removal of Americans identified under
the arrangement by the Secretary-General re-
quired further time. Ill-advised or precipitate
action would have revealed the confidential ar-
rangement and made it even more difficult to bring
about removal. The determination of loyalty in
border-line cases was extremely difficult due to
the dependence on information gained from nor-
mal channels and the inability to conduct and fol-
low through on field investigations. Nevertheless,
the arrangement was the best possible one under
the circumstances and did produce results. The
arrangement has achieved the dismissal of a num-
ber of Americans on whom the State Depai'tment
transmitted adverse comments and has prevented
the employment of others.
Throughout the period of the operation of the
confidential arrangement, we have been involved
in the serious and delicate problems inherent in
an international staff of a world-wide organiza-
tion. It is difficult for the United Nations to
justify one rule for American employees and other
rules for other nationalities. There are a number
of valued and capable employees whose countries
have lost their freedom since their employment
by the United Nations. The home countries of
these employees would welcome a chance to ter-
minate their employment with the United Nations
and to submit substitutes for them in the Secre-
tariat. At the present time, approximately one-
half of the nationals of Poland and Czechoslo-
vakia on the Secretariat were employed before the
Communists took over the Governments of these
countries, and the Secretary-General has resisted
pressure from their present Governments to effect
their removal. Competent Secretariat employees
should be protected from political changes of gov-
ernment, peaceful or revolutionary, in their home
countries, if an effective Secretariat is to be
maintained.
Because of the complexities of the problem and
of the U.S. concern, the Secretary-General on No-
vember 7 announced the appointment of a Com-
mission of international jurists to study this whole
problem and submit recommendations to him.
On November 29 the Commission's report was pub-
lished. In effect, the Commission of jurists con-
cluded that the United Nations should not employ
any person on whom he has reasonable grounds
for belief that he is engaged or has been engaged
or is likely to be engaged in subversive activities
against the host government ; and that the Secre-
60
Department of State Bulletin
tary-General of the United Nations had the au-
thority to discliarge and to deny employment to
such U.S. nationals.
The Department of State has recommended to
the President that he sign an Executive order
taking full advantage of the conclusions and rec-
ommendations of the jurists' report and of the
Secretary-General's acceptance of it. Under the
proposed procedure the U.S. Government will
screen present and proposed U.S. employees of
the United Nations and transmit information to
the Secretary-General to insure that only loyal
Americans are employed.
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT OF
FORTHCOMING EXECUTIVE ORDER
Press release 031 dated December 30
At the direction of the President, the Depart-
ment of State, the Department of Justice, and the
Civil Service Commission have prepared an Exec-
utive order designed to assure that American
citizens employed by the United Nations are loyal
Americans and persons of the highest integrity,
faithful to tlieir obligations as international civil
servants. The Executive order will establisli a
procedure for the screening of Americans on the
U.N. Secretariat which is similar to the Federal
loyalty program. This procedure was made pos-
sible by and formulated in the light of the con-
clusions and recommendations made in the report
of the U.N. Commission of Jurists of November
29, 1952, and accepted by the U.N. Secretary-Gen-
eral Trygve Lie as the basis of his personnel
policy.
The report of the jurists concluded that the
Secretary-General has authority to remove Amer-
icans from his staff on tlie grounds of disloyalty
to the host country, the United States. As stated
by the jurists:
In exercising his responsibility for the selection and
retention of staff the Secretary-General should regard it
as of the first importance to refrain from engaging or
to remove from the staff any person whom he has reason-
able grounds for believing to be engaged or to have been
engaged, or to be likely to be engaged in any subversive
activities against the host country.
The jurists' report pointed up the difficulties
for the Secretary-General in proceeding against
a Secretariat employee on the basis alone of a
member state's general conclusion that the person
in question should be removed. The report sug-
gested tliat the member state should give the Sec-
retary-General evidence or information support-
ing its conclusion. These observations were made
in connection with the jurists' affirmation that the
selection and retention of the U.N. staff is the sole
responsibility of the Secretary-General.
Following acceptance of the jurists' report by
the Secretary-General, the Department of State
informed the President that the report established
a comprehensive and satisfactory basis for assur-
ing that only loyal Americans are employed on
the U.N. Secretariat. Both the Department of
State and the Secretary-General had been in
agreement that subversive Americans should not
be employed by the United Nations and that all
appropriate steps should be taken to remove them.
However, before the jurists' report, the Secretary-
General had not found it possible to remove Amer-
icans on these stated grounds. This made it nec-
essary that assistance given by the U.S. Govern-
ment to the Secretary-General in the discharge of
his responsibilities be on a highly confidential
basis with all their limitations and attendant
difficulties.
The Executive order will establish for Ameri-
cans employed or being considered for employ-
ment by the United Nations a procedure of investi-
gation, hearing, and review. Full field investiga-
tions will be conducted by the FBI on all persons
other than minor employees. Full field investiga-
tions will be conducted even on minor employees
when warranted by derogatory information de-
veloped by the Civil Service Commission in a pre-
liminary investigation. Following investigation,
individuals on whom adverse information is de-
veloped will be afforded the opportunity of hear-
ings and review by the Civil Service Commission
Regional Loyalty Boards and the Loyalty Review
Board on the basis of the standards set forth in
the Executive order.
The Secretary-General of the United Nations
will be advised of the decisions of the Loyalty
Boards together with the reasons therefor, stated
in such detail as security considerations of the
United States permit. Furthermore, at any stage
in an investigation, the Secretary-General may be
provided with derogatory information as a basis
for suspension or other interim action pending a
final determination by the Loyalty Boards. Un-
der article 101 of the U.N. Charter, the decision
as to employment or removal rests with the Secre-
tary-General.
The new procedure will differ from former ar-
rangements in four major respects. (1) For the
first time, the United States will be able to give
clearance to American employees in the United
Nations. Until now it has not given clearance
or a "clean bill of health" to anyone. (2) The in-
formation essential for a responsible and consid-
ered determination of the loyalty of Americans
employed in the United Nations will now be avail-
able through investigative processes comparable
to those for Federal employees, including full field
investigations where necessary. (3) Americans
employed in the United Nations will be protected
in their rights through the hearing and appeal
process. (4) The Secretary-General will have the
benefit of pertinent information as a basis for his
decisions.
It is expected that the Executive order will be
issued promptly. Detailed plans for its imple-
mentation are being pressed urgently by the Civil
January 72, 1953
61
Service Commission and the Departments of State
and Justice within the Executive Branch of the
U.S. Government, and in consultation between this
Government and the United Nations.
The United States is host to the United Nations
at its lieadquarters in New York. It regards the
United Nations as an important instrument for
the promotion of international peace and security,
and it has been tlie U.S. objective since its estab-
lishment to strengthen the United Nations so that
it can fulfill the purposes of the Charter effectively
and in accordance with its principles. The new
procedure under the Executive order is in furtlier-
ance of that objective, and is consistent with the
role of the United States as a faithful member,
supporter, and host.
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT OF JANUARY 9
PrcsB release 12 dated January 9
All true Americans share the view that U.S.
citizens of only the highest integrity and having
the fullest confidence of the public should be em-
ployed by the United Nations. The U.S. Govern-
ment is unrelentingly opposed to communism and
to those who accept its discipline. U.S. nationals
who fit this description are not suitable inter-
national civil servants.
The President today issued an Executive order
designed to assure that Americans employed by the
United Nations are loyal Americans and persons
of the highest integrity, faithful to their obliga-
tions as international civil servants. It is hoped
that the procedures established under the Execu-
tive order will allay current anxiety about the
loyalty of Americans employed by the U.N. Secre-
tariat and will free from any taint of suspicion
the vast majority of the 2,000 Americans whose
service in the United Nations has been a credit to
this Nation.
It is important to reaffirm the wholehearted
support of the people and Government of the
United States for the principles and objectives of
the U.N. The new procedure under the Executive
order reinforces this support as it assists the Secre-
tary-General in removing from the U.N. Secre-
tariat and preventing the employment by it of
Americans who are in no way suitable persons for
an international civil service.
The U.N. is still a new organization. Only the
tests of experience and the willingness of its mem-
ber states to contribute to its strengthening will
cure the imperfections of such a new organization.
But, with these imperfections, the U.N. remains the
best instrument at our disposal in the quest for
international peace and security. As the host
Government for the United Nations, it behooves us
all to reaffirm our faith in the organization. We
must never cease to work in a calm, orderly, and
persistent manner toward the goal for which it
was established and to do our utmost to help it to
function effectively.
EXECUTIVE ORDER 10422 «
Prescribing procedures for making available to the
Secretary General of the United Nations cer-
tain information concerning United States
citizens employed or being considered for em-
ployment on the Secretariat of the United
Nations
Whebeas the United States has ratified the Charter of
the United Nations and is participating in the activities of
the United Nations by virtue of the ratification of the said
Charter (59 Stat. 1031), and of the authority granted by
tlie United Nations Participation Act of 1945 (59 Stat.
619) ; and
Whep.eas a Commission of .Jurists has advised the Secre-
tary General of the United Nations that be should regard
It as of the first importance to refrain from employing
or to dismiss from employment on the Secretariat of the
United Nations any United States citizen who he has
reasonable grounds for believing has been, is, or is likely
to be, eniiaged in espionage or subversive activities against
the United States; and
Wheueas the Commission of Jurists has also advised
that tlie United States should make available to the Secre-
tary General information on which the Secretary General
can make his determination as to whether reasonable
grounds exist for believing that a United States citizen
employed or being considered for employment on the
Secretariat has been, is, or is likely to be, engaged in
espionage or subversive activities against the United
States; and
Whereas the Commission of Jurists has further advised
that the independence of the Secretary General and his
sole responsibility to the General Assembly of the United
Nations for the selection and retention of staff should be
recognized by all Member Nations; and
Whekeas the Secretary General has declared his in-
tention to use the conclusions and recommendations of the
opinion of the said Commission of Jurists as the basis
of his personnel policy in discharging the responsibilities
entrusted to liim by the Charter and staff regulations of
the United Nations ; and
Whereas in the participation by the United States in
the activities of the United Nations it is in the interest
of the United States that United States citizens who are
employees of the Secretariat of the United Nations be
persons of the highest integrity and not persons who
have been, are, or are likely to be, engaged in espionage
or subversive activities against the United States ; and
Whereas it is in tlie interest of the United States
to establish a procedure for the acquisition of information
by investigation and for its transmission to the Secre-
tary General in order to assist the Secretary General in
the exercise of his responsibility for determining whether
any United States citizen employed or being considered
for employment on the Secretariat has been, is, or is likely
to be, engaged in espionage or subversive activities against
the United States; and I
Whereas such procedure should afford opportunity for |l
hearing to any United States citizen employed or being
considered for employment on the Secretariat as to whom
an investigation discloses derogatory information, so that
the person affected may challenge the accuracy of any
such information ;
Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested in me
by the Constitution, statutes, and treaties of the United
States, including the Charter of the United Nations, and as
President of the United States, it is hereby ordered as
follows :
* 18 Fed. Reg. 239.
62
Department of State Bulletin
PART I - INVESTIGATION OF UNITED STATES
CITIZENS EMPLOYED- OR BEING CONSIDERED
FOR EMPLOYMENT ON THE SECRETARIAT OF
THE UNITED NATIONS
1. Upon the receipt by the Secretary of State from the
Secretary General of the United Nations of the name of
and other necessary identifying data concerning each
United States citizen employed or heing considered for
employment by the United Nations, there shall be an in-
vestigation of such person in accordance with the standard
set forth in Part II of this order.
2. The Secretary of State shall forward the information
received from the Secretary General of the United Nations
to the United States Civil Service Commission, and the
Commission shall conduct a preliminary investigation.
3. The preliminary investigation conducted by the Civil
Service Commission of any such person shall be made at
all available pcitinent sources of information and shall
include reference to :
(a) Federal Bureau of Investigation files.
(b) Civil Service Commission files.
(c) Military and naval intelligence files as appro-
priate.
(d) The files of any other appropriate Government
investigative or intelligence agency.
(e) The files of appropriate committees of the Con-
gress.
(f) Local law-enforcement files at the place of resi-
dence and employment of the person, including
municipal, county, and State law-enforcement
files.
(g) Schools and colleges attended by the person,
(h) Former employers of the person.
(i) References given by the person,
(j) Any other appropriate source.
4. Whenever information revealed with respect to any
such person is derogatory, within the standard set forth
in Part II of this order, the United States Civil Service
Commission shall forward the information to the Federal
Bureaii of Investigation, and the Bureau shall conduct a
full field investigation of such person : Provided, that in all
cases involving a United States citizen employed or being
considered for employment on the internationally re-
cruited staff of the United Nations, the investigation re-
quired by this Part shall be a full field investigation
conducted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
5. Reports of full field investigations shall be forwarded
through the United States Civil Service Commission to the
appropriate Regional Loyalty Board of the Civil Service
Commission. Whenever such a report contains derogatory
information, under the standard set forth in Part II of this
order, there shall be made available to the person in ques-
tion the procedures of the Civil Service Regional Loyalty
Board (including the opportunity of a hearing) and the
right of appeal to the Commission's Loyalty Review Board,
in like manner as provided for with respect to employment
with the executive branch of the Government of the United
States under Executive Order No. 98.S,5 of March 21, 1947,
as amended. The Regional Loyalty Board, or the Loyalty
Review Board on appeal, shall transmit its determinations,
together with the reasons therefor stated in such detail as
security considerations permit, to the Secretary of State
for transmission to the Secretary General of the United
Nations for his use in exercising the responsibility with
respect to the integrity of the personnel employed by the
United Nations imposed upon him by the Charter of the
United Nations and the regulations established by the
General As.sembly, and in light of the Report of the Com-
mission of Jurists.
6. At any stage during the investigation or lo.valty board
proceeding the Secretary of State may forward to the
Secretary General, in as much detail as the investigative
and loyalty review agencies determine that security con-
siderations will permit, the derogatory information dis-
closed by investigation. This shall be for the purpose of
permitting the Secretary General to determine whether or
not he should take interim action with respect to the em-
ployee prior to the completion of the procedures outlined
in this order. The making available of any such informa-
tion shall be without prejudice to the right of full hearing
and appeal as provided for herein.
7. Tlie Secretary of State shall notify the Secretary Gen-
eral in all cases in which no derogatory information has
been developed.
PART II -STANDARD
1. The standard to be used by a Regional Loyalty Board
or by the Loyalty Review Board on appeal, in making an
advisory determination as provided for in paragraph 5
of Part I of this order with respect to a United States
citizen who is an employee or is being considered for em-
ployment by the United Nations, shall be whether or not
on all the evidence there is a reasonable doubt as to the
loyalty of the person involved to the Government of the
United States.
2. Activities and associations of a United States citizen
who is an employee or being considered for employment by
the United Nations which may be considered in connection
with the determination whether or not on all the evidence
there is a reasonable doubt as to the loyalty of the person
involved to the Government of the United States may in-
clude one or more of the following:
(a) Sabotage, espionage, or attempts or preparations
therefor, or knowingly associating with spies or
saboteurs.
(b) Treason or sedition or advocacy thereof.
(c) Advocacy of revolution or force or violence to
alter the constitutional form of government of
the United States.
(d) Intentional, unauthorized disclosure to any per-
son, under circumstances which may indicate dis-
loyalty to the United States, of United States
documents or United States information of a
confidential or non-public character obtained by
the person making the disclosure as a result of
his previous employment by the Government of
the United States or otherwise.
(e) Performing or attempting to perform his duties,
or otherwise acting, while an employee of the
United States Government during a previous
period, so as to serve the interests of another
government in preference to the interests of the
United States.
(f) Membership in, or affiliation or sympathetic as-
sociation with, any foreign or domestic organiza-
tion, association, movement, or group or combina-
tion of persons, designated by the Attorney Gen-
eral as totalitarian, fascist, communist, or sub-
versive, or as having adopted a policy of advocat-
ing or approving the commission of acts of force
or violence to deny other persons their rights
under the Constitution of the United States, or as
seeking to alter the form of government of the
United States by unconstitutional means.
PART III -OTHER INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZA-
TIONS
The provisions of Parts I and II of this order shall be
applicable to United States citizens who are employees
of, or are being considered for employment by, other
public international organizations of which the United
States Government is a member, by arrangement between
the executive head of the international organization con-
cerned and the Secretary of State or other oflicer of the
United States designated by the President.
The White House,
January 9, 1953.
January 12, J 953
63
Migration Committee To Expand Services in 1953
FOURTH SESSION OF THE PROVISIONAL INTERGOVERNMENTAL COMMITTEE
FOR THE MOVEMENT OF MIGRANTS FROM EUROPE
hy George L. Warren
The fourtli session of the Provisional Intergov-
ernmental Committee for the Movement of Mi-
grants from Europe was held at Geneva from
October 13 through October 21, 1952.^
The Migration Committee was established pro-
visionally for 1 year at Brussels in December 1951,
following the Conference on Migration, which was
attended by 27 governments. Fifteen of the gov-
ernments that were represented at Brussels par-
ticipated in establishing the Committee; its
purpose was to facilitate the movement out of
Europe during 1 year of operations of approxi-
mately 100,000 migrants and refugees, who would
not otherwise be moved.
The 19 governments which were represented as
members of the Committee at the fourth session
were Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Canada,
Chile, Denmark, France, the Federal Republic of
Germany, Greece, Italy, Israel, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands, Paraguay, Sweden (which had
joined since the third session), Switzerland, the
United States, and Venezuela. Interested inter-
national organizations, the Holy See, and the fol-
lowing 10 governments were represented at this
meeting by observers: Bolivia, Colombia, Costa
Rica, Ecuador, Norway, Panama, Peru, Spain, the
United Kingdom, and Uruguay. Bolivia was rep-
resented at the second session as a full member, but
has not yet confirmed its membership in writing to
the director.
At the fourth session the representative of Nor-
way indicated informally that favorable parlia-
mentary action on the membership of Norway
might be expected shortly; this was confirmed
' For articles by Mr. Warren on the Brussels Conference
on Migration and the first, second, and third sessions of
the Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe,
see Bulletin of Feb. 4, 1932, p. 169; ihid., Apr. 21, 1952,
p. 6.38 ; and iUd., July 21, 1952, p. 107.
after the meeting by Norway's formal acceptance
of membership. Word was received from the
Argentine Government during the session that a
decision to join the Committee had been reached,
and the Committee was requested to send a repre-
sentative to Rio de Janeiro after the meeting to
negotiate for Argentina's membership. The
representative of Costa Rica indicated informally
his Government's interest in joining the Commit-
tee at an early date.
The following were elected to serve as officers at
the fourth session: Count Giusti del Giardino
(Italy), chairman, A. L. Nutt (Australia), first
vice chairman, N. Hadji Vassiliou (Greece),
second vice chairman, F. Donoso (Chile), rap-
porteur.
The Subcommittee on Finance, composed of
Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the
Netherlands, and the United States, met from
October 9 through October 11 and thereafter oc-
casionally during the fourth session of the full
Committee. The U.S. representative was elected
chairman. The Subcommittee considered the re-
port of the director on the budget and plan of
expenditure for 1952, the proposed revised staff
regulations, the proposed budget and plan of ex-
penditure for 1953, the proposed scale of govern-
ment contributions to the administrative budget
for 1953, and the proposed revised financial
regulations.
Total of 62,808 Moved From Europe
The Subcommittee found that between Febru-
ary 1 and September 30, 1952, the Committee had
moved 62,808 persons out of Europe, including
23.870 refugees. Of the latter, 660 were moved
with the assistance of voluntary agencies. It also
found that the anticipated movement for the cal-
endar year 1952 would approximate 100,000 as
64
Department of State Bulletin
opposed to the 137,000 estimated at the second
session of the Committee in February 1952. The
sources and destinations of the 62,808 moved were
as follows:
Countries of Immigration
Australia 10, 702
r.razil 5, 3G5
Canada 7,295
Chile 563
Israel 264
United States 36,618
Venezuela 627
Countries of Emigration
Austria 10, 375
Far East 600
Germany 34, 578
Greece 126
Italy 6,011
Netherlands 7, 451
Trieste 753
Other 2,914
In consequence of this reduced rnovement, the
revised estimate of income for administrative ex-
penditures for 1952 was $2,252,080 as opposed to
$2,359,060 previously budgeted. The revised
estimate of income for operations for 1952 was
$27,984,793 as against the earlier budget of
$38,991,600. Including $20,890 of miscellaneous
income, the estimated total income for 1952 was set
down as $30,257,763 as against the earlier figure of
$41,350,660. Contributions to the administrative
budget received by September 30, 1952, totaled
$1,667,476, leaving a balance due of $584,604, in-
cluding $196,391, the fourth quarter payment of
the United States. Assuming the receipt of all
estimated income and the final movement of
100,000 persons in the calendar year 1952, there
would probably be a carry-over of resources on
January 1, 1953, of approximately $3,000,000,
which was considered to be a minimum require-
ment if operations were to be continued in 1953.
The Subcommittee transmitted the estimate of
income of $30,257,763 and of expenditures of $26,-
950,830 for the calendar year 1952 to the full Com-
mittee for its consideration. In doing so, the Sub-
committee noted that the payment of contributions
to the administrative budget by member govern-
ments had been very satisfactory, but that con-
tributions to the operating fund for the payment
of nonreimbursable movements would fall short by
$1,200,000 of the original estimate of $11,000,000.
The Subcommittee reviewed in detail the pro-
posed revised staff regulations, including a new
salary scale, designed to provide more flexibility
at no greater cost to the Committee, and trans-
mitted the draft as revised to the full Committee.
The Canadian and U.S. representatives expressed
their preference for an all-inclusive salary scale at
headquarters but did not press the issue. The
Subcommittee also examined and transmitted to
the full Committee the revised financial regula-
tions submitted by the director for adoption in the
event that operations were continued beyond De-
cember 31, 1952.
The Subcommittee on Finance also examined a
proposed i-evision of the scale of allocations to
member governments of contributions to the
administrative expenditures for 1953, which was
set forth both in terms of percentages and units
with a proposed value for each unit. One hundred
percent of the administrative expenditures for
1953 was allocated to the existing membership.
Additional allocations were made to prospective
members. The allocation to the United States re-
mained at 33.33 percent as in the original scale
effective for 1952. The percentages assigned to
other members were in all cases slightly increased.
However, the total dollar amount of each contribu-
tion for 1953 was less than the respective contribu-
tion for 1952, due to the lower budget of admin-
istrative expenditures for 1953. The revised scale
was transmitted to the full Committee for con-
sideration and adoption.
Expansion of Committee's Activities Proposed
Having considered the progress report of the
director covering the period from June 1 to Sep-
tember 30, 1952, the full Committee dealt first with
the question of continuing the Committee's ac-
tivities after December 31, 1952. The govern-
ments of certain emigration and immigration
countries proposed the adoption of a resolution
prolonging the activities of the Committee in-
definitely beyond December 31, 1952. The dis-
cussion on the continuance of the Committee's
activities was influenced substantially by the "Ke-
port on Technical Aid and International Finan-
cing for the Encouragement of Migratory Move-
ments from Europe," made by the director in ac-
cordance with the Brazilian resolution adopted at
the third session. This resolution requested the
director to confer with other international or-
ganizations active in the field of migration with
a view to reporting to the Committee at its fourth
session the findings and conclusions of these or-
ganizations with respect to ways and means of
facilitating migration through technical assist-
ance and international financing, which might be
of significance to the Committee in its efforts to
achieve greater movement out of Europe. The
director's report suggested that the Cominittee
expand its services and, in particular, participate
in the organization and financing of pilot coloniza-
tion projects.
The argument presented by those governments
which proposed to establish the Committee on a
permanent basis was, briefly, that the Committee's
experience in 1952, while fully justifying the es-
tablishment and continuation of the Committee,
had shown that the mere movement of migrants
and refugees, even with passage supplied for some
at the expense of the Committee, had not produced
the anticipated impact on the problems of surplus
populations and refugees in Europe. In order to
make a more effective contribution to the resolu-
tion of these problems, the Committee would need
to expand its activities and devote attention to
the possibilities of increasing the volume of mi-
gration from Europe through the encouragement
of colonization schemes. To do this it would be
necessary to give the Committee permanent sta-
tus. In the discussion the representatives of cer-
January 72, 7953
65
tain immigration countries — notably, Australia,
Brazil, Chile, and Venezuela — took the position
that a substantial increase above the present move-
ment of migrants to their countries could take
place only if accompanied by the investment of
external capital in colonization projects.
The representatives of other member govern-
ments, including the United States, indicated that
they were not prepared or authorized at this ses-
sion of the Committee to consider the prolonga-
tion of the Committee's activities beyond the cal-
endar year 1953. The future of the Committee
and its terms of reference might be considered,
however, during the sessions of the Committee to
be held in 1953. These governments indicated also
that they were not prepared to authorize the Com-
mittee at this time to engage in the management,
operation, or financing of colonization projects but
would support the offer of staff services by the
Committee to the interested governments of emi-
gration and immigration countries which might
develop colonization projects cooperatively. It
was envisaged that the participation of the Inter-
national Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment in the financing of these projects might be
sought.
Committee To Continue Under New Title
The resolution finally adopted on the question
of the continuance of the Committee's activities
and on the "Report of the Director on Technical
Aid and International Financing of Migration''
provided that the Committee would continue op-
erations during 1953 under the title "Intergovern-
mental Committee for European Migration," that
it would expand its services directly connected
with movement under the terms of the Brussels
resolution, and that it would make its staff avail-
able to assist interested governments of emigra-
tion and immigration countries to develop a for-
mula for the financing of colonization projects
which might make possible the successful presenta-
tion of such projects to the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development by these govern-
ments. All other proposals for activities by the
Committee not covered by the basic resolution
adopted at Brussels ^ would be presented to the
Committee at its next session, as expanded terms
of reference in a draft constitution proposing a
more permanent status for the Committee.
The budget and plan of expenditures for 1953
as originally presented was based on a quota of
movement during 1953 of 140,000. The Subcom-
mittee on Finance considered tliis estimate optimis-
tic. The director therefore revised the budget
and plan of expenditures for 1953 to provide for
a quota of movement of 120,000, administrative
expenditures of $2,147,000 as recommended by the
Subcommittee on Finance, and operational ex-
' For text of this resolution, see Bitlletin of Feb. 4, 1952,
p. 171.
66
penditures of $34,608,475— a total of $36,755,475.
An item of $600,000 was included in this budget,
which was finally adopted by the full Committee,
to provide for the improvement and expansion of
services in processing migrants prior to movement
and in the distribution of migrants after arrival
in the reception countries — such services to be
undertaken only at the request of governments and
under the terms of the Brussels resolution. It was
reported in the discussion that the governments of
certain countries, such as Italy, Brazil, and Vene-
zuela, were more interested than formerly in call-
ing upon the Committee for expert services of this
character. The discussion also suggested that the
movement of migrants might be increased up to
25 percent by such services, even under existing
immigration potentialities.
The Committee adopted revised staff and finan-
cial regulations and a new scale of allocations to
member governments of contributions to the ad-
ministrative expenditures. These actions were
made necessary by the decision to continue the
Committee's activities during 1953 and the devel-
opments during the current year.
The discussions of the Committee at its fourth
session clearly showed that the countries of emi-
gration— Germany, Greece, Italy, and the Nether-
lands— were anxious to achieve a larger movement
of migrants out of Europe. Unfortunately, the
contraction in movements to Australia and Can-
ada, anticipated to be temporary at the previous
session, had continued during the fall of 1952,
and movements to the Latin American countries,
though promising, had not attained the desired
momentum. The cessation of movement to the
United States, owing to the termination of the
U.S. Displaced Persons Act of 1948, was also
an important factor in reducing the volume of
movement. These developments, however, served
to renew the determination of the Committee to
exercise every resource to exploit and to increase
existing possibilities of immigration. The Com-
mittee was encouraged in this effort by the offers
of collaboration and assistance made by the other
international organizations which participated as
observers in the Committee's session.
The United States was represented by George
L. Warren, Adviser on Refugees and Displaced
Persons, Department of State. Donald C. Blais-
dell, U.S. representative for International Organ-
ization Affairs, Geneva, served as alternate rep-
resentative. The advisers were Guy J. Swope,
Chief, Displaced Populations Division, Office of
the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany; Eric
M. Hughes, Deputy Chief, Escapee Program Co-
ordinating Unit, Frankfort; and David E.
Christian, Paris office. Mutual Security Agency.
The Committee decided to convene its fifth ,
session at Geneva in March 1953. |
*Mr. "Warren^ author of the above article, is
Adviser on Refugees and Displaced Persons, De- ,
partment of State. I
, Department of State Bulletin
U.N. Support for Early Austrian Settlement
Statement hy Benjamin V. Cohen
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
P.S./U.N. press release dated December 17
The United States welcomes the resolution pro-
posed by Brazil, Lebanon, Mexico, and the Nether-
lands,- calling upon the governments concerned to
reach agreement on an Austrian treaty to termi-
nate the occupation of Austria and to restore to
Austria its rights to sovereign statehood.
As one of the Four Powers occupying Austria,
the United States on its part has sought, and will
continue to seek, to carry out the Moscow Declara-
tion of November 1, 1943, that promised to restore
to Austria her freedom and inclependence.
There can and should be no misunderstanding
that the Moscow Declaration proclaimed and was
intended to proclaim the restoration of Austrian
independence as one of the objectives of the war
against Nazi tyranny. It was so recognized by
the Soviet Union : in a proclamation to the citizens
of Vienna in March 1945, the late Marshal
Tolbukhin, commanding the Russian forces in
Austria, said :
The Red Army has set foot on the soil of Austria not
to conquer Austrian territory. Its aim is exclusively the
defeat of the enemy German-Fascist troops and the
liberation of Austria.
The Red Army backs the Moscow Declaration of the
Allied Powers on the independence of Austria.
The temporary occupation of Austria can be
justified only as a war measure. The continuance
of the occupation following the war can be justi-
fied only to the extent necessary to effect an orderly
transfer of sovereign power to the Austrian people
and to insure the removal of the tentacles, military,
political, and economic, by which the Austrian
people were held in the thrall of foreign tyranny.
Austria's independence cannot be restored by
transferring Austria from the tentacles of one
tyranny to those of another. We are pledged to
leave Austria free and not enslaved by or beholden
to any foreign power, and by that pledge in its
entirety the United States intends to stand.
'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on
Dec. 18.
= U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.16 dated Dec. 17.
Early in 1946 at the Council of Foreign Minis-
ters the United States urged that consideration be
given to an Austrian treaty to restore Austria's
independence, and the United States continued so
to urge at subsequent meetings of the Council. In
a formal declaration on October 28, 194(), the
United States reaffirmed that it "regarded Austria
as a country liberated from forcible domination
by Nazi Germany and not as an ex-enemy state."
The United States proposed that the four occu-
pying powers should join not in a peace treaty as
with an enemy state but in a state treaty with the
liberated Austrian State recognizing its inde-
pendence. In this position the United States had
the support of the United Kingdom and France.
But it was not until early 1947 that the Soviet
Union was willing to begin a discussion of the
Austrian treaty. Since that time, 376 quadri-
partite meetings have been held ; 33 were held in
the Council of Foreign Ministers, 85 in the Aus-
trian Treaty Commission, and 258 by the Austrian
Treaty Deputies — but there is still no Austrian
treaty.
The efforts of the United States, the United
Kingdom, and France to conclude a treaty which
would restore to Austria its freedom and inde-
pendence have been frustrated by the intransigent
attitude of the Soviet Union. In the negotiations
the Soviet Union conditioned its agreement to an
Austrian treaty upon the settlement of specific
problems on their own terms. The terms on which
the Soviet Union insisted were not calculated to
safeguard the sovereign independence of Austria
but to perpetuate the dependency of Austria upon
the Soviet Union even after the withdrawal of
Soviet troops. In the summer of 1949 far-reach-
ing concessions were made by the Western Powers
to the Soviet Union and it was thought that a
compromise agreement had been reached on the
principal points standing in the way of a treaty.
But no sooner was tentative agreement reached on
these points than the Soviet Union insisted on
new and some entirely extraneous conditions to
the conclusion of the treaty. It would seem that
the Soviet Union has little interest in a treaty to
restore Austrian independence but is concerned
January 12, 1953
67
only to perpetuate and increase its power over
Austria.
Soviet Attitude on German Assets in Austria
The attitude of the Soviet Union toward the
Austrian treaty is most significantly revealed by
its attitude on the problem of German assets in
Austria.
Under the terms of the Potsdam Agreement,
reparation claims of the Allied Powers against
Germany were to be met in part from appropriate
external German assets. It was agreed that repa-
rations should not be exacted from Austria itself.
There was nothing in the Potsdam Agreement
which detracted or could in good faith be con-
strued to detract from the solemn Allied pledge
in the Moscow Declaration that Austria should be
restored as a free and independent State. There
was, moreover, nothing in the Potsdam Agree-
ment which detracted or could in good faith be
construed to detract from the solemn Allied
pledges in tlie London Declaration of January 5,
1943, that the Allied Powers would do their
utmost to defeat methods of dispossession prac-
ticed by enemy governments in enemy-controlled
countries, even though the dispossessions were
apparently legal in form or purported to be
voluntarily effected.
But despite the Moscow Declaration of 1943
and the London Declaration of 1943, the Soviet
Union in its zone in Eastern Austria seized, under
the claim of German external assets, hundreds
of properties including (1) properties legally
owned by the Austrian State; (2) properties
seized by force and duress from legitimate own-
ers by the Nazis; and (3) properties owned in part
or in whole, not by Germans but by U.N. nationals.
In 1947 the Soviet Union transferred all these
assets which it had seized in its zone to Soviet
corporations, which have administered them with-
out regard to Austrian laws and to the detriment
of the Austrian economy. These corporations
have become an imperium in hnperio in disregard
of Austrian sovereignty. They have claimed ex-
emption from taxes, custom duties, and other laws
of the land. Through these corporations the
Soviet Union has put itself in a position to exert
a strangle hold on the economic life of Austria.
This action of the Soviet Union, based upon its
own unilateral and wholly unwarranted interpre-
tation of tlie Potsdam Agreement, has cost Austria
the use of properties valued conservatively in ex-
cess of 700 million dollars. These properties in-
clude, in addition to 300 industrial enterprises,
over 200,000 acres of farm lands and forests.
The loss to Austria of the production of these
properties and the loss of taxes and custom duties
is figured in hundreds of millions of dollars. From
oil production alone, the loss exceeds the amount
which Austria would have been called upon to pay
annually to the Soviet Union had a treaty been
Text of Austrian Treaty Resolution*
U.N. doc. A/Resolution 61
Dated December 23, 1952
The General Assembly,
Recalling tbe terms of resolution 190 (III) of
3 November 1948, wbeieby an appeal was made to
the great Powers to renew their efforts to compose
their differences and establish a lasting peace,
Recalling the terms of the Moscow Declaration
of 1 November 1943, whereby the Governments of
the Union of Soviet SociaUst Republics, the United
Kingdom of Great Britain ana Northern Ireland
and the United States of America recojini/.ed that
Austria should be re-established as a free and in-
dependent State,
ItECALLiNG FURTHER that the Government of
France joined the three above-mentioned Govern-
ments in said declaration as of 16 November 1943,
Considering that, in the spirit of said declaration,
the four I'owers accepted the responsibility of re-
establishing a free and independent Austria, and,
to that end, have entered into negotiations toward
the conclusion of an Austrian Treaty,
Noting with concern that those negotiations,
which ha\e lieen under way intermittently since
1947, have hitherto failed to bring about the pro-
posed objective.
Taking into account that such state of affairs,
still prevailing after a lapse of seven years since
the liberation of Austria at the end of the Second
World War, and arising from the inconclusive stage
of the aforementioned negotiations, does constitute
a source of deep disappointment for the Austrian
people, who have by themselves made successful
efforts toward the restoration and democratic re-
construction of their country.
Recognizing that only through the unhampered
exercise by the Austrian people of their freedom
and independence can these efforts attain full
realization.
Taking further into account that such state of
affairs hinders the full participation liy Austria in
the normal and peaceful relations of the community
of nations and the full exercise of the powers in-
herent in its sovereignty.
Having in minu tiiat the solution of this problem
would constitute an important step towards the
elimination of other areas of disagreemeiu and
therefore towards the creation of conditions
favourable to the accomplishment of world peace,
Desiring to contribute to tlie strengthening of in-
ternational peace and security and tlie developing
of friendly relations among nations in conformity
with the purposes and principles of the Charter,
Addresses an earnest appeal to the Governments
concerned to make a renewed and urgent effort to
reach agreement on the terms of an Austrian Treaty
with a view to an early termination of the occupa-
tion of Austria and the full exercise by Austria of
the powers inherent in its sovereignty.
^ Tbe resolution was adopted by Committee I on
Dec. 19 by a vote of 48-0-2 (Pakistan and Afghanis-
tan) ; the Soviet bloc of five did not participate.
The plenary session approved the resolution on
Dec. 20 by an identical vote.
concluded upon the basis of compromise proposals
made by the Western Powers in the summer of
1949.
Those proposals, as I have said, constituted
major concessions on the part of the Western
68
Department of State Bulletin
Powers to the Soviet Union. For a time they
promised to bresik the long stalemate on the treaty.
A written statement of agi-eed principles was ap-
proved by all Four Powers.
Incorporating the provisions of the agreement
into agreed articles of a treaty, however, proved
to be more difficult. P'inally, in October 11)49, the
Soviet Foreign Minister declared his Government
would raise no further difficulties on the remainder
of the unagi-eed articles if the Western Powers
would accept the Soviet position on the German
assets.
"With this statement in mind and with the con-
currence of the Austrian Government, agreement
was reached on article 3.5 of the treaty, which in-
volved further concessions to the Soviet viewpoint
on the troublesome question of German assets.
Only five relatively minor articles remained un-
agreed. It seemed as if the conclusion of the treaty
were surely in sight.
Extraneous Issues Raised by the Soviets
The Soviets, however, shortly raised a new issue,
taking the position that there could be no further
negotiations on the unagreed articles until the
question of Austria's debt to the Soviet Union
for payment of supplies and services delivered to
the Austrian Government by the Soviets at the
close of the war was settled.
This was a matter completely between the Soviet
Union and Austria. It had nothing to do with
the treaty. The United States, the IJnited King-
dom, and France were in no way involved. They
had made no claims of this nature on the Austrian
Government.
The Austrians speak of this claim as the "dried
peas" debt. Its history goes back to the early days
of the Allied occupation when the Soviets turned
over to Austrian authorities large quantities of
dried peas to feed the hungry population. The
peas, it is alleged by the Austrians, actually were
from Wehrmacht stores in Vienna which the
Russians had captured.
The Au-strians had found settling this debt diffi-
cult. The Soviets had refused to set a figure.
They had ignored Austrian notes. In fact, the
Austrians had been unable to obtain even a reply
from the Soviet Government to the Austrian in-
quiry regarding payment.
However, in order that this issue might not con-
tinue to block conclusion of the treaty, the Western
Powers finally offered to accept the Soviet version
of this alleged debt and include it in the draft
treaty.
The Soviets, however, refused to consent to
agreement even on terms defined by themselves.
As the insincerity of the Soviet position on this
debt became too obvious for even Soviet comfort,
they dropped it but raised the even more clearly
extraneous issue of Trieste and, subsequently,
questions relating to denazification and demilitari-
zation of Austria.
These questions were not germane to the Aus-
trian treaty or within the competence of the
Austrian Treaty Deputies, whose sole function is
to negotiate and to conclude an Austrian treaty.
Trieste is, of course, a question related to the
Italian treaty. Austria has nothing to do with
Trieste and can do nothing about Trieste. The
Soviet Union is simply using Austria as a pawn
in the Soviet Union's struggle to cling to and
extend its own power in Central Europe.
As for demilitarization, the Allied Council in
Vienna in 1947, after a Four Power survey of the
entire country, reported that Austria possessed
no military organizations, no military fortifica-
tions, no military armaments, no aircraft, no war-
ships, and no naval installations.
The occupation forces do not permit possession
by Austria of any of these items. She is not per-
mitted to have even a civilian airplane, let alone
military aircraft. In other words the country is,
and has been for 7 years, completely demilitarized.
The only military forces in Austria today are
those of the Allied Powers, and the facts are that
the Soviet forces far exceed the combined strength
of the Western Powers forces. Their military in-
stallations and airfields far outnumber those of
the Western Powers. It is ridiculous, therefore,
to say that Austria cannot be granted a treaty be-
cause it is not demilitarized. The one way to de-
militarize Austria is to conclude a treaty which
will rid Austria of foreign troops which it does
not want.
The Soviet charge that the Austrian Govern-
ment has failed to denazify is equally specious.
Austria has complied with the denazification laws
approved by the Allied Council. There are no
blood purges or concentration camps in Austria.
There are free elections and free political parties
in Austria and an independent judiciary which
insures respect for human rights. Austria may
have some shortcomings, as have all other states,
but Austria has freed itself from the Nazi patterns
which are all too evident in the regimes of its
Cominform neighbors.
Recent Attempts To Breait tlie Impasse
I will speak briefly of more recent developments
concerning the Austrian treaty. In a further and
renewed effort to conclude a treaty, the Western
Powers proposed a meeting of the Austrian Treaty
Deputies in London in January 1952. The
Soviets refused to attend this meeting, again rais-
ing the extraneous issues to which I have referred.
In order to break this impasse, the Western
Powere proposed on March 13, 1952, a short,
simple treaty containing only the minimum essen-
tials to an Austrian settlement and giving Austria
real freedom as repeatedly promised by all four
occupying powei'S. This abbreviated treaty con-
tains only eight articles, all but one of which are
agreed articles from the old, long draft treaty.
January 12, 7953
69
The single new article relates to the German as-
sets. It calls for the relineiuishment to Austria of
all property, real and peisonal, of \yhatever de-
scription, held or claimed, by all of the occupying
powers as German assets.
The Western Powers felt that this step was
nothing less than simple justice in light of the fact
that Austria has now been occupied for 7 years
and that hundreds of millions of dollars have been
drained from her economic assets. Concessions
made by the Western Powers to give Austria
prompt relief from the burdens of occupation can-
not be indefinitely maintained when that prompt
relief is not forthcoming.
In view of the heavy burdens which the pro-
longed occupation had imposed on Austria, we
hoped that the Soviet Union would accept this
abbreviated treaty.
The Soviet Government, however, refused to do
so, despite an oiler by the Western Powers to in-
clude four other agreed articles from the long
draft treaty. The Soviet Union replied to this
oifer by raising again the same extraneous issues
}>reviously referred to and once again failed to
appear for a meeting of the Treaty Deputies in
London on September 29, 1952.
It is not the Western Powers' insistence on the
exact terms of a long or a short treaty which
stands in the way of the restoration of a free and
independent Austria. It is, I am sorry to say, the
intransigence of the Soviet Union which con-
tinues to use Austria as a pawn for its own im-
perialistic purposes and its own aggrandizement.
The Western Powers are willing to accept any
treaty in terms adequate to insure the restoration
of Austria's independence and its freedom from
foreign domination.
The United States does not consider it necessary
to contrast the liberality of the occupation forces
of the Western Powers in Austria with the op-
pressive character of the Soviet occupation policy.
The record of the Western Powers in tliis regard
is well known. An examination of this record
would convince anyone that the Western Powers
have, in the absence of a treaty, made every effort
to ameliorate Austria's situation and to grant to
the Austrian Government, to the greatest extent
possible within the terms of existing occupation
agreements, control of its own affairs. They will
continue to do so.
The Brazilian resolution asks only simple justice
for Austria ; it asks only that the Four Powers
which have occupied Austria since 1945 fulfill
their pledged word under the Moscow Declaration
and the U.N. Charter.
Austria has earned the restoration of her sov-
ereignty and independence. Austria has reestab-
lished its democratic Constitution of 1929, which
guarantees the preservation of democratic rights
and interests of the individual. Since the
autnnni of 1945, there have been in Austria free
elections and free political parties.
The Austrian Government, established follow-
ing the 1945 elections, is recognized by the Gov-
ei-nmcnts of the occupying powers and maintains
normal diplomatic relations with many govern-
ments throughout the world.
Austria has applied for membership in the
United Nations and, in the view of my Govern-
ment, deserves admission to membership in this
organization. The General Assembh' has recom-
mended favorable action on Austria's applica-
tion for membership. Even the Soviet Union
considered Austria as qualified for membership
under its package proposal.
Despite the failure of past efforts, my Govern-
ment will continue to press for an honorable set-
tlement of the Austrian treaty question, asking
only that such a settlement leave Austria in full
sovereign control of its political and economic
destiny.
We are entirely willing to meet with representa-
tives of the Soviet Union to discuss and conclude
such a treaty. We will meet again and again and
again. But our experience of these past 7 _years
leaves little hope for arriving shortly at a satis-
factory conclusion unless something more is
added.
Perhaps this resolution is that something more.
My Government urges that the General As-
sembly place the moral weight of the United Na-
tions behind the effort to secure a just settlement
of this issue in accordance with Charter principles.
Austria seeks only justice. And it is justice long
delayed. My Government believes that Austria
is entitled to its freedom and independence under
the Charter. The United States, therefore, sup-
ports the resolution submitted by Brazil, Lebanon,
Mexico, and the Netherlands.
General Assembly's Role in the
Palestine Question
Statement by Philip C. Je.isup
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly''-
U.S./l'.N, press release dated December 19
In order to explain the view of the delegation
of the United States and the vote which we shall
cast on the draft resolution and amendment be-
fore us,^ it is necessary very briefly to indicate
the point of view of the U.S. delegation concern-
ing the role of the General Assembly in this Pales-
tine question which is now under consideration.
It seems to us that the interest and purpose of
" Made on Dec. 18 in plenary session in explanation
of vote on the Palestine item. The resolution urging the
parties to the dispute to enter into direct iie;iotiations
failed to obtain the necessar.v two-thirds majority at the
Dec. IS meeting; the vote was 24-21-15.
'U.N. docs. A/AC. 61/L. 23/Rev. 4 and A/L. 134.
70
Department of State Bulletin
the General Assembly in considering this ques-
tion is to aid, insofar as it can, toward the achieve-
ment of a solution of this difficult problem. Until
this problem is solved, the peace and prosperity of
that great area of the Middle East cannot be as-
sured"^ and until that is assured, the whole struc-
ture of international peace cannot be considered
firm and permanent. Therefore, it has seemed to
my delegation that each step taken by the General
Assembly, each vote passed in the General As-
sembly, must be influenced by the conclusion of
a delegation : whether that step, whether that vote,
will contribute toward the achievement of a solu-
tion of the Palestine question.
When the General Assembly, 5 years ago, began
its consideration of the Palestine question, it rec-
ommended definite substantive solutions for va-
rious elements of the Palestine problem. But it
became generally realized that solutions could not
be imposed upon the parties.
Just 4 years ago last Thursday, December 11,
1948, John Foster Dulles, speaking for the dele-
gation of the United States at the General As-
sembly session in Paris, on this question, re-
marked : "The General Assembly does not have the
power to command them [the parties] or lay upon
them precise injunctions."^ Since that is true,
it becomes obvious that any solution must be an
agreed solution and, in the last year or so, the
General Assembly, having taken that into account,
has not sought to determine the actual substantive
solution of elements of the problem in Palestine,
but rather has recommended to the parties meth-
ods and procedures by which they themselves
might agree upon some such solution. And that
is the course which the Ad Hoc Political Commit-
tee has followed this year in its consideration of
this question.
Both in the Committee and in the plenary ses-
sion of the General Assembly we all make an
earnest effort to agree upon some recommendation
which might be unanimously accepted, and, par-
ticularly, might be accepted "by the states directly
concerned with the problem. Unfortunately, this
year it is apparent that that happy result is not
going to be attained. In those circumstances the
General Assembly must exercise its best judgment
on the propositions laid before it as to what course
will be most helpful, having in mind our ultimate
objective. We must proceed, by the processes de-
fined for the General Assembly, to express that
judgment ; and it is precisely that which the Ad
Hoc Political Committee has done in recommend-
ing to the General Assembly the draft resolution
which is before it.
~"When this draft resolution was first introduced
in the Ad Hoc Political Committee by eight dele-
gations, its language was very simple. In con-
nection with the chief issue which has developed
in the debates, it is well to recall this— that the
draft resolution as originally introduced simply
called upon the parties to enter into direct nego-
tiations.
In the course of the Committee's consideration,
various changes have been made in the resolution
in order to meet the objections which were ad-
vanced to it in its original form. It was argued
in the Committee that this simple appeal for direct
negotiations would constitute an impairment of
the rights of some of the parties, that it would
prejudice their rights. Accordingly, we now find
in the resolution as it comes to us the express words
that the entering into direct negotiations shall be
"without prejudice to their respective rights and
claims."
It was argued in the Committee that the simple
form of the resolution ignored the previous resolu-
tions of the General Assembly as if they were
being i-epealed or as if they were lost sight of and
deemed to be of no account. Accordingly, in the
course of the debates in the Ad Hoc Political Com-
mittee, additional words were inserted to provide
that in these direct negotiations the parties should
be advised to bear in mind the resolutions, as well
as the principal objectives of the United Nations
on the Palestine question. It was also suggested
that in connection with the problem of the Holy
Places in Palestine there were interests of third
parties which should also be borne in mind, and
language was adopted in the resolution now before
us which would take that into account also.
Emphasis on Direct and Unconditional Negotiations
It seems to me quite clear that in tlie resolution
as it comes to us, with the recommendations of the
Ad Hoc Political Committee, there is no surrender
or impairment of rights suggested. On behalf of
the delegation of the United States, I pointed out
in the Ad Hoc Political Committee," and I reaffirm
it here on behalf of my delegation, that the lan-
guage of this resolution does not mean that the
parties, in undertaking direct negotiations, should
first abandon what they consider to be their legiti-
mate rights and interests or cast aside the expres-
sions of the General Assembly's views that have
been set fortli in the various resolutions on Pales-
tine. We believe that direct negotiations should
be direct and unconditional, and that the parties
on the one hand and on the other should enter into
these direct negotiations uncontrolled by any prior
assertion or prior condition, that it should be a
free and open negotiation.
As we entered into our discussion of this ques-
tion in plenary meeting of the General Assembly,
we were confronted with an amendment intro-
duced by the Philippine delegation. I think tliat
our consideration of that amendment must again
be guided by our answer to tlie question : will the
adoption of this amendment help in serving our
fundamental purposes ? As I have already stated,
■ Bulletin of Dec. 26, 1948, p. 793.
ianuary 12, 1953
'76id., Dec. 15, 1952, p. 953.
71
it seems to me clear, and the representative of
Panama lias pointed this out, that the adoption of
this amendment would not succeed in securing that
unanimity which we all would so much like to see.
Therefore, we must examine it in its particular
parts to see the utility and effect of each part of the
amendment.
As we examine it, it is quite clear, at least to my
delegation, that it introduces no new concept which
is not already to be found in the resolution which
comes to us from the Committee. In the first
place, the amendment suggests that the words
"bearing in mind" should be replaced by the words
"on the basis of." It might seem to one who has
not followed the debates that this is an innocent
and meaningless change of language, but to those
who have followed these discussions through long
and sometimes weary hours in the Ad Hoc Politi-
cal Committee it is well known that this question
of the exact expression to be used in this context
engaged tlie attention of the Committee over a
very considerable period of time, that various for-
mulae were suggested, and I believe that on the
basis of that discussion one is forced to the con-
clusion that the inclusion of these words "on the
basis of" would result at least in the conclusion in
some minds that the negotiations were to be based
upon certain conditions, in other words, that we
would be back at the conditional type of negotia-
tion, which my delegation does not think the
proper approach to direct negotiations. We be-
lieve, therefore, that the original language in para-
gi-aph 4 of the draft resolution, on this point,
should be maintained.
Secondly, there is a suggestion that we should
add at the end of paragraph 4 the words "and, in
particular, the principle of the internationaliza-
tion of Jerusalem." It seems to me that that would
not be a wise addition to the resolution. In the
first place, the specific example which is here pro-
posed to be included in the resolution, namely, the
question of the internationalization of Jerusalem,
is precisely that one task which cannot be accom-
plished merely by the direct negotiations of the
parties. The parties may facilitate the result, but
the internationalization of Jerusalem, as has been
apparent from all the previous debates of the
General Assembly, is an international task and not
a task which is confined solely to the negotiations
of the parties. In the second place, we know that
there are several points which are of major con-
cern in a final settlement on Palestine. They have
been mentioned by various representatives this
morning, and they include particularly the terri-
torial question and the question of refugees, and
these are not particularly called to mind. The
question arises, why should we call to mind one
question and not the other questions ?
Moreover, it seems to me we are all highly con-
scious of the fact that this question of the inter-
nationalization of Jerusalem has a very deep and
sacred meaning for many peoples throughout the
world and for peoples of many faiths. I cast no
doubt at all upon the motives of the representa-
tives of the Philippines who introduced this
amendment, nor upon the motives of those who
support this amendment, but I do fear that the
introduction of this idea in this form at the last
moment of our considerations might lead in some
minds to a suspicion that this is an element thrown
into the parliamentary consideration of this ques-
tion for some parliamentary reason, and not solely
on the basis of the de<^p religious concern which
so many of us have in the ultimate solution of
this problem.
Specific Issues Before the Assembly
More broadly, the ciuestion which concerns this
(xeneral Assembly in voting on this amendment
and on this i-esolution is this: We are not being
asked to vote for or against resolutions passed by
the General Assembly in 1947 or in 1948 or in 1949
or any other year. We are being asked to vote on
a specific resolution recommended to us by the
Ad Hoc Political Committee and upon a specific
amendment to that resolution. We must make up
our minds as to the wisdom of the adoption of the
particular amendment to that resolution recom-
mended to us. It is impossible to say that when
one votes on the question of substituting words
one is, on the basis of that, expressing a funda-
mental opinion as to the soundness or wisdom of
this or that paragraph of some prior resolution
of this General Assembly adopted some 4 or 5
years ago. Similarly, when one votes on the ques-
tion of adding some words referring to the inter-
nationalization of Jenisalem, one is not being
asked to vote here as to whether one favors inter-
nationalization or whether one believes that is the
way to protect the Holy Places and to regulate
that part of the whole Palestine question. That
is not the issue upon which we are going to vote,
and anyone who votes against the addition of this
phrase is not saying he does not believe in the
internationalization of Jerusalem. We are con-
sidering, as I have said, the addition of particular
words to a particular resolution, looked at from
the point of view ,of the total result which this
Assembly will produce in the expression of its
opinion on the issues which are now before us for
decision at this stage of the perennial discussion
of the Palestine question.
Finally, in closing I should like to remind my
fellow representatives that many of us have been
through a number of debates on this Palestine
question at a number of different sessions of the
General Assembly.
Many of us remember that in previous sessions
of the General Assembly we have found that in
the course of our debates we have been conscious
of very strong differences of opinion as to the wise
course to follow in the framing of a resolution.
I am very happy to recall that on previous occa-
72
Department of State Bulletin
sions, when the sound of the eloqnent arginnents
no longer echoed in our ears and when we pro-
ceeded to deal realistically witli situations which
practically confronted us as governments, we were
able to go forward again in unity and in harmony
in our common effort to solve the problem.
On behalf of the U.S. delegation — since the
United States is a member of the Palestine Con-
ciliation Commission — I wish to assure the Assem-
bly and particularly to assure those states con-
cerned with this problem that as a member of the
Palestine Conciliation Commission the United
States remains and continues to be ready to offer
all assistance in its power to the parties in any
efforts they may make toward the solution of tliis
problem.
For the reasons I have given, the U.S. delega-
tion will oppose the Philippine amendment and
will maintain its vote for the draft resolution in
the original form in which it came to us from the
Committee.
U. S. Reaffirms Position on Kashmir
iStatement iy John C. Ross
Deputy U. S. Representative in Security CounciZ ^
I repeat the view of my Government that any
agreement of the parties on a just basis which
would settle the dispute, whether reached directly
or under the auspices of the U.N. representative
[Frank P. Graham], would be welcomed by the
United States. The cosponsors have put before
the Security Council a draft resolution which we
feel organizes some of the suggestions of the U.N.
representative on the issue which we consider to
be basic — the question of demilitarization.
The U.N. representative has told the j^arties
that he will at all times welcome suggestions from
either Government directed to settling the main
differences between them and therefore directed to
the solution of the dispute. Therefore, nothing
contained in the draft resolution stands in the
way of the parties coming forward with sugges-
tions of their owii. Nothing in the resolution
' Made in the Security Counfil on Dec. 2.S. At the same
meeting, the Council adopted tlie amended U.S.-U.K. res-
olution on Kashmir ; the amendment, proposed by the
Netherlands and accepted by the sponsors of the original
draft, urges India and Pakistan to enter into immediate
negotiations "under the auspices of the United Nations
Representative" in order to reach agreement on the
specitic number of forces to remain on each side of the
cease-fire line after demilitarization. The passage in
quotation marks replaces the words "at the Headquarters
of the United Nations" in the original draft (Buixetin of
Nov. 17, 1952, p. 801). The Council's vote was 9-0, with
the U.S.S.R. abstaining ; as an interested party, Pakistan
did not participate.
alters or reduces in any way the powers of the U.N.
rejjresentative under the previous resolutions.
I consider it undesirable, unnecessary, and un-
constructive to go back into the history of this
case and reexamine the basis of the resolutions of
the U.N. Commission for India and Pakistan.
Therefore, I do not propose to discuss the charge
of aggression. To my Government the important
political fact for us is that the parties have agreed
that the accession of Kashmir will be decided
through a free and impartial plebiscite conducted
under the auspices of the United Nations. That
is the agreement and the principle which we are
attempting to help the parties to turn into a
reality. In the opinion of my Government the
draft resolution before the Security Council rests
foursquare on this agreement embodied in those
resolutions.
Furthermore, we must not lose sight of the view
which the U.N. representative has expressed that
an early agreement on demilitarization would
have as one immediate practical result the induc-
tion into office of the plebiscite administrator who
could then proceed with his necessary study of the
entire problem of a plebiscite.
Now a word about the two amendments sug-
gested by the representative of the Netherlands
dealing with the procedures under which negotia-
tions would be conducted. The representative of
the Netherlands is quite correct in recalling the
view of my Government that the di;aft resolution
is not intended in any way to impair or limit the
authority of the U.N. representative and our ex-
pectatioii that he will continue to exercise his func-
tions under the previous resolutions of the Security
Council. I think it is fair to say that in doing so
we would expect that negotiations of the parties
would be under his auspices. Therefore the
United States is glad to accept the amendment
offered by the representative of the Netherlands
which would make explicit in the draft resolution
our intention that these negotiations be conducted
under the auspices of Dr. Graham.
In accordance with his authority and respon-
sibility, it is fitting that the place where the nego-
tiations take place should be left to the U.N.
representative. We should not expect him in the
time at his disposal and after the months of effort
which he has put into this case to travel back and
forth considerable distances in conferring first
with one party and then the other. Without in
any sense attempting to make a determination for
him, it occurs to me that in this stage, as in the
previous stage, the U.N. facilities at Geneva might
be pai-ticularly useful and appropriate for these
negotiations.
The draft resolution calls upon the parties to
report and authorizes the U.N. representative to
report on what transpires. We have no precon-
ceived idea of the nature of the report which the
parties and which the U.N. representative would
ianvaty 12, 7953
73
consider it appropriate to make. It may well be
that the parties will ask the U.N. representative
to synthesize and put before ns as part of his
report their respective views. But that is a pro-
cedural matter on whicli we feel the parties and
the U.N. representative should have a considerable
degree of flexibility to decide those questions
among themselves.
My Government regrets that both parties to
this dispute have not found it possible to accept
the draft resolution. However, we believe that
the draft resolution has meaning and importance
because it represents a careful study and apprecia-
tion of the U.N. representative's suggestions
which, after IG months of work, it is appropriate
for the Council to make. We therefore urge the
members of the Security Council to vote in favor
of the draft resolution.
Chinese Communists Reject U. N. Proposals on Prisoners of War
On Dcceniber 5, 195^, Lester B. Pearson, Presi-
dent of the seventh sessio?i of the Gerieral As-
semhly, cabled messages to Chou En-lai, Foreign
Minister of the Chinese Commimist Government,
and Pak Hen En, North Korean Foreign Minister,
transmittivg the text of the resolution on Korea
which the General AssemMy adopted on December
3} Printed helow are Mr. Pearson's message to
the Chinese Conununist Foreign Minister and
excerpts from the latter's reply:
Mr. Pearson's Message of December 5
The General Assembly of the United Nations,
at its 399th plenary meeting on December 3, 1952,
adopted a resolution under item IG (a) of its
agenda — Korea: Reports of the United Nations
Commission for the Unification and Rehabilita-
tion of Korea. Under the terms of that resolu-
tion, originally sponsored by the Government of
India, the President of the General Assembly is
requested "to communicate the following pro-
posals to the Central People's Government of the
People's Republic of China and to the North
Korean Authorities as forming a just and reason-
able basis for an agreement so that an immediate
cease-fire would result and be effected; to invite
their acceptance of these proposals and to make a
report to the General Assembly during its present
session and as soon as appropriate."
In discharge of the duty placed upon me by the
terms of that resolution, I have the honor to trans-
mit to you the text of the resolution and to invite
your acceptance of the proposals contained
therein.
I send this message to you against the back-
ground of the casualties, the sufferings and the
clestruction in Korea which are inevitable conse-
quences of war, and I add my personal appeal
that you should give it your most thoughtful and
sympathetic consideration. When the First Com-
mittee of the General Assembly, by a unanimous
decision, agreed to treat the Korean question as
a matter of urgency, its decision reflected the con-
cern of all members of the United Nations, a con-
cern which I am sure is shared by the peoples of
the world, over the tragedy of war and devasta-
tion in Korea, and their deep desire to bring this
war to an end on terms acceptable to both sides.
To this end negotiations have been proceeding
for some IG months at Panmunjom, in the course
of which a wide measure of agreement on the terms
of an armistice has been reached.
The sole remaining issue which has not been
settled in the coui-se of these armistice negotiations
concerns the principles and procedures by which
the repatriation of jjrisoners of war can be ef-
fected.-
In itself, the prisoners-of-war issue is a challenge
to the fundamental humanitarian instincts which
are shared by all mankind and urgently calls for
solution. In camps on both sides, human beings
have been kept for long months under military de-
tention while the lengthy negotiations concerning
their fate have been continuing. There is an ines-
capable moral obligation on both sides in the
Korean conflict to make every possible effort to in-
sure that these prisoners of war shall be free to
return to their homelands, and their speedy re-
turn facilitated.
The discussion of this matter in the First Com-
mittee of this Assembly has made clear the general
1 For tpxt of this resolution, see Bulletin of Dec. 8,
1052, p. 91G.
" For an analysis of tlie prisoner-of-war issue by Secre-
tary Acheson, see Bulletin of Nov. 10, 1952, p. 744.
74
Department of State Bulletin
agreement in the United Nations that this problem
should be dealt with and the repatriation of
prisoners of war should be effected under the terms
of the Geneva Convention relative to the treatment
of prisoners of war of Aug. 12, 1949, under the
well-established principles and practice of inter-
national law, and under the relevant provisions of
the draft armistice agreement.
It was also generally agreed that prisoners of
war should be released from the custody of the
detaining powers to a repatriation commission so
that they can be free to exercise their undoubted
right with respect to repatriation, and that it was
inconsistent with common humanitarian principles
that a detaining power should offer any hindrance
to the return to their homelands of any prisoners
of war.
Finally, there was general agreement that the
Geneva Convention cannot be construed as author-
izing a detaining power to employ force to effect
the return of individual prisoners of war to their
homelands.
The General Assembly resolution clearly states
the above principles with respect to the solution
of the prisoner-of-war issue and, in addition,
makes concrete proposals with regard to the ma-
chinery of repatriation.
It represents ideas put forward by many gov-
ernments represented in the General Assembly,
whose unannnous desire is to bring peace to Korea.
The resolution can make this desire effective be-
cause its acceptance will make it possible to achieve
an armistice and a complete and immediate cessa-
tion of hostilities.
The resolution, in addition, makes reference to
the desire of the General Assembly to expedite and
facilitate, once an armistice is effective, the con-
vening of a political conference as provided for
in article 60 of the draft armistice agreement al-
ready accepted by the military negotiators at
Panmunjom.
It is my earnest hope that the Central People's
Government of the People's Republic of China
will accept these proposals of the General As-
sembly as a basis for the solution of the one re-
maining issue which has prevented the conclusion
of an armistice during the negotiations at Pan-
munjom.
Once this issue is solved, it will become possible
to bring the fighting to an end and complete the
program for a peaceful settlement in Korea lead-
ing, we must hope, toward a more general settle-
ment which would contribute to peace in Asia and
in the world.
The United Nations is determined to do every-
thing possible to bring the fighting to an end in
Korea. This is also the declared aim of the Cen-
tral People's Government. This common aim can
be achieved if the proposals which are now sub-
mitted for your consideration are, as I earnestly
hope will be the case, accepted in the spirit in
which they are put fdrward.
In this hope, as President of the seventh session
of the General Assembly of the United Nations,
I appeal to you to accept these proposals of the
United Nations as forming a just and reasonable
basis for an agreement which will serve to bring
about a constructive and durable peace in Korea.
I shall look forward to receiving as soon as pos-
sible your reply to this communication, which I
shall report to the General Assembly wdien it is
received.
In accordance with the decision of the General
Assembly, the text of the resolution has also been
communicated to tlie Nortli Korean authorities, to
whom I am sending a similar message.
Please accept, Sir, the assurances of my highest
consideration.
Lester B. Pearson,
President of the General Assembly.
Chinese Communist Reply of December 14
[Excerpts]
I have received your cable of Dec. 5, 1952, which
communicated the text of the resolution based on
the draft resolution of the Indian delegation and
adopted on Dec. 3, 1952, by the seventh session of
the General Assembly of the United Nations, un-
der tiie item of its agenda entitled "Korea: Re-
ports of the United Nations Commission for the
Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea."
I am hereby authorized to make tlie following
reply on behalf of the Central People's Govern-
ment of the People's Republic of China.
The General Assembly of the United Nations,
after illegally adopting in February 1951 the
sliameful and calumnious resolution slandering
China as an aggressor, has now, in the absence
of the representatives of the People's Republic
of China and the Korean Democratic People's
Republic, discussed the Korean question and
adopted a resolution supporting the United States
Government's position of forcibly retaining in
captivity prisoners of war in contravention of
international conventions, and facilitating its con-
tinuation and expansion of the war raging in
Korea. Such an action is clearly illegal and void
and is firmly opposed by the Chinese people.
This illegal resolution adopted by the General
Assembly is based on the Indian draft resolution,
having as its basic content the question of the
repatriation of prisoners of war [and] does not
correspond to the description in jour cable that
it deals with the question of the repatriation of
prisoners of war "under the terms of the Geneva
Convention relative to the treatment of prisoners
of war of Aug. 12, 1949, under the well-established
principles and practice of international law, and
under tlie relevant provisions of the draft armi-
stice agreement."
Quite to the contrary, it is entirely based on
the so-called principles of "voluntary repatria-
tion," all of which are in essence the "principle"
January ?2, 1953
75
of forcibly retaininfi in captivity prisoners of war.
a principle which the United States side has un-
justifiably maintained ever since Oct. 11, 1951,
when tlie Korean armistice negotiations entered
into discussion on the prisoner-of-war item on the
agenda and which is universally recognized as
violating the Geneva Convention and inter-
national law.
Department's Comment on Communist
Rejection of Peace in Korea
Press release 919 dated December 15
The tJnited States has learned with deep regret
that the Chinese Communists have flouted the
solemnly expressed views of the General Assembly
of the United Nations. They have rejected the
fair and reasonable proposals contained in the reso-
lution on Korea adopted with the approval of 54
members of the United Nations.
Thus the Communists have again rejected peace
in Korea. The U.S. Government has no doubt that
other governments share the deep concern of the
United States over this rejection and the 54 govern-
ments which supported the General Assembly reso-
lution will wish to give careful c-onsideration to the
situation confronting the United Nations.
During more than 15 months of negotiation in
the field by tiie U. N. Command delegation and the
extensive discussions in the General Assembly, the
United Nations has .shown its determination to take
every practicable step to bring about an armistice
in Korea which would end the hostilities on a basis
consistent with the humanitarian principles of the
United Nations.
The U.S. Government reaffirms its determination
to continue to fulfill its responslliilities in Korea.
The U.N. Command remains ready to meet again
with the Communist negotiators at Panmunjom
whenever they accept the proposals contained in
the U.N. resolution or any of the other numerous
proposals which have been made to them by the
U.N. Command, or whenever they advance con-
structive proposals of their own which could lead
to an honorable armistice. However, there can be
no compromise with the l)asic humanitarian prin-
ciples contained in the resolution of the General
Assembly of December 3, 1952. If the Communists
accept these basic U.N. principles, the proposals
now outstanding provide numerous alternative
methods for settling the question of prisoners of
war. Until the Communists accept these basic U.N.
principles, the U.S. Government cannot see what
useful purpose will be served by having the United
Nations propose to the Communists still other plans
for implementing these principles.
The responsibility for whether there shall be
peace in Korea clearly lies with the Chinese Com-
munists and North Korean authorities and their
supporters.
All countries, in and outside the United States.
whether they are for or against the Indian draft
resolution, consider that this draft resolution sup-
ports the "principle of no forcible repatriation"
maintained by the United States Government.
Even Mr. Krishna Menon. the Indian delegate to
the United Nations who tabled the illegal resolu-
tion, himself makes no attempt to hide this.
Such an illegal resolution based on the so-called
principle of "voluntary repatriation" or "no forci-
ble repatriation"' cannot possibly settle what you
describe in your cable as "the sole remaining issue
which has not been settled in the course of these
armistice negotiations," namely, "the principles
and procedures by which the repatriation of pris-
oners of war can be effected."
If the United States had adhered to the draft
armistice agreement instead of deliberately in-
venting the so-called principle of "voluntary re-
patriation" or "no forcible repatriation" as an
excuse to obstruct an armistice in Korea, then, this
"sole remaining issue which has not been settled,"
would long ago have been satisfactorily settled,
and the Korean war, which is a matter of common
concern to the people of the whole world, would
long ago have been brought to an end.
Tlie resolution which you forwarded bases itself
not only on the so-called principle of "voluntary
repatriation" or "no forcible repatriation." but
also on the hypothesis that there are actually some
among the Korean and Chinese captured person-
nel who "refuse to return home" to rejoin their
families and lead a peaceful life. This does not
accord in the slightest with human nature; still
less does it square with facts.
The facts are that the United States has long
since flagrantly cast aside the provisions of Article
17 and other articles of the Geneva Convention
regarding the humane treatment of prisoners of
[war] and has in the prisoner-of-war camps under
its control placed large numbers of United States,
Syngman Rhee and Chiang Kai-shek special
agents in responsible posts and has even planted
Syngman Rhee and Chiang Kai-shek special
agents posing as Korean and Chinese prisoners of
war, to coerce prisoners of war to make declara-
tions "refusing repatriation" and of "unwilling-
ness to return home," by frequent recourse to so-
called "persuasion." "screening," "rescreening"
and "interrogation" of the Korean and Chinese
prisoners of war — measures effected by such utter-
ly savage and inhuman methods as torture, mas-
sacre and mass starvation.
In reality, prisoners of war are those combat-
ants of one side who are under the armed control
and at the forcible disposal of their enemy and '
have no freedom. Release and repatriation is a
right to which all prisoners of war of both sides
are entitled as soon as an armistice comes into
effect — that is, they should be freed from the anned
control of the enemy and be returned to their own
side so that they may regain their freedom and i
return to their homeland to lead a peaceful life.
Since prisoners of war are entitled to such rights,
how can [there] be such a question as "forcible
repatriation" — or "return to their homeland ef-
fected by force?" The unfounded argument that
"a detaining power may not employ force to effect ,
the return of individual prisoners of war to their I
homelands" cannot hold water. It can find no
basis whatever in the Geneva Convention.
76
Department of State Bulletin
It is evident that the adoption of the illegal
resolution by the General Assembly aims to divert
the indifjnation and attention of the people of the
world from the criminal terrorism, as evidenced in
the "screening" of prisoners of war by the United
States, to the so-called question of "forcing pris-
onei-s of war to return to their homes,"' or "force
shall not be used to effect the return of prisoners
of war to their homelands." All of you who have
taken this action are indeed "challenging the fun-
damental humanitarian instincts."
The proposal to give the United Nations the
final authority of appointing the vuiipire and the
final authority of disposing of those prisoners of
war allegedly "unwilling to go home" is really ex-
tremely absurd. Can it be that those delegates
who sponsored and adopted the illegal resolution
in the United Nations have really forgotten that
the United Nations is one of the belligerent parties
in the Korean war?
To put it more frankly, having passed through
a circuitous course in which resort was made to
many deceitful tactics, these provisions actually
adopt in full the three jDroposals put forward at
Panmiinjom on Sept. 28, 1952, by the United
States. None the less, these provisions are couched
in terms more sly in order to deceive more easily
the people of the world and to facilitate the reali-
zation of the United States Government's scheme
to forcibly retain in captivity prisoners of war in
violation of international conventions.
Gen. Kim II Sung;, Supreme Commander of the
Korean People's Army, and Gen. Peng Teh-Huai,
commander of the Chinese People's Volunteers, in
their letter of Oct. 16, 1952,' to General Clark of
the United States, proposed that all prisoners of
war be brought to a demilitarized zone to be handed
over directly to and accepted by the other side,
and that repatriation be effected after visits and
explanations.
Taking into account the complicated situation
mentioned above, these proposals first of all en-
able prisoners of war to be released from the
armed control of the opposite side, to give them
the protection of their own side, so that the total
repatriation of prisoners of war in accordance
with humanitarian principles, international prac-
tice, the Geneva Convention and the [armistice]
agreement can be assured.
From the above, it can be clearly seen that the
illegal resolution is unreasonable because it runs
counter to the conscience of man, completely vio-
lates humanitarian principles, international prac-
tice as well as the provisions of the Geneva
Convention and the draft-armistice agreement ; it
is unreasonable because it recognizes the "desire''
of the prisoners of war to "refuse repatriation,"
a "desire" created by the United States side by the
most brutal methods ; it is unreasonable because it
insists on the retaining in captivity of tens of thou-
'Ihid., p. 7.52.
January 72, 7953
sands of Korean and Chinese prisoneis of war as
hostages in order to force the Korean and Chinese
side to yield to the United States; it is unfair be-
cause it deliberately attempts to impose on the
Korean and Chinese side the utterly groundless
"principle of voluntary repatriation" which the
United States has maintained throughout and be-
cause it rejected without any reason the proposal
of the Korean and Chinese side for the repatria-
tion of all prisoners of war in adherence to the
Geneva Convention, and the proposal of the dele-
gation of the Soviet Union for the immediate and
complete cessation of hostilities in Korea prior to
the settlement of the question of the repatriation
of all prisoners of war.
In view of these facts, I cannot but inform you
solemnly that the Central People's Government of
the People's Republic of China considers that such
an illegal resolution cannot possibly provide "a
just and reasonable basis for an agreement."
On the question of the repatriation of prisoners
of war, the Central People's Government consid-
ers that the Korean and Chinese side is at once
correct and just, fair and reasonable in insisting
on the principle of total repatriation, a principle
which is in conformity with humanitarian princi-
ples and the Geneva Convention. The settlement
of the question of the repatriation of prisoners of
war in the Korean armistice negotiations must and
can only be achieved on the basis of the Geneva
Convention.
Your cable devoted considerable verbiage to an
attempt to show that by adopting this illegal res-
olution which has as its basic content the United
States "principle of voluntary repatriation" un-
der an Indian cloak, all of you earnestly desire a
speedy conclusion to the Korean war. However,
this illegal resolution which you forwarded fully
demonstrates that it abjectly submits to the brutal
will of the United States Government which uses
violence to carry through the forcible retaining
in ca]5tivity of prisoners of war so that the Korean
armistice negotiations might be broken off and
sabotaged and that the Korean war might be pro-
longed and expanded.
All of you are not doing everything possible
to bring the fighting to an end in Korea. You are
doing everything possible to induce and coerce
some of the nations represented in the General
Assembly to endorse jointly the policy of the
United States of no armistice, no negotiations,
and no peaceful settlement but the prolongation
and expansion of the Korean war. At the same
time, all of you attempt further to shift the re-
sponsibility for the failure to end the war to the
Korean and Chinese side. It can be positively
stated that this attempt of yours to shift respon-
sibility will be of no avail.
If, as you said in your cable, the General Assem-
bly's "unanimous desire is to bring peace to
Korea," then it should insist upon the principle
of the total rejiatriation of prisoners of war as
77
embodied in the Geneva Convention and inter-
national law.
It should stcridy demand that the United States
side immediately resume the negotiations at
Panmunjom, and with the proposal for the peace-
ful settlement of the Korean question submitted
by Mr. Vyshinsky, delegate of the Soviet Union,
on the 10th and 24th of November * as a basis,
bring about the accomplishment of a complete
cease-fire on the part of the belligerent parties in
accordance with the draft Korean armistice agree-
ment already agreed upon by both sides as a first
step; and then refer for settlement the question
of the total repatriation of prisoners of war, to-
gether with the peaceful settlement of the Korean
question, to the Commission for the Peaceful
Settlement of the Korean Question, composed of
the United States, Britain, France, the Soviet
Union, the People's Republic of China, India,
Burma, Switzerland, Czechoslovakia, the Korean
Democratic People's Republic and South Korea.
If such a procedure is followed, an armistice in
Korea can be immediately achieved, and the dis-
tress of the Korean peoples as well as the casualties
on both sides can be brought to an end. Thus, the
General Assembly can indeed speedily "bring
peace to Korea."
However, the present session of the General
Assembly has already rejected such a fair and
reasonable proposal which can really lead to peace.
I. hereby, once again make the following proposal :
To realize the fervent desire for peace of the
people of the world, to demonstrate the sincerity
of the Chinese people for an early restoration of
peace in Korea, and to preclude the further use of
the prisoner repatriation issue as an obstacle and
pretext in the realization of an armistice in Korea,
the Central People's Government of the People's
Republic of China requests that the General As-
sembly rescind the illegal resolution which you
forwarded, call upon the United States Govern-
ment to resume immediately the negotiations at
Panmunjom, and with the draft Korean armistice
agreement as a basis, to bring about the realization
of a complete armistice as a first step and then
to refer for settlement the question of the total
repatriation of prisoners of war to the above-
mentioned "Commission for the Peaceful Settle-
ment of the Korean Question."
If the General Assembly agrees to discuss this
request, then representatives of the People's Re-
public of China and the Korean Democratic
People's Republic must take part in the discus-
sions.
Should the General Assembly reject even such
a just refpiest, and still persist in maintaining the
illegal resolution which aims at supporting the
United States (iovernment in forcibly retaining in
captivity prisoners of war in violation of inter-
national conventions, then it would further demon-
strate that your purpose, far from being the
achievement of peace in Korea and the Far East, is
nothing but the continuation and expansion of the
Korean war so that peace in the Far East and
throughout the world can be further disrupted at
some future date. This would all the more ex-
pose the United Nations as increasingly becom-
ing a tool of the ruling clique of the United States
in its preparations for war and for the expansion
of aggression.
All those who support the war policies of the
ruling clique of the United States nuist bear the
grave responsibility for the consequences of such
action.
Current United hSations Documents:
A Selected Bibliography ^
Economic and Social Council
Inter-Agency Agreements and Agreements Between Agen-
cies nnd Other Inter-Governmental Organizations.
Draft agreement between the United Nations Kduca-
tioiial, Scientific and Cultural Organization and the
Council of Europe. E/233S, Xov. 4, l!'.")!;. 7 pp. mimeo.
Twelfth Itejiort of the Administrative Committee on Co-
or'lin:ition to the Economic and Social Council.
E/2340, Nov. 11, 19.52. IS pp. mimeo.
General I'rogre.ss Report of the Executive Director. In-
ternational Field Staff of Uniceh- and Other U.N.
Agencies Available for Development and Implementa-
tion of UNicEF-Aided Programmes in 195.'!. E/ICEF/
20.VAdd. 1, Oct. 4, 1052. 8 pp. mimeo.
General Assembly
Re])atriation of Greek Children. Note by the Secretary-
General. A/22.36, Oct. 23, 19.'52. 74 pp. mimeo : Report
of the Secretary-General. A/2241, Oct. 30, 1952. 10
pp. mimeo.
Question of the Adoption by the Economic and Social
Council anil Its Functional Commissions of Spanish
as a Working Language. Sixth report of the Advisory
Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Ques-
tions to the seventh session of the General Assembly.
A/2242, Oct. 31, 1952. 5 pp. mimeo.
' I'rinted materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Document Service. Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.
The United Nations Secretariat has established an
Official Records series for the General Assembl.v. the Se-
curity Council, the Economic and Social Council, the
Trusteeship Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission,
which includes summaries of proceedings, resolutions, and
reports of the various commissions and committees. In-
formation on securing subscriptions to the series may be
obtained from the International Documents Service.
' U.N. docs. A/C.1/729, A/C.1/729/ Rev. 1/Corr. 1/
Add. 1.
The United States in the United, Nations
A regular feature, will be resumed in a subsequent
issue.
78
Department of Stale Bulletin
President's Decision on Continuance of Aid
to the United Kingdom, France, and Italy
White House press release dated December 30
Identical letters regarding continuance of U.S.
aid to the United Kingdom, France^, and Italy
have been sent hy the President to Kenneth Mc-
Kcllar, Chairman, Committee on Appropriations,
U.S. Senate; Richard B. Russell, Chaimian, Com-
mittee on Armed Services, U.S. Senate; Tom Con-
nally, Chainnan, Committee on Foreign Relations,
U.S. Senate; Clarence Cannon, Chairman, Com-
mittee on Appropriations, House of Representa-
tives; Carl Vinson, Chairman, Committee on
Armed Services, House of Representatives; and
James P. Richards, Chairman, Committee on For-
eign Affairs, House of Representatives. The text
of the letter follows:
Dear Mr. Chairman :
I have been informed that certain goods of pri-
mary strategic significance have been shipped
from the United Kingdom, France, and Italy to
various countries of the Soviet Bloc in fulfillment
of long-standing obligations. The total value of
the shipments is $2.5 million.
The commitments to deliver these goods were
made before the eilective date of the embargo
provisions of the Mutual Defense Assistance
Control Act of 1951 (the Battle Act), Public Law
213, 82nd Congress. But the actual shipments
took place afte'r that date. And they consisted
of items which have been listed by the Adminis-
trator of the Act as items that should be embar-
goed to the Soviet Bloc in order to effectuate the
purposes of the Act. . .
Thus I have been faced with a grave decision.
Under Section 103 (b) of the statute I am required
either to terminate all military, economic, and
financial assistance to the United Kingdom,
France, and Italy, or to direct that assistance be
continued in spite of the shipments.
The provisions of the Battle Act with respect
to termination of aid are as follows : _ _
First, the Act requires — with no possibility of
exception— the termination of all military, eco-
nomic, or financial assistance to any nation which,
after the effective date of the embargo provisions
of the Act, knowingly permits the shipment of
arms, ammunition, implements of war, or atomic
ianvaty J 2, J 953
energy materials to any nation or combination
of nations threatening the security of the United
States, including the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics and all countries under its domination.
The shipments made by the United Kingdom,
France, and Italy were not arms, ammunition,
implements of war, or atomic energy materials,
and indeed the Administrator informs me that
to his knowledge no country receiving assistance
from the United States has made any shipments
of that kind whatever.
In addition the Act provides for the termina-
tion of aid to any country that knowingly permits
the shipment to the same nations of petroleum,
transportation materials of strategic value, or
items of primary strategic significance used in
the production of arms, ammunition, and imple-
ments of war. However, in cases involving items
of those types (known as "Title I, Category B'
items) , the President may direct the continuance
of aid to the country permitting the shipment
"when unusual circumstances indicate that the
cessation of aid would clearly be detrimental to
the security of the United States." The President
may make such a determination after receiving
the advice of the Administrator and after taking
into account these four considerations: "the con-
tribution of such country to the mutual security
of the free world, the importance of such assist-
ance to the security of the United States, the stra-
tef^ic importance of imports received from coun-
trfes of the Soviet bloc, and the adequacy of such
country's controls over the export to the Soviet
bloc of items of strategic importance." _
The Administrator, Mr. W. Averell Harriman,
who is also the Director for Mutual Security, has
advised me that aid to the United Kingdom,
France, and Italy should be continued. He made
this recommendation after consulting with the
Departments of State, Treasury, Defense Inte-
rior, Aoriculture, and Commerce; the Utiice ot
Defense'' Mobilization, Mutual Security Agency,
Atomic Energy Commission, and Central Intelli-
gence Agency. , . .
Upon his advice, and after taking into account
the four statutory considerations listed above, I
have directed the continuance of assistance to the
79
United Kino;doiu, France, and Italy. The rest of
this letter will explain my reasons for so doinj;.
The "Prior Commitments" Problem
Up until the present case, there have been three
decisions to continue aid to countries which had
knowiiifjly permitted shipments prescribed under
the Battle Act.' In those three cases the United
States continued its aid to :
The Netherlands, which luid permitted certain
oil drillino; equipment to be shipped to Poland;
Italy, which had permitted a frrindinpc machine to
be shipped to Eumania; Denmark, which had per-
mitted a tanker to be shipped to the U.S.S.R.
Those cases all involved "prior commitments" —
that is, commitments made before the Battle Act
embarfjo lists went into effect on January 24, 1952.
The shipments of $2.5 million which now have
been made by the British, French, and Italians
also were in fulfillment of prior commitments.
Still more of these connnitnients remain on the
books of Western European countries. The prob-
lem of how to handle these obligations has been
one of the most difficult issues that has arisen in
the administration of the Battle Act.
The first question to be faced was whether the
Act applies to such connnitnients at all. The Act
prohibits further assistance (unless a Presidential
exception is made) when a country "knowingly
permits" the shipment of items included in the
Title I, Category B embargo list. In many cases,
the countries in question had entered into trade
agreements guaranteeing that tliey would permit
the shipment of these items, and in other cases had
issued, or promised to issue, export licenses cover-
ing such sliipments. Thus there is a real question,
especially in those countries wliere an export li-
cense cannot legally be revoked, whether the know-
ing permission had not been given at the time the
foreign government signed the trade agreement
or issued the export license. If it had been given
at that time, the subsequent shipment would not
be relevant, since the knowing permission had
taken place before January 24, 1952, the effective
date of the embargo list. If the Act were so con-
strued, aid could be continued to such a country
without a Presidential determination that con-
tinuance of aid was necessary.
Despite the legal ambiguity surrounding this
question, however, the Administrator has con-
strued tlie Act as being applicable to all shipments
of embargoed items after the effective date, even
though the ■permission was given beforehand. I
concur in this interpretation. It is the interpreta-
tion that seems to be most closely in accord with
the objectives of the Act, which are to increase
the strength of the United States and the coop-
'Fof texts of the President's letters regarding these
decisions, see Bulletin of May 5, 1952, p. 720 ; iltUI .Tuly
14, 1952, p. 75 ; and ibid., Aug. 4, 1952, p. 198.
80
erating nations and to impede the military ability
of the Soviet Bloc. The contrary interpretation
also raises certain questions as to inequality of
treatment, based perhaps on nothing more sub-
stantia] tlian the fortuitous timing of the issuance
of an export license.
For the Western European countries, however,
the prospect of breaking firm contracts, made in
good faith, raised serious problems. The govern-
ments of these countries pointed out that East-
West trade is basically the exchanging of Eastern
raw materials for Western finished metal prod-
ucts, and that this involves a considerable time
differential in deliveries. The Soviet Bloc had
placed contracts months, and even years, before
many of the items now requiring embargo under
the Battle Act were agreed to be strategic by most
countries, and also before the invasion of Korea
in 1950. In many cases the Soviet Bloc had car-
ried out its portion of the exchange by making
deliveries of timber, grains, coal, and other es-
sential commodities, and was awaiting shipment
of goods which, in effect, had already been paid
for. The manufactured ju-odncts, because of the
time differential, were scheduled for delivery to
the East in 1952, 1953, and 1954.
The Western European countries attach im-
portance to the fulfillment of their formal trade
obligations to the Soviet Bloc. They point out
that the Communists constantly seek to picture
the Western World as morally bankrupt and bent
on the destruction of peaceful relations with the
Soviet Bloc. They feel therefore that the moral
position of the Western World in this battle of
ideas would be weakened by outright violation of
clear commitments.
Despite the force of these contentions, the
United States requested the Western European
countries concerned to freeze their shipments of
prior commitment items, so that a joint review of
the problem could be undertaken. This request
led to an intensive review. As a result, the West-
ern European countries decided that some of the
projected shipments could be eliminated without
prejudice to the foregoing considerations. The
eliminated shipments involved about one-quarter
of the outstanding prior commitments.
The three Battle Act exceptions already granted
for the Netherlands, Italy, and Denmark total
$3.3 million.
Additional items valued at about $2.5 million
now have been shipped. These are the British,
French, and Italian shipments with respect to
which I now have made a determination that aid
should lie continued. The shipments originated
as follows: United Kingdom, $583,818; France,
$959,245 ; and Italy, $940,000.
The items shipped from the United Kingdom
were forging machines, special metal-working ma-
chines, pumps, valves, rolling mill equipment,
balances, locomotives and parts, specialized test-
ing devices, ball and roller bearings, industrial
Department of Stale Bulletin
ureases and oils, a small quantity of nickel, and
one blower. The items shipped from France were
borin<:j machines, valves, chemical equipment, com-
pressors, electronic equipment, aluminum, and
ball bearin<is. The it^ms shipped from Italy were
rolling mill equipment and ball and roller bear-
ings. (See Appendix for a list of the items, their
vaTues, and their destinations.)
There remain a number of other prior commit-
ments on the books not only of the United Kino-
dom, France, and Italy but also of Denmark and
the Federal Eepublic" of Germany. If further
shipments of this kind take place, the United
States Govermnent will examine such cases on
their merits and determine the appropriate action
in the light of all the circumstances.
Why the Cessation of Aid Would Be Detrimental to
the Security of the United States
Following are the considerations, specified in
the Battle Act. which have led to the conclusion
that unusual circumstances indicate that the cessa-
tion of aid to the United Kingdom. France, and
Italy would clearly be detrimental to the security
of the United States.
A. Contribution of those countries to the mutual
security of the Free World
All the countries associated in the North At-
lantic Treaty Organization are important to the
success of the common undertaking. But the
United Kingdom, France, and Italy are the three
largest European members of Nato and the vital
importance of their participation can scarcely l>e
exaggerated. In their foreign policies they sup-
port, as a basic principle, action directed toward
the military and economic integration of Western
Europe. By reason of their geographical loca-
tions, their industrial capacity, their armed forces
and their other resources, they are in a position
to make, and they are making, contributions of the
greatest value to the security of the Free World.
In two world wars the United Kingdom has
shown its determination to fight for its democratic
way of life, and has, in those wars, borne the
shock of combat in the early stages. In this sense
it has in effect been a first bastion of defense for
the Free World. Its example during the dark
days of 1940 and 1941 when it stood, with the
Commonwealth, practically alone was one that
cheered free men everywhere. France, the tradi-
tional ally of the United States from the time of
the American Eevolution. has likewise stood in
the forefront of those willing to fight for a way
of life that respected the dignity of the free in-
dividual. And Italy, despite a dark period in its
history, has in recent years aligned itself firmly
with the free nations of the world, and in the face
of formidable obstacles has made a contribution of
great value.
Together, the United Kingdom and France ac-
count for about four-fifths of the defense expendi-
tures of the European Nato countries. Their
share of the total production of military equip-
ment is even higher. They rank highest amon^
those countries in the percentage of gross national
product devoted to defense spending.
The United Kingdom makes almost half of the
defense expenditures of the European Nato coun-
tries. The United Kingdom and the United
States have cooperated with each other in a man-
ner unique in the history of nations. Common
defense policies have been developed, and the
practice of consultation that was undertaken
during the last war has made possible a coordi-
nated defense which is a cornerstone of United
States security. The air bases in the British Isles
are a key element in the Free World's system of
defense. The British fleet, together with that of
the United States, stands in defense of our shores
as well as theirs. The British merchant marine
furnishes the United States, as well as the United
Kingdom, with lines of supply. On the continent
of Europe the British have the largest armored
force of any Nato country, including the United
States.
France, a country which has been the battlefield
of both world wars, which has seen the best of
its youth depleted by those wars, which has under-
gone the anguish of enemy occupation, and which
has been forced to struggle bitterly for its eco-
nomic health, is second only to the United King-
dom among European Nato countries in defense
expenditures and in output of military equipment.
The vast communications network upon which the
common effort depends is centered in France.
W^hile making its defense contribution in Europe,
France is cai'ryino; the burden of a war against
Communists in Indo-China. Into that war it has
poured a vast sum of money and the pick of its
trained officers.
Italy's contribution to the common security is in
a sense one of the most noteworthy on the conti-
nent. For out of the wreckage of fascism has
arisen a resolute government determined to play
a major part in the struggle for freedom. Hav-
ing experienced the evil of totalitarianism, Italy
has resolved to stand on the side of freedom
and to defend that freedom. Its natural re-
sources are few. The social pressures which are
the outcome of the poverty and distress of the
masses have been intensified by years of totali-
tarian rule. Nevertheless, and despite the pres-
ence of a Communist party that feeds on the pov-
erty of the country, the Italian Government has
taken firm steps to preserve its internal security.
It has modernized its military installations. In
its harbors are based the Nato Mediterranean com-
mand, and its communications and supply facili-
ties are of incalculable value.
The factories of these three countries produce
ffoods and services needed by the Nato forces, and
this production is given priority over civilian
January 12, 7953
81
needs. By June 30, 1952, the United States had
placed contracts with European manufacturers
for $084 million of equipment to be used by Nato
and the United States military forces. About
half tliis amount is coniino: from France, with
Italy and the United Kingdom having the next
largest shares. In the year ending June 30, 1953,
additional contracts of $1 billion are expected
to be let in Europe.
B. Importance to the security of the United States
of assistance to those countries
The security of the United States is squarely
based on the unity of the Western nations and the
continued strengthening of their free institutions.
In like manner tlie effectiveness of the contri-
bution tliat the United Kingdom, France, and
Italy can make toward that unity and strength is
dependent at the present time on assistance from
the United States.
Since the end of World War II the United
States has given net grants and credits to Western
Europe that amount to $23.1 billion in economic
aid and $2.7 billion in military aid— a total of
about $25.8 billion. Of the economic aid, $6.4
billion went to the United Kingdom, $4.5 billion
to France, and $2.4 billion to Italy. Those three
countries also received large shares of United
States military assistance.
All this aid represents an investment directly
in the interests of United States security. To
terminate aid to the United Kingdom, France, and
Italy would seriously impair that security because
it would jeopardize the effectiveness of the free na-
tions' first line of defense in Europe. Our assist-
ance is indispensable to the three countries ; with-
out it they would be unable to carry the military
burdens they have assumed in Nato. Moreover,
since the plans developed in Nato are integrated
plans which depend for their success on the con-
tinued performance of these countries, the collapse
of their defense efforts would mean the collapse
of the whole Nato system. We would be im-
periling a $25 billion investment in Western de-
fense for a consideration of $2.5 million worth of
shipments which already have gone to the Soviet
Bloc. Regrettable as these shipments may be, and
impoi-tant as these commodities may be to the
Soviet Bloc, their strategic advantage'to the Com-
munists is far outweighed by the damage to our
own security that would result from the termina-
tion of assistance.
C. Strategic importance of imports received hy
those countries from the Soviet Bloc
Each of the three, the United Kingdom, France,
and Italy, has historical trade relationships with
one or more of the countries now included in the
Soviet Bloc. A certain degree of dependence
upon Eastern Europe has been developed, both as
a market and a source of supply. Tlie three na-
tions have exchanged their own products for
82
es.sential coal, grain, foodstuffs, and other com-
modities. If these countries were forced to shift
to otlier sources of supply, the shift would require
the expenditure of more dollars, which tliese
countries do not have.
The United Kingdom can produce only 40 per-
cent of its own food supply. It is thus dependent
on imports to feed its population. Since the end
of World War II the United Kingdom has ob-
tained very important quantities of coarse (rrains
and timber products from the Soviet Bloc." The
coarse grains, through the increase in domestically
produced meats and poultry products, have made
a vital contribution to the diet of the British
people. The timber products have helped to pro-
vide adequate housing for a significant number of
British families; and such items as pit props have
assisted directly in the increase of coal production.
If the British did not obtain these important
items from the Soviet Bloc, they would either have
to procure them largely in dollar areas or go with-
out. If they decided to i>rocure these items in
dollar areas, they would almost inevitably have
to reduce their defense expenditures in order to
obtain tlie needed dollars. If tiiey decided to go
without, they would have to worsen an already
austere standard of living. Either alternative
would weaken the British contribution to the
common defense.
A somewhat similar pattern exists in botli
France and Italy— made more difficult in both
these countries, however, by the presence of laro-e
and vocal Communist groups. The Communist
propaganda line has long been that refusal to
trade with Eastern Europe has placed severe
hardships on Western Europeans by cuttincr them
off from important supplies traditionally pur-
chased in Eastern Europe.
Italy still depends on the Soviet Bloc for sup-
plies of such vital imports as coal, manganese,
iron and steel, wheat and foodstuffs. Italy nor-
mally imports about nine-tenths of its coal re-
quirements, and in 1951 the Bloc supplied 12i/>
percent of Italy's coal imports and 11 percent of
coke imports. Also in 1951 the Bloc supplied 6.5
percent of Italy's manganese imports, 7 percent
of its pig iron imports, over 12 percent of wheat
imports, and almost 20 percent of other grains
including rye, barley, and oats.
France, too, gets important quantities of certain
essential imports from the Soviet Bloc, such as I
certain types of coal, although France's total trade
with the Bloc is not as large as Italy's or Britain's.
In 1951 France received from the Bloc almost 10
percent of its coal and coke imports, 81/0 percent
of its total glycerine imports, and 10 percent of
its asbestos imports.
Part of the reason why Western Europe has
been able to reduce its dependence on Eastern sup-
plies to these levels, and hence withstand to a
marked degree the Soviet Bloc pressures for stra-
tegic items, has been the existence of United Stales
Department of State Bulletin
aid. If we were suddenly to withdraw this aid,
the" flow of strategic goods and services to the
Iron Curtain areas would be bound to increase.
This would defeat the purpose of the Battle Act,
not contribute to it.
D Adequacy of British. French, and Italian con-
trols over the export of strategic items to the
Soviet Bloc
Failure to abrogate all their prior commitments
should not be allowed to obscure the fact that
these three countries have long operated effective
controls over strategic items and have prevented
the shipment of large quantities of these items to
the Soviet Bloc. The British, m fact, enacted
controls before the United States did so. Many
improvements can undoubtedly be made in some
controls systems, and work along these lines is
in progress. These countries have been impor-
tant participants in international discussions
of controls— a cooperative program that is
unpi'ecedented.
In decidino- whether to terminate aid in these
cases, I have been guided by the basic objectives
of the Act— to strengthen the security ot the
United States and of the Free World. This Gov-
ernment has sought constantly to avoid placing
weapons in the hands of the Soviet Bloc with
which to attack the Free World. But weapons
take various forms. They may be commodities
of strategic importance; they may be hunger or
discontent within the borders of friendly coun-
tries; or they may be discord between our allies
and ourselves. We must guard against giving the
Soviet Bloc any of these weapons. It is my firm
conviction that the decision to continue aid in
these cases best serves the security interests of the
United States.
Sincerely yours,
Harry S. Truman
APPENDIX
FRANCE
Shipments of Title I, Category B Items to the Soviet Bloc
After Jan. 2J,, 1952
Item
Quantity
Destination
Value
3
1 Poland; 2 Czecho-
slovakia.
Poland _ . .
$768, 240
Specialized chemical
equipment.
Chemical processing
equipment.
3 units
2 shipments. --
35, 868
Poland
14, 360
Poland
38,001
Poland
29, 167
Poland... . -
4,789
Poland
37, 320
50 tons
Poland...
31,500
Total
$959. 245
January 12, 1953
UNITED KINGDOM
Shipments of Title I, Category B Items to the Soviet Bloc
After Jan. 24, 1952
Forginc machinos
Specialized metal worls-
ing macliines.
Pumps
Valves
Rolling mill equipment...
Rolling mill equipment...
Blower
Balances
Specialized testingdevices
Ball and roller bearings...
Nickel
Lubricating oils and
greases.
Mineral oil
Lubricating oils
Transformer oils
Insulating oils
Greases and oils
Locomotives and parts.
Quantity
86 kilograms..
50 gals
17.9tons Poland.
Poland.
196 gals., 7
cwts.
18,000 gals
100 gals
6 gals., 12 oz...
Destination
6 U. S. S. E; 4 Poland.
Poland
Poland
Poland
Poland
Hungary
Poland
U.S. S. R
1 Hungary; 3 Poland;
3 U. S. S. R.
17 Poland; 10 Hun-
gary; 981 Czechoslo-
vakia.
Poland
China
Poland —
Poland...
Poland
$100,511 Poland; 32.230
Hungary;955 Czech-
oslovakia.
Value
$188. 892
6,418
760
12, 192
25. 144
87, 682
63,913
2,752
26, 501
19, 003
654
66
1,809
190
14, 000
126
20
133, 696
Total $583,818
ITALY
Shipments of Title I, Category B Items to the Soviet Bloc
After Jan. 2/,, 1952
Item
Quantity
Destination
Value
Centreless grinding machine
(exception previously
granted).
1
$11,000
Poland..
440.000
Czechoslovakia .-.
500. OOO
Total...-
Exception previously
granted
Net
951, OOO
11,000
$910, OOO
Shipments of Title I, Category B Items to the Soviet Bloo
After Jan. 2J(, 1952
Country
United Kingdom
France
Italy
Total
$FS3. 818
959,245
910, 000
$2, 483, 063
THE DEPARTMENT
Appointment of Officers
Harold G. Kissiek as Chief of the Division of Inter-
national Conferences, etfective November 9.
Harold F. Linder as Assistant Secretary for Economic
Affairs, effective December 12.
83
January 12, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 707
American Republics
Review of progress In Latin America (Rowe) . , 47
Asia
INDIA:
Point Four agreement for malaria control . . 55
Loan for expansion of iron and steel produc-
tion 54
KASHMIR: U.S. reaffirms position on Kashmir
question 73
KOREA: U.S. position on ICEC's proposals rela-
tive to Koje-do incident 52
Communism
Chinese Communists reject U.N. proposals on
prisoners of war 74
Europe
AUSTRIA: U.N. support for early settlement,
text of treaty resolution 67
President's decision on continuance of aid to
the United Kingdom, France, and Italy . . 79
U.S.S.R.: Soviets say "wrong address" in reply
to U.S. notes on Hungarian plane incident . 51
Witnessing the birth of a new Europe (Cowen) . 48
Foreign Policy
U.S. foreign policy In review (Truman) ... 43
Industry
Loan for expansion of iron and steel production
in India 54
Mutual Aid and Defense
President's decision on continuance of aid to the
United Kingdom, Prance, and Italy .... 79
Near and Middle East
PALESTINE: General Assembly's role in the
question (Jessup) ... 7q
SAUDI ARABIA: Point Four ...'.'..'. 53
SYRIA: Letter of credence 56
Presidential Documents
CORRESPONDENCE: President's decision on
continuance of aid to the United Kingdom
France, and Italy ' 79
EXECUTIVE ORDERS:
Administration of Tinlan and Saipau ... 45
U.N. appointments ' ' g2
Prisoners of War
Chinese Communists reject U.N. proposals on
prisoners of war 74
U.S. position on Icrc's proposals relative to
KoJe-do Incident 52
Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property
Soviets say "wrong address" in reply to U.S.
notes on Hungarian plane incident . . . ] 51
Refugees and Displaced Persons
Migration Committee to expand services in
1953 54
State, Department of
Appointment of officers 83
Technical Cooperation and Development
Point Four agreement for malaria control with
India gg
Point Pour In Saudi Arabia ' 55
Review of progress in Latin America . . . . . 47
Trust Territories
Administration of Tinian and Saipan, Executive
order 45
United Nations
American citizens in the U.N. Secretariat . . 57
Ciu-rent U.N documents: a selected bliDlioe-
i-aphy 78
GENERAL ASSEMBLY: Role in the Palestine
question r^Q
U.N. support for early Austrian settlement, text
of Austrian treaty resolution 67
U.S. reaffirms position on Kashmir question '. '. 73
Name Index
Acheson, Secretary ... 57
Chou En-lai \ 74
Cohen, Benjamin V. .....,' ' 67
Cowen, Myron M ' 48
Dunaway, John A . . . 56
Hlckerson, John D 57
Jessup, Philip C . . . 70
Kisslck, Harold G 03
Linder, Harold F. . 00
Malik, Y. A .'.;;.■.'■ 51
Pearson, Lester .' ' 74
Ross, John C _ 73
Rowe, CO . . . . 47
Truman, President • ' . 43 79
Warren, George L ..." '64
Zeineddine, Farid 66
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Dec. 30, 1952-Jan. 3, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special A-ssistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 2.5, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to Dec. 30 which
appear in this Issue of the Bulletin are Nos 919
of Dec. 15, 92.3 of Dec. 17, 925 of Dec. 18, and 929
of Dec. 22.
No. Date
931 12/30
932 12/30
933 12/30
934 12/31
tl 1/2
2 1/2
t3 1/2
*4 1/3
• Not prin
t Held for
Subject
Loyalty in U.N.
Acheson letter to Rep. Chelf
Malaria control for India
Hlckerson: Loyalty in the U.N.
United Command reports to U.N.
Point Four in Saudi Arabia
Cramer: Caribbean Pt. Four director
Disciplinary action: Kohler
ted.
a later issue of the Bulletin.
U. S, GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1953
tJne/ u)eh€(/)^7ne7ii/ aw t/iate^
ol. XXyill, i\o. 708
January 19, 1953
THE STATE OF THE UNION • Mes^ge of the President to the
Concffss ••••.•••• 87
A REPLY TO CHARGES AGAINST THE U. S. ECO-
NOINHC SYSTEINI • Statement by Senator Alexander
Uiley 108
INTER-AIMERICAN COOPERATION ON HIGHWAY
PROBLEMS • Article by Jack Garrett Scott and Melville
E. Osborne 104
For index see back cover
%J/ie
s.,^^.m.. bulletin
Vol. XXVIII, No. 708 • Publication 4870
January 19, 1953
For sale by the Siippnrlendert of nocuments
U.S. OoveramenI Printing OITice
Wsshlnpton 25. D.C.
Price:
62 Issues, domestic $7.5ii, foreign *lii.25
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The printing of this publication has
been apprnvcii by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, Ia52).
Note: Contents 01 this publication are not
copytiKhted and iten"! contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation o( the Depabtue.nt
or State Bulletin as the siiurce wUl be
appreciated.
The Department of State BVLLETHS,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIM includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the Tf'hite House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
The State of the Union
Message of the President to the Congress '
[Excerpts]
To the Congress of the United States :
I have the honor to report to the Congress on
the state of the Union.
This is the eightli svich report that, as President,
I have been privileged to present to you and to
the country. On previous occasions, it has been
my custom to set forth proposals for legislative
action in the coming year. But that is not my
purpose today. The presentation of a legislative
program falls properly to my successor, not to me,
and I would not infringe upon his responsibility
to chart the forward course. Instead, I wish to
speak of the course we have been following the
past 8 years and the position at which we have
arrived.
In just 2 weeks. General Eisenhower will be
inaugurated as President of the United States
and I will resume — most gladly — my place as a
private citizen of this Republic. The Presidency
last changed hands 8 years ago this coming April.
That was a tragic time: a time of grieving for
President Eoosevelt — the great and gallant hu-
man being who had been taken from us; a time
of unrelieved anxiety to his successor, thrust so
suddenly into the complexities and burdens of
the Presidential office.
Not so this time. This time we see the normal
transition under our democratic system. One
President, at the conclusion of his term, steps back
to private life ; his successor, chosen by the people,
begins his tenui-e of the office. And the Presidency
of the United States continues to function without
a moment's break.
Since the election, I have done my best to as-
sure that the transfer from one Administration
to anotlier shall be smooth and orderly. From
General Eisenhower and his associates, I have had
friendly and understanding collaboration in this
endeavor. I have not sought to thrust upon him — ■
' H. doc. 1, 8.3cl Cong., 1st sess. ; delivered by reading
clerks in the House and in the Senate on Jan. 7.
nor has he sought to take — the responsibility
which must be mine until 12 o'clock noon on Jan-
uary 20. But together, I hope and believe, we
have found means whereby the incoming Presi-
dent can obtain the full and detailed information
he will need to assume the responsibility the mo-
ment he takes the oath of office.
The President-elect is about to take up the great-
est burdens, the most compelling responsibilities,
given to any man. And I, with you and all Ameri-
cans, wish for him all possible success in undertak-
ing the tasks that will so soon be his.
Wliat are these tasks? The President is Chief
of State, elected representative of all the people,
national spokesman for them and to them. He is
Commander in Chief of our Armed Forces. He is
charged with the conduct of our foreign relations.
He is Chief Executive of the Nation's largest civil-
ian organization. He must select and nominate
all top officials of the executive branch and all
Federal judges. And on the legislative side, he
has the obligation and the opportunity to recom-
mend and to approve or veto legislation. Besides
all this, it is to him that a great political party
turns naturally for leadership, and that, too, he
must provide as President.
This bundle of burdens is unique; there is noth-
ing else like it on the face of the earth. Each
task could be a full-time job. Together, they
would be a tremendous undertaking in the easiest
of times.
But our times are not easy; they are hard — as
hard and complex, perhaps as any in our history.
Now, the President not only has to carry on these
tasks in such a way that our democracy may grow
and flourish and our people prosper, but he also
has to lead the whole free world in overcoming the
Communist menace — and all this under the shadow
of the atomic bomb.
This is a huge challenge to the human being
who occupies the Presidential office. But it is not
a challenge to him alone, for in reality he cannot
meet it alone.' The challenge runs not just to him
January 19, 7953
87
but to his whole Administration, to the Congress,
to the country.
Ultimately, no President can master his respon-
sibilities, save as his fellow citizens — indeed, the
whole people — comprehend the challenge of oiu"
times and move, witli him, to meet it.
It has been my privilege to hold the Presidential
office for nearly 8 years now, and much has been
done in which I take great pride. But this is not
personal pride. It is pride in the people, in the
Nation. It is pride in our political system and
our form of government — balky sometimes, me-
chanically deficient perhaps, in many ways — but
enormously alive and vigorous; able through these
years to keep the Republic on the right course,
rising to the great occasions, accomplishing the
essentials, meeting the basic challenge of our times.
There have been misunderstandings and contro-
versies these j)ast 8 years, but through it all the
President of the United States has had that meas-
ure of support and understanding without which
no man could sustain the burdens of the Presiden-
tial office, or hope to discharge its responsibilitie-s.
For this I am profoundly grateful — grateful to
my associates in the executive branch — most of
them nonpartisan civil servants; grateful — despite
our disagreements — to the Members of the Con-
gress on both sides of the aisle; grateful especially
to the American people, the citizens of this Re-
public, governors of us all.
We are still so close to recent controversies that
some of us may find it hard to understand the
accomplishments of these past 8 years. But the
accomplishments are real and very great, not as
the President's, not as the Congress', but as the
achievements of our country and all the people
in it.
Let me remind you of some of the things we
have done since I first assumed my duties as Presi-
dent of the United States.
I took the oath of office on April 12, 1945. In
May of that same year, the Nazis surrendered.
Then, in July, that great white flash of light, man-
made at Alamogordo, heralded swift and final
victory in World War II — and opened the door-
way to the atomic age.
Consider some of the great questions that were
posed for us by sudden, total victory in World
War II. Consider also, how well we as a Nation
have responded.
The Overriding Question of Our Time
I come now to the most vital question of all, the
greatest of our concerns: Could there be built in
the world a durable structure of security, a lasting
peace for all the nations, or would we drift, as
after World War I, toward another terrible dis-
aster— a disaster which this time might be the
holocaust of atomic war?
That is still the oven-iding question of our time.
We cannot know the answer yet; perhaps we will
not know it finally for a long time to come. But
day and night, tliese past 8 years, we have been
building for peace, searching out the way that
leads most surely to security and freedom and
justice in the world for us and all mankind.
Tiiis. alx)ve all else, has been the task of our
Republic since the end of World War II, and our
accomplishment so far should give real pride to
all Americans. At the very least, a total war has
been averted, each day up to this hour. And at the
most, we may already have succeeded in establish-
ing conditions which can keep that kind of war
from happening for as far ahead as man can see.
The Second World War radically clianged the
power relationships of the world. Nations once
great were left shattered and weak, channels of
communication, routes of trade, political and eco-
nomic ties of many kinds were ripjDed apart.
And in this changed, disrupted, chaotic situa-
tion, the United States and the Soviet Union
emerged as the two strongest powers of the world.
Each had tremendous human and natural re-
sources, actual or potential, on a scale unmatched
by any other nation.
Nothing could make plainer why the world is
in its present state — and how that came to pass —
than an understanding of the diametrically op-
posite principles and policies of these two great
powers in a war-ruined world.
For our part, we in this Republic were — and
are — free men, heirs of the American Revolution,
dedicated to the truths of our Declaration of Inde-
pendence :
. . . that all men are created equnl. that they are
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Kishts
. . . That to secure these rights, Governments are in-
stituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the
consent of the governed.
Our postwar objective has been in keeping with
this great idea. The United States has sought to
use its pre-eminent position of power to help other
nations recover from the damage and dislocation
of the war. We held out a helping hand to en-
able tliem to restore their national lives and to
regain their positions as inde])endent, self-sup-
porting members of the great family of nations.
This help was given without any attempt on our
part to dominate or control any nation. We did
not want satellites but partners.
The Soviet Union, however, took exactly the
opposite course.
Its rulers saw in the weakened condition of the
world not an obligation to assist in the great work
of reconstruction, but an opportunity to exploit
miseiy and suffering for the extension of their
power. Instead of help, they brought subjugation.
They extinguished, blotted out, the national inde-
pendence of the countries that the military opera-
tions of AVorld War II had left within their grasp.
The difference stares at us from the map of Eu-
rope today. To the west of the line that tragically
divides Europe we see nations continuing to act
88
Deparlmenf of State Bulletin
and live in the light of their own ti'aditions and
principles. On the other side, -we see the dead
uniformity of a tyrannical system imposed by the
rulers of the Soviet Union. Nothing could point
up more clearly what the global struggle between
the free world and the Communists is all about.
It is a struggle as old as recorded history ; it is
freedom versus tyranny.
For the dominant idea of the Soviet regime is
the terrible conception that men do not have rights
but live at the mercy of the state.
Inevitably this idea of theirs — and all the con-
sequences flowing from it — collided with the ef-
forts of free nations to build a just and peaceful
world. The Cold War between the Communists
and the free world is nothing more or less than
the Soviet attempt to checkmate and defeat our
peaceful purposes, in furtherance of their own
dread objective.
"We did not seek this struggle, God forbid. We
did our utmost to avoid it. In World War II, we
and the Russians had fought side by side, each in
our turn attacked and forced to combat by the
aggressors. After the war, we hoped that our
wartime collaboration could be maintained, that
the frightful experience of Nazi invasion, of dev-
astation in the heart of Eussia, had turned the
Soviet rulers away from their old proclaimed al-
legiance to world revolution and Communist do-
minion. But instead, they violated, one by one,
the solemn agreements they had made with us in
wartime. They sought to use the rights and priv-
ileges they had obtained in the United Nations,
to frustrate its purposes and cut down its powers
as an effective agent of world progress and the
keeper of the world's peace.
Despite this outcome, the efforts we made toward
peaceful collaboration are a source of our present
strength. They demonstrated that we believed
what we proclaimed, that we actually sought
honest agreements as the way to peace. Our whole
moral position, our leadership in the free world
today, is fortified by that fact.
The world is divided, not through our fault
or failure, but by Soviet design. They, not we,
began the Cold War. And because the free world
saw this happen — because men know we made the
effort and the Soviet rulers spurned it — the free
nations have accepted leadership from our Re-
public, in meeting and mastering the Soviet
offensive.
It seems to me especially important that all of us
be clear, in our own thinking, about the nature
of the threat we have faced — and will face for a
long time to come. The measures we have devised
to meet it take shape and pattern only as we
understand what we were — and are — up against.
The Soviet Union occupies a territory of 8 mil-
lion square miles. Beyond its borders, east and
west, are the nearly 5 million square miles of the
satellite states — virtually incorporated into the
Soviet Union — and of China, now its close partner.
This vast land mass contains an enormous store
of natural resources sufficient to support an eco-
nomic development comparable to our own.
The Stalinist World
That is the Stalinist world. It is a world of
great natural diversity in geography and climate,
in distribution of resources, in population, lan-
guage, and living standards, in economic and cul-
tural development. It is a world whose people
are not all convinced Communists by any means.
It is a world where history and national tradi-
tions, particularly in its borderlands, tend more
toward separation than unification, and run
counter to the enforced combination that has been
made of these areas today.
But it is also a world of great man-made uni-
formities, a world that bleeds its population white
to build huge military forces; a world in which
the police are everywhere and their authority un-
limited; a world where terror and slavery are de-
liberately administered both as instruments of
government and as means of production ; a world
where all effective social power is the state's mo-
nopoly— yet the state itself is the creature of the
Communist tyrants.
The Soviet Union, with its satellites, and China
are held in the tight grip of Communist Party
chieftains. The party dominates all social and
political institutions. The party regulates and
centrally directs the whole economy. In Moscow's
sphere, and in Peiping's, all history, philosophy,
morality, and law are centrally established by
rigid dogmas, incessantly drummed into the whole
population and subject to interpretation — or to
change — by none except the party's own inner
circle.
And lest their people learn too much of other
ways of life, the Communists have walled off their
world, deliberately and uniformly, from the rest of
human society.
That is the Communist base of operation in their
Cold War. In addition, they have at their com-
mand hundreds and thousands of dedicated for-
eign Communists, people in nearly every free
country who will serve Moscow's ends. Thus the
masters of the Kremlin are provided with deluded
followers all through the free world whom they
can manipulate, cynically and quite ruthlessly, to
serve the purposes of the Soviet state.
Given their vast internal base of operations, and
their agents in foreign lands, what are the Com-
munist rulers trying to do ?
Inside their homeland, the Communists are try-
ing to maintain and modernize huge military
forces. And simultaneously, they are endeavoring
to weld their whole vast area and population into
a completely self-contained, advanced industrial
society. They aim, some day, to equal or better the
production levels of Western Europe and North
America combined — thus shifting the balance of
January 19, 1953
89
world economic power, and war potential, to their
side.
They have a long way to go and they know it.
But they are prepared to levy upon living genera-
tions any sacrifice that helps strengthen their
armed power, or speed industrial development.
Externally, the Communist rulers are trying to
expand the boundaries of their world, whenever
and wherever they can. This expansion they have
pursued steadfastly since the close of World War
II, using any means available to them.
Where the Soviet Army was present, as in the
countries of Eastern Europe, they have gradually
squeezed free institutions to death.
Where postwar chaos existed in industrialized
nations, as in Western Europe, the local Stalinists
tried to gain power through political processes,
politically inspired strikes, and every available,
means for subverting free institutions to their evil
ends.
Where conditions permitted, the Soviet rulers
have stimulated and aided armed insurrection by
Communist-led revolutionary forces, as in Greece,
Indochina, tlie Philippines, and China, or outright
aggression by one of their satellites, as in Korea.
Where the forces of nationalism, independence,
and economic change were at work throughout the
great sweep of Asia and Africa, the Communists
tried to identify themselves with the cause of
progress, tried to picture themselves as the friends
of freedom and advancement — surely one of the
most cynical efforts of which history offers record.
Thus, everywhere in the free world, the Commu-
nists seek to fish in troubled wvaters, to seize more
countries, to enslave more millions of human souls.
They were, and are, ready to ally themselves with
any group, from the extreme left to the extreme
right, that offers them an opportunity to advance
their ends.
Geography gives them a central position. They
are botli a European and an Asian power, with
borders touching many of the most sensitive and
vital areas in the free world around them. So
situated, they can use their armies and their eco-
nomic power to set up simultaneously a whole
series of threats — or inducements — to such widely
dispersed places as Western Germany, Iran, and
Japan. These pressures and attractions can be
sustained at will or quickly shifted from place
to place.
Thus tlie Communist rulers are moving, with
implacable will, to create greater strength in their
vast empire and to create weakness and division
in the free world, preparing for tlie time their
false creed teaches them must come : the time when
the whole world outside their sway will be so torn
by strife and contradictions that it will be ripe
for the Communist plucking.
This is the heart of the distorted Marxist in-
terpretation of history. This is the glass through
which Moscow and Peiping look out upon the
world, the glass through which they see the rest
of us. They seem really to believe that history is
on their side. And they are trying to boost "his-
toid" along, at every opportunity, in every way
they can.
I have set forth here the nature of the Commu-
nist menace confronting our Republic and the
whole free world. This is the measure of the chal-
lenge we have faced since World War II — a chal-
lenge partly military and partly economic, partly
moral and partly intellectual, confronting us at
every level of human endeavor and all around
the world.
It has been and must be the free world's pur-
pose not only to organize defenses against aggi"es-
sion and subversion, not only to build a structure
of resistance and salvation for the community of
nations outside the Iron Curtain, but, in addition,
to give expression and opportunity to the forces
of growth and progress in the free world, to so
organize and unify the cooperative community of
free men that we will not crumble but grow
stronger over the years, and the Soviet empire, not
the free world, will eventually have to change its
ways or fall.
Our Defense: Military Security and Human Progress
Our whole program of action to carry out this
purpose has been directed to meet two require-
ments.
The first of these had to do with security. Like
the pioneers who settled this great continent of
GUI'S, we have had to carry a musket while we went
about our peaceful business. We realized that if
we and our allies did not have military strength
to meet the growing Soviet military threat, we
would never have the opportunity to carry for-
ward our efforts to build a peaceful world of law
and order — the only environment in which our
free institutions could survive and flourish.
Did tliis mean we had to drop everything else
and concentrate on armies and weapons? Of
course it did not: side-by-side with this urgent
military requirement, we had to continue to help
create conditions of economic and social progress
in the \yorld. This work had to be carried forward
alongside the first, not only in order to meet the
nonmilitary aspects of the Communist drive for
power but also because this creative effort toward
human progress is essential to bring about the kind
of world we as free men want to live in.
These two requirements — military security and
human progress — are more closely related in ac-
tion than we sometimes recognize. Military se-
curity depends upon a strong economic underpin-
ning and a stable and hopeful political order;
conversely, the confidence that makes for economic
and political progress does not thrive in areas
that are vulnerable to military conquest.
These requirements are related in another way.
Botli of them depend upon unity of action among
the free nations of the world. This, indeed, has
90
Department of State Bulletin
been the foundation of oiir whole eflFort, for the
drawing together of the free people of the world
has become a condition essential not only to their
progress, but to their survival as free people.
This is the conviction that underlies all the steps
we have been taking to strengthen and unify the
free nations during the past 7 years.
What have these steps been ? Fii-st of all, how
have we gone about meeting the requirement of
providing for our security against this world-
wide challenge ?
Our starting point, as I have said on many occa-
sions, has been and remains the United Nations.
AVe were prepared, and so were the other nations
of the free world, to place our reliance on the ma-
chinery of the United Nations to safeguard peace.
But before the United Nations could give full ex-
pression to the concept of international security
embodied in the Charter, it was essential that the
five permanent members of the Security Council
honor their solemn pledge to cooperate to that end.
This the Soviet Union has not done.
I do not need to outline here the dreary record
of Soviet obstruction and veto and the unceasing
efforts of the Soviet representatives to sabotage
the United Nations. It is important, however, to
distinguish clearly between the principle of col-
lective security embodied in the Charter and the
mechanisms of the United Nations to give that
principle effect. We must frankly recognize that
the Soviet Union has been able, in certain in-
stances, to stall the machinery of collective secu-
rity. Yet it has not been able to impair the
principle of collective security. The free nations
of the world have retained their allegiance to that
idea. They have found the means to act despite
the Soviet veto, both through the United Nations
itself and through the application of this prin-
ciple in regional and other security arrangements
that are fully in harmony with the Charter and
give expression to its purposes.
The free world refused to resign itself to col-
lective suicide merely because of the technicality
of a Soviet veto.
Tlie principle of collective measures to forestall
aggression lias found expression in the Treaty of
Rio de Janeiro, the North Atlantic Treaty, now
extended to include Greece and Turkey, and the
several treaties we have concluded to reinforce se-
curity in the Pacific area.
But the free nations have not this time fallen
prey to the dangerous illusion that treaties alone
will stop an aggressor. By a series of vigorous
actions, as varied as the nature of the threat, the
free nations have successfully thwarted aggres-
sion or the threat of aggression in many different
parts of the world.
Our country has led or supported these collec-
tive measures. The aid we have given to people
determined to act in defense of their freedom has
often spelled the difference between success and
failure.
Major Steps Toward Collective Security
We all know what we have done, and I shall not
review in detail the steps we have taken. Each
major step was a milepost in the developing unity,
strength, and resolute will of the free nations.
The first was the determined and successful ef-
fort made through the United Nations to safe-
guard the integrity and independence of Iran in
1945 and 1946.
Next was our aid and support to embattled
Greece, which enabled her to defeat the forces
threatening her national independence.
In Turkey, cooperative action resulted in build-
ing up a bulwark of military strength for an area
vital to the defenses of the entire free world.
In 1949 we began furnishing military aid to
our partners in the North Atlantic community
and to a number of other free countries.
The Soviet Union's threats against Germany
and Japan, its neighbors to the west and to the
east, have been successfully withstood. Free Ger-
many is on its way to becoming a member of the
peaceful community of nations, and a partner in
the common defense. The Soviet effort to capture
Berlin by blockade was thwarted by the coura-
geous Allied airlift. An independent and demo-
cratic Japan has been brought back into the com-
munity of free nations.
In the Far East, the tactics of Communist im-
perialism have reached heights of violence un-
matched elsewhere — and the problem of concerted
action by the free nations has been at once more
acute and more difficult.
Here, in spite of outside aid and support, the
free government of China succumbed to the Com-
munist assault. Our aid has enabled the free Chi-
nese to rebuild and strengthen their forces on the
island of Formosa. In other areas of the Far
East — in Indochina, Malaya, and the Philip-
pines— our assistance has helped sustain a staunch
resistance against Communist insurrectionary
attacks.
The supreme test, up to this point, of the will
and determination of the free nations came in
Korea, when Communist forces invaded the Re-
public of Korea, a state that was in a special sense
under the protection of the United Nations. The
response was immediate and resolute. Under our
military leadership, the free nations for the first
time took up arms, collectively, to repel aggression.
Aggression was repelled, driven back, punished.
Since that time. Communist strategy has seen fit
to prolong the conflict, in spite of honest efforts
by the United Nations to reach an honorable truce.
The months of deadlock have demonstrated that
the Communists cannot achieve by persistence, or
by diplomatic trickery, what they failed to achieve
by sneak attack. Korea has demonstrated that
the free world has the will and the endurance to
match the Communist effort to overthrow inter-
national order through local aggression.
It has been a bitter struggle and it has cost us
January J 9, 7953
91
much in brave lives and human sufferin<r. but it
has made it plain that the free nations will fif^ht
side by side, that they will not succumb to aggres-
sion or intimidation, one by one. This, in the final
analysis, is the only way to halt the Communist
drive to world power.
Heart of the Free World's Defense
At the heart of the free world's defense is the
military strength of the United States.
From 194.5 to 1949. the United States was sole
possessor of the atomic bomb. That was a great
deterrent and protection in itself.
But when the Soviets produced an atomic explo-
sion— as they were bound to do in time — we had
to broaden the whole basis of our strength. We
had to endeavor to keep our lead in atomic weap-
ons. "We had to strengthen our Armed Forces
generally and to enlarge our productive capacity —
our mobilization base. Historically, it was the
Soviet atomic explosion in the fall of 1949, 9
months before the aggi'ession in Korea, which
stimulated the planning for our program of de-
fense mobilization.
Wliat we needed was not just a central force
that could strike back against aggression. We
also needed strength along the outer edges of the
free world, defenses for our allies as well as for
ourselves, strength to hold the line against attack
as well as to retaliate.
We have made gi-eat progress on this task of
building strong defenses. In the last 21/0 years,
we have more than doubled our own defenses, and
we have helped to increase the protection of nearly
all the other free nations.
All the measures of collective security, resistance
to aggression, and the building of defenses, con-
stitute the first requirement for the survival and
progress of the free world. But, as I have pointed
out, they are interwoven with the necessity of tak-
ing steps to create and maintain economic and
social progress in the free nations. There can
be no military strength except where there is eco-
nomic capacity to back it. There can be no free-
dom where there is economic chaos or social col-
lapse. For these reasons, our national policy has
included a wide range of economic measures.
In Europe, the grand design of the Marshall
Plan permitted the people of Great Britain and
France and Italy and a half dozen other countries,
with help from the United States, to lift them-
selves from stagnation and find again the path of
rising production, rising incomes, rising standards
of living. The situation was changed almost over-
night by the Marshall Plan ; the j^eople of Europe
have a renewed hope and vitality, and they are
able to carry a share of the military defense of the
free world that would have been impossible a few
years ago.
Now the countries of Europe are moving rapidly
toward political and economic unity, changing
the map of Europe in more hopeful ways than
it has been changed for 500 years. Customs
unions, European economic institutions like the
Schuman Plan, the movement toward European
political integration, the European Defense Com-
munity— all are signs of practical and effective
growth toward greater common strength and
unity. The countries of Western Europe, includ-
ing the fi'ee Kepul)lic of Gennany, are working
together, and the whole free world is the gainer.
It sometimes happens, in the course of history,
that steps taken to meet an immediate necessity
.serve an ultimate purpose greater than may be
apparent at the time. This, I believe, is the mean-
ing of what has been going on in Europe under
the threat of aggression. The free nations there,
with our help, have been drawing together in de-
fense of their free institutions. In so doing, they
have laid the foundations of a unity that will en-
dure as a major creative force beyond the exigen-
cies of this period of history. We may, at this
close range, be but dimly aware of the creative
surge this movement represents, but I believe it
to be of historic importance. I believe its benefits
will survive long after Communist tyranny is
notliing but an unhappy memory.
In Asia and Africa, the economic and social
problems are different but no less urgent. Theie
hundreds of millions of people are in ferment, ex-
ploding into the twentieth century, thrusting to-
ward equality and independence and improvement
in the hard conditions of their lives.
Politically, economically, socially, things can-
not and will not stay in their prewar mold in
Africa and Asia. Change must come — is com-
ing— fast. Just in the years I have been Presi-
dent, 12 free nations, with more than fiOO million
people, have become independent: Burma, Indo-
nesia, the Philippines, Korea, Israel, Libya, India,
Pakistan, and Ceylon, and the Associated States
of Indochina, now members of the French Union.
These names alone are testimony to the sweep of
the great force which is changing the face of half
the world.
Working out new relationships among the peo-
ples of the free world would not be easy in the
best of times. Even if there were no Communist
drive for expansion, there would be hard and com-
plex problems of transition from old social forms,
old political arrangements, old economic institu-
tions to the new ones our century demands — prob-
lems of guiding change into constructive channels,
of helping new nations grow strong and stable.
But now, with the Soviet rulers striving to exploit
this ferment for their own pu;-poses, the task has
become harder and more urgent — terribly urgent.
In this situation, we see the meaning and the im-
portance of the Point Four Program, through
which we can share our store of know-how and of
capital to help these people develop their econ-
omies and reshape their societies. As we help
Iranians to raise more grain, Indians to reduce the
92
Deparlmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
incidence of malaria, Liberians to educate their
cliildren better, we are at once helping to answer
the desires of the people for advancement, and
demonstrating the superiority of freedom over
communism. There will be no quick solution for
any of the difficulties of the new nations of Asia
and Africa — but there may be no solution at all
if we do not press forward with full energy to help
these countries grow and flourish in freedom and
in cooperation with the rest of the free world.
Our measures of economic policy have already
had a tremendous effect on the course of events.
Eight years ago, the Kremlin thought postwar col-
lapse in AVestern Europe and Japan — with eco-
nomic dislocation in America — might give them
the signal to advance. We demonstrated they
were wrong. Now they wait with hope that the
economic recovery of the free world has set the
stage for violent and disastrous rivalry among the
economically developed nations, struggling for
each other's markets and a greater share of trade.
Here is another test that we shall have to meet
and master in the years immediately ahead. And
it will take great ingenuity and effort — and much
time — before we prove the Kremlin wrong again.
But we can do it. It is true that economic re-
covery presents its problems, as does economic
decline, but they are problems of another order.
They are the problems of distributing abundance
fairly, and they can be solved by the process of
international cooperation that has already
brought us so far.
These are the measures we must continue. This
is the path we must follow. We must go on, woi-k-
ing with our free associates, building an interna-
tional structure for military defense, and for eco-
nomic, social, and political progress. We must be
prepared for war, because war may be thrust upon
us. But the stakes in our search for peace are
immensely higher than they have ever been before.
Implications of the Atomic Age
For now we have entered the atomic age, and
war has undergone a technological change which
makes it a very different thing from what it used
to be. War today between the Soviet empire and
the free nations might dig the grave not only of
our Stalinist opponents, but of our own society,
our world as well as theirs.
This transformation has been brought to pass in
the 7 years from Alamogordo to Eniwetok. It is
only 7 years, but the new force of atomic energy
has turned the world into a very different kind of
place.
Science and technology have worked so fast that
war's new meaning may not yet be grasped by all
the peoples who would be its victims; nor, per-
haps, by the rulers in the Kremlin. But I have
been President of the United States, these 7 j'ears,
responsible for the decisions which have brought
our science and our engineering to their present
place. I know what this development means now.
I know something of what it will come to mean in
the future.
We in this Government realized, even before the
first successful atomic explosion, that this new
force spelled terrible danger for all mankind un-
less it were brought under international control.
We promptly advanced proposals in the United
Nations to take this new source of energy out of
the arena of national rivalries, to make it impos-
sible to use it as a weapon of war. These pro-
posals, so pregnant with benefit for all humanity,
were rebuffed by tlie rulers of the Soviet Union.
The language of science is universal, the move-
ment of science is always forward into the un-
known. We could not assume that the Soviet
Union would not develop the same weapon, re-
gardless of all our precautions, nor that there were
not other and even more terrible means of destruc-
tion lying in the unexplored field of atomic energy.
We had no alternative, then, but to press on, to
probe the secrets of atomic power to the utterniost
of our capacity, to maintain, if we could, our ini-
tial superiority in the atomic field. At the same
time, we sought persistently for some avenue, some
formula, for reaching an agreement with the So-
viet rulers that would place this new form of
power under effective restraints — that would guar-
antee no nation would use it in war. I do not have
to recount here the proposals we made, the steps
taken in the United Nations, striving at least to
open a way to ultimate agreement. I hope and
believe that we will continue to make these efforts
so long as there is the slightest possibility of prog-
ress. All civilized nations are agreed on the ur-
gency of the problem and have shown their
willingness to agree on effective measures of con-
trol— all save the Soviet Union and its satellites.
But they have rejected every reasonable proposal.
Meanwhile, the progress of scientific experiment
has outrun our expectations. Atomic science is in
the full tide of development ; the unfolding of the
innermost secrets of matter is uninterrupted and
irresistible. Since Alamogordo we have developed
atomic weapons with many times the explosive
force of the early models, and we have produced
them in substantial quantities. And recently, in
the thermonuclear tests at Eniwetok, we have en-
tered another stage in the world-shaking develop-
ment of atomic energy. From now on, man moves
into a new era of destructive power, capable of
creating explosions of a new order of magnitude,
dwarfing the mushroom clouds of Hiroshima and
Nagasaki.
We have no reason to think that the stage we
have now reached in the release of atomic energy
will be the last. Indeed, the speed of our scientific
and technical progress over the last 7 years shows
no signs of abating. We ai'e being hurried for-
ward, in our mastery of the atom, from one dis-
covery to another, toward yet unforseeable peaks
of destructive power.
January 19, 1953
93
Inevitably, until we can reach international
agreement, tliis is tlie patli we must follow. And
we must realize fiiat no advance we make is un-
attainable by others, tliat no advantage in this
race can be more tluin temporary.
The war of the future would be one in which
man could extinguish millions of lives at one blow,
demolish the great cities of the world, wipe out the
cultural achievements of the past — and destroy the
very structure of a civilization that has been slowly
and painfully built up through hundreds of
generations.
Such a war is not a possible policy for rational
men. We know tliis, but we dare not assume that
others would not yield to the temptation science is
now placing in their hands.
Words of Advice to Stalin
With that in mind, there is something I would
say to Stalin : You claim belief in Lenin's proph-
ecy that one stage in the development of Commu-
nist society would be war between your world and
ours. But Lenin was a pre-atomic man, who
viewed society and history with pre-atomic eyes.
Something profound has happened since he wrote.
War has changed its shape and its dimension. It
cannot now be a "stage" in the development of any-
thing save ruin for your regime and your
homeland.
I do not know how much time may elapse before
the Communist rulers bring themselves to recog-
nize this truth. But when they do, they will find
us eager to reach understandings that will protect
the world from the danger it faces today.
It is no wonder that some people wish that we
had never succeeded in splitting the atom. But
atomic power, like any other force of nature, is
not evil in itself. Properly used, it is an instru-
mentality for human betterment. As a source of
power, as a tool of scientific inquiry, it has untold
possibilities. We are already making good prog-
ress in the constructive use of atomic power. We
could do much more if we were free to concentrate
on its peaceful uses exclusively.
Atomic power will be with us all the days of
our lives. We cannot legislate it out of existence.
We cannot ignore the dangers or the benefits it
offers.
I believe that man can harness the forces of the
atom to work for the improvement of the lot of
human beings everywhere. That is our goal. As
a nation, as a people, we must understand this
problem, we must handle this new force wisely
through our democratic processes. Above all, we
must strive, in all earnestness and good faith, to
bring it under effective international control. To
do this will require much wisdom and patience and
firmness. The awe-inspiring responsibility in
this field now falls on a new Administration and a
new Congress. I will give them my support, as
1 am sure all our citizens will, in whatever con-
structive steps they may take to make this newest
of man's discoveries a source of good and not of
ultimate destruction.
We cannot tell when or whether the attitude of
the Soviet rulers may change. We do not know
how long it may be before they show a willingness
to negotiate effective control of atomic energy and
honorable settlements of other world problems.
We cannot measure how deep-rooted are the
Kremlin's illusions about us. We can be sure,
however, that the rulers of the Communist world
will not change their basic objectives lightly or
soon.
The Communist rulers have a sense of time
about these things wholly unlike our own. We
tend to divide our future into short spans, like
the 2-year life of this Congress, or the 4 years of
the next Presidential tei-m. They seem to think
and plan in terms of generations. And there is,
therefore, no easy, short-run way to make them
see that their plans cannot prevail.
This means there is ahead of us a long hard test
of strength and stamina, between the free world
and the Communist domain — our politics and our
economy, our science and technology against the
best they can do — our liberty against their slav-
ery— our voluntary concert of free nations against
their forced amalgam of "people's republics" —
our strategy against their strategy' — our nerve
against their nerve.
Above all, this is a test of the will and the steadi-
ness of the people of the United States.
There has been no challenge like this in the his-
tory of our Republic. We are called upon to rise
to the occasion as no people before us.
What is required of us is not easy. The way
we must learn to live, the world we have to live
in, cannot be so pleasant, safe or simple as most
of us have known before, or confidently hoped to
know.
Already we have had to sacrifice a number of
accustomed ways of working and of living, much
nervous energj-, material resources, even human
life. Yet if one thing is certain in our future,
it is that more sacrifice still lies ahead.
Were we to grow discouraged now, were we to
weaken and slack off, the whole structure we have
built these past 8 years would come apart and
fall away. Never then, no matter by what strin-
gent means, could our free world regain the
ground, the time, the sheer momentum, lost by
such a move. There can and should be changes
and improvements in our programs to meet new
situations, serve new needs. But to desert the
spirit of our basic policies, to step back from them
now would surely start the free world's slide to-
ward the darkness that the Communists have
prophesied — toward the moment for which they
watch and wait.
If we value our freedom and our way of life
and want to see them safe, we must meet the chal-
94
Department of State Bulletin
lenge and accept its implications, stick to our guns
and caiTy out our policies.
I have set out the basic conditions, as I see
them, under which ^Ye have been working in the
world and the nature of our basic policies. A^^lat,
then, of the future? The answer, I believe, is
this: As we continue to confound Soviet expecta-
tions, as our world grows stronger, more united,
more attractive to men on both sides of the Iron
Curtain, then inevitably there will come a time
of change within the Communist world. We do
not know how that change will come about,
whether by deliberate decision in the Kremlin,
by coup d'etat, by revolution, by defection of
satellites, or perhaps by some unforeseen com-
bination of factors such as these.
But if the Communist rulers understand they
cannot win by war, and if we frustrate their at-
tempts to win by subversion, it is not too much
to expect their world to change its character,
moderate its aims, become more realistic and less
implacable, and recede from the Cold War they
began.
Do not be deceived by the strong face, the look
of monolithic power that the Communist dicta-
tors wear before the outside world. Remember
their power has no basis in consent. Remember
tliey are so afraid of the free world's ideas and
ways of life, they do not dare to let their people
know about them. Think of the massive effort
they put forth to try to stop our campaign of
truth from reaching their people with its message
of freedom.
The masters of the Kremlin live in fear their
power and position would collapse were their own
people to acquire knowledge, information, compre-
hension about our free society. Their world has
many elements of strength, but this one fatal flaw :
the weakness represented by their Iron Curtain
and their police state. Surely, a social order at
once so insecure and so fearful must ultimately
lose its competition with our free society.
Provided just one thing — and this I urge you
to consider carefully — provided that the free
world retains the confidence and the determina-
tion to outmatch the best our adversary can ac-
complish and to demonstrate for uncertain mil-
lions on both sides of the Iron Curtain the
superiority of the free way of life.
That is the test upon all the free nations; upon
none more than our own Republic.
Our resources are equal to the task. We have
the industry, the skills, the basic economic
strength. Above all, we have the vigor of free
men in a free society. We have our liberties.
And while we keep them, while we retain our
democratic faith, the ultimate advantage in this
hard competition lies with us, not with the Com-
munists.
But there are some things that could shift the
advantage to their side. One of the things that
could defeat us is fear — fear of the task we face,
fear of adjusting to it, fear that breeds rnore fear,
sapping our faith, corroding our liberties, turn-
ing citizen against citizen, ally against ally. Fear
could snatch away the very values we are striving
to defend.
Already the danger signals have gone up. Al-
ready the corrosive process has begun. And every
diminution of our tolerance, each new act of en-
forced conformity, each idle accusation, each
demonstration of hysteria — each new restrictive
law — is one more sign that we can lose the battle
against fear.
Facing the Future With Faith and Courage
The Communists cannot deprive us of our liber-
ties— fear can. The Communists cannot stamp
out our faith in human dignity — fear can. Fear
is an enemy within ourselves, and if we do not
root it out, it may destroy the very way of life
we are so anxious to protect.
To beat back fear, we must hold fast to our
heritage as free men. We must renew our con-
fidence in one another, our tolerance, our sense
of being neighbors, fellow citizens. We must take
our stand on the Bill of Rights. The inquisition,
the star chamber, have no place in a free society.
Our ultimate strength lies, not alone in arms,
but in the sense of moral values and moral truths
that give meaning and vitality to the purposes of
free people. These values are our faith, our in-
S])iration, the source of our strength ancl our in-
domitable determination.
We face hard tasks, great dangers. But we are
Americans and we have faced hardships and un-
certainty befoi-e, we have adjusted before to
changing circumstances. Our whole history has
been a steady training for the work it is now ours
to do.
No one can lose heart for the task, none can
lose faith in our free ways, who stops to remember
where we began, what we have sought, and what
accomplished, all together as Americans.
I have lived a long time and seen much happen
in our country. And I know out of my own ex-
perience that we can do what must be done.
When I think back to the country I grew up
in — and then look at what our country has be-
come— I am quite certain that having done so
much, we can do more.
After all, it has been scarcely 15 years since
most Americans rejected out-of-hand the wise
counsel that aggi'essors must be "quarantined."
The very concept of collective security, the foun-
dation stone of all our actions now, was then
.strange doctrine, shunned and set aside. Talk
about adapting; talk about adjusting; talk about
responding as a people to the challenge of changed
times and circumstances — tliere has never been a
more spectacular example than this great change
in America's outlook on the world.
Let all of us pause now, think back, consider
January 19, 1953
95
carefully the meanino: of our national experience.
Let us draw comfort from it and faith, and confi-
dence in our future as Americans.
Tlie Nation's business is never finished. The
basic questions we have been dealing with, these
8 years past, present themselves anew. That is
the way of our society. Circumstances change and
current questions take on different forms, new
complications, year by year. But underneath, the
great issues remain the same — prosperity, welfare,
human rights, effective democracy', and above all,
peace.
Now we turn to the inaugural of our new Presi-
dent. And in the great work he is called upon
to do he will have need for the support of a united
people, a confident people, with firm faith in one
another and in our common cause. I pledge him
my support as a citizen of our Republic, and I ask
you to give him yours.
To him, to you, to all my fellow citizens, I say.
Godspeed.
May God bless our country and our cause.
Harrt S. Truman
The White House,
January 7, 1953.
ESTIMATED EXPENDITURES FOR
FISCAL YEAR 1953
{In bUUons)
January
January
Increaie
Program
1961
19BS
(+) or de-
utimate
etlimate
er rase (—)
Major national security
Military services . . .
$51.2
$44.4
.?-6. 8
International security
and foreign relations .
10.8
6.0
-4.8
Development and con-
trol of atomic energy .
1.8
2.0
+ ■2
Promotion of the mer-
chant marine ....
.2
.2
Promotion of defense
production and eco-
nomic stabilization. .
. 8
. 5
-.3
Civil defense
.3
. 1
-.2
Total, major national
security
65. 1
53.2
-11. 9
Interest
6.2
6.5
+ .3
Veterans' services and
benefits
4. 2
4.5
+ .3
.Ml other
9.9
10.4
-I-.5
Total
85.4
74.6
-10.8
Revised Budget Estimate
For Fiscal 1953
White House press release dated January 9
In the 1953 Budget, which was transmitted to
the Congress in January 1952,' budget expendi-
tures for the fiscal year 1953 were estimated at 85.4
billion dollars. In the 1954 Budget now being
transmitted,- expenditures for 1953 are estimated
at 74.6 billion dollars, a decrease of 10.8 billion
dollars.
The original estimate was made 6 months before
the fiscal year 1953 began and was based on pro-
gram plans as they then existed. The current
revision has been prepared with the benefit of 5
months' actual experience in the fiscal year 1953 —
from July through November. It reflects produc-
tion difficulties, amendments to the 1953 Budget
made after it was transmitted to the Congress, and
the effects of appropriations and other legislation
enacted during the last session of the Eighty-
second Congress.
As the following table indicates, the decline in
estimated expenditures for 1953 is lai'gely the re-
sult of revisions in the major national security
programs — military services, international secu-
rity and foreign relations, atomic energy, and a
few other directly defense-related programs :
' H. doc. 285, 82d Cong., 1st sess.
' H. doc. 16, S3d Cong., 1st sess., transmitted Jan. 9.
The downward revision of 11.9 billion dollars
in estimated expenditures for major national se-
curity programs occurs almost entirely in the
estimates for our own military services and for
foreign aid. It reflects lower levels of production
and delivery of military equipment for our Armed
Forces and for the foreign military-assistance pro-
gram than were scheduled last January. The
monthly levels of production scheduled a year
ago, upon which the estimates in the 1953 Budget
were based, turned out to be too high in the light
of the complex designs of military equipment and
the difficulties encountered in firming up contracts
before they were let. In addition, the original
estimate of expenditures has been reduced because
the Congress authorized smaller programs for the
Department of Defense and the Mutual Security
Pi'ogram than were included in the 1953 Budget.
Labor-management disputes, particularly those in
the steel and aircraft manufacturing industries,
also slowed down the rate of deliveries and of
expenditures.
Expenditures for the atomic-energy program in
the fiscal year 1953 are now estimated .2 billion
dollars higher than a year ago because of the ex-
pansion of the program approved by the second
session of the Eighty-second Congress after the
1953 Budget had been transmitted. Primarily
because more private financing was available than
had originally been anticipated, direct Govern-
ment expenditures for expanding defense produc-
tion are now estimated .3 billion dollars lower
than in January 1952. The decline of .2 billion
dollars in estimated expenditures for civil defense
96
Deparfment of Sfafe Bulletin
is largely the result of a substantial reduction by
the Congress in the appropriation recommended
by the President in the 1953 Budget.
On the whole, expenditures for other programs
in 1953 are now expected to be 1.1 billion dollars
higher than they were estimated a year ago. The
increase in the estimate for interest is due mainly
to the fact that an extra interest-payment period
on some securities fell within the fiscal year 1953.
The increase in estimated expenditures for vet-
erans' services and benefits reflects primarily the
legislation enacted during the second session of
the Eighty-second Congress providing readjust-
ment benefits for Korean veterans and increased
pensions. Increased expenditure estimates for
farm-price support programs (primarily Com-
modity Credit Corporation) and for mortgage
purchases by the Federal National Mortgage
Association account for the rise in the estimate
for all other programs.
Commission on Immigration and Naturalization Reports to the President
Following are excerpts from the report of the
Presidents Commission on Immigration and
Naturalization^ released January 1 :
Letter of Transmittal
Janttart 1, 1953.
Dear Mr. President:
The President's Commission on Immigration
and Naturalization submits to you its report pur-
suant to your request of September 4, 1952, and
Executive Order No. 10382.^
We believe that the separately printed record
of hearings held by the Commission provides in-
formation of permanent value to the executive and
legislative branches of the Government. The
work could not have been done without the whole-
hearted cooperation of many individuals, organi-
zations, and institutions interested in the problem.
The Commission hopes that its study and rec-
ommendations will contribute to public under-
standing of this vital matter, and assist the
Congress in the consideration of legislation to im-
prove the immigration and naturalization laws
and policies of the United States.
Kespectfully submitted.
Thomas G. Finucane
Adrian S. Fisher
Thaddeus F. Gullixson
Msgr. John O'Gradt
Clarence E. Pickett
Earl G. Harrison
Vice Chairman
Philip B. Perlman
Chairman
Hahrt N. Rosenfield
Executive Director
' Bulletin of Sept. 15, 1952, pp. 407-408.
January 19, 1953
Introduction
Tlie President of the United States established
the President's Commission on Immigration and
Naturalization on September 4, 1952, and required
it to make a final report not later than January 1,
1953. He directed the Commission "to study and
evaluate the immigration and naturalization poli-
cies of the United States" and to make recommen-
dations "for such legislative, administrative, or
other action as in its opinion may be desirable in
the interest of the economy, security, and re-
sponsibilities of this country."
This Report is the result of the Commission's
study, and contains the recommendations for an
immigration policy best suited, in its judgment, to
the interests, needs, and security of the United
States. The Commission's functions under the
Executive Order are now completed, and it ceases
to exist 30 days after this Report is submitted to
the President.
It is noteworthy that all the major religious
faiths of America urged the President to appoint
a commission for this general purpose. The Gen-
eral Board of the National Council of the Churches
of Christ in the United States of America issued
a statement to this effect in March 1952. In Au-
gust 1952, the American Council of Voluntary
Agencies for Foreign Service, through its Com-
mittee on Displaced Persons and Refugees, urged
the creation of a commission to study the basic as-
sumptions of our immigration policy. Its state-
ment was signed by representatives of the War Re-
lief Services of the National Catholic Welfare
Conference, the Church World Service of the
National Council of the Churches of Christ, the
United Service for New Americans, and the
National Lutheran Council. And in September
1952, the General Convention of the Protestant
Episcopal Church urged the appointment of a
commission to study the need for emergency
97
refufjjee legislation and "to review our permanent
immigration policy and its basic assumptions."
It betiime evident during the debate in Congress
and public discussions after the passage June 27,
1952, of the Inmiigration and Nationality Act of
1952 (generally known as the McCarran-Walter
Act) over the President's veto,^ that the new legis-
lation does not adequately solve immigration and
naturalization problems, and that the codification
it contains fails to embody principles worthy of
this country.
Immigration and nationality law in the United
States should perform two functions. First, it
should regulate the admission and naturalization
of aliens in the best interests of the United States.
Second, it should properly reflect the traditions
and fundamental ideals of the American people in
determining "whom we shall welcome to a partici-
pation of all our rights and privileges."
This Report discusses the manner in which the
law presently regulates the admission and natural-
ization of aliens, recommends revisions, and ex-
plains why the Commission believes these revisions
better serve the welfare and security of the United
States.
As a separate document, the Judiciary Commit-
tee of the House of Representatives has published
the extensive record of the 30 sessions of hearings
held by the Commission in 11 cities in various sec-
tions of the country. The record shows what a
substantial and representative cross section of the
American people believe to be the best immigra-
tion policy for this country.
It is appropriate to examine the second func-
tion of immigration policy, the reflection of Amer-
ican traditions and ideals. The Commission would
state them as follows :
WE HOLD THESE TRUTHS . . .
1. America was founded upon the principle that
all men are created equal, that differences of race,
color, religion, or national origin should, not he
used to deny equal treatment or equal oppor-
tunity,
Americans have regarded such doctrines as self-
evident since the Declaration of Independence.
The immigration law is a key to whether Amer-
icans today believe in the essential worth and dig-
nity of the individual human being. It is a clue
to whether we really believe that all people are
entitled to those "unalienable rights" for the pres-
ervation of which our nation was created. It in-
dicates the degree of American humanitarianism.
It is a gauge of our faithfulness to the high moral
and spiritual principles of our founding fathers —
to whom people, as the children of God, were the
most important resoui'ces of a free nation.
2. America historically has heen the haven for
the oppressed of other lands.
' For text of the veto message, see ihid., ,TuIy 14, 1952,
p. 78.
The innnigration law is an index of the extent
of our acceptance of the principle that tyranny
is forever abhorrent and that its victims should
always find asylum in the land of the free. It tests
whether we continue to believe that the home of
the brave should offer a promise of opportunity
to people courageous enough to leave their an-
cestral homelands, to search for liberty. It is a
measure of our fidelity to the doctrine upon which
this country was founded, the right of free men
to freedom of movement. The immigration law
discloses whether Americans still concur in George
Washington's challenge :
". . . to bigotry no sanction, to persecution
no assistance."
3. American national vmity has heen achieved
vnthout national uniformity.
The immigration law demonstrates whether we
abide by the principle that the individual should
be free of regimentation. It attests whether we
still respect differences of opinion and the right
to disagree with the prevailing ideas of the ma-
jority, and whether we still welcome new knowl-
edge, new ideas, and new people. It reveals the
strength or weakness of our convictions that de-
mocracy is the best philosophy and form of gov-
ernment.
4. Americans have believed in fair treatment
for all.
The immigration law is a yardstick of our ap-
proval of fair play. It is a challenge to the tra-
dition that American law and its administration
must be reasonable, fair, and humane. It betokens
the current status of the doctrine of equal justice
for all, immigrant or native.
5. America' s philosophy has always heen one
of faith in our future and helief in progress.
The immigration law indicates our outlook on
the future of America. Those who have faith in
a dynamic, expanding, and strong American econ-
omy see immigration not only as a part of our
heritage but also as essential to our future. On the
other hand, those who regard the future of Amer-
ica in terms of a static economy and a maximum
population, view immigration with alarm.
6. American foreign policy seeks peace and
freedom,, mutual understanding and a high stand-
ard of living for ourselves and our world neigh-
hors.
The immigration law is an image in which other
nations see us. It tells them how we really feel
about them and their problems, and not how we
say we do. It is also an expression of the sincerity
of our confidence in ourselves and our institu-
tions. An immigration law which reflects fear
and insecurity makes a hollow mockery of confi-
dent world leadership. Immigration policy is an
important and revealing aspect of our foreign
policy.
No doubt our ideals have not been honored in
America at every moment and in everj' respect.
But they have certainly governed our thought and
98
Department of State Bulletin
actions over the 175 years of the nation's life.
They will continue to do so. The Commission be-
lieves that these traditions and ideals should be
basic to our immigration laws. Insofar as our
immigration policy violates these American tra-
ditions and ideals, it weakens the foundations oi
our liberty and undermines our security and well-
being. It also damages our position of leader-
ship and destroys the esteem and good reputa-
tion the United "States has earned in the past.
Other considerations must also condition our
immigration laws, such as the protection and
preservation of our security against the dangerous
and the diseased. The Commission emphasizes
that one of its major concerns in applying these
principles has been the necessity for the immigra-
tion law to safeguard the welfare and security of
the United States. However, it is convinced that
a full regard for protecting our national security
does not require a hostile attitude toward im-
migration; on the contrary, it believes that full
security can be achieved only with a positive im-
migration policy based not on fears but on faith
in people and in the future of a democratic and
free United States.
WHAT WE BELIEVE
The Commission believes that immigration has
given strength to this country not only in man-
power, new industries, inventiveness, and pros-
perity, but also in new ideas and new culture.
Immigrants have supplied a continuous flow of
creative abilities and ideas that have enriched our
nation.
The Commission believes that an outstanding
characteristic of the United States is its great
cultural diversity within an overriding national
unity. The American story proves, if proof were
needed, that such differences do not mean the
existence of superior and inferior classes.
The Commission believes that it is contrary to
the American spirit to view every alien with sus-
picion and hostility. The Commission is con-
vinced that the American people will not know-
ingly tolerate immigration laws that reflect dis-
trust, discrimination, and dangerous isolationism.
The Commission believes that the American people
are entitled to a positive, not a negative immigi-a-
tion policy, and that they desire a law geared to
the forward-looking objectives of a great world
power.
The Commission believes that although immi-
grants need the United States, it is also true that
the United States needs immigrants, not only for
its domestic or foreign benefit, but also to retain,
reinvigorate and strengthen the American spirit.
The Commission believes that we cannot be true
to the democratic faith of our own Declaration
of Independence in the equality of all men, and
at the same time pass immigi-ation laws which dis-
criminate among people because of national origin,
race, color, or creed. We cannot continue to bask
in the glory of an ancient and honorable tradition
of providing haven to the oppressed, and belie that
tradition by ignoble and ungenerous immigi-ation
laws. We cannot develop an effective foreign pol-
icy if our immigi-ation laws negate our role of
world leadership. We cannot defend civil rights
in principle, and deny them in our immigration
laws and practice. We cannot boast of our mag-
nificent system of law, and enact immigration leg-
islation which violates decent principles of legal
protection.
Nor can we ourselves really believe, or persuade
others to think that we believe, that the United
States is a dynamic, expanding, and prosperous
country if our immigration law is based upon a
fear of catastrophe rather than a promise and
hope for greater days ahead.
The Commission believes that our present immi-
gration laws —
flout fundamental American traditions and
ideals,
display a lack of faith in America's future,
damage American prestige and position among
other nations,
ignore the lessons of the American way of life.
The Commission believes that laws which fail
to reflect the American spirit must sooner or later
disappear from the statute books.
The Commission believes that our present immi-
gration law should be completely rewritten.
Immigration and Our Foreign Policy
The Commission is convinced that our present
immigration law has a detrimental effect ujion our
foreign relations in a variet}' of ways.
Discriminatory racial and national restrictions
in immigration law have made enemies for the
United States in the past, and will continue to lose
us friends as long as they remain in the law. In
this respect, our immigration law conflicts with
American propaganda abroad, an important arm
of foreign policy, which emphasizes equality and
mutual interests among the free nations. Present
immigration law causes large areas of the world,
of greatest importance to our own national security
and welfare, to resent us and view us with growing
distrust.
The immigration laws of the United States frus-
trate our foreign policy by hindering our efforts
in friendly and allied countries to encourage their
political stability and iniity, rebuild their econ-
omies and strengthen their military power.
Rigidity in the national origins quota system
prevents the United States from acting quickly
and effectively in helping to relieve refugee and
overpopulation problems when and where they
arise. Popidation pressure gives rise to economic
and political instability and thus augments the
very conditions which foreign aid programs of the
United States are designed to ameliorate. More-
January 19, 1953
99
over, (lie inability of the United States to deal
flexibly with refugee and overpopulation pres-
sures reduces the influence this country might exert
on other countries to help solve these problems.
Our present national origins quota system pre-
vents the United States from giving asylum to
escapees from the Iron Curtain countries. Be-
sides being contrary to American traditions, this
barrier tends to disillusion the escapees, and denies
us the value of their help in organizing effective
pro-democratic appeals. The present immigration
law is inconsistent with the aim of our foreign
policy to uphold the values of freedom in contrast
to the chains of Communist dictatorship. The
effect is to blunt one of our most important psy-
chological weapons in the cold war.
Our immigration law and procedures have had
the effect, in some instances, of keeping out tem-
porary visitors who should be welcomed to this
country. The testimony has shown that important
circles in friendly foreign countries are growing
resentful of American immigration policy, and are
losing confidence in the sincerity of American pro-
fessions of devotion to democracy.
The Commission's study of the effect of the pres-
ent immigration laws upon our foreign relations
leads to this conclusion : in order to advance our
national interests, strengthen our security, and
contribute to the achievement of our foreign aims,
American immigration policy should be free from
discrimination on the basis of nationality, race,
creed, or color and should be flexible enough to
permit the United States to engage fully in such
special migration efforts as may be important to
the security of the Free World.
The Administrative Agency
The Commission recommends:
1. That a Commission on Immigration and Nat-
uralization be created, to be appointed by the
President subject to Senate confirmation, respon-
sible for the aclministration of all immigration and
naturalization laws.
2. That present duplication of functions be-
tween the consular officers in the Foi'eign Service
of the Department of State and the immigrant in-
spectors in the Immigration and Naturalization
Service of the Department of Justice be elimi-
nated, and that a consolidated service under an
Administrator of Immigration and Naturalization
responsible to the proposed Commission be sub-
stituted.
3. That a Board of Immigration and Visa Ap-
peals be created under the proposed Commission,
with final administrative appellate authority (ex-
cept in cases involving the exercise of discretion)
in all cases of visa denials, exclusions, deporta-
tions, and other related matters.
ADDITIONAL VIEWS OF ADRIAN S. FISHER
LEGAL ADVISER, DEPARTMENT OF STATE
I concur wholeheartedly in the policy recom- \
niendations in the report of the President's Com- '
mission on Immigration and Naturalization. I
believe that their prompt adoption would be in
the interest of the United States, both in the con-
duct of its foreign relations and in the continued i
vigorous growth and development of its economy '
and its society. However, in only one small aspect I
of the report, that dealing with the administra- I
tive arrangements for the issuance of visas over-
seas, I cannot see eye to eye with my colleagues, i
The Report proposes to set up, in effect, another
separate foreign service by authorizing the Ad-
ministrator of Immigration and Naturalization to
set up visa offices overseas as part of the unified
program. In view of the importance which the
report places on the foreign policy of the United
States, a view in which I wholly concur, I cannot
see what is to be gained by separating the admin-
istration of the proposed program from the agency
v^'hich is charged with the administration of the
foreign policy of the United States. It may well
be that the Department of State is subject to legit-
imate criticism in its activities under the present
system for not having paid enough attention to
tile foreign policy aspects of the administration
of the visa issuing function. But in my judgment
the remedy for that defect is not to be found in
divorcing it entirely from this function. It may
well be true that in its administration of the visa
function overseas the Department of State has
relied excessively upon "experts:" that is, persons
who spend a large proportion of their time doing
nothing but visa work. If the Department, how-
ever, has erred in this respect, this tendency should
be corrected, not accentuated, and the participa-
tion in the visa function of officers who have
an over-all responsibility for the conduct of
foreign relations should be encouraged, not made
impossible.
The same can be said with reference to the prob-
lem of placing an additional group of United
States officials in foreign countries to represent
the United States of America. I am aware that my
colleagues are led to their concept of administra-
tion by their views that a visa once issued should
be final, and not subject to review at the port
of entry except for identity, physical condition,
and security status. From this they deduce, by
the maxim of "No responsibility without author-
ity," the conclusion that the visa issuing function
must in turn be under the proposed commission.
I wholly agree that a visa once issued should be
final and not subject to review at the port of entry
except for identity, physical condition, and secu-
rity status. I wholly agree also that there should
be an independent Commission on Immigration
and Naturalization. I am completely in accord
with the recommendation that there should be a
formal procedure for review of consular decisions
100
Department of State Bulletin
with respect to visas. However, I do not agree
that these desirable ends require that persons other
than consular officers should issue the visas.
I am reinforced in this view by the fact that in
over 200 Foreign Service posts there is not an ade-
quate work-load of visa cases to justify the estab-
lishment of a separate visa office. My examina-
tion of the statistics shows that almost 50 percent
of all visas are issued in posts of this kind. The
proposed solution — that is, to have the consul, in
effect, act as a hearing officer but without any
power of decision, even in a clear case — does not
seem to me to be a satisfactory one. Certainly it
does not seem to be satisfactory to have two sepa-
rate systems, one disposing of 53 percent of the
visas and the other disposing of 47 percent.
I believe the proposed Commission should avail
itself of the very real advantages in using the For-
eign Service to accomplish its requirements
abroad, as do some 45 United States Government
agencies at the present time. The proposed Com-
mission would thus have a widespread, flexible,
operating service with the particular advantage
of utilizing its broad experience in foreign affairs.
This experience will be invaluable in evaluating
the intent of the alien, and his social, economic,
and political background, and in estimating the
effect of the alien's admission to the United States
upon our foreign relations and domestic security
and development.
The proposed Commission would have the same
responsibility and authority, the same freedom in
the issuance of substantive guidance and direction
as it would enjoy with its own en^loyees. It
could participate with other government agencies,
under procedures now established under the For-
eign SerAace Act of 1946, in the selection, training,
assignment, and promotion of Foreign Service
personnel, and could participate in the day to day
administration of the Service by the Department
of State to the extent necessary to meet its require-
ments.
Except for this single administrative detail, I
am in complete accord with the Commission's con-
clusions and recommendations.
Recommendations
Throughout this Report are various recommen-
dations, appearing in the chapters in which par-
ticular subjects are discussed. The more impor-
tant ones are briefly restated here, without refer-
ence to the order in which they appear elsewhere :
The Quota System
1. The national origins quota system should be
abolished.
2. There should be a unified quota system, which
would allocate visas without regard to national
origin, race, creed, or color.
3. The maximum annual quota immigration
should be one-sixth of 1 percent of the population
of the United States, as determined by the most
recent census. Under the 1950 census, quota inuni-
gration would be open to 251,162 immigrants an-
nually, instead of the 154,657 now authorized.
4. All immigration and naturalization functions
now in the Department of State and the Depart-
ment of Justice should be consolidated into a new
agency, to be headed by a Commission on Immi-
gration and Naturalization whose members should
be appointed by the President and confirmed by
the Senate.
5. The maximum annual quota of visas should be
distributed, as determined by the proposed Com-
mission on Immigration and Naturalization, on
the basis of the following five categories :
The Right of Asylum
Reunion of Families
Needs in the United States
Special Needs in the Free World
General Immigration
6. For the next three years, within the maxi-
mum aimual quota, there should be a statutory
priority, implementing the Right of Asylum, for
the admission annually of 100,000 refugees, ex-
pellees, escapees, and remaining displaced persons.
7. The allocation of visas within the maximum
annual quota should be determined, once every 3
years, by the proposed Commission on Immigra-
tion and Naturalization, subject to review by the
President and the Congress.
Fair Hearings and Procedure
8. Enforcement functions should be exercised,
under the Commission's supervision and control,
by an Administrator. Quasi-judicial functions
should be exercised, under the Commission's super-
vision, by a statutory Board of Immigration and
Visa Appeals. "^
9. The same officials should not be permitted to
exercise both enforcement and judicial functions.
Aliens should be accorded a fair hearing and pro-
cedure in exclusion and deportation cases. Hear-
ings in deportation cases should conform with the
requirements of the Administrative Procedure
Act. Hearing officers should be responsible only
to the proi^osed Board of Immigration and Visa
Appeals, which should have authority to exercise
final administrative review of their decisions, sub-
ject to further review in limited cases by the Com-
mission. Aliens should have a right of adminis-
trative review, before the Board of Immigration
and Visa Appeals, from denials of visas; and have
a clearly defined method of seeking court review
of orders of deportation.
Admissions and Deportations
10. The conditions for admission of aliens into
the United States should
bear a reasonable relationship to the national
welfare and security;
January 19, 1953
237631—53 3
101
be definite in their meaning and application;
include discretionurv nutliority to waive speci-
fied grounds of inadmissibility, in meritorious
cases;
provide for exclusions without hearing, for rea-
sons of security, only upon direction of the
Board of Immigration and Visa Appeals; and
not be based on the so-called criminal judgments
of totalitarian states.
11. The grounds for deportation of aliens al-
ready In the United States should
bear a reasonable relationship to the national
welfare and security; not be technical or ex-
cessive ;
not be retroactive so as to penalize aliens for
acts which were not prohibited when commit-
ted ; and
not require the deportation of aliens who en-
tered the country at an early age, or those who
have been residents for such a long period as to
become the responsibility of the United States.
12. In connection with the deportation of aliens,
there should be discretionary authority to
allow them to depart voluntarily instead of de-
portation ;
adjust their status within the United States if
they are currently qualified to reenter;
suspend deportation under reasonable condi-
tions ; and
adjust the status of bona fide oiScial defectors
from totalitarianism.
13. A resident alien who is not otherwise de-
portable should not, by reason of a brief absence
from the United States, be subject to exclusion or
deportation.
14. Unless proceedings for deportation and de-
naturalization are brought within ten years,
they should be barred.
15. Arrangements should be made to expedite
the processing of visas for temporary visitors, in-
cluding leaders in art, scientific and business
fields, and the law should apply to such nonim-
migrant aliens only such restrictions as are di-
rectly concerned with the health, safety, and se-
curity of the United States.
Security
16. The security of the United States should be
protected by continuing to bar the entry of spies
and saboteurs.
Aliens who are present members or affiliates of
any totalitarian party, including Communists,
Nazis, and Fascists, should be denied admission
into the United States except where their member-
ship is involuntary; or
affiliations is not knowingly or willingly to fur-
ther the aims and principles of such parties.
Tliey should be deported except where they
entered the United States at an early age or have
been residents for such a long ))erio(l of time as
to have become the responsibility of the United
States.
Aliens who are former members or affiliates of
any totalitarian party may be admitted provided
the}' have repudiated and are now opposed to
such totalitarian ideologies; and
the responsible administrative officers make a
finding that the admission of such aliens would
not be contrary to the public interest.
They should be deported unless
they have repudiated such doctrines for at least
five years.
Citizenship
17. The law should not discriminate against
naturalized citizens but should place them in the
same status as native-born citizens, except where
citizenship was procured by fraud or illegality.
The law should minimize or remove restrictions
which create statelessness, disrupt family unity,
or impose unreasonable conditions or procedures
upon the acquisition or retention of citizenship.
Restrictions on Dairy Imports
Staterwent hy the President
White House press release dated December 31
The Secretary of Agi'iculture announced yester-
day [December 30] that he was applying some
additional restrictions to imports of dairy prod-
ucts, in accordance with the provisions of Section
104 of the Defense Production Act.
Section 104 requires the Secretary of Agi-icul-
ture to put restrictions on imports of dairy prod-
ucts in various circumstances, including the
situation in which the restrictions may be needed
to prevent unnecessaiy expenditures under a Gov-
ernment price-support program. Since the Gov-
ernment has recently been buying considerable
amounts of butter and other dairy products, the
Secretary had no choice but to restrict imports
which might add unnecessarily to his purchases.
It is a thoroughly objectionable piece of legisla-
tion. It was tacked on to the Defense Production
Act in 1951, over the Administration's opposition.
The measures which the Secretary of Agriculture
has been forced to take under its provisions will
not be helpful to American interests. On the con-
trary, this kind of step in the end is bound to hurt
not only our relations with other friendly coun-
tries but also the agricultural interests that the
law is supposed to protect. While the restrictions
102
Department of State Bulletin
themselves are going to have very little effect on
the American market, they are going to hurt our
friends in the Netherlands, Sweden, New Zealand,
and a number of other countries. These countries
are going to lose dollars. They are going to be
in a poorer position to buy American agricultural
products and in a poorer position to finance their
defense efforts. This is the kind of law which
makes the job of the Kremlin's propaganda ex-
perts a great deal easier. The only recourse I can
see is to repeal this jDrovision of the law.
Joint Emergency Loan
to Afghanistan for Wheat
Press release 10 dated January 8
The Department of State and the Export-
Import Bank of Washington announced on Janu-
ary 8 an emergency loan of 1.5 million dollars to
Afghanistan for the procurement of wheat and
flour from the United States. Sardar Moham-
mad Naim, Afghanistan's Ambassador to Wash-
ington, with Herbert E. Gaston, Chairman of the
Board of Directors of the Export-Import Bank,
and officials of the Department of State con-
cluded loan arrangements in a ceremony at the
Bank.
In normal years Afghanistan is self-sufficient in
wheat, which is its basic food. However, this year
Afghanistan must import a substantial propor-
tion of its wheat needs. The extent of Afghan-
istan's wheat shortage and the limitations of its
foreign-exchange position are such that the U.S.
Government has felt it necessary to take prompt
steps to meet the request of the Govermnent of
Afghanistan for the acquisition of wheat and flour
from the United States.
The loan to the Government of Afghanistan is
being made by the Export-Import Bank, using
funds to be disbursed by the Technical Coopera-
tion Administration and made available under the
authority provided in the Mutual Security Act of
1951, as amended. The loan is to run for 35 years
with interest at 21/0 percent per annum, interest
payments to begin after 4 years and repayment
of principal to begin after 6 years. The wheat
and flour thus provided is to be distributed by the
Government of Afghanistan in certain critical
areas of the country to supplement quantities pro-
cured locally.
Serious adverse crop conditions in Afghanistan
have I'esnlted in a drastic wheat shortage, with
the result that in some normally surplus areas the
yield was less than two-thirds of the 1951 harvest.
It is expected that the wheat and flour will begin
to move almost immediately to meet the emer-
gency need of this country situated in South Asia
on the borders of Iran, Pakistan, and the
U.S.S.R.
Panel of Consultants Submits
Study Concerning Armaments
Press release 13 dated January 9
On April 28, 1952, the Department of State
announced the appointment of a Panel of Con-
sultants to advise and assist the Department and
other agencies of the Government in connection
with the work of the U.N. Disarmament Commis-
sion. The members of the Panel are :
Vannevar Bush, Carnegie Institute of Washington
John Dickey, President, Dartmouth College
Allen W. Dulles, Deputy Director, Central Intelligence
Agency
Joseph E. Johnson, Carnegie Endowment for Inter-
national Peace
J. Robert Oppenheimer, Director, Institute for Ad-
vanced Study
The Panel elected Dr. Oppenheimer chairman,
and selected McGeorge Bundy, associate professor
of Government at Harvard University, as execu-
tive secretary. The Panel has held some 20
meetings.
The Panel has also from time to time discussed
a number of specific problems with officers of the
Department of State and with members of the
U.S. delegation to the United Nations. The
Panel has now concluded its work with the sub-
mission to the Secretary of State of a study con-
cerning armaments and American policy. This
paper embodies the findings and recommendations
of the Panel and will be available to the incoming
Secretary.
Liberian Lend-Lease Payment
Press release 918 dated December 15
On December 10 the Liberian Governrnent,
through its Embassy at Washington, remitted
checks totaling $150,000 to the U.S. Government.
This sum represents the first amortization pay-
ments made by the Liberian Government to the
United States for lend-lease expenditures in con-
nection with the construction of the Port of
Monrovia.
The cost of the Port construction was $20,000,-
000 and will be paid back in full from the money
earned by operation of the Port facilities.
Letter of Credence
Great Britain
The newly appointed Ambassador of Great
Britain, Sir Roger Makins, presented his creden-
tials to the President on January 7, 1953. For
the texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 8 of January 7.
January ?9, 1953
103
Inter-American Cooperation on Higliway Problems
EXTRAORDINARY PAN AMERICAN HIGHWAY CONGRESS,
MEXICO CITY, OCTOBER 26 TO NOVEMBER 1, 1952
hy Jack Garrett Scott and Melville E. Osborne
An Extraordinary Pan American Highway
Congress met at Mexico City from October 26 to
November 1, 1952. This special meeting was held
chiefly to consider problems related to the possible
establishment of a permanent highway organiza-
tion which would fmiction in the intervals between
the periodic Pan American Highway Congresses,
pursuant to a provision made by the Fifth Pan
American Congress, held at Lima in 1951. Other
projects studied during the Congress concerned
methods of planning, financing, constructing,
maintaining, and elaborating the highway sys-
tems of all the Latin American Republics.
The Congress was attended by more than 300
official delegates and observers, including official
representatives from 16 of the American Repub-
lics. The U.S. Government was represented by
the following delegation :
Oliairman
Jack G. Scott, Under Secretary of Commerce for Trans-
portation, Department of Commerce
Special congressional delegate
Spessard L. Holland, U.S. Senate
Delegates
Robert B. Brooks, Consulting Engineer, St. Louis, Mo.
Edwin W. James, Chief, Inter-American Regional Ofl5ce,
Bureau of Public Roads, Department of Commerce
Henry H. Kelly, OflSce of Transportation and Communica-
tions, Bureau of Economic Affairs, Department of
State
Charles P. Nolan, OflScer in Charge, Transportation and
Communications, Bureau of Inter-American Affairs,
Department of State
RusseU Singer, Executive Vice President, American Auto-
mobile Association, Washington, D. C.
Francis Turner, Assistant to the Commissioner, Bureau of
Public Roads, Department of Commerce
Secretarif
Melville Osborne, Assistant Attach^, American Embassy,
Mexico City
All delegations were agreed on the urgency and
need for completing the Pan American Highway
at the earliest opportunity and imdertook their
discussions in a spirit of complete harmony and
unity of purpose.
Resolutions Adopted by the Congress
The principal question, that of the possible
formation of a pan- American highway organiza-
tion of permanent character, was considered ini-
tially by the commission dealing with interna-
tional relations. The plan which emerged from
the commission's deliberations and which was
finally adopted by the Congress in plenary session
(1) eliminated all previously organized bodies
designed to provide continuity between Pan Amer-
ican Highway Congresses; ^ (2) established a new
Interim Committee to implement the resolutions
of this and previous Congresses until the next
Highway Congress meets; '^ (3) accepted the offer
of the Organization of American States to pro-
vide, through the Pan American Union, secretar-
iat services for future Highway Congress activi-
ties; and (4) established three Technical
Committees of Experts. These working groups
are to make studies and recommendations, respec-
tively, on (1) the problems of the organization
of modern national highway departments; (2)
planning of the Pan American Highway and its
secondary road system, particularly where such
routing crosses international boundaries; and (3)
the financing of public highways. Each of the
21 American Republics was appointed to serve on
at least one of these working groups of experts.
' The organizations terminated were the Permanent
Institution of Pan American Highway Congresses, includ-
ing the Central Committee of that body, and the Pan
American Highway Confederation, a semioflBcial group
which had been in existence for several years.
' The Sixth Highway Congress is scheduled to meet
in Venezuela in 1954, at which time the Interim Commit-
tee will be disbanded in favor of whatever new organiza-
tion is set up by that Congress.
104
DepaMmenl of Slate Bulletin
statement by Senator Holland
Following are excerpts from a statement made
on October 29 at the Pan American Highway Com-
gress hy Senator Spessard Holland, chairman of
the Senate Subcommittee on Roads, who teas a
delegate to that meeting.
The United States favors the early comple-
tion of the Inter- American Highway, which
will provide modern and efficient overland
communication through the friendly Repub-
lics extending from Panama to the United
States. As tangible evidence of our continu-
ing interest and cooperation, the United
States has given substantial assistance, tech-
nically and financially, to the construction of
the highway.
For example, under legislation enacted by
the U.S. Congress and through bilateral
agreements entered into with individual
Republics for the purpose of sharing con-
struction costs, more than 40 million dollars
has already been spent or committed by the
United States, most of it in recent years. As
further assurance of our sincere and friendly
interest, the U.S. Congress has this year au-
thorized, but not yet appropriated, an addi-
tional sum of 16 million dollars, consisting of
8 million dollars for each of the next 2 fiscal
years, 1953 and 1954, for the purpose of con-
tinuing tlie construction of this highway on a
cooperative basis.
We all look forward to the early comple-
tion of the highway from Panama to the
United States, so that all kinds of motor
vehicles may move readily across this mag-
nificently interesting and important region
and promote its economic development, along
with better hemispheric understanding and
greater solidarity.
Mr. President, I wish to express the cordial
appreciation of our Nation for the friendly
mention appearing in the pending resolution
of the part which the United States has
played in this joint venture. We firmly
believe that the completion of the Inter-
American Highway will be highly beneficial
to our Nation and to each of our friendly
neighbors which it will traverse.
Functions of the Interim Committee
The new Interim Committee, composed of the
representatives of the Governments of Argentina,
Brazil, Mexico, Peru, and the United States, was
empowered to (a) study proposals and submit to
the Sixth Congress draft plans on a permanent
pan-American highway organization to provide
continuity between Highway Congi'esses; (i)
stimulate and coordinate the activities of the three
working committees; (c) review the reports of
these committees and submit comments and sug-
gestions on their final reports; (d) stimulate the
distribution of information on pan-American
highway problems and techniques through the
facilities of the Secretariat of the Organization
of American States; and (e) encourage the Ameri-
can Republics to adopt and put into effect the reso-
lutions of all Highway Congresses. In coopera-
tion with the Inter-American Economic and So-
cial Council (Ia-Ecosoc) of the Organization of
American States, this committee will also handle
the general functions of preparing for the next
Congress. The Committee's first session will be
convoked by the Ia-Ecosoc.
A Transitory Committee was appointed to
carry out the functions of the Interim Committee
until such time as the latter is functioning. The
members of the Transitory Committee were desig-
nated as the delegates to the Council of the Or-
ganization of American States from Argentina,
Brazil, Mexico, Peru, and the United States.
During its discussion of the organization of
national highway departments, a subject which
will be studied by one of the working groups, the
Congress adopted the report of a technical com-
mittee which recommended standards for the or-
ganization of highway departments in those coun-
tries without present adequate highway depart-
ments and presented in general outline the objec-
tives to be reached in organizing a modern high-
way department.
The Congress adopted two practically identical
resolutions, suggested by its Commission on Fi-
nancial and Administrative Affairs, with regard
to financing the Highway. One concerned financ-
ing the uncompleted sections of the Inter- Ameri-
can Highway, that part of the Pan American
Highway extending from the Mexican-U.S. bor-
der to the Panama Canal, and the other concerned
financing the remainder of the Pan American
Highway. Both resolutions suggest a plan
whereby the American Republics may seek the
assistance of the International Bank for Recon-
struction and Development in financing the un-
completed sections of the Highway within their
borders. Under this plan the International Bank
would purchase national bonds to guarantee any
loans made.
The resolution concerning the Inter-American
Highway expressed thanks to the United States
for its financial and technical assistance which
has made possible the building of the Highway
to its nearly completed stage.
The Congress reviewed over 100 technical papers
which had been recommended for publication by
its commissions on road-engineering techniques,
highway operation and safety, and highway edu-
cation and rapprochement. A large percentage
of the papers submitted was ordered published
in the technical documentation of the Congress.
The Commission on Highway Operation and
Safety considered numerous proposals and plans
January 19, J 953
105
for improving liighway safety in the Western
Hemisphere. A number of these proposals were
presented in plenary sessions for adoption by the
Congress in the form of resolutions,
Construction Priorities Established
The Congress recommended that first priority
in construction work be given the uncompleted
sections of the Pan American Highway and second
priority be given to transversal branches connect-
ing the capitals of the American Republics with
the arterial Highway. This resolution had partic-
ular significance for those Republics through
whose capitals the Pan American Highway is not
routed and whose resouices are insufficient for
immediate construction of both the arterial and
the transversal highways desired.
In a resolution deriving from proposals made
by its commission dealing with international rela-
tions, the Congress reconunended the immediate
signature and ratification by all American Repub-
lics of the International Convention on Road
Traffic of 1949. This treaty, which came into force
in March 11)52,^ provides for world-wide reciproc-
ity on automobile registration plates and drivers'
licenses, as well as for other measures designed
to facilitate international motoring, and will
eventually supersede the 1943 Convention on the
Regulation of Inter-American Automotive Traffic.
The Congress also reconunended tliat the Amer-
ican Republics adopt an international convention
on uniform road signs and signals when such a
convention is presented for ratification by the
United Nations.
The Commission on Highway Education and
Rapprochement considered a number of technical
proposals relating to public education on the im-
portance of roads and highways.
A complete report on the activities and decisions
of the Congress will be published in due course
by the Mexican Organizing Committee.
Discussions in commission meetings and ple-
nary sessions revealed clearly the desire of the
delegates to establish a new and clear basis for
cooperative activities, to work closely with the
Organization of American States and its secre-
tariat (the Pan American Union), and to insure
that definite recommendations on numerous im-
portant problems are prepared for action at the
next Congress in 1954. The Congress met in a
spirit of mutual friendliness and cooperation, and
unanimity was reached on all of its resolutions.
* Messrs. Jach Garrett Scott and Melville E.
Osborne, coauthors of the above article, xoere chmr-
man and secretary, respectively, of the U.S. dele-
gation to the Extraordinary Pan American High-
way Congress.
United Nations Progress in the Task of Peace
Address by Ambassador Warren R. Aiistin
U.S. Representative to the United Nations *
I talk with you at a time when our hearts are ex-
panded by the Christmas message of Peace on
Earth, Good Will Toward Men.
These words have a profound spiritual meaning.
In my assignment as U.S. rein-esentative to the
United Nations I have tried to act in accordance
with them. Our job is to bring peace on earth,
and to instill good will among men. In a moment
I will report to you about these effoi'ts.
But first I should like to acknowledge tribute
to Woodrow Wilson. In my adoption of the
United Nations, I have been strengthened by study
of the Wilson tradition. I opposed the League
of Nations, although I favored the World Court.
During the dark days of World War I, President
' See Bulletin of Apr. 7, 1952, p. 545.
* Made over the NKC radio network ou Dec. 127. in con-
nection with tlie Woodrow Wilson Foundation's observ-
ance of the S)6th birthday anniversary of President Wilson.
Wilson's mission was to convince the world that
it must organize itself for peace. He did that job
well. Although the League of Nations foundered,
President Wilson's ideas took deep root in the
minds of men. His ideas, and the noble exper-
iment they engendered, helped inspire our second
great attempt to organize the world for peace — the
United Nations.
My study has also given me the faith and com'-
age of our forefathers, including our greatest
Presidents. Now, my friends, my official mi-ssion
is coming to a close. Soon I shall be turning over
the task to an able and distinguished successor —
Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, jr.
This is an appropriate time for me to share with
you my great faith in the United Nations. It is
a faith tempered by the tragedy of our time — the
tragedy that peace, so near our grasp, eludes us;
the tragedy that freedom, even dearer than peace.
106
Department of State Bulletin
must be defended by force in Korea and elsewhere.
But my faitli is strengtliened by the knowledge
that those who fight in Korea understand Wood-
row Wilson's words, ''right is more precious than
peace."
As an American and a Republican, I am deeply
proud that we have taken leadership in the effort
to make the United Nations work. This is a task
which we owe history. We should not forget that
our failure to make the League of Nations work
contributed heavily to a tragic era. But America
has gone through a profound revolution in its out-
look on world affairs since then. We have ded-
icated our resources and our energies to full par-
ticipation in world affairs because we know that
our security and liberties permit no other course.
Let me give you a few concrete illustrations of
the vast progress we have made since President
Wilson's time, and more especially during the
past 7 years. Wlien the first clouds of aggression
loomed in Manchuria, and Ethiopia, and Municli,
the free nations failed the League. Wlien the sec-
ond aggression occurred, all member states of the
United Nations — save the Soviet group — volun-
tarily* and spontaneously united in resistance to
aggression. Under inspiring American leader-
ship, the United Nations first met force with force
in Korea. That action was right in 1950, and it is
right today. If we had not met the challenge in
Korea, we would surely have been forced to meet
it on our own shores.
But the political and military mission is still
unfulfilled in Korea. Our hearts are heavy that
American boj's have to spend Christmas under
fire. We are saddened by the sacrifice which the
Korean peoples have been called ui^on to make.
We are deeply moved by the fact that soldiers of
many nations have given their lives for the com-
mon security against armed aggi'ession.
These past weeks, we tried to find a peaceful
solution through the General Assembly. But the
Communists have made it perfectly clear that they
will not stop the fighting unless we pay a price
in human freedom which would mean our aban-
doning the cause we have been fighting for. Now
54 nations in the Assembly have said with un-
mistakable firmness that the free world will not
pay that price. The free peoples have said that
they will continue to oppose the Communists'
armed forces and violation of moral obligations.
We will not be a party to a forced repatriation of
prisoners of war. Forced repatriation would re-
sult in mass murder. It would crush the spirit of
resistance which sustains peoples against the
threat of Communist aggi'ession.
The stakes in Korea are world peace and human
freedom. These the United Nations will never
surrender. While our hearts are heavy that the
fighting goes on, our faith and determination to
see the job effective remains strong.
In reflecting on the past years of my mission, I
think also of our success in healing conflicts.
There were times — in Palestine, in Indonesia, and
in Kashmir — when the fighting seemed destined
to go on forever. Yet the United Nations suc-
ceeded in stopping each armed conflict. It also
.succeeded in removing the controversy from the
battlefield to the conference table. Is this not
evidence that our courage and faith will prevail?
Recall the near conflicts, such as the Soviet
pressure on Iran in 1946, when the United Nations
helped to prevent war from starting.
I remind you also of the record the United
Nations has made in adjusting difficult situations
and working out settlements on thorny issues —
such as the Indonesian question, which was
brought from the battlefield to the conference
table and was finally settled. Indonesia today is a
sovereign state which participates as a member
with us in the councils of the United Nations.
Recently we have had another example of the
advantage of conciliation in the United Nations.
The General Assembly was confronted by tense
and difficult situations in North Africa. There
was full and frank discussion of the Tunisian and
Moroccan questions. The Assembly by large ma-
jorities agreed on resolutions which counsel nego-
tiation between the parties — negotiation with
respect to the political development of these coun-
tries. The Assembly helped create an atmosphere
favorable to the working out of real solutions to
these problems. Thus positive gain in the right
direction was defined.
There is the extraordinary progress which the
United Nations has made in facilitating better
living conditions for the great majority of the
world's peoples. In different ways the United
Nations has spurred economic and social progress.
It has brought hope to those who otherwise might
have succumbed to Communist pretentions. If
there is inadequate food, lack of freedom often
seems relatively unimportant. "WHiat price glory
to struggle against poverty and slavery? How-
ever, the United Nations has done the job on the
ground — by showing peoples from Haiti to Thai-
land how to suppress malaria ; how to grow more
and better corn; how to read and write; how to
build dams and irrigation systems. This work is
of immense importance, for it helps stamp out the
root causes of war, and it gives people a real stake
in freedom.
In these past 7 years, we have learned much
about the road to peace. We have seen U.N.
achievements, and we have begun to learn that the
United States is equal to the demand that the quest
for peace imposes.
The road is rougher than we hoped it would be
when we signed the Charter in 1945. We have lost
some of the buoj^ant enthusiasm of those days, but
we have gained the determined courage of a battle-
tested veteran. We have found the direction,
though time has not been speedy.
At this Christmastide, and at this time in my
January 19, 1953
107
career, I know as never before that this Nation
cannot stand alone. It cannot survive without
spiritual growth. It must strengthen its freedom
now through fullest participation in and support
for the United Nations.
My task is unfinished. The task of men is never
finished. To Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., I
have confidence in turning over my official re-
sponsibilities. Carrying forward the task of peace
is an assignment which enriches significance in
history and adds new meaning to faith. The tre-
mendous resources to guide the U.S. Mission to
the United Nations are truth and an understanding
heart.
A Reply to Charges Against the U. S. Economic System
Statement hy Senator Alexander WUey
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
U.S./U.N. press release dated December 18.
Many unfounded charges have been made
against the United States by the representative of
the Soviet Union and the representatives of its
satellite states. I have requested the opportunity
to reply.
The representatives from the Soviet countries
have had a great deal to say in this debate about
the so-called "aggressive armaments race," al-
legedly instigated by the United States. It is
true that we in the United States have decided to
divert a large proportion of our productive capac-
ity to building up our defenses. "VVliy have we
done so? We have done so because free peoples
everywhere have seen aggression and threats of
aggression — in Korea, in Malaya, in Yugoslavia,
Berlin, and Greece, to mention but a few.
The fact is that the Soviet economy never really
demobilized after the war. It continued to pro-
duce large quantities of weapons and to maintain
large military forces. In the middle of 1950,
almost 5 years after the end of the war, the Soviet
Union still had approximately 4% million men
under arms. In contrast, the United States re-
duced its active military forces from about 12
million men in 1945 to 2i/^ million in 1946, and to
11/2 million by the middle of 1950. We also cut
down our military expenditures drastically. In
terms of 1951 prices, our defense expenditures were
reduced from 1944 to 1946 by almost 120 billion
dollars. In contrast, the Soviet Union was de-
voting twice as great a proportion of its national
income in 1946 to military expenditures as was the
United States. In the years from 1947 to 1950,
'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on
Dee. 18.
108
the Soviet Union devoted almost three times as
great a proportion of its national income to mili-
tary purposes as the United States.
In the face of aggression and threats of aggres-
sion backed up by this huge Soviet military force,
may I ask what alternatives were available to the
free peoples of the world? Should they have
supinely accepted the loss of their freedom?
Until some enforceable international arrange-
ment is accepted by the Soviet Union to curtail
armaments and to assure against further Soviet
aggression, is there any alternative to the Amer-
ican people other than to see to their defenses?
The American people are determined to remain
free. The ruling classes in the United States —
workers, farmers, and businessmen, almost 160
million of us — are determined to make every nec-
essary sacrifice for this purpose. That is why we
have embarked upon and will continue to pursue
our proOTam of rebuilding our defenses.
The financial burden of fighting Communist
aggression in Korea has been heavy. The burden
of rebuildingj;he defenses of the free world has
been great. Despite this, the developed countries
have not flagged in their support of practical de-
velopment programs in the less developed regions.
The volume of grants and loans available to these
parts of the world in 1951 increased over the pre-
vious year and continued at approximately the
same level in 1952. And I may repeat what has
been so frequently said by my Government: The
expansion of the economies of the underdeveloped
countries is an integral part of our program to
increase the strength of free peoples against the
subversion and aggression which threaten them
as well as ourselves.
Thanks to the high level of economic activity in
Department of State Bulletin
the United States, the Amei'ican people have been
able to continue their assistance in bnildinf; up the
free world. Our production has continued to ex-
pand in 1952. Our gross national product has
risen from 325.6 billion dollars in the first half of
1951 to 333 billion dollars in the second half of
the year and to 336.5 billion dollars in the first
half of 1952.
Our employment has continued at record high
levels. In the first half of 1952 civilian employ-
ment averaged 60.5 million. Unemployment de-
clined from 3.3 percent of the civilian labor force
in the first half of 1951 to 2.9 percent. Today,
our unemployment figure is less than 1,500,000
people — of which more than one-half were only
unemployed 4 weeks or less. And the standard of
living of our workers has not declined — as many
predicted that it would.
This does not mean that everything is perfect in
the United States. There is still a need for soil
conservation. There are still farms that need elec-
tricity. There is still a need for houses. Many
parts of our country can use more and better
schools and hospitals. There are still a number
of people whose incomes do not permit them the
standard of living that we think is adequate. "We
are conscious of these needs and we are striving to
meet them.
Propaganda of "Collapse"
Do the figures I have just given sound like the
description of a nation about to collapse economi-
cally— as the propaganda from Eastern Europe
would lead us to believe? The figures I have
quoted are evidence of an economic strength which
will continue. "VVlien our defense expenditures
start to level off, we shall be able to make the
necessary adjustments. Our tax structure, our
system of farm aid, our wage and income struc-
tures, the more equitable distribution of our na-
tional income, our system of social-security bene-
fits— all these will serve to cushion such adjust-
ments. Moreover, the indications are that private
investment will remain high. And our wage
structure and the large liquid assets in the hands
of our workers and farmers should dispel any
doubt as to the maintenance of high consumer
spending.
The delegate from Poland has referred to the
purposes that the Economic and Social Council
and this Committee were meant to serve. We look
upon these bodies as world economic forums where
we might learn to understand each other's prob-
lems more thoroughly. The fact is, however, that
at times this forum has been grossly abused. In-
stead of presenting honest information so that we
might constructively aid one another, the delegates
of the Soviet Union and the Eastern European
states have used this forum to wage a propaganda
war against the fi'ee world. Year after year, they
have tried to spread the illusion that the United
States is a nation of greedy and bloody monop-
olies. They would have the world believe that we
have no interest other than power and profits.
The Soviet delegate has even gone so far as to say
that our only interest in the less developed coun-
tries is to "suck the blood" of their economic life.
I do not think that I need identify the motives
behind these systematic attacks. They are all
too obvious.
No matter how long they continue this attack,
however, and no matter how often they repeat
their distortions, this deliberate attempt to xinder-
mine loorJd cowfidence in freedom — whether it be
human freedom or the freedom of enterprise — is
doomed to failure. No matter how insistent their
efforts to divide the free world by distortions and
wild fabrications, they are doomed to failure.
They are doomed to failure because they refuse
to accept the fact that the basic tenet of freedom
is a profound faith in the individual human being.
The basis of free government is that every single
individual has inherent within him hopes and
desires, talents and skills and abilities, which in an
atmosphere of freedom and encouragement pro-
vide immense opportunities for development.
Given the tools with which he may work his way —
and by that I mean mainly a good education and
his own inborn ability; and given the opportun-
ity— and by that I mean a society in which he is
free to develop and use his talents and skills — he
will exert himself to the utmost of his energy to
achieve the hopes which he holds dear.
And when I talk of freedom, I am not talking
of unlimited business license. Nor do I mean
that lack of self-discijjline which was character-
istic of much of the nineteenth century. Ameri-
can public opinion rejects the profiteer just as it
does the rascal.
U.S. Attitude Toward Monopoly
Now, what about these great American busi-
nesses, these so-called monopolies which Soviet
propaganda insists have no other ambition than
to enslave the world ?
Let me first say that we believe it is unhealthy
for any single business enterprise to acquire an
overwhelming measure of economic power. For
this reason we have our antitrust laws and our
investigators and our prosecutors who are con-
stantly on the watch for those who would conspire
to monopolize any economic sphere in restraint of
trade on behalf of their own self-interest. This
is not merely a paper law. It is a deeply held
philosophy of government engrained in our
society.
This is not to deny the fact that we have many
large corporations in the United States. But who
owns these corporations? A recent survey
showed that more than 614 million persons hold
stock in the relatively small proportion of U.S.
corporations that are listed in the New York Stock
Exchange. In fact, in many of America's larger
Januory 79, 7953
109
corporations, the number of stockholders actually
exceeds the number of workers. In 11)51, for
example, average employment in America's 100
largest manufacturing organizations was about
42,000 per comjjany. At the same time, the aver-
age number of shareholders per company was
54,000. Thus, for every four employees there
were five shareholdei"S.
For example, the American Radiator Company
had 67,004 shareholders and 22,581 employees—
a ratio of 3 owners to 1 employee. The Ameri-
can Tobacco Company had 75,017 shareholders
and 19,000 employees— a ratio of 4 to 1. The
Anaconda Copper Mining Company had 118,616
shareholders and 39,672 employees— a ratio of 3
to 1. The Du Pont Company had 138,168 share-
holders and 86,874 employees. General Electric
Company had 252,993 shareholders and 210,220
employees. And even such huge enterprises as
U.S. Steel and Western Electric had approxi-
mately as many owners as workers. In the case
of U.S. Steel, there were a little over 300,000
workers compared to 268,226 shareholders. West-
inghouse's 102,912 shareholders may be compared
to its 108,654 employees. And many of these
employees are among the stockholders of the
companies in which they work.
In addition to these millions of stockholders,
there are 86 million insurance-policy holders
whose savings are invested in 29 billion dollars'
worth of corporate bonds held by U.S. insurance
companies and who thus have a vast stake in U.S.
industries. And millions of others, not share-
holders themselves, have savings to the tune of 40
billion dollars invested in the U.S. economy by the
savings banks and savings and loan associations in
which they have their deposits.
One need only go back to the most recent busi-
ness census of the United States for another refu-
tation of the specious monopoly charges of the
East European delegates. That census showed
that there were 3,840,000 independent business
firms operating in the United States in 1947. It
also showed that two out of every three businesses
are owned by individuals. Twenty percent are
partnerships. Only one business in ten is a cor-
poration. Even in'manufacturing, neaidy 70 per-
cent of our business firms are individually owned.
When we do have monopolies in the United
States, they are publicly regulated. They are to
be found in the public-utility field, primarily in
the fields of electric power, 'transportation, and
communications.
The American Telephone and Telegraph Com-
pany is regulated by the Federal Government and
by 48 State governments and the District of Co-
lumbia. This system now serves nearly 371/0 mil-
lion telephones of its own — more than twice the
number it serviced before the war. Last year, it
spent over a billion dollars on new construction.
It serviced a total of over 145 million telephone
conversations every day of the week.
no
How the Working Man Fares
Since the propagandists of the Soviet Union
and its puppet states like to shed such tears on
behalf of the workers of the world, it would be
appropriate to inquire what effect the American
type of shared ownership has had on the ordinai-y
men and women in our society. Take the average
income of factory workers as an example. Their
average weekly earnings increased from less than
10 dollars a we'ek in 1909 to about 60 dollars a week
in 1951, or sixfold. Real earnings, after allow-
ance for rise in prices, more than doubled. At the
same time, the length of the working week was
reduced from 60 hours to 40 hours. The average
family income last year was 4,320 dollars. Half
of our families had incomes in excess of 3,530
dollars.
Underlying these changes has been the con-
tinued increase in our productivity — in agricul-
ture, in industry, and in transportation. In 20
years, from 1929 to 1950, there was a 75 percent
increase in total physical output of all private
industry. Taking into consideration the popula-
tion increase, the average increase in production
in private industry per person was 1% percent
every year. This phenomenal increase in produc-
tivity represents not only technological advance-
ment but growing cooperation between labor
unions and management. With the years, wages
have gone up, profits have increased, and consvun-
ers have more goods to buy at moderate prices.
In 1914 it took the average worker 25 hours to
buy a ton of coal to heat his house. Now it takes
less than half as long — 10 hours and 20 minutes.
In 1914 it took 17 minutes to earn a pound of
bread. Now it takes 6 minutes. It took 24
minutes' work then to buy one quart of milk. Now
it takes 9 minutes — about a third as long.
All of these things have been made possible
because we have learned how to combine tech-
nology with forward-looking management tech-
niques and morale-building human relations.
And by the term "human relations" I mean every-
thing from trained executive personnel to rela-
tions between management and free labor unions.
I also mean the personal relations that exist
between foremen and workers and between
workers themselves.
These things have been made possible because
we have learned how to share the savings arising
from greater productivity with the workers in the
form of higher wages, and with consumers in the
form of lower prices. This, in turn, has bettered
our standard of living and increased employment
opportunities.
This sharing of our increasing output — together
with a system of progressive income taxation- —
has resulted in a vast upward leveling in the dis-
tribution of our national income.
In 1929, when our national income was less than
90 billion dollars, five percent of our citizens in
the top income brackets got 34 percent of this
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
national income. In 1951, when our national in-
come was nearly 280 billion dollars, the percent-
age that went to this group was only 18 percent.
Or, to put it another way : In 1929, 66 percent of
the national income was received by the 95 per-
cent of our population in the lower income
brackets. In 1951 their share of this much larger
income had risen to 82 percent.
Thus, the average income of families in our
lower and middle-income groups has risen very
rapidly. In 1951 one in every three families had
an income of 3,000 to 5,000 dollars; another one
in every five between 5,000 and 10,000 dollars.
Thus, millions and millions of families have
moved upward into an income bracket which per-
mits them to enjoy the better things of life. They
are industrial workers, office workers, farmers —
millions of whom, in the past 2 decades, have
moved upward in the income scale.
In a moment, I shall contrast this situation with
what is taking place in the Soviet Union.
Restrictive Elements Must Go
Now, what is the significance of all of this?
It is this: If we are to have a continuously ex-
panding economy, we must eliminate, insofar as
is humanly possible, the elements which make for
restriction. This means the strengthening of free
labor unions so that they can act effectively to
assure that workers do in fact get their fair share
of the benefits of improved productivity. It
means giving as much attention to marketing and
distribution as to production. It means develop-
ing competitive conditions among producers and
distributors of commodities so that they have no
alternative but to pass on the benefits of improved
productivity to consumers.
In short, we have learned that to have a growing
economy we must eliminate practices that place
limitations on production, such as the division of
markets and the restriction of output — whether
imposed by public regulation or by private ar-
rangement or merely by habit patterns which act
to hold back the progress of production and low-
cost distribution.
By contrast, let us look at the promise and
reality of the Soviet world.
The political philosoj^hy and the social organi-
zation of the Soviet system constitute a complete
denial of those human values and concepts which
have made for freedom and for progress.
The result is a society with no understanding,
let alone respect, for the dignity and the rights
of the individual. He is a tool of the all-powerful
state. He has no political rights. True, there are
the trappings of Western democracy and a Consti-
tution stipulating popular representation, the
rights of man, and limits to governmental power.
But, as Andrei Vyshinsky, the authoritative inter-
preter of Soviet law, has put it: "The dictatorship
of the proletariat is unlimited by any statutes
whatsoever." Thus we have before us the picture
of a great nation which, having cast off' the j'oke
of an inefficient and corrupt monarchy, has fallen
victim to an even worse despotism. All decisions
on political, social, cultural, and economic matters
are made by a few men at the top of the Soviet
Communist Party. If ever there was a monopoly,
here is one. Contrast this with the GO million
people who went to the polls in the United States
a little over a month ago. Of these, over 33 million
dared to vote against the party in power.
Let us consider the conditions of the ordinary
worker in the Soviet Union. The organizations
which call themselves trade-unions in the U.S.S.R.
have chiefly one function : to increase, in the in-
terest of the state, the volume and quality of pro-
duction while lowering the cost of production.
Collective bargaining is not among their func-
tions and the strike not among their weapons. A
concrete illustration of what this means in the
Soviet world has been given us by the Czecho-
slovak Minister of Interior, Nosek. In 1951 the
Czech coal miners dared to ask for the restoration
of the 5-day workweek which they had enjoyed
before the Communists took over. To this, Mr.
Nosek replied that "what was revolutionary under
the capitalist system is reactionary and counter-
revolutionary today."
Soviet Regimentation of Labor
Soviet workers have to put up with whatever
labor conditions their one and only employer dic-
tates. Wages are fixed by the governments. So
are prices and working hours. Labor discipline is
strict and any breach of its numberless provisions
is severely punished. All jobs are frozen. Leav-
ing the place of employment without the express
permission of the management is punishable by
imprisonment for from 2 to 4 months or, in defense
industries, up to 8 years.
Since 1938 every worker has been required to
have a labor book with detailed data on his em-
ployment history. This internal passport enables
the boss to control the worker effectively at all
times. To sum up : Labor is defenseless against
the monopolistic employer — the OTnnipotent state.
It is hedged in by punitive legislation. It is under
constant pressure to increase output.
There is another question that might be asked :
Has the Soviet system of complete regimentation
paid off in terms of social dividends? Have the
sweat and toil of the Soviet worker, not to mention
his loss of freedom, been compensated by a better
life for the people and by higher standards of
living?
An approach to this question can be found by
comparing the time it takes a worker in Moscow
and in some of the free countries to earn the neces-
sities of life. Take food, for example. A recent
study shows that it requires 414 hours of working
time for a typical factory worker to buy a pound
January 79, 1953
111
of butter in Moscow as compared with a little
under 2 hours in Germany and % of an hour in
Denmark.
It takes 9 minutes of work in a factory to earn
a pound of potatoes in Moscow. Throughout
Western Europe it requires less than 5 minutes,
whether it be in Italy or Denmark or Germany.
In some of these countries, it takes as few as 2
minutes.
The cost of a pound of bread varies from about
14 minutes of work in Moscow to 6 to 10 in Switzer-
land, Ireland, Denmark. It takes nearly twice as
long to earn the money to buy a pound of pork in
Russia as in Italy and 3I/2 times as long as in
Norway. For a pound of sugar it takes a little
under 2 hours' work in Moscow as compared with
37 minutes in Italy and 21 minutes in France and
Germany.
There is evidence available to show that in 1937,
the peak year before the Second World War, per
capita consumption in the U.S.S.R. was as low
as in 1928. Indeed, the evidence indicates that
per capita consumption in 1937 was not much
above the level of 1913 — the last year of peace in
Czarist Russia. And there is every evidence that
since 1937 per capita consumption in the U.S.S.R.
has increased only slightly, if at all.
Wliile income distribution in the United States
has been substantially leveled up in the past 2
decades, the opposite development can be observed
in the Soviet Union. There is a growing dispar-
ity in incomes and with it there has emerged a new
class structure.
The Soviet Union has developed several upper
classes. At the top, there are the leaders of the
Party and Government, the managers of large
enterprises, and well-known intellectuals. On the
next level are minor dignitaries and luminaries.
Down below are the toilers. Furthermore, the
upper class may now endow their children with
expensive education and with considerable inheri-
tance. Soviet income taxes on high incomes are
low. There appears to be no inheritance tax.
From a tax point of view, the Soviet Union is an
ideal place for millionaires.
The Question of East-West Trade
I now turn to some other false charges that have
been made against my Government. Among them
is the charge that the United States has tried to
prevent East -West trade in peaceful goods. The
truth — stated many times by other official spokes-
men for the United States, and a truth which I
assert again — is that the United States is not op-
posed to such trade and has not opposed such trade.
We will not, however, condone the shipment of
strategic goods to the Soviet bloc. The reason
for this is well known. We will not permit our
trade to feed a Communist war machine which has
already unleashed a military attack against peace-
ful i^eoples in Korea and which previously had
shown the true face of its aggressive designs in the
Soviet seizure of Czechoslovakia.
We are all too familiar with the many tirades
delivered in the United Nations in recent years by
representatives of the Soviet Union or its satellites
on the subject of trade controls.
In recent months, however, the Soviet bloc has
given a new twist to these tirades. They now talk
not only about the wickedness of our security trade
controls — while, of course, maintaining rigid con-
trol over their own strategic exports. But they
now talk about more than this. They now talk
about the value — indeed, the necessity — of ex-
panding international trade generally. Listening
to the representatives of the Soviet bloc, one might
believe that the Soviets had now abandoned doc-
trines which have guided their conduct for over
30 years.
I think we are all familiar with these doctrines.
They were set out by Lenin himself in his report
on concessions at the Eighth Congress of Soviets,
in December 1920. Said Lenin :
Restoration of trade relations is a means of making
large purchases of machinery needed by us. . . . The
sooner we have achieved this . . . the sooner will we he
economically independent from the capitalist countries.
That was in 1920. In 1941 a prominent Soviet
economist, Mishustin, spelled out the same prin-
ciple in greater detail. He wrote :
The main goal of Soviet import is to utilize foreign
merchandise, and first of all machinery, for the speediest
realization of the plans for socialist reconstruction, for
the industrialization of the national economy, and for the
technical and economic independence of the U.S.S.R. . . .
The import of the U.S.S.R. is .so organized that it aids
the speediest liberation from import.
That was in 1941. And, 5 years later, with the
postwar creation of a Soviet sphere of influence,
Moscow imposed this self-sufficient policy — a pol-
icy which, need I add. is the death of international
trade — on the Soviet bloc as a whole. In its deal-
ings with its East European satellites and with
Communist China, Soviet policy has been to re-
orient their trade almost exclusively to itself.
And, in its dealings with the free world, its policy
has been to limit imports to goods essential for
reindustrialization and rearmament.
The extent to which this policy goes has been
bluntly spelled out in a secret Czechoslovak direc-
tive issued in the spring of 1950. This directive
pulled no punches. It provided : ( 1 ) Only absolute
essentials are to be imported from capitalist coun-
tries and these only when adequate supplies cannot
be found within the Soviet realm; (2) insofar as
possible, payments are to be made through exports
of nonessential goods; (3) to the extent that ship-
ping is available, all imports are to be channeled
through Polish ports and are to be carried in
Soviet-realm ships.
So much for imports. Now, regarding exports :
(1) Nothing is to be delivered to capitalist coun-
tries which is required in the Soviet Union or the
112
Department of Sfate Bulletin
so-called People's Democracies; (2) no exports of
strategic goods are permitted to capitalist coun-
tries; (3) the People's Democracies are to be
granted priority in delivery of goods required for
the rebuilding of their economy; (4) exports to
capitalist countries are to be limited to nonessen-
tial goods insofar as possible; (5) deliveries of
steel products to capitalist countries are to be re-
duced to a minimum; (6) shipping across West
Germany and from West European ports is to be
reduced to a minimum ; and, whenever possible,
Soviet Union or satellite vessels are to be employed
for overseas trade.
This history of Soviet trade shows the hypoc-
risy of the appeals made by the representatives of
the Soviet bloc for an expansion of trade between
the Soviet-bloc countries and the free world.
Soviet Noncooperation in World Trade
And where has the Soviet Union been when the
free nations of the world have tried to further
world trade?
Not only has the Soviet Union refused to par-
ticipate in projects of international cooperation;
it has tried its best to discredit them, to smear
them, and to sabotage them at every opportunity.
So, we may ask, whence comes this sweet reason-
ableness, this talk about trade and peace? But,
some may say, Soviet doctrine and Soviet be-
havior toward these various international organi-
zations and programs do not reflect actual Soviet-
bloc practices in concrete transactions. Well, let's
take a look at Soviet-bloc trading practices.
I might refer you to the difficulties my own
countrymen have experienced in trying to do busi-
ness with Communist Czechoslovakia. We have
heard a lot about the Soviet-bloc countries want-
ing to trade with foreign businessmen. But how
do the facts fit in with these claims? First, the
property of American nationals in Czechoslovakia
was confiscated without compensation. Next, the
Czechoslovak Government persecuted and har-
assed American firms to such an extent that it was
virtually impossible for them to do business in
Czechoslovakia. Third, the Czech Government —
as have all Soviet-bloc governments — declared it
treasonable for its citizens to furnish the necessary
information on trade which is essential to the con-
duct of commercial enterprise. Fourth, American
charitable and welfare organizations were forced
to discontinue their work. And, finally, Ameri-
can citizens were imprisoned without justification.
This is what can happen to individuals. It can
also happen to nations. For individuals the cost
can be too high financially. For nations it can
cost too much in independence.
I have recalled to you the facts of Soviet doc-
trine and practice in the international trade field.
I ask you to examine the current Soviet preten-
sions in the light of their behavior. Plainly,
Soviet doctrine and practice in this field, to say
nothing of Soviet doctrine and practice in the
political and military fields, force us to consider
the recent statements of representatives from the
Soviet bloc on this question as simply hypocritical
propaganda.
In saying this, I do not mean to imply that the
United States — as other free nations—would not
welcome bona fule action by the Soviet bloc in
joining the family of nations that practice as well
as preach an expansion of international trade.
The Government of the United States always wel-
comes opportunities to increase world trade — but
Twt at the price of its national security or the
security of other free nations.
I might add that the Soviet bloc would find the
reception of its trade propaganda more favorable
if other Soviet activities were consistent with it.
As it is, this propaganda falls on skeptical ears
because it is accompanied by aggression and
threats of aggression and by subversive activity
everywhere. The Soviets must change their ways
before any credence can be given to their woi'ds.
And, until they do change, we must continue to
take with a large grain of salt all their current talk
about peace and trade.
Polish Charges
The United States has also been charged with
"torpedoing" international economic cooperation.
This sounds strange— coming as it does from
the delegate of Poland, a state which has refused
to become a contracting party to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and which seems
to be making a habit of pvilling out of the few
specialized agencies it has joined without paying
the contributions it has solemnly contracted to
pay.
The charge sounds hollow from a member of a
bloc of states which has established an unenviable
reputation for obstructing international economic
cooperation in the United Nations in all its forms.
These countries make it a crime to supply to the
U.N. Statistical Office certain information which
most other member nations gladly supply.
All we hear from them is percentages — rarely,
if ever, a figure that means anything. The Soviet
bloc has never contrilmted a ruble, a zlotv, or a
crown to the relief of the Palestine or Korean
refugees, yet they make loud outcries and politi-
cal capital out of their sufferings. These coun-
tries refuse to cooperate in the work of the Eco-
nomic Commission for Europe and now use the
Commission only as a sounding board for political
propaganda. These countries have made it a
principle not to join in, or cooperate with, the
work of most of the specialized agencies.
According to the Polish delegate, the economic
state of the world outside of what he called his
"harmonious" area is one of stagnation and de-
cline. Although the Polish delegate quoted coi^i-
ously from the last bulletin of the Economic Com-
Januaiy 19, 1953
113
mission for Europe, it is plain that he did not read
all of it. If he liad, he niight have seen tliat in a
number of West European countries, 1952 con-
sumption is at considerably hinrher levels than in
1949 and that agriculture and building are making
strides. He might also have seen tlie statement
that in Eastern Europe, despite the continued in-
crease in industrial production, consumption
standards in several countries, notably Poland and
Czechoslovakia, show no tendency to rise. In-
deed, in Poland and Czechoslovakia — and I
quote — "there has been a general lowering of real
wages."
Finally, the representatives of the Soviet bloc
have dragged out their shopworn slander that
American business — or, as they call it, "American
monopoly capital" — wants war and lias forced an
"armaments race" upon the world. Tliey say that
American capital has forced this armaments race
on the worlcl because of its lust for vast profits.
Since the concept that the capitalist system
maintains itself by war is basic to the Lenin-Stalin
theory of economics, one would naturally expect
the representatives of the Soviet bloc to repeat
this falsehood.
But let us look at what war means to American
business. It means price controls, wage controls,
and priorities. It means allocations, power
shortages, shortages of materials, ancl higher
taxes. It means wearing out of equipment, dis-
location of markets, conversion difficulties and
reconversion hangovers, relocation of plants, the
fear that comiietitors will take over their peace-
time markets, and endless other headaches.
Is it surprising, then, that the American busi-
nessman does not want war or an armaments race ?
Is it surprising, then, that, at the beginning of
World War II, it was the totalitarian countries
and not the capitalist countries which were most
prepared for war?
The Profits Picture
And as to the false charge that American busi-
ness realms great profits out of the defense effort,
let us look at the facts. The only profit that inter-
ests businessmen is profit after taxes. In this
connection, the defense effort, forced upon my
country by the aggression which took place in
Korea in mid-195d, has already brought about a
29 percent increase in personal taxes, a sharp boost
in excise taxes, a 53-percent jump in corporate
taxes, and the revival of the excess-profits tax as
well.
And now let us see what has happened to the
actual earnings of American business since the
Korean war began. Last year, as our delegate in
this Committee pointed out, the trend had already
become clear. He showed that earnings, after
taxes, of U.S. business in the first 9 months of 1951
were 9 percent lower than they had been in the
same period in 1950 before the defense effort had
114
taken effect. He also showed that this was true
for most industries, including those which are
generally considered to be armaments industries.
That trend still continues. The figures showing
the earnings of American business for the first 9
months of 1952 indicate that the earnings of 510
of our largest companies in 60 different fields
amounted to .3.9 billion dollars— as compared to
4.4 billion dollars in 1951 and 4.8 billion dollars
in 1950. In other words, they dropped 9 percent
between 1950 and 1951 and they dropped another
10 percent between 1951 and 1952.
And what industries showed these declines in
profits? It is true that the earnings of the air-
craft and machine-tool industry rose. But the
earnings of the steel companies, the iron and steel
fabricators, the petroleum companies, and the
chemical companies — that is to say, the industries
vitally related to our defense program — all of
these earnings fell, most of them for the second
successive year since Korea.
We feel that the facts speak for themselves.
Their significance will be recognized by any fair-
minded person who is not so smothered in Stalin's
dogma that he is unable or unwilling to see the
truth.
But the real test of who wants war and who
wants peace is what governments do to further one
or the other. This Assembly has tried its best to
find fair and equitable solutions to the Korean
situation. Wlio was it who voted against the
Indian proposal — a proposal which represented
the civilized world's effort to bring about peace in
Korea ? The roll call against the Indian resolu-
tion included only (1) the Soviet Union, (2) the
Soviet Ukraine, (3) Soviet Byelorussia, (4)
Czechoslovakia, (5) Poland. Nobody else voted
against it. They spoke vehemently against it,
both in the First Committee and in the Plenary.
By their acts you shall know them.
My Government has repeatedly stated in this
Committee and throughout the Assembly that we
look forward to the day when men "shall beat
their swords into plowshares and their spears into
pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword
against nation, neither shall they learn war any
more."
We still cling to our belief in this prophecy.
Above all things we desire peace — world peace-
lasting peace and the world-wide prosperity which
that peace will make possible. Of course we can-
not accept peace imposed on Soviet terms and
based on Soviet domination. Wlien we say peace,
we mean peace based upon mutual respect among
free nations.
We look forward to the day when all the mem-
bers of the United Nations will be able to agi-ee
upon a universal plan of disarmament with ade-
quate control, inspection, and enforcement. On
that day, we in the United States shall be glad
to join with other member states in increasing our
contribution to a widespread program of economic
Department of Stale Bulletin
^
development, a program which might well accom-
plish the great objectives outlined for ns in our
Charter. I hope that when that day comes all
freedom-loving, democratic countries will be able
to join together in putting into constructive use
those resources of goods and technology which are
already available to us but which the obstruction
of a small group of states prevents us from ap-
plying to better ends than arms.
The sooner the world is freed from the fear of
aggression, the sooner will my country be in a
position to carry out its share in the great program
of development which we all so desire.
U.N. Membership Based
on Principles, Not on Deals
Statement hy Benjamin V. Cohen
U.S. Rejn'esentative to the General Assenibly ^
U.S. /U.N. press release dated December 21
I should like to explain briefly the votes the
U.S. delegation will cast on the resolutions before
us.
It is clear from the debates in Committee that
all of us regard the membership problem as the
outstanding organizational and constitutional
problem of the United Nations. The future
growth and vitality of the United Nations depends
upon its solution. So long as all of those nations
qualified for membership are not here among us,
the United Nations cannot achieve its maxinmm
effectiveness. New blood would bring fresh
energy and enthusiasm as well as collective
strength and wisdom to our discussions.
The debate in the Committee convinced my
Government that the Central American draft reso-
lution calling for the creation of a special com-
mittee to study the problem of admission to mem-
bership offered the most constructive method of
procedure. Such a committee will be able to make
an objective and careful exploration and analysis
of the membership problem. In this connection,
we recall the work of the subcommittee set up by
the Interim Committee to study the problem of
voting in the Security Council. The results of
that study were, in the opinion of most delega-
tions, highly useful. The results of the efforts of
a similar group on the membership problem should
be of equal, possibly greater, utility to the United
Nations. We sincerely hope that the work of the
Cormnittee will help the United Nations to
" Made In plenary session on Dec. 21. Later in the same
meeting ( the last held by the General Assembly before
adjourning until February 1953), the following actions
were taken on membership : The Assembly voted to estab-
lish a special committee to study proposals on membership,
confirmed the U.S. proposal as to Japan's fulfillment of
membership qualifications, approved similar resolutions
relating to Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Libya, and Jordan,
and rejected tJie Polish "package" resolution.
progress toward the goal of universality of
membership.
During the course of discussions in the Com-
mittee, many suggestions were made with a view
to ending the membership deadlock. Our delega-
tion was particularly impressed by the serious
thought and study our friends from Latin Amer-
ica have given to the membership problem. We
listened with great interest especially to the dis-
tinguished delegate from El Salvador, Ambassa-
dor Urquia, and to Ambassador Belaunde from
Peru. While a number of the suggested solutions
seem to my Government to raise grave constitu-
tional issues, the special committee will un-
doubtedly wish to study them all carefully to de-
termine whether they offer a feasible method to
move toward fuller recognition and implementa-
tion of the principle of universality.
Our delegation will have to vote against the
Polish draft resolution which was defeated in the
Committee. The Polish resolution, which calls
for a "package deal" admission of 14 states, in our
opinion, prejudges the question of admission.
This is true whether the text of the proposal calls
for simultaneous admission or simply for admis-
sion. The Polish draft resolution would have the
General Assembly express by implication what
we have not been willing to express explicitly:
that all of the states listed therein are qualified.
It would equate certain states which have not been
found qualified (that is Albania, Hungary, Bul-
garia, Rumania, and Outer Mongolia) with such
peace-loving nations as Italy, or Austria, or
Ceylon.
We are firm supporters of universality of mem-
bership, Mr. Chairman, but universality should be
based upon principles and not upon deals. The
Polish proposal is based on a deal not on a prin-
ciple. It includes some applicants and excludes
others on the basis of no stated standard. It in-
cludes some but not all applications which have
received endorsement by a majority of the Security
Council and includes those applications which
have not received such endorsement. It provides
the United Nations with no clear and defined cri-
teria by which to judge the pending applications
not included in the partial list contained in the
Polish resolution or to judge future applications.
We favor no deals which leave some existing and
all future applications to the whim of future deals
rather than to disposition on the basis of stated
principles or standards. It may possibly be urged
with reason that principles of admissibility should
be more liberal than those we now apply. But
those principles upon which we agree should be
of universal application so that they may be ap-
plied to all future as well as existing applicants.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, a word of explanation
of our vote endorsing the membership applications
of Japan, the three Associated States of Indo-
china, Jordan, and Libya.
This will be the first time the General Assembly
January 19, 1953
115
is able to pass on the application of Japan. The
Japanese Government filed its application for
niembersliip in June of this year. It would al-
ready have had a favorable recommendation fi'om
the Security Council were it not for the veto cast
by the Soviet delegate to the Council last Sep-
tember.
In the view of my Government and in the view
of the overwhelming majority of representatives
on the Ad Hoc Committee, Japan is qualified for
membership. It seems to me, therefore, it is only
fair for the Assembly to put itself on record in
this sense. Such action will provide Japan with
further stimulus to continue the positive contribu-
tions it is already making to the specialized agen-
cies of the United Nations of which she is a mem-
ber. It will encourage the Japanese people to
continue on the path of peaceful advancement.
For similar reasons we have endorsed the mem-
bership applications of the three Associated
States of Indochina and will vote for them. And,
finally, we will vote to support the membership
applications of Jordan and Libya. The Assem-
bly has already found those two states qualified for
membership. We shall be glad again to express
our endorsement of their qualifications for mem-
bership.
Soviet Attacks on Social Conditions
in U.S.
Statement by Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
U.S. /U.N. press release dated December 9.
After the speakers' list was closed, the Commit-
tee heard the distinguished delegates of the
Ukraine, Soviet Union, Poland, and Byelorussia
talk at great length about social conditions in the
United States. These four speakers, like another
speaker earlier in the debate, made many allevia-
tions about declining standards of living in this
country, about our inadequate facilities lor hous-
ing, education, health, and social welfare, about
racial discrimination, and about the high cost of
living in the United States. These speakers all
asserted that the defects in American life are due
primarily to the preparations of our Government
for war.
This is the seventh year in which I have heard
these same old, stale charges hurled against the
United States. On several previous occasions I
have replied to these charges, point by point, with
the true facts. But, after all, no one ever expects
replies to Soviet slanders to have any effect what-
soever on their representatives. Each year I pre-
sent the facts about the situation in the United
'Marie in Committee III (Social, Humanitarian and
Cultural) on Dec. 9.
States; and then the next year these representa-
tives offer up the same old distortions of fact.
The Committee is so far behind in its schedule
that I will not delay it todaj' with any detailed
rebuttal. I should like merely to summarize what
I have said on six previous occasions, knowing full
well it will not prevent this group of representa-
tives from saying the same thing all over again
next year.
First, the U.S. Government and the American
people do not want another world war ; they are not
preparing for another world war; they are doing,
and will do, everything in their power to maintain
international peace and security and to resist
aggression.
Second, social conditions in the United States
are not perfect and the standard of living of large
numbers of the American people is far from satis-
factory. It does not require this annual shower
of crocodile tears by this group of representatives
to make me aware of the defects in American life.
I am fully aware of these defects, for I have spent
the better part of my life fighting to help correct
them.
Third, despite the fact that the standards of
health, education, social welfare, housing, and
race relations are not as high in the United States
as we Americans would desire, they are much
higher than the distinguished delegate of the
Soviet Union and her colleagues would lead the
Committee to believe.
Every year, the distinguished delegate of the
Soviet Union and her colleagues quote a long list
of figures to show what a small part of the Federal
budget of the United States is devoted to educa-
tion, health, social insurance, and similar activi-
ties. Every year I have to remind these delegates
that the major expenditures in our country for
education, health, social insurance, and similar ac-
tivities comes not out of the Federal budget, but
from the States, the counties, the cities, and the
towns, and from private sources of many kind-;.
Let me cite just one figure, for probably the seventli
time, to show the utter falseness of all these
charges. The distinguished delegate of the Soviet
Union .stated that less than 1 percent of the budget
of the Federal Government in the United States
is devoted to education. That is a correct statistic
because education is not the primary responsibility
of the Federal Government, but that statement
gives a completely false impression. The States,
local communities, and private institutions are pri-
marily responsible for education in the United
States. In the fiscal year 1950-51 our State and
local governments spent a total of $7,500,000,000
on education, or 34.1 percent of their total expend-
itures; and our private institutions in addition
spent many millions of dollars on education.
Fourth, despite all the imperfections in our
American society and despite all I have heard
about the perfect paradise that exists in the Soviet
Union, Poland, Byelorussia, and in certain other
1
116
Department of State Bulletin
countries — I am sure every person with decent in-
stincts still prefers to live in imperfect freedom
than in a propaganda paradise without freedom.
For the last 20 yeai-s in this country, the Republi-
can Party, a majority of our newspapers, and mil-
lions of our citizens have been criticizing and de-
nouncing the Government; and for the next -1
years, the Democratic Party, many of our news-
papers, and millions of our citizens will be criti-
cizing and denouncing the new Administration.
Yet not one Republican politician or diplomat has
been imprisoned or hanged for his opposition to
the Government in power. Not one newspaper has
been suppressed. Not one citizen has been shipped
off to a slave-labor camp. Nor will anything of
this kind happen in the next 4 j'ears to any Ameri-
can who happens to disagree with the Republican
Administration.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, we in the United
States know better than these critics the many
things that are lacking in our country. We have
done much in the past, and we are doing much
today, to correct these injustices and these low
stanclards. We would be doing even more today
if we were not compelled by the aggression in
Korea and by the threat of aggression elsewhere to
help strengthen the free world and to preserve the
peace.
Activities of the International
Materials Conference
Direct defense needs have agaih been given prior-
ity.
Primary copper only (blister and refined) is
included in the distribution plan. As in pirevious
quarters, semifabricated products have not been
allocated but all exporting countries are again
asked to maintain their exports of semifabricated
products at a level commensurate with their allo-
cation of primary metal for civilian consumption
in accordance with normal patterns of trade.
The Committee agreed to continue the arrange-
ment whereby domestic users in the United States
and in other countries would have the opportunity
to pui'chase any copper allocated to other countries
participating in the International Materials Con-
ference and not used by them.
In accepting the Committee's recommendations,
the Chilean Government made a reservation by
which it may dispose of a limited tonnage of its
copper without reference to the distribution plan.
Notwithstanding this reservation, the Chilean
Government has stated its desire to take into ac-
count the recommendations of the Committee
whenever possible in regard to that limited ton-
nage.
Twelve countries are represented on the Com-
mittee. They are Australia, Belgium (represent-
ing Benelux), Canada, Chile, France, the Federal
Republic of Germany, Italy, Mexico, Norway,
Peru, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
The plan of distribution has been forwarded also
to the governments of 27 other countries, not rep-
resented on the Committee, for which allocations
have been recommended.
Distribution of Copper
The Copper-Zinc-Lead Committee of the Inter-
national ilaterials Conference announced on De-
cember 16 that member governments have accepted
its proposal for an allocation of copper for the
first quarter of 1953,^ subject to a review of the
supply-demand situation at the end of January
to ascertain whether the allocation need be con-
tinued for the remainder of the quarter.
Reported requirements of primary copper for
the first quarter 1953 continue to exceed estimated
availabilities, even though there has been a notice-
able easing of the copper market in recent months.
Estimated availabilities of primary copper in
the first quarter 1953 amount to 704.790 metric
tons. The Committee has recommended a first-
quarter jjlan of distribution of 723,080 metric tons
as compared with 747,655 metric tons in the pre-
vious quarter. The requirements indicated by-
some countries are slightly lower than in the pre-
vious quarter and this factor and more realistic
supply figures result in a reduced total allocation.
There is an apparent over-allocation of 18,290
metric tons (2.6 percent) which will provide a
measure of flexibility to the distribution plan.
' For distribution plan, see Imc press release of Dec. 16.
Distribution of Molybdenum
The Tungsten-Molybdenum Committee on De-
cember IS announced its recommended distribution
of molybdenum for the first calendar quarter of
1953.^ The Governments of all 13 countries rep-
resented on the Committee have accepted the rec-
ommendations. These countries are Australia,
Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, France, the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, Japan, Portugal,
Spain, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the
United States.
In accepting the recommendations, the Govern-
ment of the United States made the condition that
domestic users of molybdenum in the United
States should be authorized to purchase the quan-
tity of such material allocated to other countries
participating in the International Materials Con-
ference and not used by any such participating
country. In view of this, the Committee agreed
to make arrangements whereby such domestic users
in the United States or other countries would have
the opportunity to purchase molybdenum allo-
cated to other countries participating in the Inter-
national Materials Conference but not used by any
such participating country.
■' For distribution plan, see Imc press release of Dee. 18.
January J 9, 1953
117
Molybdenum lias been under an international
plan of distribution since July 1, 1951. Although
availabilities have been increasing, the metal con-
tinues to be in very short supply as compared with
the requirements of the consuming countries.
This is especially so when the stock-piling require-
ments of these countries are taken into considera-
tion.
Total free-world production of molybdenum in
the first quarter of 1953 is estimated by the Com-
mittee at 6,408.25 metric tons metal content. This
estimated production sliows an increase of nearly
13 percent as compared with estimated production
in the fourth quarter of 1952 and over 75 percent
above the rate of production in 1950. On the other
hand the defense and stock-piling requirements of
the free world are still much in excess of the esti-
mated production. It is necessary therefore that
all countries of the free world should do their ut-
most to implement the present recommendations
for the distribution of the metal and give every
attention to the measures recommended by the
Committee for conservation and substitution.
The plan recommended provides for the dis-
tribution of the whole free-world production of
molybdenum, both in the form of ores and con-
centrates and primary products. Primary prod-
ucts are defined, as in the case of previous distri-
butions by the Committee, as ferromolybdenum,
molybdic acid and molybdenum salts, including
calcium-molybdate and molybdic oxide. Eoasted
molybdenum concentrates are regarded by the
Committee as being included in ores and concen-
trates, as in the case of previous distribution
plans.
In framing the recommended plan of distribu-
tion, the needs of all countries, whether members
of the Committee or not, were carefully con-
sidered. The distribution plan is now trans-
mitted to all governments, including those not
represented on the Committee, wherever the coun-
tries concerned are interested in the export or im-
port of molybdenum in the form of ores and con-
centrates or primary products. All governments
are being requested to carry out the plan of dis-
tribution recommended.
Of the total estimated production of 6,408.25
metric tons metal content of molybdenum to be
produced in the first calendar quarter of 1953, the
distribution plan provides that 6,124.25 metric
tons be distributed in the form of ores and con-
centrates and 284 metric tons as primary prod-
ucts, this latter quantity also being distributed, in
the first instance, to countries manufacturing
primary products from ores and concentrates.
Distribution of Nickel
The Manganese-Nickel-Cobalt Committee on
December 18 announced that its 14 member gov-
ernments have accepted a first quarter 1953 dis-
tribution plan for primary nickel and oxides.^
' For distribution plan, see Imc press release of Dec. 18.
The recommended plan of distribution has been
forwarded to all interested governments for im-
plementation.
As in the distribution plans for the last two quar-
ters of 1952, provision has been made whereby
any nickel allocated to, but not used by, countries
participating in the plan of distribution, will be-
come available for purchase by consumers in the
United States and other countries. Japanese pro-
duction has reached a level which will permit the
export in 1953 of a small amount of refined nickel.
The estimated nickel availabilities for the first
quarter of 1953 of 37.270 metric tons are only 210
tons or about 0.6 percent higher than for the fourth
quarter of 1952. Therefore, the recommended
allocation still falls considerably short of require-
ments. As a result, the Committee's report to all
governments again stresses the need for strict
economy in the use of nickel.
The countries represented on the Manganese-
Nickel-Cobalt Committee are Belgium (for Bene-
lux), Brazil, Canada, Cuba, France, the Federal
Republic of Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Nor-
way, Sweden, the Union of South Africa, the
United Kingdom, and the United States.
Tungsten Distribution Plans Discontinued
The Tungsten-Molybdenum Committee of the
International Materials Conference announced on
December 18 that member governments had ac-
cepted its recommendation to discontinue inter-
national distribution plans for tungsten after
December 31, 1952.
The consistent improvement in the tungsten-
supply situation, together with the return of easier
market conditions, will now permit such action.
The Committee will, however, continue to keep
the supply and demand position under review.
Any developments which would justify further
action will be given due consideration. It has
been agreed that if two or more countries, whether
members of the Committee or nonmembers, experi-
ence serious difUculties in obtaining the necessary
supplies, they may request the Committee to con-
sider the reestablishment of the allocation system.
When tungsten was first allocated in July 1951,
for the third quarter of that year, actual produc-
tion of the metal amounted to about 3,150 metric
tons metal content, whereas production for the
first quarter of 1953 is estimated at more than
4,700 metric tons. With this increase of about 50
percent, supply and demand are approximately in
balance. Further increases in production, how-
ever, are expected and it is believed that they will
be necessary before the existing restrictions on end
use can be fully relaxed.
The 13 countries represented on the Tungsten-
Molybdenum Committee are Australia, Bolivia,
Brazil, Canada, Chile, France, the Federal Repub-
lic of German}', Japan, Portugal, Spain, Sweden,
the United Kingdom, and the United States.
118
Departmenf of State Bulletin
Allocation of Sulfur
The Sulfur Committee of the International
Materials Conference on December 22 announced
the allocation plan for crude sulfur for the first
quarter of 1953, which was unanimously accepted
by its member governments. Seventeen govern-
ments are represented on the Sulfur Committee:
Australia, Belgium (representing Benelux),
Brazil, Canada. France, the Federal Eepublic of
Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Mexico, New
Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, the Un-
ion of South Africa, the United Kingdom, and
the United States.
A substantial improvement has taken place in
the sulfur position over the last 6 months of 1952.
This has been brought about both by an increase
in production and by some reduction in demand,
resulting from the fact that the level of industrial
activity in many countries was lower than pre-
viously anticipated, and from the increased use
of other sulfur-bearing materials and various
conservation measures. The export availabilities
and import requirements for the first quarter of
1953 are approximately in balance.
The Committee discussed the possible termina-
tion of international allocations but considered
that the improvement in the supply position
might be only of a temporary nature. Further-
more, the Committee recognized that in many
cases the requirement figures for individual coun-
tries were based on a continuation of restrictions
on the use of sulfur as such and thus might not
reflect a true estimate of world demand. In view
of this, the Committee has recommended the con-
tinuation of allocations for the first quarter of
1953, as shown in the attached schedule.^
The Committee agreed to make arrangements
whereby domestic users in the United States and
in other countries may purchase any sulfur al-
located to other countries participating in the
International Materials Conference and not used
by any such participating country.
As on previous occasions, the Committee dealt
only with crude sulfur and did not allocate the
relatively small quantities of refined sulfur which
enter into international trade. The Committee
expects, however, that trade in refined sulfur will
continue to follow the normal pattern.
U.S. Delegations to International Conferences
Discussions on World Rice Situation (FAO)
The Department of State announced on January
6 (press release 7) that under the auspices of the
Food and Agriculture Organization of the
United Nations (Fao), an intergovernmental
meeting on the world rice situation had convened
at Bangkok on January 5. The U.S. delegation
to this meeting is as follows :
Delegate
Dexter V. Rlvenburgh, Commofiities Specialist, Production
and Marketing Administration, Department of Agri-
culture
Meinbers
Isom Deshotels, Assistant Agricultural Officer, Special
Technical Economic Mission, American Embassy,
Rangoon
Howard Parsons, Economic Counselor, American Embassy,
Bangkok
Graham Quate, Agricultural Attach^, American Embassy,
Bangkok
At the meeting, representatives of both import-
ing and exporting countries, which are members of
Fao, will review the recent trends in the produc-
tion and international movement of rice and dis-
cuss governmental policies affecting rice pi'oduc-
tion. Participants will exchange information
January J9, 1953
about production policies, economic incentives,
marketing methods, and technical assistance and
will consider possible arrangements for future
consultations on problems of ric« supply. Techni-
cal questions concerning the storing of rice will
also be discussed as an Fao meeting to deal with
rice storage, previously scheduled for December
1952, was postponed to coincide with this meeting.
Inter-American Seminar on National Income
Press relense 5 dated January 5
From January 5 to 17, statistical experts from
the United States will attend an Inter-American
Kesearch Seminar on National Income at Santi-
ago, Chile. The seminar, which will be held on
the campus of the University of Chile, is being
sponsored by the Government of Chile, the Pan
American Union, and the Inter- American Statis-
tical Institute, with the cooperation of the Uni-
versity of Chile and the United Nations.
U.S. participants in the seminar will be : chair-
man, M. Joseph Meehan; memhers, George Jaszi
■* For allocation schedule, see Imc press release dated
Dec. 22.
119
and Harlow D. Osborne, all from the OiEce of
Business Economics, Department of Commerce.
Also participatino; will be Hale T. Shenefield of
the American Embassy, Santiago.
The <reueral purpose of the seminar, which is
one of tlie projects of the technical-cooperation
progi'am of the Organization of American States,
is to provide an opportunity for statistical special-
ists from the American Republics to exchange in-
formation on the problems involved in the use of
national-income data and to analyze methods of
solving these problems. It is hoped that the
seminar will encourage the support and assistance
which experts and oilices will require in their ef-
forts toward the stabilization and development of
national incomes; and that it will establish rela-
tions which will permit the exchange of personnel
and information among countries leading to an
improvement of statistical services in each country.
Interested international organizations and in-
stitutions, including those which maintain rela-
tions with the Organization of American States,
have been invited to send observers to the seminar.
Nature of Reports to U.N.
by Unified Command
Press release 1 dated January 2
Following is the text of a letter from Ben H.
Brown., Jr., Acting Assistant Secretary for Con-
gressional Relations, which is in reply to a letter
from Representative Walter Rogers regarding an
inquiry received hy Representative Rogers from
a constituent concerning reports that all military
movements in Korea must initially he cleared
through a Soviet citizen on the United Nations
Secretariat:
December 30, 1952
My dear Mr. Rogers : I have your letter with
which you enclosed a letter from a constituent who
refers to an article appearing in the November
issue of the Ajnerican Memory and asks if it is
true that all military movements in Korea must
first be cleared through Constantine Zinchenko. a
Soviet citizen on the United Nations Secretariat.
The statement which is attributed to the article
in the American Merc^iiy is entirely without
foundation. By resolutions of the Security Coun-
cil the United Nations established for the Korean
action a Unified Command under the United
States. The actual conduct of operations in
Korea in accordance with general United Nations
principles and objectives was left to the United
States. The United States Government has not
cleared and does not clear any proposed military
movements or any directions to the troops with
any organ of the United Nations or any person on
the Secretariat. The United States reports to
the United Nations periodically on the events
which have taken place in the Korean fighting.]
These reports do not contain classified informa-
tion and are available to the public generally.^
Mr. Zinchenko has held in the United Nations
Secretai'iat the post of "Assistant Secretary Gen-
eral in charge of the Department of Security
Council Affairs". In this capacity he has no ac-
cess whatever to any classified information of the
United States Government and no voice in the i
determination of any policies of the United States i
or of the United Nations in regard to Korea. Any
decisions or recommendations which the United
Nations might wish to make in regard to the
Korean fighting would have to be made by the
Security Council or by the General Assembly.
Mr. Zinchenko and other members of the United
Nations Secretariat would have nothing to say in
regard to the adoption of any such resolution.
If I can give you further information on this or
any other subject, do not hesitate to call on me.
Sincerely yours.
For the Secretary of State :
Ben H. Browx, Jr.
Acting Assistant Secretary
Current Legislation on Foreign Policy
Subcommittee on Overseas Information Programs of tlie
United States. Staff Study No. 1. United States
Overseas Information Programs (Background Study).
November 17, 1952. Committee Print. 82d Cong., 2d
sess. 4S pp. ; Staff Study No. 3. The Soviet Propa-
ganda Program (A Preliminary Study). November
17, 1952. Committee Print. S2d Cong., 2d sess. 23 pp.
Treaties and Executive Agreements. Hearings Before a
Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary.
United States Senate, Eighty-Second Congress, Sec-
ond Session on S. J. Res. 130 Proposing an Amendment
to the Constitution of the United States Relative to
the Making of Treaties and Executive Agreements.
May 21, 22, 27, 28, and June 9, 1952. 540 pp.
The Katyn Forest Massacre. Hearings Before the Select
Committee To Conduct an Investigation of the Facts,
Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest
Massacre. Eighty-Second Congress, Second Session
on Investigation of the Murder of Thou.sands of Polish
Oifioers in the Katyn Forest Near Smolensk. Russia.
Part 6. (Exhibits 32 and 33 Presented to the Com-
mittee in London by the Polish Government in Exile i.
199 pp. ; Part 7. June 3, 4, and November 11, 12, 13.
14, 1952. 537 pp.
Mutual Security Legislation and Related Documents With
Explanatory Notes. Committee on Foreign Affairs,
House of Itepresentatives. November 1952. Com-
mittee Print. 82d Cong., 2d sess. 137 pp.
Institute of Pacific Relations. Hearings Before the Sub-
committee To Investigate the Administration of the
Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security
Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United
States Senate, Eighty-Second Congress, Second Ses-
sion on the Institute of Pacific Relations. Part 13.
April 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, May 15, 16, and 29, 1952. 550 pp. ; i
Part 14. Jlay 2 and June 20, 1952. 805 pp. |
' For tests of the most recent U.N. Command reports
and citations to earUer reports, see Bulletin of Dec. 29,
1952, p. 1034.
120
Department of State Bulletin
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Davies, Vincent Loyalty Cases
LOYALTY REVIEW BOARD'S FINDINGS
Press release 920 dated December 15
The Department of State on December 15 made
the following announcements:
The Loyalty Review Board of the Civil Service
Commission notified the Department on December
12 that it had "arrived at the conclusion that there
is no reasonable doubt of the loyalty of Mr. John
Paton Davies, Jr., to the Government of the
United States." x\ccordingly, the Loyalty Review
Board approved the favorable finding of the State
Department Loyalty Security Board, which had
cleared Mr. Davies on October 17, 1952.
The Loyalty Review Board has also notified the
Department of its conclusion in the case of John
Carter Vincent, "that there is a reasonable doubt
as to his loyalty to the Government of the United
States." In making this finding, the Loyalty Re-
view Board noted specifically that it had not found
Mr. Vincent "guilty of disloyalty."
Mr. Vincent, who is 53 years old, served in the
U.S. Army in the First World War and has over
30 years Government service.
The Department on December 15 suspended Mr.
Vincent, who is minister and diplomatic agent at
Tangier, and ordered him home. The recommen-
dation of the Loyalty Review Board that the serv-
ices of Mr. Vincent be terminated has been brought
to the attention of the President, who will discuss
the matter with Secretary Acheson upon the lat-
ter's return from the Nato Conference at Paris.
Complete texts of the letters addressed to
Secretary Acheson by Hiram Bingham, chairman
of the Loyalty Review Board, in regard to Mr.
Vincent and Mr. Davies are printed below :
December 12, 1952
The Honorable
The Secretary of State
In Re: Case of John Carter Vincent
Chief of Mission, Tangier, Morocco
Sir : Under the provisions of Regulation 14 of the Rules
and Regulations of the Loyalty Review Board, a panel of
the Board has considered the case of the above named
employee. The members of the panel reviewed the entire
record in the case and heard the testimony of Mr. Vincent
in person and argument of counsel on his behalf.
Without expressly accepting or rejecting the testimony
of Louis Budenz that Mr. Vincent was a Communist and
"under Communist discipline" or the findings of the Sen-
ate Committee on the Judiciary (o) that "over a period
of years John Carter Vincent was the principal fulcrum
of I. P. R.' pressures and influence in the State Depart-
ment" and (6) that "Owen Lattimore and John Carter
Vincent were influential in bringing nl)out a change in
the United States Policy In 1945 favorable to the Chinese
Communists," the panel has taken these factors into
account.
Furthermore, the panel calls attention to the fact that
Mr. Vincent was not an immature or subordinate repre-
sentative of the State Department but was an experienced
and responsible oflicial who had been stationed in China
from April 1924 to February 1936 and from March 1941
to August 194.3, and who thereafter occupied high posi-
tions in the Department of State having to do with the
fonnulation of our Chinese policies.
The panel notes Mr. Vincent's studied praise of Chinese
Communists and equally studied criticism of tlie Chiang
Kai-shek Government throughout a period when it was
the declared and established policy of the Government
of the United States to support Chiang Kai-shek's
Government.
The panel notes also Mr. Vincent's indifference to any
evidence that the Chinese Communists were affiliated
with or controlled by the U.S.S.R.
Mr. Vincent's failure properly to discharge his respon-
sibilities as Chairman of the Far Eastern Subcommittee
of State, War and Navy to supervise the accuracy or
security of State Department documents emanating from
that Subcommittee was also taken into account.
Finally, the panel calls attention to Mr. Vincent's close
association with numerous persons who, he had reason
to believe, were either Communists or Communist
sympathizers.
To say that Mr. Vincent's whole course of conduct in
connection with Chinese affairs does not raise a reasona-
ble doubt as to his loyalty, would, we are forced to think,
be an unwarranted interpretation of the evidence. While
we are not required to lind Mr. Vincent guilty of disloyalty
and we do not do so, his conduct in office, as clearly indi-
cated by the record, forces us reluctantly to conclude that
there is reasonable doubt as to his loyalty to the Govern-
ment of the United States.
Therefore, it is the recommendation of the Loyalty
Review Board that the services of Mr. John Carter Vin-
cent be terminated.
' Institute of Pacific Relations.
December 12, 1952
The Honorable
The Secretary of State
In Re : Case of John Paton Davies, Jr.
Foreign Service Officer
Sir: Under the provisions of Regulation 14 of the Rules
and Regulations of the Loyalty Review Board, a panel
of the Board has considered tlie case of the above named
employee. The members of the panel reviewed the entire
record in the case and heard the testimony of Mr. Davies
in person and argument of counsel on his behalf. The
panel also heard the testimony of several witnesses and
considered additional top-secret evidence.
It is not within the province of the Loyalty Review
Board to approve or disapprove of the wisdom or judg-
ment of Mr. Davies as a Foreign Service Officer and we
do not purport to do so.
After a full study of the entire record, and after listen-
ing to the highly confidential testimony of General Walter
Bedell Smith, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency,
and Ambassador George Kennan, former head of the
policy planning staff of the State Department, particu-
larly with regard to Mr. Davies' suggested utilization by
the C.I.A. of the services of persons alleged to be Com-
munists, we have arrived at the conclusion that there
is no reasonable doubt of the loyalty of Mr. John Paton
Davies, Jr., to the Government of the United States.
Accordingly, the findings of the State Department
Loyalty Security Board are hereby approved.
January 19, 1953
121
PRESIDENT AUTHORIZES NEW REVIEW
OF VINCENT CASE
White House press release dated January 3
The President on Janiuiry 3 sent the following
memorandum to Secretary Acheson:
Memorandum to :
The Secretary of State
I have read your memorandum of today con-
cerning the case of John Carter Vincent. I think
the suggestions which you make are well taken
and I authorize and direct you to proceed in the
manner which you have outlined.
Harry S. Truman
Following is the text of Secretary Acheson'g
m^emorandum to the President:
Memorandum eor the President
Subject: Case of John Garter Vincent
I have recently been advised by Chairman Bing-
ham of the Loyalty Review Board that a panel
of the Loyalty Review Board has considered the
case of Mr. Jolm Carter Vincent, a Foreign Serv-
ice Officer with class of Career I\Iinister. Chair-
man Bingham also advises me that while the panel
did not find Mr. Vincent guilty of disloyalty, it
has reluctantly concluded that there is reasonable
doubt as to his loyalty to the Government of the
United States. (Chairman Bingham further ad-
vises me that it is therefore the recommendation
of the Board that the services of Mr. Vincent be
terminated.
Such a recommendation by so distinguished a
Board is indeed serious and impressive and must
be given great weight. The final responsibility,
however, for making a decision as to whether Mr.
Vincent should be dismissed is that of the Secre-
tary of State. I am advised that any doubt which
miglit have previously existed on this point has
been removed by the recent decision of the United
States Circuit Court of Appeals for the District
of Columbia in James Kutcher, Appellant, v. Carl
Gray, Jr., Veterans Administration, Appellee.
That case establishes that the action of the Board
is a recommendation "just that — nothing more"
and that in the last analysis upon the Head of the
Department is imposed "the duty to impartially
determine on all the evidence" the proper disposi-
tion of the case.
A most important item on which I must rely
in exercising this responsibility, is the communi-
cation from Chairman Bingham in which he ad-
vised me of the conclusion reached by his panel.
This communication contains elements which raise
serious problems.
In the first place, I note a statement that the
panel has not accepted or rejected the testimony
of Mr. Budenz that he recalls being informed by
others that Mr. Vincent was a Communist and
under Communist discipline. The panel also
states that it does not accept or reject the findings
of the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate
with respect to Mr. Vincent and the Institute
of Pacific Relations or the findings of the Com-
mittee witli respect to the participation of Mr.
Vincent in the development of United States
policy towards China in 1945. The panel, how-
ever, proceeds to state that, although it has not
accepted or rejected these factors, it has taken
them into account. I am unable to interpret what
this means. If the panel did take these factors
into account, this means that it must have relied
upon them in making its final determination. Yet
I am unable to understand how these factors could
have plaj'ed a part in the final determination of the
panel if these factors were neither accepted nor
rejected by the Board.
This is not merely a point of language. It is a
point of real substance. It is difficult for me to
exercise the responsibility which is mine under the
law with the confusion which has been cast as to
the weight which the panel gave to the charges
of Mr. Budenz or the findings of the Senate Com-
mittee.
Tlie communication from the panel raises
another issue which goes to the heart of operation
of the Department of State and the Foreign Serv-
ice. It is the issue of accurate reporting. The
communication contains the following statement :
The panel notes Mr. Vincent's studied praise of Chinese
Communists and equally studied criticism of the Chian?
Kai-shek Government throughout a period when it w:is
the declared and established policy of the Government of
the United States to support Chiang Kai-shek's Govern-
ment.
Mr. Vincent's duty was to report the facts as he
saw them. It was not merely to report successes
of existing policy but also to report on the aspects
in which it was failing and the reasons therefor.
If this involved reporting that situations existeti
in the administration of the Cliinese Nationalists
which had to be corrected if the Nationalist Gov-
ernment was to survive, it was his duty to report
this. If this involved a warning not to underesti-
mate the combat potential of the Chinese Commu-
nists, or their contribution to the war against
Japan, it was his duty to report this. In the hear-
ings which followed the relief of General Mac-
Arthur, General Wedemeyer has testified that he
has made reports equally as critical of the admin-
istration of the Chinese Nationalists.
The great majority of reports which Mr. Vin-
cent drafted were reviewed and signed by Ambas-
sador Gauss, an outstanding expert in the Far ,
East. Ambassador Gauss lias made it crystal
clear that in his mind the reports drafted by Mr.
Vincent were both accurate and objective.
I do not exclude the possibility that in this or
in any other case a board might find that the re-
ports of an officer might or might not disclose
122
Department of State Bulletin
a bias which mif;;ht have a bearing on the issue of
his loyalty. But in so delicate a matter, affecting
so deeply the integrity of the Foreign Service,
I should wish to be advised by persons thoroughly
familiar with the problems and procedures of the
Department of State and the Foreign Service.
This involves an issue far greater in importance
than the disposition of a loyalty case involving
one man. Important as it is to do full justice to
the individual concerned, it is essential that we
shoidd not by inadvertence take any step which
might lower the high traditions of our own For-
eign Service to the level established by govern-
ments which will permit their diplomats to report
to them only what they want to hear.
The memorandum from Mr. Bingham indicates
that the Board also took into account "Mr. Vin-
cent's failure properly to discharge his responsi-
bilities as Chairman of the Far Eastern Subcom-
mittee of State, War and Navy to supervise the
accuracy or security of State Department docu-
ments emanating from that Subcommittee". The
statement which refers to the security of the files
seems to me to be inadvertent. Presumably it
is a reference to the fact that State Department
documents were involved in the Amera.iia case.
However, in the many Congressional investiga-
tions which have followed that case it has not
been suggested that Mr. Vincent had any respon-
sibility for those documents. I have not discov-
ered any such evidence in the file in this case. The
reference to the accuracy of the State Depart-
ment documents emanating from that Committee
is obscure. In any case, while it might be relative
to Mr. Vincent's competence in performing his
duties, it does not seem to me to have any bearing
I on the question of loyalty.
The report finally refers to Mr. Vincent's asso-
ciation with numerous persons "who, he had rea-
son to believe", were either Communists or Com-
munist sympathizers. This is indeed a matter
, which, if unexplained, is of importance and clearly
; relevant. It involves inquiry as to whether this
■ association arose in the performance of his duties
• or otherwise. It further involves an inquiry as
to the pattern of Mr. Vincent's close personal
friends and %yhether he knew or should have
known that any of these might be Communists or
, Communist sympathizers.
All these matters raised in my mind the neces-
sity for further inquiry. This further inquiry
was made possible by the documents in this pro-
ceeding which you provided me upon my request.
I find upon examining the documents that the
recommendation made by the panel of the Loyalty
Review Board was made by a majority of one,
two of the members believing that no evidence had
been produced which led them to have a doubt
as to Mr. Vincent's loyalty. In this situation, I
believe that I cannot in sood conscience and in
the exercise of my own judgment, which is my duty
under the law, carry out this recommendation
of the Board. I do not believe, however, that in
the exercise of my responsibility to the Govern-
ment. I can or should let the matter rest here.
I believe that I must ask for further guidance.
I, therefore, ask your permission to seek the
advice of some persons who will combine the
highest judicial qualifications of weighing the evi-
dence with the greatest possible familiarity of the
works and standards of the Department of State
and the Foreign Service, both in reporting from
the field and making decisions in the Department.
If you approve, I should propose to ask the fol-
lowing persons to examine the record in this case
and to advise me as to what disposition in their
judgment should be made in this case.
Judge Learned B. Hand, who, until his retirement,
has been the senior judge for the United States
Circuit Court of Appeals for the Second Cir-
cuit, to serve as Chairman ;
Mr. John J. McCloy, former High Commissioner
for Germany ;
Mr. James Grafton Rogers, former Assistant Sec-
retarj' of State under Secretary Stimson ;
Mr. G. Howland Shaw, a retired Foreign Service
Officer and a former Assistant Secretary of
State under Secretary Hull ; and
Mr. Edmund Wilson, a retired Foreign Service
Officer and former Ambassador.
I should ask them to read the record in this case
and at their earliest convenience inform the Sec-
retary of State of their conclusions.
Dean G. Acheson
Secretary of State
Check List of Department'of State
Press Releases: Jan. 5-9, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to Jan. 5 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Utilletin are 918 and 920
of Dec. 15, 1952, and 1 of Jan. 2, 195.3.
Subject
Seminar on national income
Exchange of persons
World rice situation (Fao)
Letter of credence : Great Britain
Point 4 teclinicians assigned
Loan to Afghanistan for wheat
Exchange of persons
Executive order on Americans in U.N.'
Disarmament consultant panel
*Not printed.
^ See Bulletin of Jan. 12, 195.3, p. 62.
No.
Date
5
1/5
*6
1/5
7
1/6
8
1/T
*9
1/7
10
1/8
*11
1/9
12
1/9
13
1/9
January J 9, J 953
123
January 19, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 708
Africa
LIBERIA: Lend-lease payment 103
American Principles
A reply to charges against the U.S. economic
system (Wiley) 108
American Republics
Inter-American cooperation on highway prob-
lems 104
Asia
AFGHANISTAN: Joint emergency loan lor
wheat 103
KOREA: Nature of reports to U.N. by Unified
Command 120
Congress
Current legislation on foreign policy .... 120
MESSAGES TO CONGRESS: The state of the
Union (President's message to Congress) . 87
Revised budget estimate for fiscal 1953 ... 96
Disarmament Commission
Panel of consultants submits study concerning
armaments 103
Europe
UNITED KINGDOM: Letter of credence ... 103
U.S.S.R.: Attacks on social conditions in U.S.
(Roosevelt) 116
Finance
Joint emergency loan to Afghanistan for wheat . 103
Foreign Service
Da vies, Vincent loyalty cases 121
Immigration
Commission on immigration and naturalization
reports to the President (excerpts) ... 97
International Meetings
Inter-American cooperation on highway prob-
lems 104
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Discussions on world rice situation (Fao) .
Inter-American seminar on national Income
Presidential Documents
MESSAGES TO CONGRESS:
Union (Truman) . . .
The state of the
119
119
87
Strategic Materials
Activities of International Materials Conference . 117
Trade
A reply to charges against the U.S. economic
system (Wiley) 108
Restrictions on dairy Imports (Statement by the
President) 102
United Nations
Membership based on principles, not on deals
(Cohen) 115
Nature of reports to U.N. by Unified Command . 120
Panel of consultants submits study concerning
armaments 103
Progress in the task of peace (Austin) .... 106
Soviet attacks on social conditions in U.S.
(Roosevelt) 116
Name Index
Acheson, Secretary 121
Austin, Warren R 106
Brown, Ben H., Jr 120
Cohen, Benjamin V 115
Davies, John P.. Jr 121
Holland, Spessard 104
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 106
Makins, Sir Roger 103
Meehan, M. Joseph 119
Oppenheimer, J. Robert 103
Osborne, Melville E 104
Rivenburgh, Dexter V 119
Roosevelt, Mrs. Franklin D 116
Scott, Jack Garrett 104
Truman, President 87, 97, 102, 121
Vincent, John Carter 131
Wiley, Alexander 108
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE; t953
fJAe/ ^eha/^imeTil/ <w t/tai&
Tol. XXVIII, No. 709
January 26, 1953
THE CHALLENGE OF THE COLD WAR • President
Trufnan's Farevoell Address to the Nation 127
THE NATURE OF THE ATLANTIC PARTNERSfflP •
Press Conference Statement by Secretary Acheson ... 129
DEPUTY U.S. REPRESENTATIVE ON DISARMAMENT
COMMISSION RO'ORTS TO THE PRESIDENT . 142
YEAR-END REPORT OF THE MUTUAL SECURITY
AGENCY 136
THE PRINCIPLE OF NATIONAL UNITY IN FOREIGN
POLICY • by Myron M. Couien 132
For index see back cover
k»«* o»
'■♦T«« O*
M.
%e
~2^€/ia/ytm,€^t /)^ ^ate JL^ LI 1 1 Kj L 1 1 1
Vol. XXVIII, No. 709 • Publication 4885
January 26, 1953
For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents
n.8. Oovernment Printing OflSce
Wwhlngton 25. DC.
Price:
ez issuea, domeitlc S7 60, forelRD $10.25
Single copy. 20 cents
The printing of thU publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1652).
Note: Contents of thU publication are not
copyrighted and Itemi contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the DiPABTyiNT
or State Bdllitin as the source will be
appreciated
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the ff'hite House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs arui the furu:-
tions of tile Department. Infornui-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become n party and treaties of gen-
eral interruitional interest.
I'tiblicntions of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
The Challenge of the Cold War
Excerpt from President Trwnan^s Farewell to
the Nation ^
I suppose that history will remember my term
in office as the years when the cold war began to
overshadow our lives. I have had hardly a day in
office that has not been dominated by this all-
embracing struggle, this conflict between those
who love freedom and those who would lead the
world back into slavery and darkness. And al-
ways in the background there has been the atomic
bomb.
But when history says that my term of office saw
the beginning of the cold war, it will also say that
in those 8 years we have set the course that can
win it. We have succeeded in carving out a new
set of policies to attain peace — positive policies,
policies of world leadership, policies that express
faith in other free people. AVe have averted World
War III up to now, and we may already have suc-
ceeded in establishing conditions which can keep
that war from happening as far ahead as man can
see.
These are great and historic achievements that
we can all be proud of. Think of the difference
between our course now and our course 30 years
ago. After the First World War, we withdrew
from world affairs ; we failed to act in concert with
other peoples against aggression ; we helped to kill
the League of Nations ; and we built up tariff bar-
riers which strangled world trade. This time we
avoided tliose mistakes. We helped to found and
to sustain the United Nations. We have welded
alliances that include the greater part of the free
world. And we have gone ahead with other free
countries to lielp build their economies and link
us all together in a healthy world trade.
Think back for a moment to the 1930's and you
will see the difference. Tlie Japanese moved into
Mancliuria, and free men did not act. The Fas-
cists moved into Ethiopia, and we did not act. The
Nazis marclied into the Rhineland, into Austria,
into Czechoslovakia, and free men were paralyzed
for lack of strength and unity and will.
'Address m.ide over radio and television on Jan. 15 and
released to the press by the White House on the same date.
Think about those years of weakness and in-
decision, and World War II which was their evil
result. Then think about the speed and courage
and decisiveness with which we have moved
against the Communist threat since World War
II.
The first crisis came in 1945 and 1946, when the
Soviet Union refused to honor its agreement to
remove its troops from Iran. Members of my
Cabinet came to me and asked if we were ready to
take the risk that a firm stand involved. I replied
that we were. So we took our stand. We made
it clear to the Soviet Union that we expected them
to honor their agreement and the Soviet troops
were withdrawn.
And then in early 1947, the Soviet Union threat-
ened Greece and Turkey. The British sent me a
message saying they could no longer keep their
forces in that area. Something had to be done at
once, or the Eastern Mediterranean would be
taken over by the Communists. On March 12 I
went before the Congress and stated our determi-
nation to help the people of Greece and Turkey
maintain their independence.^ Today, Greece is
still free and independent; and Turkey is a bul-
wark of strength at a strategic corner of the world.
Then came the Marshall Plan which saved Eu-
rope, the heroic Berlin airlift, and our military-
aid programs.
We inaugurated the North Atlantic pact, the
Rio pact binding the Western Hemisphere to-
gether, and the defense pacts with countries of the
far Pacific.
Korea: History Repeating Itself
Most important of all, we acted in Korea. I
was in Independence, Mo., in June 1950, when
Secretary Acheson telephoned me and gave me
the news about the invasion of Korea. I told the
Secretary to lay the matter at once before the
■ For text of the President's message, see Bulletin of
Mar. 23, 1947, p. 534.
January 26, 1953
127
United Nations and I came on back to Wash-
in^on.
Flying back over the flat lands of the Middle
West and over the Appalachians that summer
afternoon, I had a lot of time to think. I turned
the problem over in my mind in many ways, but
my tliouglits kept com'ing back to the 1930's— to
Manchuria, Etliiopia, the Khineland, Austria, and
finally to Munich.
Here was history repeating itself. Here was
another probing action, another testing action.
If we let the Republic of Korea go under, some
other country would be next, and then another.
And all the time, the courage and confidence of
the free world would be ebbing away just as it did
in the 1930"s. And the United Nations would go
the way of the League of Nations.
When I reached Washington, I met immedi-
ately with the Secretary of State, the Secretary
of Defense, and General Bradley, and the other
civilian and military officials who had information
and advice to help me decide what to do. We
talked about the problems long and hard. It was
not easy to make the decision that sent American
boys again into battle. I was a soldier in the First
World War and I know what a soldier goes
through. I know well the anguish that mothers
and fathers and families go through. So I knew
what was ahead if we acted in Korea.
But after all this was said, we realized that the
issue was whether there would be fighting in a
limited area now or on a much larger scale later
on, whether there would be some casualties now
or many more casualties later.
So a decision was reached — the decision I be-
lieve was the most important in my time as
President. In the days that followed, the most
heartening fact was that the American people
clearly agreed with the decision. And in Korea,
our men are fighting as valiantly as Americans
have ever fought because they know they are fight-
ing in the same cause of freedom in which Ameri-
cans have stood ever since the beginning of the
Republic.
Where free men had failed the test before, this
time we met the test. We met it firmly We met it
successfully. The aggi-ession has been repelled.
The Communists have seen their hopes of easy
conquest go down the drain. The determination
of free people to defend themselves has been made
clear to the Kremlin.
As I have thought about our world-wide
struggle with the Communists these past 8 years,
day in and day out, I have never once doubted that
you, the people of our country, have the will to do
what is necessary to win this terrible fight against
communism. Because I have been sure of that,
I have been able to make necessary decisions even
though they called for sacrifices by all of us. And
I have not been wrong in my judgment of the
American people.
That same assurance of our people's determina-
128
tion will be General Eisenhower's greatest source
of strength in carrying on this struggle.
Now, once in a while, I get a letter from some
impatient person asking, why don't we get it over
with? Why don't we issue an ultimatum, make
all-out war, drop the atomic bomb?
For most Americans, the answer is quite simple:
We are not made that way. We are a moral peo-
ple. Peace is our goal, and justice and freedom.
We cannot, of our own free will, violate the very
principles that we are striving to defend. The
whole purpose of what we are doing is to prevent
World War III. Starting a war is no way to make
peace.
But if anyone still thinks that just this once,
bad means can bring good ends, then let me re-
mind you of this : We are living in the 8th year of
the atomic age. We are not the only nation that is
learning to unleash the power of the atom. A third
world war might dig the grave, not only of our
Communist opponents but also of our own so-
ciety— our world as well as theirs.
Fatal Flaw of Communist Society
Starting an atomic war is totally unthinkable
for rational men. Then, some of you may ask,
when and how will the cold war ever end ? I think
I can answer that simply. The Communist world
has great resources and it looks strong. But there
is a fatal flaw in their society. Theirs is a godless
system, a system of slavery; there is no freedom
in it, no consent. The Iron Curtain, the secret po-
lice, the constant purges, all these are symptoms
of a great basic weakness — the rulers' fear of their
own people.
In the long run, the strength of our free society
and our ideals will prevail over a system that has
respect for neither God nor man.
Last week, in my State of the Union Message to
the Congress,^ and I hope you will all take the time
to read it — I explained how I think we will finally
win through.
As the free world grows stronger, more united,
more attractive to men on both sides of the Iron
Curtain, and as the Soviet hopes for easy ex-
pansion are blocked, then there will have to come a
time of change in the Soviet world. Noloody can
say for sure when that is going to be, or exactly
how it will come about, whether by revolution, or
trouble in the satellite states, or by a change inside
the Kremlin. Whether the Communist rulers
shift their policies of their own free will, or
whether the change comes about in some other way,
I have not a doubt in the world that a change wiU
occur.
I have a deep and abiding faith in the destiny
of free men. With patience and courage, we shall
some day move on into a new era, a wonderful
golden age, an age when we can use the peaceful
' Ibid., Jan. 19, 1953, p. 87.
Department of State Bulletin
tools that science has forged for us to do away
with poverty and human misery everywhere on
eartli.
Think what can be done, once our capital, our
skills, our science — most of all atomic energy —
can be released from the tasks of defense and
turned wholly to peaceful purposes all around
the world. There is no end to what can be done.
I can't help but dream out loud a little here.
The Tigris and Euphrates Valley can be made to
bloom as it did in the times of Babylon and
Nineveh. Israel can be made the country of milk
and honey as it was in the time of Joshua.
There is a plateau in Ethiopia some 6 to 8
thousand feet high that has 65 thousand square
miles of land just exactly like the corn belt in
northern Illinois. Enough food can be raised there
to feed 100 million people.
There are places in South America — places in
Colombia and Venezuela and Brazil just like that
plateau in Ethiopia — places where food could be
raised for millions of people.
These things can be done, and they are self-
liquidating projects. If we can get peace and
safety in tlie world under the United Nations, the
developments will come so fast we will not recog-
nize the world in which we now live.
This is our dream of the future — our picture
of the world we hope to have when the Com-
munist threat is overcome.
The Nature of the Atlantic Partnership
SECRETARY ACHESON'S FAREWELL PRESS CONFERENCE STATEMENT
Press release 25 dated January 14
If you will indulge me this morning, I have
jotted down a few sentences of a personal nature,
which I should like to say to you in this meeting.
My Friends and Colleagues of many years:
This is our last meeting. Ours has been a long
and often tumultuous life together. But rarely
dull ! We have known one another too well to
expect sentimentality or grandiloquence at this
changing of the guard.
So we can say at noon what one said by moon-
light, that "parting is such sweet sorrow." And
we can agree with another poet that "the one who
goes is happier than those he leaves behind," with-
out overdoing the happiness or the sweetness of the
sorrow.
This is an end and to be taken as such.
The President has told what we have aspired to
do and done, and why, in one of the great State pa-
pers of our Republic — the message on the State of
theUnion.^ He will speak again tomorrow. And
he should speak, and speak alone, for his has been
the great task and burden of leadership simply
and bravely carried.
' Bulletin of Jan. 19, 1953, p. 87.
January 26, 1953
My testament is much shorter and easier. It is
a final word to fellow craftsmen, a word out of a
long striving. It is not a word for popular con-
sumption, no "message," no inspirational para-
graph.
I don't need to tell you that the Secretary and
the Department of State are only and, in their
field, the chief servants and advisers of the Presi-
dent and that only by mutual loyalty in those roles
can the Republic be best served. I need not say, I
think, that in my experience this loyalty has been
mutual and complete. I am deeply grateful for
that.
But now the roles of command and advice and
the travail of alien knowledge which goes with it
pass to other hands. And our thoughts are with
them. I ask for them something beyond good
will and a fair chance.
"Efficiency," says Conrad, "of a practically
flawless kind may be reached naturally in the
struggle for bread. But there is something be-
yond— a higher point, a subtle and unmistakable
touch of love and pride beyond mere skill."
This place cannot live without that, nor prosper
without your recognition of it. So do not keep
your eyes too close to your pencil points. And do
not think too ill of my successor if occasionally
129
there is a reminiscent note. For continuity of
tradition is strong even in this new building.
Think, rather, of Prester John :
Then he walks as to his garden where
he sees a feathered demon
Very splendid and important on a spicy
sort of tree !
"That's the Phoenix," whispers Prester, "which
all eddicated seamen
Know the only one existent, and he's
waiting for to flee!
When his hundred years expire
Then lie'll set hisself afire
And amither from his ashes rise most
lienutiful to see!
With winss of gold and emerald, most
beautiful to see !"
Perhaps "wings of gold and emerald" are too
much to expect of the foreign policy of the United
States. But wings there have been and will be,
strong and buoyant; and in their fashioning will
continue to be that subtle and unmistakable touch
of love and pride beyond mere skill.
Now, I think we shall open the meeting, as we
usually do, to questions.
The European Defense Community
Q. Mr. Secretary, are you at all concerned at the
action of the new French Government in seeking
some anendments to the EDO treaty?
_ A. May I talk for a moment about the situa-
tion, as I see it, in Europe today, and answer that
question a little indirectly and with some back-
ground.
I think there are clouds on the horizon in Eu-
rope, there are problems, there are difficulties.
The other day I asked some of my colleagues if
they would look through the press" in the months
in 1947 prior to General Marshall's speech at Har-
vard, and the announcement of the Marshall Plan,
with a view to comparing the amount of space and
the nature of the comment on European affairs
then with the amount of space and the nature of
the comment now. This was done quickly and
what I report is not a scientific survey of the press,
but it is interesting to note that there was far less
discussion about the condition of Europe in, say.
May 1947 than there is today. Today there is a
great deal of discussion, informed and good dis-
cussion, and a great deal of worry.
Now the interesting thing about that to me is
that the condition of Europe in the spring of 1947
was very serious indeed, almost approaching dis-
aster; whereas, the situation wliich we find today
is that, if anything, there has been a check in for-
ward progress, but not a retrogression. I think
it is natural and very interesting to see that there
was less worry and less comment about an almost
disastrotis situation 5 years ago than tliere is now
about a situation which had been moving forward
very strongly and which is temporarily checked.
It IS right that there should be concern and, of
130
course, it is right that there should be a lot of
comment. I think it is proper to note the nature
of the problems but I think we should not become
completely obsessed in the difficulties and not see
the background.
The facts of the matter are, I think, that there i
has been very great progress, economicallv, mill- I
tarily, and politically, in the whole Atlantic com- ;
munity and in the AVestern European part of it. f
The European defense forces today are very ■,
sizable forces, not as great as we would wish, but
very sizable. They hardly existed 5 years ago.
We have heard a great deal about set-backs and
slowdowns, but the fact of the matter is that in
1953 our European allies will be spending over a
billion dollars more on their defense requirements
than they did in 1952, so that we are going for-
ward ; we are not going backward.
There has always been, over these years, a very
substantial economic recovery so that this military
effort has been made without cutting into existing
standards of life. Of course, that effort has pre"^
vented a forward movement in those standards but
it has not caused them to retrogress.
Now, all of that, I think, is important to have
in mind. I think it is also important to have in
mind, and this bears more directly upon the ques-
tion which was asked of me, that "there has been a
very great political development, a very great un-
derstanding on both sides of the Atlantic, of the
nature of the Atlantic partnership and what is
required to make it endure.
Certainly, in this country we are fully aware,
I believe, that our European allies in Nato are in
a true sense of the word partners and that we must
work with them and treat them as partners. I
think on their side they see the nature of the effort
which they must make to maintain their part of
the partnership.
Secretary Acheson, in an informal ceremony, on January 16,
bade farewell to his colleagues in the Department and in the
Foreign Service. On that occasion, employees presented Mr.
Acheson with the chair which he occupied at White House Cabi-
net meetings. For text of remarks made at the ceremony by
Mr. Acheson, see p. 161.
It is no longer, I think, an open question that
we in the United States need this partnership
and want this partnership. I think that is an ac-
cepted political fact in American life.
What is not so clear is what it is that we are
going to get and what it is that we shall be in
partnership with; and here may I refer to some-
thing which I spoke about at the last meeting of
Nato, and I think that the remarks made at that
time are going to be released today and will be
available to you.^ That was the tremendous im-
'Ihid., Jan. 5, 1953, p. .5.
Department of State Bulletin
portance of the fact of the growing unity of
Western Europe and some of the consequences
which flow from that. I pointed out that the
Schuman Plan was no longer a plan, it was an
actuality, it was in actual operation, and next
month there will open the broad market provided
by the Schuman Plan and the various taxes and
other things which are provided for will go into
effect.
In other words, it is an operating fact in Eu-
rope today and it is profoundly changing, the at-
titudes of" mind of all people in the six countries
and outside who are affected by it or part of it.
Some time ago it would have seemed almost im-
possible that this could happen. So when we
see that there are difficulties in the way of the
European Defense Community, I think we have
to compare them with the difficulties which existed
for the Schuman Plan and, when we see another
fact. I think that we can be optimistic and not
pessimistic about the future of the European De-
fense Community.
I think that community, the work of the ad hoc
committee which is working on the political struc-
ture which will supervise and control both the
Schuman Plan and the European army are indi-
cations that the real vital force in the mid-
twentieth century is this movement toward unity
and it will have a very gi'eat effect upon our At-
lantic partnership.
I ventured to say in Paris, at this last meeting,
that it seemed to me that the movement toward
unity in Europe could be compared to a centripetal
force operating in the center of this Atlantic part-
nership, because strength attracts strength —
weakness repels strength — and as this strength
grows in Europe, there will be. to my mind, an
inevitable drag closer of Great Britain and then
of North America into closer and closer associa-
tion in the Atlantic alliance.
If that movement toward unity does not con-
tinue, if it should turn in the opposite direction
and be a movement toward disunity, then I said
that I thought there would be a centrifugal force
set up in the center of a line which would tend
to throw off and break apart, rather than pull
together and make closer.
It seems to me that these are fundamental axi-
oms of political life. They are not ones that one
can argue about. It does no good to say that it
would be better if it were otherwise. It's just a
fundamental fact of political life that this strength
will pull in all parts, knit them more closely, hold
them more closely together, whereas the opposite
will inevitably bring about a loosening of the
alliance.
With all of that in mind, I think it is a mistake
to be pessimistic. I think one should look quite
clearly and candidly at the difficulties, and they
are formidable difficulties, but I believe that they
can be and will be surmounted, because this Euro-
Jonuory 26, ]9S3
pean Defense Community is a vital part of this
strength of the Atlantic alliance. And the strength
of the Atlantic alliance is a vital part of the se-
curity and life of all the countries which partici-
pate in it. When there is such a tremendous need
and understanding for something, I think one can
believe that the forces which will bring it about
are stronger than the forces which will block it.
Soviet Evocation of Anti-Semitism
Q. Mr. Secretary., may we have your views on
the Soviet policy against the hackg round on the
neios from Moscow yesterday and the anti-Semi-
tism and the arrest of these doctors?
A. I don't think that there is anything that I
can add to what seems to me the brilliant analysis
of that whole question in the President's State of
the Union message. 1 think that really gives you
the whole story completely and so far as this latest
move is concerned, I think Mr. McDermott ' spoke
about that yesterday and I concur in everything
that he said.
[In a statement to the press on Jan. 13, Mr. McDermott
said :
The reported Soviet arrest of a niimber of Jewish doc-
tors under accusation of medical sabotage seems to be
another step in the recent Soviet campaign asainst the
Jews, revealed in the anti-Zionist aspects of the Slansliy
trial.' The Soviets have had recourse again to an old
technique of theirs. The real motivation for the present
charges is not yet known, but the Soviets have used this
technique of the accusation of medical sabotage before.
For example, it was claimed during the 1937 purge trials
that Maxim Gorky, the writer, had lieen the victim of
medical sabotage by opponents of Stalin. It is becoming
increasingly clear that current Soviet allegations of Zion-
ist plots are indicative of an extraordinary and growing
sense of internal insecurity.]
Japanese Warning to the Soviets
Q. Mr. Secretary, do you have anything to say
about the situation which has developed in the Far
East concerning Russian planes _ flying over Ja-
pan? The warning which vms given?
A. W^ell, I think that what has happened there
is not surprising and is a perfectly normal attitude
for the Japanese Government to take. I think any
government which finds that the air over its terri-
tory is being infringed by planes of other countries
would naturally issue a warning that this must
stop, and that is what the Japanese Government
has done. I think it is also perfectly understand-
able and normal, and natural, that in the light of
the fact that the Japanese do not have the air force
necessary to protect the inviolability of their own
sky, that they should ask this Government, which
under its treaty has the right to do so, to take any
necessary steps to prevent further inroads.
' Michael J. McDermott, Special Assistant for Press Re-
lations.
131
The Principle of National Unity in Foreign Policy
hy Myron M. Cowen
Ambassador to Belgium '
I can quite easily understand why, when you
were kind enough to invite me here, you suggested
that I might talk to you about the recent election
and the development of American foreign policy.
For 20 years, most of the lifetime of you who are
students, there has been one party in power in the
United States. It was with the leadership of this
party that the United States fought the last horri-
ble war. It was with the leadership of this party
that the United States helped to create the United
Nations.
It was under the leadership of this party that
the United States participated in the rebuilcling
of the economic and military strength of the West-
ern World, through the Marshall Plan and the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Now another party will come into power in the
United States. It is a party that we have not been
able to observe in office, since during the past 20
years it has not had the responsibility of govern-
ment. To many people, especially outside of the
United States, this party and its leaders have
simply been identified as the opposition. If the
Democratic Party has been identified with partici-
pation in the United Nations, or with Nato, or
with the Marshall Plan, has not the Republican
Party been critical of the foreign policy of the
Administration ? And will we not now see a pe-
riod in which there will be material changes in
U.S. foreign policy ?
I said a moment ago that I understood why you
might ask about the effect of the elections on the
development of our foreign policy. I meant my
statement sincerely, but do you know that, in a
sense, I believe the vast ma'jority of Ajnericans
would be a little puzzled by the question.
During political campaigns and at other times,
harsh criticisms are made of each other by politi-
cal opponents. The harsher the criticism, the more
publicity it is liable to achieve. For the visitor
' Excerpts from an address made on Dee. 16, 1952, be-
fore the Foreign Affairs Group at the University of
Louvain, Louvain, Belgium.
132
or the foreigner, it is very difficult to appraise
these criticisms. Which represent an important
body of opinion and which represent an extreme
position that commands little support? To the
man in his own home this appraisal is so easy that
he is frequently unaware that he is making it.
Certainly he hears and reads that some politician
has demanded that a chief of cabinet have his head
chopped off. Or he reads that another politician
demands that his country declare war on its neigh-
bors. But to the man at home these statements
are not causes for alarm because he knows tliey
represent no important body of responsible
opinion.
If I may speak for my countrymen, I think they
have had abundant opportunity to pass judgment
on our foreign policy as it developed since the war.
We have had four national elections since then—
m 1946, 1948, 1950, and 1952. In all of these we
voted for Senators and Members of the House of
Representatives. In 1948 and 1952, we voted in
addition for President. In these elections, the
American voter has chosen men from both parties
who have wholeheartedly supported the United
Nations, the Marshall Plan, the Pacific security
treaties, and Nato.
In these 7 years since the end of the war, the
United States has developed a foreign policy to
meet the new conditions that have come into being
in the world. This foreign policy has not been
a Democratic foreign policy. This foreign policy
has not been a Republican foreign policy. It has
been a national foreign policy.
Words Spoken by the New President
As an example of its bipartisan nature, you may
recall that the Marshall Plan was first voted into
being by a Congress in which the Republicans had
a majority in both the House of Representatives
and the Senate.
During the political campaign before the last
elections, a distinguished American made an ad-
Deparfment of Slate Bulletin
dress in which he reviewed the important postwar
votes on foreign policy. He said :
The United Nations Charter was approved by the Sen-
ate by a vote of 89-2; the North Atlantic Treaty was
approveil by a vote of 82-13 and the Vandenberg Resolu-
tion was adopted by a vote of 64-6.
Parenthetically, I might remind you that the
late Senator Vandenberg was the distinguished
Republican champion of a bipartisan foreign pol-
icy. The Vandenberg Resolution was the piece
of legislation in which the Senate made clear the
U S. intent to participate in regional agreements
like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
This resolution was therefore the bridge between
the Brussels Pact and Nato. Returning to the
speech from which I was quoting:
The Marshall Plan was approved in the Senate by a
vote of (19-17. ^ . ■., r. f
The Japanese Peace Treaty was approved in March ot
this vear by the Senate with only 10 opposinf; votes.
The United' States-Japanese Security Treaty was ap-
proved with only 9 opposing votes. The United States-
Australian-Xew Zealand and the United States-Philip-
pine seiurity treaties were approved with no recorded
opposition.
The peace contract with West Germany will restore to
it a large measure of sovereignty and the opportunity to
cooperate in Nato on the basis of equality. It was ap-
proved by the Senate in May of this year with only 5
votes in opposition.
These words that I have been quoting were
spoken by President-elect Eisenhower last sum-
mer in the middle of the campaign. He went on
to add:
Our friends must know that they can depend upon
the continuity of our policies. ... The Republican Party
is dedicated to the principle of national unity in foreign
policv As President, it will be my purpose to cooperate
with' the congressional leaders of the Democratic Party
and make them real partners in formulating our basic
foreign policies.
I could quote for j^ou many other expressions of
the same type that illustrate a determination on
the part of important political leaders of both
parties to insure that we continue a bipartisan for-
eign policy, but let us say that President-elect
Eisenhower speaks for his Government-to-be.
There are two observations that I think we can
now make about the recent elections and the de-
velopment of our foreign policy.
The first observation is that the election of Gen-
eral Eisenhower means a continuation of the main
lines of foreign policy adopted by the American
people in the 7 years since the end of the war.
In the second place, we should notice how great
is the number of Americans who support these
policies. Governor Stevenson also made it appar-
ent that he would continue these policies if elected.
Having made these observations, how specifi-
callv can we chart U.S. policy in differing situa-
tions and in different parts of the world? Here I
think it might be valuable to consider what the
basic principles that lie back of the postwar de-
velopment of U.S. foreign policy are.
January 26, 1953
We have wished a world at peace where man's
skills and his resources can be concentrated to con-
quer hunger and alleviate illness, a world where
he can be free to live under a government of his
own choosing. . '
We hoped that it would be immediately possible
to progress toward such a world at the war's end.
Therefore we were among the initiators of the
United Nations. We thought that by the estab-
lishment of the United Nations, the nations of the
world would be able to build an international ma-
chinery to ease tensions and reduce the area of
possible conflict and, believing that, we demobi-
lized at great speed. Never in the history of the
world had armies comparable to ours in size de-
mobilized so rapidly. Immediately we took steps
to establish, within the United Nations, the ma-
chinery for the control of world arms and
armament.
It is not necessary to review all of the long road
of heartbreak and disappointment that we have
seen since the war. But whether it is because of
Czechoslovakia yesterday or Korea today, we un-
derstand the necessity for building our military
and economic strength and for building strong
patterns of security. We have made important
steps forward in our own rearmament. Working
with you and the other Nato countries, we have
together built a security pact for Europe. And
the Nato countries have made great progress in
building up their defenses.
The Soviet Union Needs Time
But we are still faced with great danger. We
have seen in Moscow, recently, the Soviet leaders
carefully unroll their blueprints and discuss their
plans. Hitler wrote of his plans and we did not
pay sufficient attention to his words. We should
carefully consider the present Soviet reasoning.
The Soviet Union needs time to absorb its gains
and use the great resources in the area it controls
from the Elbe to the waters off the Philippines.
The leaders of the Soviet Union believe that the
countries back of the Iron Curtain are much more
able to endure what Ambassador Frederick An-
derson 2 has called "a long period of strenuous
alertness" than the countries of the Atlantic
community.
They believe that the free nations cannot con-
tinue their economic recovery, their rearmament,
and their opposition to aggression in Korea and
Indochina. Under the strain of this effort, the
Kremlin believes that the free nations will not
work toaether. Stalin has said that we cannot
exist in the contracted world cut into by the Iron
Curtain; that without the markets back of the
curtain we will squabble among ourselves and lose
our unity. .„ .,
And, of course, the U.S.S.R. will use every de-
' Deputy U.S. special representative in Europe.
133
vice of its international Communist Party to cre-
ate division, suspicion, and mistrust among the
members of the Athmtic community. Tlieir worst
fear is the growing unity and strength in tlie At-
Lantic alliance.
You have asked me what I thought the U.S.
elections meant in terms of U.S. foreign policy. I
think they have meant a restatement of American
unity and American determination to pursue the
objectives of our postwar policy. In specific ap-
proaches to specific problems there may, of course,
be changes. This would be true regardless of ad-
ministration or political party. Our foreign pol-
icy cannot be a static thing; it must be dynamic.
And we are by no means convinced that we have
all of the correct answers. We know we have not,
and we know that we must ask you and the other
free countries to give us the benefit of your tliink-
ing and of your criticism.
We in the free world have had to face many
dangers in the last ISi j'ears — war and its attendant
desolation and the period of crises of these last 7
years. We have shown that we have been able to
meet these problems as they arose. In one sense,
we are now facing our greatest danger — "the long
period of strenuous alertness."
This period is going to test the free nations of
the West and of the East in yet another way — it is
going to make demands on our moral strength.
To face it we must be prepared economically, po-
litically, militarily, but principally and above all,
morally. Without moral strength, we shall not
survive.
It is to great institutions like this University
that men turn for strength in such times.
I am sure that they will continue to find here the
religious and intellectual leadership that has
drawn them to Louvain over so many centuries.
U. S. Requests Departure
of Yuri V. Novikov
Press release 27 dated January 15
The Department of State has been working with
the Department of Justice in connection ivith the
espionage case of Otto Verher, et al., against -whom
an indictment was opened on January 15} Upon
the arrest of the defendants and in view of the
information contained in the indictment regard-
ing the activities of Yuri V. Novikov, Second
Secretary of the Soviet Embassy at Wa,shingfo>'.,
the Department has 7iotifed the Embassy that Mr.
Novikov is persona non grata to this Government
and has requested his immediate departure from
the United States. The text of the note follows:
The Secretary of State presents his compliments
' See also Department of Justice press release of that
date.
to His Excellency the Ambassador of the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics and states the following.
The Government of the United States lias ascer-
tained that Yuri V. Novikov, Second Secretary of
the Embassy, has engaged in activities incompati-
ble with his status as an accredited diplomatic
official.
Therefore, this Government is impelled to de-
clare Mr. Novikov persona non grata. The Em-
bassy is requested to make arrangements for his
immediate departure from the United States.
Departmext of State,
Washington, January H, 1953
Exchange of Notes Concerning
Territorial Violations of Japan
Press release 34 dated January 16
Following is an exchange of notes between the
Governments of Japan and the United States con-
cerning flights by urMuthorized foreign aircraft
over the territory of Japan. The Japanese note
was delivered to the American Embassy at Tokyo
on January 13. The U.S. reply wa,s delivered to
the Japanese Foreign Office on January 16.
Japanese Note of January 13
Violations of Japan's territorial air over Hok-
kaido by foreign military planes have of late be-
come increasingly frequent. The Japanese Gov-
ernment consiclers that such trespasses are not
only forbidden under international law but also
constitute a grave menace to the security of Japan.
The Japanese Government does not possess at
present any means effectively to repel such viola-
tions.
I have the honor, therefore, to request Your
Excellency on behalf of the Japanese Govern-
ment that, if similar violations of Japan's terri-
torial air should occur in future, the United States
authorities concerned take effective and appro-
priate measures to repel them for the protection
of the common interest of Japan and the United
States of America.
U.S. Note of January 16
The Embassy of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Affairs and has the honor to acknowledge re-
ceipt of the jMinistry's Note concerning violations
of Japan's teiTitorial air over Hokkaido by for-
eign military planes.
The United States Government has noted that
the Japanese Government considers such tres-
passes to constitute a grave menace to the security
of Japan. It has further noted the request of the
Japanese Government that the United States au-
134
Department of State Bulletin
thorities take effective and appropriate measures
to repel similar violations of Japan's territorial
air should they occur in the future.
In accordance with the request of the Japanese
Government the United States Government has
instructed the Commander-in-Chief, Far East
Command, with all practicable assistance from the
Japanese Government, to take all possible meas-
ures necessary and proper under terms of the Se-
curity Treaty between the United States and
Japan dated September 8, 1951, to repel all such
violations of Japan's territorial air.
U. S. Note to U. S. S. R.
on Austrian State Treaty
Press release 16 dated January 12
In pursuance of the resolution adopted hy the
U.N. General Assetnbly on December 20, 19S2,''
appealing to the Governments of the United
States, the United Kingdom, France, and the
Soviet Union to make a renewed and urgent effort
to reach agreement on the terms of an Austrian
treaty, the U.S. Governjnent, through its Em-
bassy at Moscow, on January 12 delivered a note
to the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs inviting
attention to the U.N. General Assembly resohition
and announcing its intention to call a meeting of
the Austrian treaty deputies in London at an early
date.^ Similar notes were delivered hy the British
and French Emhassies at Moscow. The text of
the U.S. note follows:
The United Nations General Assembly on De-
cember 20, 1952, adopted a resolution addressing
an earnest appeal to the Governments of the Four
Powers which occupy Austria to make a renewed
and urgent effort to reach an agreement on the
terms of an Austrian Treaty with a view to an
early termination of the occupation.
The United Nations General Assembly resolu-
tion emphasizes the world-wide support for Aus-
tria's plea for the restoration of her full freedom
' Bulletin of Jan. 12, 1953, p. 68.
"The Department of State announced on January 19
(press release .3.5) that at the request of the U.S. Govern-
ment, whose deputy will be chairman of the next meeting,
the Secretary General of the Austrian Treaty deputies had
issued invitations on January 14 to the Governments of
the United Kingdom, France, and the Soviet Union for a
meeting of the deputies at London on January 30.
and sovereignty. The United States Government
which has in the past urged and continues to urge
full Austrian independence and sovereigntj; not
only welcomes this resolution but also considers
that it imposes an additional and immediate obli-
o-ation on each of the Four Powers to give renewed
and urgent consideration to the fulfillment ot their
pledo-e^nade in the Moscow Declaration of 1943.
The United States Government for its part urges
that every effort be made now to conclude a Four
Power Treaty. It is proposed, therefore, rather
than to continue the sterile exchange of notes, the
most recent of which is the Soviet Government s
note of September 27, 1952, that a meeting of the
Austrian Treaty Deputies be held at an early date
for the purpose of concluding an Austrian Treaty.
Sin-e the United States Deputy will be m the chair
at t. is meeting, he will request the Secretary Gen-
eral of the Austrian Treaty Deputies to issue in-
vitations for an early meeting of the Four Depu-
ties in London.
Special Grant to Yugoslavia
The Mutual Security Agency on January 8 an-
nounced a special grant of 20 million dollars to
Yugoslavia as a supplement to 78 million dollars
already earmarked in order to enable Yugoslavia
to purchase food and raw materials.
Very hard hit by drought which destroyed
almost half its corn crop last summer, Yugoslavia
has had to revise drastically its import program
to cope with the situation, Msa said. Orcbnarily,
corn is exported by Yugoslavia, but the damage
to that crop and to all bread grains and fodder
crops has made that impossible.
The 20 million dollars is a special grant by Msa
in addition to the 99-niillion-dollar tripartite aid
program in which the United States is participat-
ing with the United Kingdom and France. The
U S. share of this tripartite program is 78 million
dollars. To date for the present fiscal year Yugo-
slavia has received allotments of 50 million dol-
lars from the United States under the tripartite
program, designed to assist Yugoslavia to main-
tain its independence from Cominform domina-
tion and to support Yugoslavia's defense effort,
which is proportionately one of the largest in
Europe.^
' For an article on U.S. and tripartite aid to Yugoslavia,
see BULLETIN of Nov. 2-4, 1952, p. 825.
January 26, 1953
135
Year-End Report of the Mutual Security Agency
A continued rise in the output of heavy industry
during 1952 reflects the emphasis placed by West-
ern Europe upon building production facilit ;s in
an effort to meet the goals of the North At mtic
Treaty Organization (Nato), according to a re-
port released on December 30 by the Mutual Se-
curity Agency (Msa).
In the Far East, the report stated, the year also
brought stronger emphasis on defense-supporting
activities in Formosa and Indochina, along with
expansion of basic economic-development projects
in these two countries and in the Philippines and
Thailand.
^ The report covers the activities of the Mutual
Security Agency, which was created last December
31 to succeed the Economic Cooperation Adminis-
tration. In Europe, Msa operates a defenxe-sup-
port program for the Nato countries. Western
Germany, and Yugoslavia and continues the eco-
nomic-aid program for Austria. In the Far East,
Msa administers economic and technical-assist-
ance programs in Indochina, Formosa, Thailand,
and the Philippines.
A summary of the report follows:
Msa's efforts during the year -were devoted to
supplying the Western European countries with
the essential raw materials, machine tools, and
other industrial and agricultural commodities to
help our European partners carry out their de-
fense programs and to achieve and maintain the
expanding economy and political stability that
are indispensable to military strength/
During the year, defense-support funds of Msa
went in increasing amounts for commodities di-
rectly useful in gearing Western European pro-
duction to defense.
Europe's steel output, mainstay of economic and
defense strenMh, hit an all-time high in October,
with the production of 5.5 million metric tons for
the month. This was a ^ain of 12 percent over
October of last year ; and for i\\& January-October
period, it was 8 percent ahead of the correspond-
ing 10-month period of 1951.
European production of railroad equipment,
' For an article on Msa operations in Western Europe,
see FicU Reporter, November-December 1952, Department
of State publication 4744, p. 3.
136
motor vehicles, machinery, and other defense pro-
duction were at peak levels in 1952, while ship-
building continued at capacity.
The record output of metals and metal products,
the high level of chemical production, plus the
continued growth in construction and in capital-
goods production, proved sufficient to offset the
contraction in the consumer-goods industries.
To support the increased lequirements of ex-
panding heavy industries, Western Europe in-
creased electricity output through October by 6
percent over the previous year lind coal produc-
tion by 3 percent.
The total industrial output of Western Europe
in September and October was higher than in the
fall of 1951, the previous peak. Total industrial
output for the year will show an increase of about
2 percent over 1951 and almost 50 percent above
the levels in the first quarter of 1948. just prior to
the start of the Marshall Plan. Agricultural pro-
duction has increased by 3 percent over the 1951
crop year and by more than 30 percent over 1948.
The European Coal and Steel Community (the
Schuman Plan), the Organization for European
Economic Cooperation (Oeec), and the European
Payments Union (Epu) are noteworthy examples
of cooperation that has been developing since the
beginning of the Marshall Plan.
Schuman Plan in Operation
Designed to create a single market for coal and
steel among member countries, the Schuman Plan
can provide a solid base upon which to build a
more dynamic, unified Europe for peace as well as
defense. The Plan was brought into being July 25,
1952, after each of six Parliaments had ratified the
treaty.
Other highlights dealing with Western Europe's
economy, as reflected in latest available figures,
are:
(1) A decline in the cost of raw-materials im-
ports largely restored the purchasing power of
Western European exports to their mid-1950 ■
position. I
(2) The price rise that followed the Korean
outbreak was brought to a halt ; wholesale prices
in almost all countries in October were below the
Department of State Bulletin I
December 1951 level, and the cost-of-living indexes
were not much higher.
(3) Unemployment, though higher than a year
ago in most countries, was serious only in Italy.
German unemployment has declined significantly
from last year. „ . „ „ ■, ^u
(4) The foreign-trade deficit fell to less than
300 million dollars in September, whereas 12
months before it was 470 million dollars. In the
first quarter of 1952 it averaged 550 million dollars
per month.
(5) A considerable degree of balance has been
achieved in intra-European payments. The larg-
est debtor in the Epu, the Sterling Area, has begun
to improve its position by running surpluses in
recent months. The cumulative positions of the
large Epu creditors have either leveled off, as in
the case of Belgium, or actually declined, as in the
cases of Germany and Italy. France and Turkey
continue in difficult positions.
The inflationary forces have abated and do not
present as great a threat to economic stability and
steady expansion as they did a year ago. Meas-
ures taken to control inflation, the restraint of
consumers, and good harvests have somewhat re-
duced the serious inflationary threat.
Materials directly related to Europe's defense
build-up received priority in Msa's procurement
authorizations. Out of a total of 1,251,650,000 dol-
lars in procurement authorizations issued for
commodities in the January-November 1952 pe-
riod, 620,850.000 dollars went for raw materials
and semifinished products as compared to 318,-
499,000 dollars for the corresponding period of
last year. Authorizations for nonferrous metals
jumped from ap]iroximately 31 million dollars in
1951 to 213 million dollars in 1952; iron and steel-
mill materials from 16 million dollars to 134 mil-
lion dollars; nonmetallic minerals from 6 million
dollars to 19 million dollars; and metallic ores and
concentrates from 9 million dollars to 19 million
dollars. At the same time, authorizations for the
food, feed, and fertilizer group dropped from ap-
proximately 348 million dollars for that period of
last year to 218 million dollars for the same period
this year.
Counterpart funds— local currencies deposited
by Governments of participating countries in
amounts commensurate with dollar grant aid —
played an increasingly important role in the year's
program.
In accordance with the mandate of the Congress,
the primai-y objective of Msa counterpart policy in
Western Europe has been to advance the defense
build-up of Nato countries. The equivalent of
more than 568 million dollars in counterpart funds
was approved for withdrawal, during the Janu-
ary-October 1952 period, for direct military proj-
ects, such as the construction of military bases and
harbor installations, the production of aircraft,
combat vehicles, ammunition, ships, and other
major materiel. This brought the cumulative fig-
Jonuory 26, 1953
ure for military purposes, including approvals
under Eca, to approximately 711 million dollars.
Msa also allocated to Defense Materials Pro-
curement Agency the equivalent of 16 million dol-
lars in local currencies from the U.S. portion of
counterpart accounts, in the past 5 months alone,
for use in procuring strategic materials or to fi-
nance projects for the development of their pro-
duction.
Emphasis on Productivity, Technical Assistance
Focusing more sharply upon Western defense
preparations, the Msa productivity and technical-
assistance program expanded. In the calendar
year 1952, more than 3,600 persons came from Eu-
rope to study the causes and effects of American
productivity; approximately 275 persons also
came from the Far East to study the solution of
problems directly applicable to those critical areas,
thus bringing the total number of visitors who
have come to the United States under the Msa-Eca
technical -assistance program since January 1949
to approximately 10.500. In addition the Msa-
EcA technical-assistance program has sponsored
the sending of more than 1,000 American experts
abroad to help European industries increase their
productivity and to help all participating coun-
tries in Europe and the Far East make better use
of existing resources, both human and material.
Defense support was inherent in many Msa
technical-assistance projects carried out this past
year in such fields as foundry operations, machine
tools, electronics and electrical equipment, chemi-
cals, motors and engines, engineering, abrasives,
plastics, mining, metallurgy, rubber goods, and
production of electric power, gas, and petroleum.
Typical of projects related directly to defense,
through which results of American experience
were made available to selected representatives of
Nato countries, were:
French officials, representing the French Insti-
tute of Advanced Studies for National Defense,
examined U.S. methods of solving industrial and
military problems; Italian naval experts studied
U.S. techniques to speed construction of Italian
vessels; Danish Army Engineers looked into fuse
manufacture; British and Turkish engineers niade
studies of arms production; British technicians
studied methods of overhauling U.S.-made engines
used by the RAF ; Danish and French experts in-
quired into production of quartz crystals, vital to
manufacture of telecommunications equipment;
Belgian paint manufacturers surveyed U.S. meth-
ods'of protecting military equipment; and French
technicians made a study with the view of expand-
ing production of high-grade batteries for French
and Nato military transport and telecommunica-
tions.
Yugoslavia took part in the technical-assistance
program for the first time in 1952, sending 111
trainees to the United States to study methods of
137
strengthening defense efforts against threats of
Communist aggression. The first such project for
Trieste also got under way.
Some ()i of 143 major P2cA-generated projects in
Western Europe went into operation during 1952,
providing invahiable basic production capacity for
the defense program. Tliese industrial, public
utility, and public-works projects, which in some
instances also have received supplemental aid from
MsA, now are turning out such essential defense
items as iron and steel, petroleum products, coal,
chemicals, and power.
In electric-power develoi)ment, eight units in
MsA-EcA-sponsored projects were completed, add-
ing more than 500,000 kilowatts to the power ca-
pacity of the free world.
Eleven of 16 EuropeaiijfDetroleum-refinery proj-
ects, sponsored by Msa-Eca, were completed and
are now operating. Five other units, still under
construction in several of these refineries, should
be in operation by the end of 1953.
From the 11 operating installations, which have
added 433,000 ban-els a day to the free nations'
crude-oil refining capacity, are flowing gasoline,
jet fuel, kerosene, diesel oil, fuel oil, and other
projects essential to the defense program.
During the past year, Msa approved a total of
22,688,000 dollars in supplemental dollar financ-
ing for previously approved major projects. This
included 3,952,000 dollars for steel-mill equipment
and 800 thousand dollars for a galvanizing line for
the Finsider Company plants in Italy; 8,474,000
dollars for equipment for the Sollac Company
steel mills in France; 500 thousand dollars for
iron-mining equipment for the Alpine Montan
Company in Austria; and 3,155,000 dollars for a
road-building program in Turkey. In addition,
a 2,500,000 dollar project was approved for grain
handling and storage facilities in Turkey.
Investment-Guaranty Program Expanded
Service to American firms interested in making
private investments abroad also was expanded.
At year's end Msa had several thousand volun-
teer field counselors in the United States and over-
seas to serve American firms. Msa's "Contact
Clearinghouse Service," which places prospective
U.S. investors in touch with foreign enterprises
needing capital or processes, was expanded to
cover countries in Southeast Asia and those par-
ticipating in the Point Four Program.
During 1952, Msa moved ahead on authority
granted Dy the Congress to expand the scope of
its investment-guaranty program to include coun-
tries of the Near East, Asia, Latin America, and
Africa. Previously, the agency issued investment
guaranties, which insure American ■ private in-
vestors against loss by expropriation or currency
inconvertibility, only" in Marshall Plan countries
of Europe.
Under the expanded program, negotiations were
begun with several countries for guaranty agree-
ments, which are a prerequisite to issuing guar-
anties on individual American investments in the
given foreign countries. Such agreements, ini-
tiating or expanding the program, were concluded
by the United States with 11 countries during
the year, including the first two in the Far East —
the Philippines and China (Formosa) — and the
first in a Near East country, Israel.
Msa now has agreements with 13 nations where
U.S. investments can be given this protection to
cover both expropriation and currency inconverti-
bility : Austria, Belgium, China (Formosa), Den-
nuirk, France, Germany, Greece. Israel, Italy, the
Netherlands, Norway, the Philippines, and Yugo-
slavia. In two other countries, Turkey and the
United Kingdom, currency inconvertibility cover-
age can be issued. Negotiations are going for-
ward with several other countries for agreements.
Six new guaranties and three additions to exist-
ing guaranties were issued during the year to in-
vestors in such industries as pharmaceuticals,
miners' lamps, boiler chemicals, valves, elevators,
asphalt tile, and trailers to protect investments in
the United Kingdom, Italy, Turkey, Germany, and
France.
Up to the end of 1952, Msa-Eca has issued a
total of 38,792,248 dollars in investment guaran-
ties, of which 37,489,017 dollars covered currency
inconvertibility.
As to over-all agricultural production, the lat-
est crop year showed an increase of 3 percent over
the previous year, reaching a level 13 percent
higher than prewar. Only in Austria has the
total output failed to reach or surpass prewar fig-
ures. Production of bread grains and coarse
grains was higher than the year before, while out-
put of fats and oils rose substantially. Sugar
and potato production was materially higher than
prewar.
While production increased, there were at least
2 million more people to feed than the year before.
As a result, per capita production showed only a
2 percent gain and just about reached the prewar
average.
Despite these over-all gains, Western Europe
still is dependent on the rest of the world for 30
percent of its food needs. Higher output is the
only basic answer, and the Oeec has raised its
goal to an output of 25 to 30 percent over prewar
for the 1956-57 crop year.
Defense Support in Southeast Asia
In Southeast Asia, the year witnessed expan-
sion of defense support in Formosa and Indochina
while, at the same time, inci'eased economic sup-
port and technical assistance helped the two coun-
tries build up their strength to resist the threat of
Communist aggression.
Defense support in the Associated States of
Indochina is helping Indochinese and French
troops who are fighting off the Communist Viet
Minh attacks. The program in Formosa is de-
138
Department of State Bulletin
signed to strengthen the island fortress home of
the Government of the Kepiiblic of China, a key
part of the free world's defense line in the Pacific.
In these two countries, Msa is supplying items to
increase munitions output and to expand military
facilities .
At the same time, Msa basic economic aid ex-
tended to these two countries is being used for
the purchase of commodities needed to rehabili-
tate and revitalize production and to reduce in-
flationary pressure. In Formosa, AIsa has helped
the Government to broaden the industrial base by
developing the island's hydroelectric resources, in-
creasing the manufacture of chemicals, and ex-
panding the production of coal.
In Indochina, a major Vietnam-MsA program is
resettlement of refugees from areas where the
Communist Viet Minh are attacking. Land is
provided by the Government, with Msa helping
to provide emergency housing, food, and seeds.
Programs like these, as well as projects in Thai-
land and the Philippines, illustrate the Msa pro-
grams which combine both technical assistance
and complementary commodities where needed.
In the Philippines, the Msa program has empha-
sized projects to implement land, labor, and fis-
cal reforms and there has been Msa financing of
surveys, road building, and health measures for
resettlement projects designed to ease agrarian
problems in densely populated areas.
In Thailand, where agricultural resources are
not fully developed, Msa has been emphasizing
projects designed to increase the production of
rice for export. There have also been notable ad-
vances in the field of public health, with Msa
doctors, public-health officials, and nurses demon-
strating modern techniques.
Programs in Burma and Indonesia, which were
administered by Msa until July 1, 1952, are now
being carried on by the Technical Cooperation
Administration.
Following are a number of vital goals toward
which the Southeast Asia nations are now work-
ing with American cooperation :
( 1 ) Improving governmental efficiency through
the adoption of new administrative and fiscal pro-
cedures, and expansion of civil service training.
(2) Developing and strengthening services
and practices essential to social and political sta-
bility as well as economic develoiJment, such as
agricultural extension services; agricultural and
small-business credit institutions; iDublic-health
systems; agricultural cooperatives; and leg-
islation assuring farm tenants a fair share of
production and correcting other land-tenure
problems.
(3) Increasing production of rice and corn
through irrigation, seed improvement, and wider
use of fertilizer, and expanding production of
protein food through livestock improvement and
the introduction of modern techniques in the
fishing industry.
(4) Increasing production and export of basic
materials through improved transportation and
port facilities and surveys to determine the extent
of natural resources.
(5) Improving their military position, expand-
ing their foreign and internal trade, and quicken-
ing tlie process of national unification through the
rehabilitation of ports and inland waterways, con-
struction of roads and bridges, and the improve-
ment of railway operations.
(6) Increasing the productivity of manpower
by reducing the incidence of disease through
malaria control, helping the establishment and
initial operation of health centers and clinics,
and training more medical and public-health
personnel.
(7) Laying the foundations for future progi'ess
by rehabilitating and expanding agricultural-
and vocational-training systems.
Allocation of Loan to Spain
for Economic Development
The ]\Iutual Security Agency on January 8 an-
nounced the completion of the allocation of the
62.5 million-dollar loan to Spain whicli was au-
thorized by the Congress in fiscal year 1951.
The final allocations include an amount of ap-
proximately 3 million dollars to provide equipment
for the modernization and increased productivity
of the Spanish coal-mining industry ; 500 tliousand
dollars for the purchase of steel plate for the con-
struction of an oil tanker, and 150 thousand dol-
lars for expansion of facilities for the preserva-
tion and canning of fruits and vegetables.
The various credits under the 62'.5 million-dol-
lar loan are making possible economic develop-
ments in Spain which will otherwise be limited
by foreign-exchange deficiencies and which will
increase Spain's capacity to raise its levels of im-
poi'ts and exports, as well as to inci-ease produc-
tion of goods and services to be made available to
the Spanish people.
In addition to the loan program now completed,
the Congress has authorized the use of up to 125
million dollars, at the discretion of the President,
for military, economic, and technical assistance to
Spain. Negotiations leading toward agreements
for use of these funds are now under way between
the Governments of the United States and Spain.
All credits under the 62.5 million-dollar-loan
progi'am were extended by the Export-Import
Bunk, acting as agent for Msa and its predecessor,
EcA. All credits extended to Spain are guaran-
teed by the Spanish Government.
A large portion of the 62.5 million-dollar U. S.
loan, nearly 18.3 million dollars, has been for
the purchase of commodities — wheat, cotton,
January 26, J 953
139
tin plate, coal, and others — essential to the Span-
ish economy. Another 16.8 million dollars of the
loan has been extended to the transportation and
power industries, principally for the import of
heavy equipment for railroads and for the con-
struction and extension of power facilities, includ-
ing a floating power plant to be located at Carta-
gena.
The credits established for agricultural develop-
ment, about 13 million dollars in all, including 3.5
million dollars for fertilizer, are designed to pro-
vide equipment and materials that will make pos-
sible greater agricultural production. About 8 mil-
lion dollars, including the recent 3 million-dollar
credit for coal-mining equipment, will go into im-
provements in the mining industry. Equipment
also will be provided for lead, iron, tungsten, and
pyrites mining.
The remaining portion of the 62.5 million-dollar
loan has been allocated for import of other impor-
tant equipment and supplies for Spanish industry
for which dollar exchange would otherwise be lim-
ited. The principal loan in this group is a 6 mil-
lion-dollar credit for expansion of a steel mill and
construction of a fertilizer plant.
Following is a list of credit (in thousands of
dollars) approved by Eca-Msa since the start of
the loan program, September 6, 1950 :
Capital development
Fertilizer and steel plant $8. .540
Spanish National railways (Renfe) 8,263
Electric power plants 6, 751
Minerals production (including mining equip-
ment) 7,81.5
Agricultural and seed-processing equipment . 3,300
Lignite mining and power-plant equipment . . 1, 706
Commodity assistance
Wheat $7, 2.50
Cotton 5,000
Coal 3,500
Fertilizer 3, .500
Farm tractors, parts, and attachments .... 3,4.50
Tin plate 2, 000
Barrel staves 500
Steel plates (for oil tanker) 875
New Manganese Project
Undertaken in Brazil
Authorization of an Export-Import Bank loan
of up to 67.5 million dollars and signing of a
Defense Materials Procurement Agency purchase
contract, involving the production of 51/2 million
tons of hiirh-giade manganese ore from new de-
posits in Brazil, one of the largest projects of its
kind ever undertaken, were announced on January
8 at Wa.shington and at Rio de Janeiro.
The project is to be undertaken by Industria e
Comercio de Minerios, S, A,, (Icojii) of Rio de
Janeiro, a Brazilian corporation in which the
Bethlehem Steel Company holds partial stock in-
terest. Approximately 4 million dollars has al-
ready been invested in exploration and other
preparatory work at the mine site,
Herbert E. Gaston, Chairman of the Export-
Import Bank, and Jess Larson, Administrator of
Dmi'a, said that at least 7o percent of the 51/2 mil-
lion tons of ore, production of which will cover
a {jeriod of several years, is to be offered to tlie
United States. In 1951 the United States used
about 1,700,000 tons of manganese, essential in
steel production, and it is estimated that consump-
tion was considerably higher last 3'ear. Most of
the ore has to be imported.
The principal of the credit is to be repaid by
December 31, 1965, and it will bear interest at the
rate of 41/2 percent per annum. The Djipa pur-
chase contract runs to June 30, 1962, but would
terminate upon repayment of the loan at an earlier
date.
The rich Brazilian deposits are located in the
Federal Territory of Amapa about 150 miles 1
northwest of the capital city of Macapa. |
The deposits have been tested by core drilling "
and are estimated to contain upward of 10,000,000
tons of high quality ore, averaging 45 to 47 per- y
cent manganese. Alining will be by open-pit ^
methods and the ore, after being crushed and
screened at a plant to be built near the mine, will
be shipped to the docks on the Amazon River over
a railroad which is also yet to be constructed.
The railroad will be of standard design and will
be 1.34 miles in length, half in dense tropical jungle
and half in open savannah country.
It is expected that large-scale production will
get under way by 1956. During that and the fol-
lowing year, the com]iany is to deliver to the U.S.
Government, for stockpiling or other defense uses,
a total of 400,000 tons of ore. The U.S. Govern-
ment has an option under the contract on 30 per-
cent of the total output.
In return, Dmpa has guaranteed the company
a floor price of 65 cents per long-ton unit based
on 45-47 percent ore (c.i.f. Eastern Seaboard
ports) for any part of the production up to Si/o
million tons that the company offers to the U.S.
Government. On the basis of estimated future
requirements, it is expected that the greater part
of the production that is not purchased by the U.S.
Govermnent will find a ready market in the United
States and other countries of the free world.
In order to produce ore on the scale contem-
plated, extensive installations will be necessary,
including all necessary housing and community
facilities for employees, a dock and loading facili-
ties at the Port of Santana, near Macajia on the
Amazon River, the railroad from the mine to the
port, and mining plants and equipment.
The Port of Santana, where the ore will be
transferred from the rail cars to oceangoing ves-
140
Deparlmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
sels for shipment to the United States, will be on
the north bank of the Amazon River near its
mouth and is squarely on the Equator. Facilities
for the rapid loading of large vessels will be in-
stalled, as well as docks for the handling of other
freight.
Complete towns will have to be constructed,
both at the mine and at the port, to house the com-
pany's 500 employees and their families. In-
cluded in the plans are schools, playgrounds, and
hospitals and all other facilities necessary to make
living healthful and comfortable in this tropical
climate.
Mr. Gaston pointed out that, in addition to pro-
viding substantial dollar earnings for Brazil, the
project will play an important part in safeguard-
ing the American steel industry from future short-
ages of this essential alloy.
"The Brazilian Government, under President
Getulio Vargas, and the Government of the Terri-
tory of Amapa, under Governor Janari Gentil
Nunes," Mr. Gaston said, "have taken an active
role in making possible this development which
will provide substantial employment at the mine
and on the railway and should result in opening
up a new area."
Mr. Larson said the new agreement was one of
the most significant steps taken to assure adequate
future production of materials needed to supply
the country's expanding defense program.
Mr. Larson continued :
The friendly country of Brazil, the U.S. Government,
defense industries, and the Brazilian company that is
undertaking this project should all benefit.
The Defense Materials Procurement Agency has been
doing everything possible to boost production of man-
ganese within the continental United States. The Agency
has a domestic purchase program and Is assisting In a
number of research and experimental projects toward
this end. But there is no question that the United States
will continue to he dependent upon outside sources for the
greater part of its manganese needs for a good while to
come, if. Indeed, it ever can become self-sufficient.
This project has very great potentialities, both with
respect to this Nation's defense program and the benefits
that automatically go with the development of a big min-
ing operation.
Ten-Year Development Program
Proposed for Jamaica
Recommendations for the economic development
of Jamaica were published on January 9 in the
report of a mission to Jamaica organized by the
International Bank for Reconstruction and De-
velopment at the request of the Governor of
Jamaica. Eugene R. Black. President of the In-
ternational Bank, transmitted the report to the
Governor, His Excellency Sir Hugh Foot, on
December 19.
The mission, under the leadership of John C.
de Wilde of the Bank's staff, was in Jamaica during
January 26, 1953
238552 — 53 3
March and April 1952. It consisted of seven ex-
perts.^ The two agricultural specialists were se-
lected in consultation with the Food and Agricul-
ture Organization (Fag), which also defrayed a
portion of the salary and expenses of one of them.
The mission proposes a 10-year development
program aimed at increasing the production of
goods and services from a level of £85 million in
1950 to approximately £150 million in 1962.
"Timid half-measures," the mission stresses, "will
not solve Jamaica's problems of the future. The
program must hold the promise of real advance if
it is to capture the imagination of the people and
command their continuous support and coopera-
tion. . . ."
The program calls for Government expenditures
of £34,324,000 over the 10-year period. To allow
for the possibility that obstacles may arise, a re-
duced program has also been drawn up. Under it,
public expenditures would be £27,973,000 and pro-
duction would increase to about £136 million. The
mission urges, however, that the maximum pro-
gram be the goal; if it is carried out, Jamaica
would make substantial progress, the mission be-
lieves, in solving its chief problems — chronic un-
employment and widespread poverty.
Most of the expansion of production and em-
ployment the mission foresees will result directly
and indirectly from the development of agi-icul-
ture. "Contrary to widely prevalent belief," the
mission states, "we are convinced that the potenti-
alities of agriculture in Jamaica are far from
exhausted."
Chief among the recommendations in this field
are a vigorous soil-conservation campaign to re-
build the fertility of hill lands ; extension of irri-
gation in the plains and valleys and reclamation
of part of the swampland ; a pasture-improvement
])rogram and a rise in the price of beef to stimu-
late the gi-owing of livestock; a complete aerial
and ground survey as a basis for proper planning
of land use and for carrying out essential improve-
ment works; and the taxation of land on the basis
of unimproved, rather than improved, value to
give additional incentive to development. The
mission believes that if these measures are taken
it should be possible to put an additional 150,000
acres of land under cultivation and to increase
yields significantly. This would permit a sub-
stantial increase in the production of beef and
milk, sugar, bananas, coffee, cacao, citron, rice,
and other food crops.
'John Hugh Collier, economist; Albert Winseraius,
economic adviser on industry; A. D. Spottswood, engineer-
ing adviser; Douwe Groenveld, agricultural economist;
W. V. Blewett, adviser on agricultural production ; I. M.
Labovitz, adviser on social services : and Ann Mary Rozeck.
secretary and administrative assistant.
The report of the mission to Jamaica has been published
in a single bound volume of 288 pages and may be obtained
from the Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore 18, Md., for $5.
141
Retiring Deputy U.S. Representative on Disarmament Commission
Reports to the President
Press release 24 dated January 14
Benjamin V. Oohen, deputy representative
of the United States on the U. N. Disarmament
Commission, on January 15 presented to the Presi-
dent a report on the work of the U. N. Disarma-
ment Commission and particularly on the ^'■efforts
of the United States in close cooperation with
other members of the Commission to carry out the
mandate of the General Assembly in accordance
with the spirit and the principles of the Charter^
Following is the text of a letter, dated January
12, 1953, from Mr. Cohen to the President. A
copy of the report is appended.
January 12, 1953.
My Dear Mr. President :
At your request I have served as Deputy United
States Representative on the United Nations Dis-
armament Commission and have represented the
United States at practically all the meetings of the
Commission during the year 1952.
As the work of the Commission for the year
is now concluded, I am submitting my resignation
both as Deputy Representative on the Commission
and as Alternate Representative of the United
States to the Seventh Session of the General As-
sembly to become effective at your earliest con-
venience.
All of us who have worked on our disarmament
proposals have been inspired in our work by the
leadership you have taken in this field and by
your continuing personal interest and support.
We therefore felt that we should at this time make
a report to you of the work of the Disarmament
Commission and in particular of the efforts of the
United States in close cooperation with other mem-
bers of the Commission to carry out the mandate
of the General Assembly in accordance with the
spirit and principles of the Charter. The report
is appended to this letter.
The statements and proposals which have been
made on behalf of the United States in the Com-
mission are the product of the joint efforts of the
Department of State, the Department of Defense,
the Atomic Energy Commission, and the United
States Mission to the United Nations. The tri-
partite proposals submitted on behalf of the
United States, France and the United Kingdom
represent the joint efforts of all three govern-
ments.' The cooperation achieved within our
Government and with friendly governments has
made it possible for us to supply principles and
proposals for an effective and comprehensive dis-
armament which may be realized in the future.
Early in the deliberations of the Commission,
the United States submitted a statement of essen-
tial principles for a disarmament program. These
principles sought to relate the task of disarma-
ment to the law of the Charter and to give effect
and meaning to the basic Charter obligation of
states to retrain in their international relations
from the threat or use of force in any manner in-
consistent with the purposes of the Charter. The
goal of disarmament therefore must be not to reg-
ulate the armaments to be used in war, but to pre-
vent war. To achieve this goal, all states have a
responsibility to cooperate to establish and main-
tain an open and substantially disarmed world.
In a substantially disarmed world no state should
be in a condition of armed preparedness to start
a war. In an open world no state should be in a
position to undertake preparations for war with-
out other states having knowledge of such pre-
paredness long before the offending state could
start a war. An effective disarmament program
must reduce the danger of war and the fear of
aggression.
But we did not confine our work in the Dis-
armament Commission to the submission of gen-
eral principles. We submitted and joined in sub-
mitting a number of working papers which sought
to suggest practical means and measures by which
we might make a start in the development of a
concrete and comprehensive disarmament pro-
gram.
We submitted a working paper containing con-
crete suggestions for a continuing system of dis-
closure and verification which would embrace all
armed forces and armaments including atomic.
Editor's Note. Ambassador Cohen's report is available
in full as Department of State publication 4902.
' For a summary of proposals made to the Disarmament
Commission, see Bulletin of Oct. 27, 1952, p. 648.
142
Department of State Bulletin
Such a system would provide the ground work for
effective safeguards and realistic controls to ensure
that agreed disarmament would become actual
disarmament. xt • i
In collaboration with France and the United
Kingdom, we submitted proposals for fixing nu-
merical limits on the armed forces of all states.
The proposals, if accepted, would result in a sub-
stantial and balanced reduction of armed strength
and lessen the likelihood and the danger of war.
The initial reduction for the United States and
the Soviet Union would be more than 50 percent.
In collaboration with France and the United
Kingdom, we suggested practical procedures to
prevent the undue concentration of permitted
armed forces in particular categories of services,
to limit armament in types and quantities to those
necessary and appropriate for the support of per-
mitted armed forces, and to bring all essential ele-
ments of the disarmament program into balanced
relationship. Under these procedures it was con-
templated that all armed forces and armaments
other than those expressly permitted were to be
eliminated, that all major weapons adaptable to
mass destruction were to be excluded from per-
mitted armaments, and that atomic energy was
to be placed under effective international control
to ensure its use for peaceful purposes only.
We reiterated our support of the United Na-
tions plan for the control of atomic energy, but at
the same time we reaffirmed our willingness to
examine seriously and with an open mind any
proposal for the effective control of atomic energy
which might be presented.
Finally we suggested a plan for the elimination
of bacteriological weapons and facilities for their
production and use, within the framework of a
comprehensive disarmament program. The plan
would not rely on mere paper promises that such
weapons will not be used, but would ensure that
such weapons are not available for use.
We do not contend that the constructive pro-
posals thus far presented to the Commission would
solve all problems. The proposals were not in-
tended to be final and defanitive in terms or ex-
haustive in details. They were intended only to
provide a basis for discussion and to open ave-
nues by which we might approach understanding
and agreement.
No one who has closely followed the proceed-
ings of the Disarmament Commission can doubt
that the United States and other free nations have
sincerely and diligently sought to find practical
ways and means of moving towards a disarmed
world. Unfortunately, the Soviet representative
on the Commission was unwilling or unable to dis-
cuss seriously any of the working papers submit-
ted to the Commission or to make any constructive
suggestions. The Soviet representative merely in-
sisted that the Commission adopt the elusive phan-
tom proposals, which the Soviet Union had first
made in the General Assembly several years ago
January 26, 1953
and which had been repeatedly rejected by the
General Assembly. Yet he refused to give ex-
planations or answer questions concerning these
shadowy and elusive proposals. The Soviet
Union endeavored from the very beginning of the
Commission's deliberations to divert it from its
important tasks by making monstrously false
charges that the United Nations forces in Korea
were waging bacteriological warfare. While con-
tinuing to reiterate these slanderous charges, the
Soviet representative vetoed in the Security Coun-
cil all efforts on our part to secure an impartial in-
vestigation of them.
The Disarmament Commission cannot force dis-
armament agreements upon recalcitrant nations.
It cannot bridge deep and fundamental differences
by linguistic sleight of hand. Excessive zeal to
obtain agi-eements which gloss over rather than
resolve these differences may even increase the ten-
sions and fears which stand in the way of neces-
sary agi-eement. Until others are willing to dis-
arm, the free and law-abiding nations of the world
must maintain the armed strength necessary to
deter aggression.
In spite of the obstructive tactics of the Soviet
Union, the work of the Disarmament Commission
during the past year contributed significantly to
a better understanding of the disarmament prob-
lem, and we feel that the United States can take
pride in its part in this work.
In the interest of world peace it is important to
continue, through the Disarmament Commission
and in every other way open to us, efforts to de-
velop a better understanding of the problems of
armaments and the significance of disamiament
as a means of reducing the danger and fear of war.
We are deeply convinced that with better under-
standing of these problems, the overwhelming
common interest of all peoples in peace and the
instinct of self-preservation will induce the states-
men of all nations to save their peoples from the
horrors of war in the Twentieth Centui-y. For as
new instruments of warfare may be developed
which would far surpass previous weapons in
terms of sheer destructiveness, it becomes im-
perative that all nations reexamine their self-in-
terest in these problems. All nations have an
equal stake in their solution. For at stake is the
survival of our common humanity.
Faithfully yours,
Benjamin V. Cohen
Report to the President by the Deputy United
States Representative on the Untted Na-
tions Disarmament Commission
Introduction
January 12, 1953
In view of your deep and active interest in the
development of an effective and comprehensive
143
disainiiimeiit progiam I have thought it would
be appropriate for me at this time to make a re-
port to you on the work of the U.N. Disarmament
Commission and in particuhir on the efforts of the
United States in close cooperation with other
members of the Conmiission to carry out the man-
date of the General Assembly in accordance with
the spirit and the principles of the Charter.
The statements and working proposals which
have been made on behalf of the United States in
the Commission are the product of the joint efforts
of the State and Defense Departments, the
Atomic Energy Commission, and the United
States Mission to the United Nations. The tri-
Eartite proposals submitted on behalf of the
United States, France, and the United Kingdom
represent the joint efforts of all three govern-
ments. The cooperation achieved within our gov-
ernment and with friendly governments on the
Commission has made it possible for us to supply
the ideas and materials with w^hich an effective
and comprehensive disarmament program may in
the future be wrought.
Our Responsibilities Under the Charter
It may seem paradoxical to many that we
should discuss disarmament in the United Nations
in 1952, when the nations of the world are in-
creasing their armaments at an accelerated pace.
But the United States has made it clear in the
discussions of disarmament in the United Nations
that the burden of armaments has been thrust upon
us and is not of our choosing. We have learned
that in an armed world we cannot safely rely on
unarmed good will. But we have made it clear
that we would infinitely prefer a world order in
which the energies and resources now diverted to
armaments could be used to advance human dig-
nity and well-being.
On November 7, 1951, in an address explaining
the proposals of the United States, the United
Kingdom, and France for the establishment of the
U.N. Disarmament Commission, you, Mr. Presi-
dent, stated : ^
We are determined to win real peace — -peace based on
freediom and justice. We will do it the hard way if we
must — by going forward, as we are doing now, to make
the free world so strong that no would-be aggressor will
dare to break the peace. But we will never give up
trying for another way to peace — the way of reducing
the armaments that make aggression possible.
Five months later, on April 2, 1952, General
Eisenhower, then Supreme Allied Commander
in Europe, in his first report to the Nato countries
declared : *
Visible and within grasp we have the capability of
building such military, economic, and moral strength as
the Communist world would never dare to challenge.
When that point is reached, the Iron Curtain rulers
may finally be willing to participate seriously in disar-
' Ihifl.. Nov. 19, 1951, p. 799.
= Ibid, Apr. 14, 1952, p. 579.
mament negotiations. Then we may see fulfilled the
universal hope expressed in the United Nations Charter
to reduce the "diversion for armaments of the world's
human and economic resources."
Our position is clear and unequivocal. Until
all nations cooperate in good faith in putting into
effect a balanced reduction in armed forces and
armaments, we must build up and maintain the
armed strength of the free world to guard and
preserve the peace. But we have shown that we are
ready, willing, and eager to work out a com-
prehensive disarmament program, to reduce the
danger of war and the fear of aggression. That
is the duty of all member states under the Charter
of the United Nations.
Under the Charter, all members have agreed to
settle their international disputes by peace-
ful means in such a manner that international
peace and security and justice are not endangered.
Under the Charter all members have agreed to re-
frain in their international relations from the
threat or use of force against the territorial in-
tegrity or political independence of any State
or in any other manner inconsistent with the pur-
poses of the United Nations.
The maintenance of large armaments under-
mines confidence in the fulfillment of the solemn
Charter obligations of member states not to use
force or the threat of force as an instrument of
national or ideological policy.
But the use of force or the threat of force in in-
ternational relations cannot be eliminated by uni-
lateral disarmament by any one state or group of
states. All states must cooperate.
All members of the United Nations have a re-
sponsibility to see that force is used only in self-
defense and in the service of the Charter and not
as an instrument of national or ideological policy.
Disarmament must be viewed as a means of
carrying out the obligations under the Charter
not to use force or the threat of force for settling
disputes among nations. The objective of a dis-
armament program must be to prevent waij not to
regulate the armaments used in war. We have
tried to make clear that the United States does
not accept war as inevitable; that the job is to re-
duce the likelihood of war by insuring that no
nation possesses the means to commit a success-
ful act of armed aggression. The aim is to reduce
the likelihood of war by reducing the possibility
of war and armed aggression.
In its efforts toward disarmament, the United
States has concentrated single-mindedly on the
root problem, the prevention of war itself. Wlien
men fight to kill it is hard to regulate the manner
of killing. True humanitarianism as well as real-
ism supports the view that the only practical
way to eliminate the horror of war is to eliminate
war itself.
That of course does not mean that we are un-
interested in examining the rules for the conduct
of war or in finding better ways to protect civilians
144
Department of Stale Bulletin
and prisoners should war occur. But in develop-
ing a disarmament program we must strive, not to
codify the rules of warfare but to reduce the pos-
sibility of war.
Responsible statesmen cannot rely upon paper
promises which provide no assurances of their
observance. We cannot make genuine progi'ess
toward disarmament by piecemeal attempts to
forbid the use of individual weapons without safe-
guards designed to give assurance that such
weapons will not be available for use. We have,
therefore, urged in the United Nations that efforts
be directed toward a comprehensive disarmament
program which will insure that nations do not re-
tain in their military establishment armed forces
and armaments in types or in volume beyond those
required for self-defense and to meet their Charter
responsibilities. Forces and weapons not ex-
pressly permitted should be eliminated under
effective international safeguards sufficient to re-
move the possibility and fear of proliibited forces
or armaments being available for use.
The most solemn promise in the history of inter-
national relationships is that contained in the
Charter against the threat or use of force of any
kind in any way in international relations con-
trary to the purposes of the Charter. A disarma-
ment program should provide the safeguards nec-
essary to assure that no state will be in a position
to break this solemn promise. No lesser promise
can be relied upon if that most solemn promise is
broken. A state which would flout the Charter to
make war cannot be relied upon to honor any
lesser promise as to how it will wage war.
This is the fi'amework within which we have
undertaken in the Disarmament Commission our
Charter responsibility "for formulating plans . . .
for the estaolishment of a system for the regula-
tion of armaments.
Early Efforts Toward Disarmament
At the time the Charter was adopted, Nazi and
Japanese aggression had been crushed. We looked
forward to a peaceful world. We sought to co-
operate to relieve the peoples of the world of the
fear of war and the burden of armaments.
Relying on the good faith of the Soviet Union
and its promises to fulfill its Charter and ti-eaty
obligations, we demobilized our armed forces.
We did even more. Less than a year after the
momentous discovery by the United States of the
war potential of the atom, we proposed that the
United Nations undertake to develop an effective
plan for the international control of atomic energy
which would insure its use for peaceful purposes
only. Within the same year the United States
presented to the United Nations Atomic Energy
Commission the basic principles of a constructive
plan for the effective international control of this
new force which would make possible and en-
courage its use by all nations for peaceful pur-
poses. These principles with minor modifications
were accepted as a working basis by the General
Assembly of the United Nations in the fall of
1946, and a plan based on these principles received
the overwhelming endorsement of the Assembly
in 1948. The plan may not be perfect. Possibly it
can be improved upon. But we can be very proud
of the part we have played in working out the
U.N. plan for the control of atomic energy. We
are confident this plan could do the job of con-
trolling effectively the atomic weapon and other
related weapons as well, since its contemplated
procedures actually encompass the entire field of
atomic energy.
In 1946, when we first suggested the basic prin-
ciples of the plan, we had hoped that if general
agreement could first be reached on a plan for th6
effective international control of this new force
of atomic energy, with its tremendous possibilities
for good or for evil, then, in an atmosphere of
mutual confidence and good will, agreement on the
other essential parts of a comprehensive disarma-
ment program would not be difficult of accomplish-
ment. That was the reason why we thought in the
early days of the disarmament discussions in the
United Nations it would be better not to merge the
discussions of conventional armaments with the
discussions of atomic-energy control.
In the Commission for Conventional Arma-
ments the United States, France, and the United
Kingdom placed great stress on the development
of a system for the disclosure and verification of
armed forces and armaments. We believed then,
as we believe now, that such procedures generate
mutual confidence necessary for any program of
guaranteed disarmament. If disarmament is to
be considered seriously and not merely as an in-
strument of propaganda, statesmen responsible for
the peace and security of their countries cannot
rely on paper promises to disarm, but must have
assured means of knowing that promises made
are kept.
Unfortunately our hope that progress in the
field of atomic energy would stimulate progress in
the field of conventional arms proved unfounded.
Progress was stalled at a dead center in both com-
missions. In the Atomic Energy Commission the
Soviet Union rejected the control features of the
plan which had been developed on the basis of the
U.S. proposals and itself presented no acceptable
alternative. In the Conventional Armaments
Commission the Soviet Union rejected the pro-
posals for a system for the disclosure and verifi-
cation of armed forces and armaments because it
did not include atomic armaments. In an effort
to break this deadlock, at the fifth session of the
General Assembly you, Mr. President, suggested
a new approach to the task of disarmament by
merging the work of the Atomic Energy Commis-
sion and the Commission for Conventional Arma-
ments. As you recall, our hope was that the val-
uable preliminary work done in both fields could
January 26, J 953
145
be preserved and that the new framework might
be helpful in meeting the objections of tlie Soviet
Union.
Disarmament Resolution of January 11, 1952
At the sixth session of the General Assembly, the
United Kingdom, France, and the United States
joined in proposals to set up a new commission
with a broad mandate to develop comprehensive
and coordinated plans for the regulation, limita-
tion, and balanced reduction of all armed forces
and armaments including atomic. To pave the
way for fresh efforts to reach realistic agreements,
the proposals stressed the fact that a genuine sys-
tem for disarmament must include all kinds of
armed forces and armaments, must be accepted by
all nations whose military resources are such that
their failure to accept would endanger the system,
and must include safeguards which will insure
compliance by all nations.
By an overwhelming vote on January 11, 1952,
the sixth General Assembly passed a resolution
based on the proposals of the three Governments.*
The resolution established a Disarmament Com-
mission, composed of the members of the Security
Council plus Canada, and directed the Commis-
sion to prepare draft proposals to be embodied in
a treaty or treaties for submission to a conference
of all states, concerning —
(1) I'egulation, limitation, and balanced reduc-
tion of all armed forces and all armaments ;
(2) elimination of all major weapons adaptable
to mass destruction ;
(3) effective international control of atomic en-
ergy to insure the prohibition of atomic weapons
and the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes
only, with the present U.N. plan being used as the
basis for the Commission's considerations until a
better or no less effective plan were devised ;
(4) progressive and continuing disclosure and
verification of all armed forces and all armaments,
including atomic, the implementation of such a
scheme being recognized as a first and indispen-
sable step in carrying out the disarmament pro-
gram;
(5) methods for fixing over-all limits and re-
strictions on all armed forces and armaments, and
for determining the allocation within their re-
spective military establishments of the permitted
national armed forces and armaments;
(6) the establishment of an international con-
trol organ (or organs) to insure the implementa-
tion of the treaty or treaties; and
(7) an adequate system of safeguards to insure
observance of the disarmament i^rogram.
*/6i(?., Mar. 31, 1952, p. 507.
146
The Disarmament Commission
As a member of the Disarmament Commission,
the United States has put forward every effort to
carry out the mandate of the General Assembly.
The United States, individually and in collabora-
tion with France and the United Kingdom, has
placed before the Disarmament Commission work-
ing papers and proposals which we believe provide
a working basis and broad outline for a practical
and comprehensive disarmament program. In
the development and consideration of these pro- i|i
posals we had constructive assistance and coopera-
tion from all members of the Commission with
the exception of the Soviet Union. It might be
illuminating to review the principal suggestions
we made in the Disarmament Commission.
Essential Principles for a Disarmament Program
On April 24, 1952, the United States introduced
a paper setting forth what we considered "Essen-
tial Principles for a Disarmament Program"
(DC/20, pp. 83-84). It represented an attempt
to clarify and agree on objectives and principles
which we believed should guide the Disarmament
Commission in developing the details of a com-
prehensive disarmament program.
We were influenced to present these principles
and objectives at the outset because of the insist-
ence of the Soviet Union that we could make no
progress until we took certain decisions on prin-
ciples. The Soviet representative had argued in
the Commission, as the Soviets have argued in
past General Assemblies, that the United States
was opposed to any general reduction in armed
forces and armaments because the United States
was unwilling to accept the Soviet proposals that
immediate decisions should be taken to reduce by
one-third the armed strength of the great powers
and to prohibit the use of atomic weapons and
other weapons of mass destruction.
The record is clear that the United States is
dedicated to the goal of significantly reducing
armaments and effectively eliminating atomic
weapons from the world's arsenals. The United
States rejected the Soviet proposals for the same
reasons which caused the General Assembly re-
peatedly to reject them, because they are not con-
trived to achieve a balanced reduction in armed
strength or to provide safeguards which would
insure their observance. In fact, they would
clearly result in a dangerous imbalance of
strength in favor of the Soviet Union and other
states having mass armed forces. We were con-
fident that our statement of principles would
clearly demonstrate that the United States ac-
tively favors a truly balanced reduction in over-all
armed strength, which would include the elimina-
tion of mass armed forces as well as all weapons of
mass destruction. What we are opposed to is
paper agi'eements, or paper decisions, which pro-
Department of State Bulletin
vide no tangible safeguards or assurances of their
observance.
Responsible nations cannot morally or legally
bind themselves to disarm on the basis of a deci-
sion in principle or on the basis of paper promises
and without adequate and unequivocal safeguards
to protect them from the hazards of violations
and evasions. But if there could be agreement
in advance on the objectives and principles which
should govern a comprehensive and coordinated
disarmament program, such agreement should
greatly simplify the main and primary task of
agreeing on specific and practical measures for
arms reductions and eliminations, and concrete
and workable safeguards to carry out these prin-
ciples and objectives.
With this hope of facilitating the work of the
Commission, the United States submitted its paper
on Essential Principles for a Disarmament Pro-
gram.
For the most part these principles, summarized
below, derive from the Charter and the resolu-
tions of the General Assembly.
1. The goal of disarmament is not to regulate
the armaments to be used in war but to prevent
war by relaxing the tensions and fears created by
armaments and by making war inherently, as it
is constitutionally under the Charter, impossible
as a means of settling disputes between nations.
2. To achieve this goal, all states must cooperate
to establish an open and substantially disarmed
world,
(a) in which armed forces and armaments will
be reduced to such a point and in such a
thorough fashion that no state will be in
a condition of armed preparedness to start
a war, and
{h) in which no state will be in a position to
undertake preparations for war without
other states having knowledge of such prep-
arations long before an offending state
could start a war.
This principle of an open and substantially dis-
armed world stems from the fourth freedom,
freedom from fear, which President Roosevelt
proclaimed in 1941. It was President Roosevelt
himself who translated freedom from fear in
world terms to mean "a world-wide reduction of
armaments to such a point and in such a thor-
ough fashion that no nation will be in a position
to commit an act of physical aggression against
any neighbor — anywhere in the world."
If we want a disarmed world we must insist that
all states refrain from the use of force or the
threat of force as an instrument of national or
ideological policy. An effective disarmament
program must be conceived with a determination
to strengthen the peace and reduce the possibility
of war, not as a Haggling process to determine
the kinds of arms which may be used in the next
war or to gain a strategic advantage at the start
of the next war or to reduce the costs of preparing
for war. If we want to make progress toward
disarmament, states must come to rely for their
strength, as for their welfare, not on the number
of battalions or weapons they have ready to un-
leash on a moment's notice, but on the health, hap-
piness, and economic efficiency of their people in
peacetime.
The other four principles which we enumerated
in our paper refer to the nature of the inter-
national agreements necessary to progress toward
the disarmament goals mentioned in our first two
principles.
3. These international agreements must bind all
states to reduce their armed forces to levels and
restrict their armaments to types and quantities
no more or greater than may be necessary for the
maintenance of internal order and the fulfillment
of their obligations to maintain peace and security
in accordance with the Charter.
4. These international agreements must pro-
vide a comprehensive and coordinate disarmament
program, balanced throughout the process of
reduction so as to avoid any disequilibrium of
power dangerous to the peace and envisaging the
progressive and concurrent elimination of mass
armed forces and all instruments adaptable to
mass destruction, including atomic and bacterio-
logical.
5. These international agreements must provide
effective safeguards to insure that all phases of the
disarmament program are carried out. In par-
ticular, the elimination of atomic weapons must
be accomplished by an effective system of inter-
national control of atomic energy to insure that
atomic energy is used for jieaceful purposes only.
6. The safeguards provided in these interna-
tional agreements must include an effective system
of progressive and continuing disclosure and veri-
fication of all armed forces and armaments includ-
ing atomic, to achieve the open world in which
alone there can be effective disarmament.
We not only outlined the principles and objec-
tives of a comprehensive disarmament program.
We submitted a number of working papers mak-
ing concrete suggestions as to how they could be
carried out in practice.
System of Disclosure and Verification of All
Armed Forces and Armaments
The General Assembly resolution had directed
the Disarmament Commission to consider from
the outset plans for progressive disclosure and
verification, the implementation of which was
recognized as a first and indispensable step in
carrying out the disarmament program envisaged
by the resolution. In order to assist the Commis-
sion in complying with this directive, the United
States submitted to the Commission on April 5,
1952, a working paper containing "Proposals for
ianuary 26, J 953
147
Progressive and Continuing Disclosure and Veri-
fication of Armed F'orces and Armaments."
(DC/20, pp. 30-42.)
A system of progressive and continuing dis-
closure and verification is, as the General Assembly
has declared, an essential part of any plan for
"guaranteed disarmament." Such a system is
necessary to provide the basis for effective safe-
guards and realistic controls to insure that agreed
disarmament becomes actual disarmament.
The system of disclosure and verification sug-
gested in the U.S. working paper is continuing,
progressive, and complete and would provide ad-
vance warning against violations, under com-
petent international control. The system covers
all armed forces and all armaments, including
atomic from the very start.
We suggested that disclosure and verification
should be carried out progressively, step by step.
We suggested the system should proceed by stages
not because we wanted to proceed at a snail's
pace but because we know that in the present state
of world tension no state would tear the veil of
secrecy from its most carefully guarded security
arrangements unless it could be satisfied that all
states are proceeding with the same good faith
and the same understanding and at the same pace.
The concept of stages is introduced not to delay
and obstruct but to facilitate and expedite
progress and to establish confidence.
Our paper suggested five stages in all, each
stage to follow when the previous stage has been
satisfactorily completed. This concept of stages
was intended to protect all states in the event of a
serious violation or collapse of the program by
providing a check on the good faith of other states.
The disclosure and verification system, we believe,
should proceed from the less secret to the more
secret information, both to prevent premature dis-
closure of more secret information until substan-
tial cooperation and good faith had been demon-
strated through the working of the previous stage,
and also because the less secret information can
be more readily verified. We sought to provide
that the information disclosed in the atomic field
at successive stages should be approximately par-
allel to the information disclosed in the nonatomic
field.
We have tried to make the first step in both
fields a meaningful stride toward the goal of
confidence. The first stage would disclose in
breadth, although not in depth, the general con-
tours of the military establishments of all nations.
And the first stage includes so much information
of a quantitative nature that the disclosures in
the atomic field, for example, would give a clear
indication of existing atomic strength — our own
and that of other countries. That first stage calls
for a verified report on the existing strength of all
armed forces as well as on the location of instal-
lations and facilities required for the production
of armaments of all types, including atomic.
The successful completion of this first stage would
do more to inspire international confidence and
reduce tensions than any amount of words could
ever accomplish.
The second stage would provide detailed infor-
mation on the organization of armed forces and
on the installations and facilities supplying the
basic materials required to produce all armaments,
including atomic. The third stage would give de-
tailed information on armaments (except novel
armaments which were not in general use by the
end of World War II but are volume production
today), as well as detailed disclosure of kinds and
amounts of fissionable material, and full data on
the operation of installations and facilities which
produce armaments and fissionable material. The
fourth stage would give information in detail
concerning the installations and facilities used to
produce novel armaments, including atomic
weapons. And the fifth stage would provide de-
tailed disclosure of the novel armaments them-
selves and of atomic weapons.
The Soviet representative in the Disarmament
Commission refused to give serious attention to
our working paper on disclosure and verification
and at the same time failed to submit any alterna-
tive proposals of his own to carry out the direc-
tions of the General Assembly that plans for dis-
closure and verification be considered from the
outset. The Soviet representative characterized
our effort to develop a workable system of disclo-
sure and verification as a gigantic intelligence and
espionage operation bearing no relation to dis-
armament. It is true, of course, that states have
become so accustomed to living in the dark that
they have become suspicious of the light. But it is
truly impossible to see how, in our imperfect
world, we can make real progress toward dis-
armament so long as the Soviet Union is unwilling
even to consider means of moving toward agree-
ment on a woi'kable, continuing, progressive proc-
ess of disclosure and verification. Responsible
governments cannot be expected to agree to cut
down their own defenses unless through an ef-
fective disclosure and verification process they are
reliably informed as to where such cuts will in fact
leave them in relation to the armed forces of other
countries.
The Soviet representative on the Commission
also criticized our proposals on the ground that the
atomic disclosures were relegated to a remote and
indefinite stage. Actually there is a considerable
amount of atomic disclosure in the very first stage.
But the Soviet representative seemed more con-
cerned to find reasons for rejecting our proposals
than to open up any avenues for possible agree-
ment.
We recognized that there might be differences
as to the stages and the speed with which the pro-
gram passes from one stage to another. We con-
templated that as soon as one stage was finished
the next would begin. We believed that, with
148
Department of State Bulletin
genuine cooperation on the part of all states, all
the stages could be completed within 2 years. The
purjiose of providing stages was to facilitate the
process by creating confidence. In order that there
be mutual confidence, there must be disclosure by
degrees so that all nations are free of the fear that
one nation is getting more knowledge than an-
other or that the process is in any way inequitable.
We tried, in submitting the plan, to make clear
that it was a working paper, that we were open
to suggestion, and that we wanted to find out what
sort of safeguards we could collectively devise.
We tried to make it clear that the proposed system
of disclosure and verification was not intended to
exclude or delay reductions in armed forces and
armaments or eliminations of weapons adaptable
to mass destruction, but on the contrary was in-
tended to provide the necessary ground work for
such reductions and eliminations.
Ceilings on All Armed Forces
On May 28, 1952, the United States, the United
Kingdom, and France submitted to the Disarma-
ment Commission proposals suggesting the fixing
of numerical limits on all armed forces of all
states. (DC/20, pp. 125-130.)
Tlie tripartite working paper of May 28 made
clear that we are prepared to grapple earnestly
and sincerely not only with the problems of safe-
guards but with substantive measures to secure
drastic and balanced reductions in armed strength.
The tripartite working paper of May 28 dealt
with one of the essential parts, in some ways the
most important part, of a comprehensive disarma-
ment program : the manpower strength of the
armed forces.
A nation's armed forces are not the only measure
of its armed strength. Other elements must be
dealt with in any comprehensive disarmament
program. But aggressors are not likely to go to
war without the armed forces necessary to insure
the successful accomplishment of their aggressive
purposes. All armaments depend upon man-
power, and their effectiveness in varying degrees
is affected by the armed forces available to use
them. A substantial and balanced reduction of
armed forces should greatly lessen the likelihood
and fear of war. If even tentative agreement
could be readied on the ceilings to be placed on
permitted armed forces, we felt that would greatly
facilitate efforts to agree on reducing and restrict-
ing the quantities and types of permitted arma-
ments.
Our tripartite working paper suggested fixed
numerical ceilings on the armed forces of the
United States, the U.S.S.R., China, the United
Kingdom, and France. As a basis for discussion,
it proposed equal maximum ceilings of between
1,000,000 and 1,500,000 for the United States, the
U.S.S.R., and Cliina and equal maximum ceilings
of between 700,000 and 800,000 for the United
Kingdom and France. The reductions proposed
were substantial and balanced. They sought to
avoid a disequilibrium of power dangerous to in-
ternational peace in the relations of the great
powers among themselves or with other states, and
thus to reduce the danger of war. The reductions
for the United States, and we assumed, for the
U.S.S.R. and China would be well over 50 percent.
We felt if tliat could be secured there would be
less likelihood of any powerful country's being in
a position where others would fear its i-eadiness
for war or its capability for a surprise attack.
The tripartite working paper also suggested that
there should be agreed maximum ceilings for all
other states having substantial armed forces which
should be fixed in relation to the ceilings agreed
upon for the Five Powers. The ceilings would
be fixed in these cases also with a view to avoiding
a disequilibrium of power dangerous to interna-
tional peace and security in any area of the world
and thus reducing the danger of war. We con-
templated that the ceilings would normally be
less than one percent of the population and would
normally be less than the current levels. But
we recognized that there would be special cases
requiring different treatment and that there is no
one automatic formula wiiich can be rigidly ap-
plied in all cases. The basic objective must be
the avoidance of any imbalance of power danger-
ous to the peace.
Many of the present difficulties both in Europe
and in Asia spring from an imbalance of armed
strength which causes some nations to feel they
live only by leave or grace of their more powerful
and none too friendly neighbors. If a balanced
reduction of arms is to reduce both the fear and
danger of aggression it must take into account
the balance of armed strength of the most power-
ful states not only in relation to one another but
also in relation to their neighbors.
The numerical limitations proposed were flex-
ible and were not intended to be final or exhaus-
tive. They were offered not as fixed limitations
but as tentative standards to serve as a basis for
discussion and negotiation.
These proposals stressed one of our fundamental
objectives in the disarmament field. We would
eliminate as far as possible the danger of resort
to war by reducing the practicability of success-
ful aggression. Genuine enforcement of agreed
levels of armaments would prevent excessive con-
centrations of military power which endanger
peace and security.
We believed our proposals to be eminently fair
and deserving of study. It was a great disap-
pointment to us tliat the Soviet representative in
the Disarmament Commission gave them scant
consideration and denounced them as cynical and
hypocritical. The Soviet representative also crit-
icized and misrepresented them on the ground that
they did not deal with the distribution of the per-
mitted armed forces among the various services
January 26, 1953
149
nor provide for the limitation of armaments and
the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction.
He ignored the fact tlnit our working paper and
our statements in tlie Commission made clear that
our paper was intended to deal with only one
aspect of a comprehensive disarmament program
and that the other essential components which he
mentioned were to be dealt with before we con-
cluded our work. But unfortunately the Soviet
representative again showed more concern to find
reasons for rejecting our proposals than to find
possible avenues toward agreement.
Distribution of Armed Forces and Limitations on
Types and Quantities of Armaments
On August 12, 1952, the United States again
joined with France and the United Kingdom in
submitting a tripartite supplement to the tri-
partite working paper on ceilings for the armed
forces. (DC/20, pp. 162-164.)
In this supplement we proposed to prevent un-
due concentration of the permitted armed forces in
particular categories of service and to limit ar-
maments in types and quantities to those neces-
sary and appropriate to support permitted armed
forces. We suggested practical pi'ocedures to fa-
cilitate the development of mutually agreed pro-
grams to accomplish these purposes and to bring
all essential components of these programs into
balanced relationship.
We specifically suggested that if our proposals
for fixing numerical limitations on all armed
forces were accepted and the powers principally
concerned were prepared to undertake in good
faith serious negotiations looking toward their
implementation, arrangements might be made for
a conference of the Five Great Powers which are
permanent members of the Security Council with
a view of reaching tentative agreement among
themselves by negotiation on —
(a) the distribution by principal categories of
the armed forces that they would consider neces-
sary and appropriate to maintain within the
agreed ceilings proposed for their armed forces;
( &) the types and quantities of armaments which
they would consider necessary and appropriate to
support permitted armed foi'ces within the pro-
posed numerical ceilings;
(c) the elimination of all armed forces and ar-
maments other tlian those expressly permitted, it
being understood that all major weapons adapt-
able to mass destruction should be eliminated and
atomic energy should be placed under effective in-
ternational control to insure its use for peaceful
purposes only.
We further proposed that following a Five
Power conference, regional conferences might be
held attended by all governments and authorities
having substantial militai-y forces in the respec-
tive regions. In light of the tentative agreement
reached by the Five Great Powers, the regional
conference would endeavor to reach similar tenta- i
tive agreement on the above-mentioned subjects, 1
including agreement on the over-all numerical
ceilings for the armed forces of all governments
and authorities in the region.
We proposed that all these agreements should be
incorporated in a draft treaty comprehending and
bringing into balanced relationship all essential
components of the disarmament program.
In our paper we recognized that the needs and
responsibilities of states are different. Consider-
able flexibility in negotiation would be necessary
to obtain concrete and satisfactorj- results. The
important thing is to obtain the greatest practi-
cable reduction in armed forces and armaments in
order to reduce the danger and fear of war, bear-
ing in mind the necessity of avoiding, throughout
the process of reduction, any serious imbalance or
disequilibrium of power dangerous to interna-
tional peace and security in any part of the world.
In order to clarify the concept of balanced rela-
tionship between the essential components of a
comprehensive disarmament program, the tri-
partite supplement suggested that the timing and
coordination of the reductions, prohibitions, and
eliminations should insure that there would be
balanced reductions of over-all armed strength at
all stages throughout the disarmament process un-
til the agreed limits are reached. In particular,
the initial limitations or reductions in armed
forces and in permitted armaments should com-
mence at the same time as the first steps toward
the elimination of prohibited armaments, with
synchronization throughout the process. The
elimination of prohibited armaments would cover
the elimination of all major weapons adaptable to
mass destruction, whatever their nature, including
the elimination of atomic weapons as the result
of an effective system of international control of
atomic energy. In order to oversee the job, the
tripartite supplement proposed that an interna-
tional control authority should be established at
the commencement of the program, assuming pro-
gressively its functions to insure the carrying out
of these limitations, reductions, curtailments, and
prohibitions.
This concept of synchronization throughout the
disarmament process is necessarily stated in gen-
eral terms, for the details depend upon working
out the specific reduction process in each field.
Of course the United States, France, and the
United Kingdom do not seek to gain any advan-
tage, imagined or real, which might give the pre-
ponderance of military power to the West at the
expense of other powers.
The synchronization of the disarmament process
must be designed to further the concept of balanced
reduction which avoids a disequilibrium of power.
It applies to atomic weapons, to artillery, to bac-
teriological weapons, to mass armies.
In this context, as throughout the entire pro-
150
Department of State Bulletin
gram, effective and balanced disarnianient must
be viewed as a means of reducing the danger and
fear of war, not as a bargaining process to obtain
strategic advantages in event of war.
Unfortunately, the Soviet representative on the
Disarmament Commission refused to accept the
tripartite working paper with the supplement,
even as a basis of discussion.
International Control of Atomic Energy
The United States has always considered that
a system for the effective international control of
atomic energy is an indispensable component of
any disarmament program.
The United States took a leading part in de-
veloping the U.N. plan for the control of atomic
energy. That plan was the product of thorough
study in the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission.
It was approved by an overwhelming vote in the
General Assembly." It should be reiterated that
the U.N. plan would provide for elimination and
prohibition, through effective international con-
trol procedures, of all the various types of weapons
based on the release of atomic energy, and the
plan's references to control of atomic energy
sliould be read throughout in that light.
The General Assembly at its last session directed
the Disarmament Commission to use the U.N.
plan as the basis of the Commission's delibera-
tions until a better or no less effective plan is de-
vised. The General Assembly further directed
the Commission to consider any proposals regard-
ing atomic-energy control which might be sub-
mitted to it.
The United States has continued to support the
U.N. atomic-energy plan as the best plan pres-
ently available. But we made it clear in the Dis-
armament Commission that in no sense do we re-
gard the plan as immutable and incapable of
change and improvement. The United States re-
affirmed its willingness to examine seriously and
with an open mind any proposals for atomic con-
trol which might be presented.
"We did more. In our working paper proposing
a continuing and progressive system of disclosure
and verification of armed forces and armaments,
the United States expressly included atomic ar-
maments. The system of disclosure and verifica-
tion proposed lays the ground work for continu-
ing inspection. Other elements of control are of
course very important and necessary in the field,
but anj- plan must include a process of continuing
inspection. Any international system for the con-
trol of atomic energy, whatever its nature, must
involve extensive disclosure and verification as
part of a process of continuing inspection.
The Soviet Union has rejected the U.N. atomic-
energy plan but has proposed no acceptable al-
ternative. It has objected particularly to the
ownership and other control features of the U.N.
plan, contending that control should involve only
continuing inspection. But in the Disarmament
Conunission the Soviet Union has refused to ex-
plain in any detail the kind of continuing inspec-
tion plan which would be acceptable to it, and it
was unwilling even to consider our suggestions for
continuing disclosure and verification in the
atomic field or any other field.
The concept of disclosure and verification which
includes continuing inspection provides an indis-
pensable first step in laying the ground work for
any conti-ol plan in the atomic field. Until the
Soviet Union is willing to consider this concept
little progress can be made toward determining,
what other elements of control, those contained in
the U.N. plan or others, may be necessary. We
are interested in controls not for the sake of con-
trols nor as an end in itself. We are interested in
controls as a necessary means for effectively elim-
inating atomic weapons from national arsenals.
Elimination of Weapons Adaptable to Blass De-
struction, Includiruj Bactenological Weapons
The United States made clear in the Disarma-
ment Commission that in its view a comprehen-
sive disarmament program should include not
only the effective international control of atomic
energy to insure the elimination of atomic weapons
and tlie use of atomic energy for peaceful pur-
poses only but the elimination of all major weap-
ons adaptable to mass destruction, including
bacteriological weapons. This position we reit-
erated in our proposal on essential principles and
in both the tripartite proposal and supplement.
Beginning with the very first meeting of the
Disarmament Commission in New York the Soviet
Union sought to poison the atmosphere of the
Commission and obscure the clear and unequivo-
cal position of the United States on this subject
by making false and sensational charges that U.S.
troops were conducting germ warfare in Korea
and China. The Soviet Union sought to leave the
false impression that the United States was op-
posing any effort in the United Nations to devise
ways and means of eliminating bacteriological
weapons as a part of a disarmament progi'am.
The monstrously false charges regarding the use
of germ warfare in Korea and China, which were
completely irrelevant to the disarmament discus-
sions, were categorically denied by the Unified
Command and by the highest U.S. officials. The
United States invited the International Commit-
tee of the Red Cross to investigate the charges.
But the North Korean authorities and the Chi-
nese Communist authorities ignored the offer of
the International Committee of the Red Cross to
make an investigation. When the United States
sought to have the Security Council request the
Red Cross to make such investigation, the Soviet
Union vetoed the proposal.
On August 15, 1952, I made in the Disarma-
ment Commission a statement fully explaining the
position of the United States on bacteriological
Jonuory 26, J 953
151
disarmament and in particular on the adequacy of
the Geneva protocol as a means of securing bac-
teriological disarmament. I tried to make clear
our conviction that the objectives of the protocol
could not be more worthy or laudable, but — and
this cannot be rei)eated too often — that the proto-
col does not j)i-ovide security against the manu-
facture, the stockpiling, and the use of bacterio-
logical weapons. The Soviet representative
placed great stress on the Geneva protocol in the
Disarmament Commission, and it was brought to
the attention of the seventh General Assembly in
the item introduced by the Polish representative,
which as of this writing has not yet been consid-
ered. It might be useful to repeat here certain
portions of my statement of August 15 to the Dis-
armament Commission.^
In the U.S. statement of August 15 we outlined
a i^roposa] for the elimination of bacteriological
weapons and facilities for their production which
could be made etiective as part of a comprehensive
progi'am, a plan which would not merely prohibit
the use of bacteriological weapons but would pro-
vide assurance and safeguards that such weapons
would not be available for use. On September 4,
1952, tlie United States presented a summary of
these proposals as a worKing paper to the Com-
mission (DC/20, pp. 191-192).
The plan we suggested for the elimination of
bacteriological weapons and facilities for their
production is inseparably connected with an effec-
tive and continuous system of disclosure and veri-
fication of all armed forces and armaments such
as we have proposed. Such a comprehensive sys-
tem of disclosure and verification would lay the
necessary ground work for the elimination of
germ weapons and facilities for their use and pro-
duction, within the framework of a comprehensive
disarmament program. It may be true that there
are no theoretically foolproof safeguards which
would prevent the concoction of some deadly
germs in an apothecary's shop in the dark hours of
night. But when the United States proposed the
establishment of safeguards to insure the elimina-
tion of germ warfare along with the elimination
of mass ai-med forces and all weapons adaptable
to mass destruction, we sought what is possible
and practical, not the impossible. Bacteriologi-
cal weapons to be effective in modern warfare
would lequii'e more than the dropping at random
of a few infected spiders, flies, or fleas. They
would require industrial establishments, facilities
for maintaining agents, transport containers, and
disseminating appliances. Such arrangements
and facilities will not readily escape detection
undei' an effective, comprehensive, and continuous
system of disclosure and verification which the
General Assenibly has declared to be a necessary
• For text of Mr. Cohen's statement, see Buixetin of Aug.
25. 19.52, p. 2fl4.
prerequisite of any comprehensive disarmament
program.
AVe therefore proposed in our working paper of
September 4 that at appropriate stages in an ef-
fective system of disclosure and verification agreed
measures should become effective providing for
the progressive curtailment of production, the
progressive dismantling of plants, and the pro-
gressive destruction of stockpiles of bacteriologi-
cal weapons and related appliances. Under this
program, with cooperation m good faith by the
principal states concerned, all bacteriological
weapons and all facilities connected therewith
could be eliminated from national armaments and
thus not only their use but their very existence
prohibited.
If we wish to achieve effective disarmament and
to reduce the danger and fear of war we must not
be content with paper promises not to use weapons
of mass destruction. Such promises would only
give to treaty-breaking aggressors their choice of
weapons. We must see to it that prohibited wea-
pons are not available for use.
The '■' Phantom'''' Proposals of the Soviet Union
At the seventh session of the General Assembly
the Polish delegation reintroduced the proposals
which the Soviet delegation presented to the sixth
General Assembly and which that Assembly re-
ferred to the Disarmament Commission. These
same proposals had been submitted by the Soviet
Union to previous assemblies, which refused to
accept them, and in the Disarmament Commission
the Soviet Union failed to elaborate their pro-
posals or to offer any new arguments in support of
them.
The Soviet proposals may be described as
"phantom" or "ghost" proposals because like
ghosts they constantly appear and reappear, but
one can never catch hold of them. Tliey are
shadowy and elusive, and it is impossible to state
precisely just what they are or are intended to be.
They call upon the Five Great Powers to reduce
their armed forces within one year by one-third
and to submit full data on their armaments. They
call for immediate adoption of a decision on the
unconditional prohibition of atomic weapons and
other weapons of mass destruction and the estab-
lishment of strict international control over the
observance of that decision by all states, with the
right of the international control organ to con-
duct inspection on a continuing basis but not to
interfere in the domestic affairs of states.
Now inasmuch as no data whatsoever are forth-
coming until these decisions are taken, states can-
not determine in advance how the reductions
which are supposed to be made will leave them in
relation to the armed strength of other states. Nor
has the Soviet Union ever sought to explain how
the simple one-third reduction would be applied
to all the complicated components which make up
152
Department of State Bulletin
tlie armed strength of a nation. On their face, the
proposals would perpetuate and not remove any
imbalance of power which now exists and no
machinery is provided for the implenientation of
even the vague promises called for in the pro-
posals. . . ,
Since the proposals call for the prohibition ot
the atomic weapons and other weapons of mass
destruction and only a one-third reduction in con-
ventional armaments, the proposals would in fact
enormously increase the relative armed strength
of states with large mass armies. The proposals
run counter to the basic principles of a balanced
reduction in armaments. Certainly the Soviet
Union would object if we reversed their proposals
and called upon the Soviet Union and all other
states to abolish immediately all armed forces and
nonatomic armaments, and to reduce existing
stocks of atomic weapons by one-third.
While the proposals profess to recognize the ne-
cessity of an international control organ's having
some control over their observance, the Sovnet
Union has refused not only in the Assembly but
in the Disarmament Commission to discuss any
concrete measures of international control.
^^^u]e insisting that a U.N. control organ must
not interfere in domestic affairs, the Soviet Union
has refused to explain what it means by interfer-
ence in domestic affairs. It has branded any ef-
fort on our part to work out a system of disclosure
and verification as an intelligence and espionage
operation, despite the fact that the General Assem-
bly has declared that such a system is a prerequi-
site to any program of guaranteed disarmament.
It was impossible in the Disarmament Commission
to prevail upon the Soviet representative to ex-
plain what the Soviet proposals for strict interna-
national control meant.
A few instances from the record of the proceed-
ings in the Disarmament Commission will serve
to illustrate the evasiveness of the Soviet repre-
sentative in giving any explanation of the "phan-
tom" Soviet proposals.
On April 4, the representative of France re-
quested the Soviet representative to clarify two
points: First, the meaning of the proposal that
prohibition and establishment of control should
come into effect simultaneously— Did it mean that
prohibition began the day agreements were signed,
or when the control organ was actually in a posi-
tion to operate? And, second, the precise impli-
cations of the proposal that the international con-
trol organ undertake "continuous inspection" but
"without interference in the domestic affairs of
States"— in other words what constitutes continu-
ous control, and how is it to be limited so as not
to interfere in domestic affairs?
The Soviet representative replied that the pur-
pose of the questions "is to obscure these concrete
proposals, since they are abundantly clear to any
objective person who has long been acquainted
with them and since there is nothing obscure about
January 26, 1953
them. They can only be obscure to someone who
does not wish to understand them, is opposing
the reduction of armaments and the prohibition of
atomic weapons, and for this purpose is still, as
before, finding various pretexts."
The Soviet representative then stated that non-
interference was self-explanatory— he termed it
"a very clear and precise formulation"— and that
simultaneous prohibition and control was also
self-explanatory, meaning that the two would be
introduced simultaneously. (DC/C.l/PV.l, pp.
4 5 24 25 26.)
' At the meeting on April 9 the representative
of the United Kingdom asked if the "decision to
announce the prohibition of atomic weapons and
the establishment of controls" meant a broad
agreement that an organ would be set up, or that
a detailed plan for operations, specifying rights
and duties of the organ and of states, will have
been at that stage accepted by the governments
and written into the decision. Regarding the
question of interference in domestic affairs, he
cited the uniquely restrictive attitude of the
U.S.S.R. toward what free societies consider
normal practices and asked for a precise under-
standing of the Soviet proviso. He asked for
an unequivocal statement of the Soviet Union's
attitude on this point which we could then dis-
cuss dispassionately and objectively.
At the same meeting the representative of Can-
ada repeated the questions his delegation had
asked the Soviet representative at the sixth Gen-
eral Assembly, in order to secure the clarification
of the Soviet proposals which had not been fur-
nished at that time.
In answering these questions, the Soviet repre-
sentative repeated in substance Mr. Vyshinsky's
reply at the sixth Assembly to the same questions.
He said the questions showed "some conspiracy
among delegations not willing to discuss the ques-
tion of the prohibition of atomic weapons and the
question of control." He went on to say, "The
raising of these questions was in itself a device to
avoid discussion of the substance of the U.S.S.R.
proposals. ... in order to obscure the issue,
they bombarded the Soviet Union delegation with
questions. That same device is being repeated
now. Instead of a definite discussion of the clear-
cut U.S.S.R. proposals, artificial questions are
being asked. . . ." He called it playing at
questions and answers.
And at the same meeting, we ourselves asked the
Soviet representative to state clearly his concep-
tion of international control. We asked if the
Soviet control proposal contemplated national or
international ownership of fissionable material,
and national or international ownership, opera-
tion, and management of facilities producing dan-
gerous quantities of fissionable material. Would
the international control organ have the right to
station inspectors continuously at any particular
installation? Could inspectors be sent wherever
153
and wlienever the control organ considered it nec-
essary ? Could the control organ "interfere"' with
the freedom of a state so far as might be necessary
to insure that tliere was no possible evasion or
violation ?
In reply, the Soviet representative stated it was
necessary to agree on principles before replying
to our questions. As long as we did not abandon
the U.N. plan, there was no point in discussing a
system of inspection on a continuing basis. As
he said, "This is the fundamental issue, and until
we get beyond it there is no point in discussing
details of the how, why, and wherefore. . . .
Until we clear up this basic question, until we
reach agreement on it, there is no point in con-
sidering the details."
Similarly, he insisted there must be agreement
on a "decision" to prohibit atomic weapons be-
fore "discussing details and particular points."
(DC/C.1/PV.2, pp. 2, 3. 4, .5, 6, 7, 30, 31, 35, 36.)
On May 8 the representative of France made one
more attempt. He asked for a yes or no answer
to the question of whether by "continuing inspec-
tion" the Soviet representative actually meant
that international inspectors could be stationed
day and night in all atomic-energy establishments,
at all stages of production, so that we are assured
that at no stage of production can any quantity
of fissionable material, however small, be diverted
for the clandestine manufacture of bombs.
The Soviet representative replied, ""\Mien the
United States and France . . . are prepared to
withdraw this obsolete, unacceptable, and worth-
less proposal" — meaning the U.N. plan — "then I
shall be prepared to give a concrete explanation
of how we think control and continuing inspection
should be carried out. As long as our approach
to the question remains so utterly different, there
is no need for me to give any details." (DC/C.l/
PV.4, pp. 28, 33.)
At the meeting on May 14 the representative of
the United Kingdom tried again, asking the same
questions, hoping, as he said, to convince the
Soviet delegation that its position was genuinely
obscure. The Soviet representative replied as be-
fore. "The details," he said, "can and should only
be discussed when we have reached agreement on
the system to be adopted." Until such time as the
U.N. plan is abandoned, he said, "it is futile to
discuss the details of a system of control on a
permanent basis. It would be so much idle talk.
That is how the matter stands on this question."
(DC/C.1/PV.6, pp. 6, 12.)
Tliere were other attempts by members of the
Commission to elicit some reasoned explanation
of the Soviet proposals. They were all met the
same way. The vague and unexplained slogans
which constitute the Soviet proposals must be ac-
cepted before any details could be given.
The Soviet proposals remain, as they have al-
ways been "phantom" proposals, elusive shadows
without substance.
Conclusion
Despite the lack of progress toward agreement
among the Great Powers on disarmament, we must
not be discouraged.
The United States and other members of the
Disarmament Commission worked hard to secure
a better understanding of the problems which must
be met if we are to move toward a disarmed world
free from the danger and fear of war. The con-
structive proposals submitted to the Disarmament
Commission during the past year make a signifi-
cant contribution to the better understanding of
these problems.
We do not contend that the constructive pro-
posals thus far presented to the Commission would
solve all the problems. They were not intended to
be final and definitive in terms or complete and ex-
haustive in details. They were intended only to
provide the basis for discussion and to open up
avenues by which we might approach understand-
ing and agreement. To keep the road to under-
standing and agreement open to new approaches,
we sought to avoid freezing our positions or tak-
ing inflexible stands.
As the Secretary of State of the United States
stated in his opening address in the general de-
bate:*
. . . disarmament cannot be achieved unilaterally. It
cannot be achieved by denunciation in a battle of epi-
thets. It can be achieved only by international agree-
ments under effective safeguards which will protect law-
abiding states from the hazards of violations and evasions.
The Disarmament Commission cannot force dis-
armament agreements upon recalcitrant states. It
cannot bridge deep and fundamental differences
by linguistic sleight of hand. Excessive zeal to
obtain agreements which gloss over rather than
resolve these differences may even increase the ten-
sions and fears which stand in the way of neces-
sary understanding.
In the interest of world peace it is important to
continue, tlirough the Disarmament Commission
and in every other way open to us, efforts to de-
velop a better understanding of the problems of
armaments, and the significance of disarmament
as a means of reducing the danger and fears of
war. There is reason To believe that with the de-
velopment of better understanding of these prob-
lems the overwhelming common interest of all peo-
ples in peace and the instinct of self-preservation
will induce the statesmen of all nations to save
their peoples from the horrors of war in the twen-
tieth century. For as new instruments of warfare
may be developed which would far surpass previ-
ous weapons in terms of sheer destructiveness, it
becomes imperative that all nations reexamine
their self-interest in these problems. All nations
have an equal stake in their solution. For at stake
is the survival of our common humanity.
'Ibid.. Oct. 27, 1952, p. 639.
154
Department of State Bulletin
Report of U.N. Command Operations in Korea
FIFTY-THIRD REPORT: FOR THE PERIOD SEPTEMBER 1-15, 1952 '
U.N. doc. S/2875
Trausmitted December 19, 1952
I herewith submit report number 53 of the United
Nations Command Operations in Korea for the period
1-15 September 1952, inclusive. United Nations Com-
mand communiques numbers 1359-1373 provide detailed
accounts of these operations.
On each of the first three days of September, Liaison
Officers at both sides met, and the Communists delivered
a letter from their Senior Delegate addressed to the
United Nations Command Senior Delegate. These letters
were based on United Nations Command news reports of
three incidents, occurring at United Nations Command
Prisoner of War Camps, in which two prisoners were
killed and twenty-eight were wounded. In each letter
the Communi.'=ts charged the United Nations Command
with barbarous and inhumane treatment of prisoners,
lodged a stereotyped protest, and threatened serious con-
sequences. No reply was made to these letters which
were obviously designed to further enemy propaganda
purposes.
On 4 September, the Delegations reconvened for another
fruitless session. The Communist opened with an abusive
and insulting statement which contributed nothing toward
solving the question of disposition of those Communist
prisoners who have stated their determination to forcibly
resist repatriation. In response to the Communist charge
that the United Nations Command was lying about the
number of its war prisoners who were unwilling to return
to their homes, the United Nations Command Senior Dele-
gate recalled the standing, and often repeated offers of
■ ' Transmitted to the Security Council by the representa-
tive of the U.S. to the U.N. on Dec. 19. Texts of the 30th,
31st, and 32d reports appear in the Bulletin of Feb. 18,
1952, p. 26(3; the 33d report. Mar. 10, 1952, p. 395 ; the 34th
report, JIar. 17, 1952, p. 430; the 35th report. Mar. 31,
1952, p. 512 ; the 36th and 37th reports, Apr. 14, 1952, p.
594 ; the 3Sth report. May 5, 19.52, p. 715 ; tlie 39th report,
May 19, 1952. p. 788; the 40th report, .Tune 23, 1952, p.
998 ; the 41st report, June 30, 1952, p. 1038 ; the 42d report,
July 21, 1952, p. 114; the 43d report, Aug. 4, 1952, p. 194;
the 44th report, Aug. 11, 19.52, p. 231 ; the 45th report,
Aug IS, 1952, p. 272; the 46th report, Sept. 29, 1952, p.
495 ; the 47th report, Oct. 27, 1952, p. 668 ; the 4Sth report,
Nov 17, 19.52, p. 795 ; the 49th report, Dec. 1, 1952, p. 883 ;
the 50th report, Dec. 15, 1952, p. 958; the 51st and 52d
reports, Dec. 29, 1952, p. 1034.
January 26, 7953
the United Nations Command to permit the Communists
to verify the attitude of those prisoners. In a careful
summary of the .situation he reminded the Communists
of the devastation resulting in North Korea because of
their refusal to conclude an Armistice, and pointed otit
the fact that the number of Communist casualties suffered
during the delay in reaching an Armistice over the issue of
voluntary repatriation, equalled or exceeded the number
of those prisoners at issue. Contrasting the striking dis-
advantages of continuing the conflict with acceptance of
the reasonable proposals of the United Nations Command,
he seriously questioned the Communist desire for an Ar-
mistice. He emphasized the inhumanity and illogic of the
stubborn Communist insistence upon the return of all
prisoners. He called attention to the fact that by thus
prolonging the conflict the Communists callously Imposed
needless sacrifices on the North Koreans and clearly ex-
posed the hypocrisy of their propaganda utterances. He
ended his address by repeating the offer to conclude an
Armistice promptly upon Communist agreement to return
about 12,000 captured United Nations Command personnel
in exchange for 83,000 Communist personnel who are not
opposed to repatriation. He then proposed a recess until
12 September unless the Communists were prepared to
exchange lists of prisoners to he repatriated.
In his customary, repetitious manner the Communist
Senior Delegate then made an answering statement in
which he rehashed all his earlier false accusations and
threats. Reaching new heights of mendacity seldom
attained by even practiced Communist spokesmen, he
charged the United Nations Command with tlie purpose
of reducing Korea to a colony so as to Invade China and
instigate a world war, and attributed the United Nations
action in the case of Korea to greed for war profits on
the part of a few war-mongers and munitions merchants.
He obstinately adhered to his demand for the return of
all war prisoners, and without adding the slightest note
of progress, abruptly agreed to recess for another week.
Following this meeting there were no further develop-
ments until 11 September when the Liaison Officers held
a meeting. The Communists introduced two new Liaison
Officers. United Nations Command Liaison Officers then
accepted a letter of protest charging the United Nations
Command with "persecuting to death" a prisoner who had
committed suicide by hanging.
155
On 12 September, the Delegations of both sides recon-
vened in a session that made no progress whatever, and
resulted solely in agreement to recess again until 20 Sep-
tember. There was no noteworthy variation in the pat-
tern followed at this meeting which was nearly an exact
duplicate of earlier meetings.
On 1.0 September, Liaison Officers held a meeting at
which the Communists protested an alleged violation of
the conference site. They charged the United Nations
Command with scattering slanderous leaflets in the area
and provocations against their military police. This
charge is under investigation. In a formal letter of
protest, similar to earlier letters, the Communist Senior
Delegate noted news reports of the death of one. and
wounding of seven Communist prisoners in a United
Nations Command Prisoner of War Camp incident.
United Nations Command Liaison Officers then delivered
a letter from the United Nations Command Senior Dele-
gate requesting immediate action on the part of the
Senior Communist Delegate to properly mark, or furnish
correct locations of Communist Prisoner of War Camps
Numbers 12 and 14, which United Nations Command
photo reconnai-ssance revealed to be not in accordance
with Communist-furnished information.
Following a detailed, standard plan for all of the United
Nations Command prisoner of war camps, construction
improvements and winterization preparations continued
on a large scale. The transfer of responsibility for pris-
oner of war installations from Eighth Army to the newly
created Korean Communications Zone proceeded smoothly
without any break in the continuity of administration and
control.
From the decrease in the number of incidents of viol-
ence and the growing evidence of obedience and coopera-
tion throughout pro-Communist Prisoner of War Camps,
it appears that efforts to contest the control of camp
authorities have been suspended, at least temporarily.
Of particular interest has been the attitude of the Com-
munist Armistice Delegation in attempting to propa-
gandize on isolated incidents which the United Nations
Command has openly and promptly released to the public.
Unable to cope with a free press and apparently realizing
that their propaganda efforts have become less and less
effective, the Communists have resorted to writing a sepa-
rate letter of protest based on each United Nations Com-
mand news release concerning violence in prisoner of war
camps. The general temper of these slanderous docu-
ments makes them unworthy of reply.
United Nations Command ground forces found the
enemy increasingly active after a three day lull occa-
sioned by a tropical storm. This increased Communist
aggressiveness was demonstrated by a series of deter-
mined local attacks aimed at seizing disputed territory
on the western, central and eastern fronts. During the
night of 6-7 September, the enemy unleashed a series of
attacks against several United Nations Command outposts
on each of the three fighting fronts. These unusually
intensive efforts met with initial successes only on the
central front and even these limited gains were later
partially negated by United Nations Command counter-
attacks. Hostile artillery and mortar fire reached the
highest volume yet employed In the Korean conflict with
156
43,531 rounds falling across the battle line in a single
day on 7 September. On at least two separate occasions
in the Yulsa area upwards of 18,000 rounds of artillery
and mortar were fired in support of local Communist
attacks. The daily average for the entire front amounted
to a new high of approximately 12,000 rounds of artillery
and mortar fire. In addition to repulsing numerous
enemy probes and intercepting their patrols. United Na-
tions Command forces conducted many raids. The small
task forces involved generally endeavored to pierce the
hostile counter-reconnaissance screen or make the enemy
disclose his defensive positions. The only significant
change in front line deployment of hostile forces occurred
on the eastern front where a North Korean division was
replaced, on a normal rotation basis, by another division
formerly in reserve.
The western front was highlighted by repeated enemy
attacks against a well-defended United Nations Command
outpost southeast of Punji. The aforementioned position
is the same one which ably repelled numerous hostile
attacks during the latter part of August. The first of the
recent attacks occurred on the night of 4-5 September
and was estimated to be of battalion size. In conjunction
with this attack the enemy hit another United Nations
Command outpost four miles east of Punji with a rein-
forced company. Both of these attempts were repulsed
with heavy loss to the attackers. Again on 6-7 September
the enemy unleashed five artillery and mortar-supported
attacks against United Nations Command elements in the
Hungwang Punji area. Of these attacks, an eight-hour
battalion strength thrust proved outstanding. This effort,
as did all others on the western front, terminated in an
enemy withdrawal.
On the central front action centered in the Tulsa sector
where the enemy succeeded initially in forcing United
Nations Command forces to relinquish two hill positions.
It was during the fighting for possession of these positions
that the enemy employed an unprecedented volume of
artillery and mortar fire in support of local objective at-
tacks within a limited area. The enemy began his at-
tacks against the two hill positions southeast of Yulsa on
6-7 September. United Nations Command elements, al-
though forced to relinquish both positions, immediately
launched several counter-attacks which ended in failure
as a result of the determination of the defenders and their
previously unequalled volume of supporting fires. One
of these positions, a mile and a half southeast of Tulsa,
was the scene of a bitter battle that ended with the enemy
still in possession after two days of close-in fighting.
United Nations Command elements succeeded in retaking
the position on 9 September, only to relinquish it again
later in the afternoon to a sharp and determined Com-
munist counter-attack. On 14 September, the hostile
defenders were again forced to give up the position to
United Nations Command attacking elements. This
seizure initiated another furious struggle for the posses-
sion of the hill. The renewed battle which followed con-
sisted of several attacks and counter-attacks in which
the strong point changed hands several times. At the
close of the period the enemy was entrenched on the hill
with the final outcome of the contest still in doubt. Three
thousand yards to the east the other disputed outpost
Department of State Bulletin
was retaken, after several unsuccessful attempts, by
United Nations Command elements on 8 September. Here
also an enemy attack again forced a slight United Nations
Command withdrawal later the same day. On 9 Septem-
ber, a United Nations Command counter-attack carried
to the top of the hill and during the next two days four
company-strength hostile attacks were repulsed with the
assistance of heavy defensive fires by United Nations
Command artillery. The enemy made another bid, his
strongest, to retake this position on 13 September when
he committed a battalion to the task. This attack failed
after a fireflght of nearly four hours' duration and at the
close of the period this position remained firmly In the
possession of United Nations Command elements.
On the eastern front two enemy companies struck a
United Nations Command outpost three miles southwest
of Tupo on 6 September. The hostile force remained en-
gaged for two and one-half hours before retiring after
a futile effort. Earlier the same day a smaller but ex-
tremely aggressive enemy force assaulted another United
Nations Command outpost four miles southeast of Tupo.
In the ensuing fight which lasted nine hours, United Na-
tions Command defenders withdrew slightly only to
counter-attack and recapture the lost territory after in-
flicting heavy losses on the Communist aggressors. Ac-
tivity in other sectors remained comparatively light with
the usual daily patrol contacts and small nightly probes
initiated by hostile reconnaissance groups.
With the end of the rainy season, weather for the next
several months will be suitable for major ground opera-
tions. As yet there is no substantial indication that the
Communists will utilize the improved weather conditions
for launching a ground offensive. However, this more
favorable weather has already been reflected by an in-
crease in the enemy's vehicular traffic over recent levels
which were reduced as a result of heavy rains. The in-
creased trafficability of Communist supply routes will
facilitate the replenishment of any category of supplies
in the forward areas which may have been temporarily
reduced during the height of the wet weather. The un-
precedented increase during this period in the hostile
expenditure of artillery and mortar ammunition serves
to clearly portray the enemy's favorable logistical posi-
tion in regards to these essential items. The advent of
better weather also witnessed an increase in the number
and intensity of local enemy attacks. This more aggres-
sive attitude by hostile elements is not considered as
preliminary to an imminent offensive as evidenced by
the enemy's failure to exploit Initial gains where made.
The enemy's interest in the terrain features which were
attacked during the period stems from the defensive
suitability of these positions or results from the recent
seizure of several of them by United Nations Command
elements.
United Nations Command naval jet and propeller
driven aircraft operating from fast carriers in the Sea
of Japan ranged over North Korea striking pre-briefed
targets and targets of opportunity from the bombline to
the Manchurian border. Strikes were launched almost
daily against enemy transportation facilities ; supply and
troop concentration centers; factories, buildings, and
warehouses of military significance. Three full-effort
January 26, 7953
strikes were launched during this period. The first was
a joint Navy-Air Force strike against military targets in
the North Korean capital of Pyongyang ; the second was
at the targets within visual distance of the Manchurian
border against the Musan iron mines and ore concentrating
plants, and the synthetic oil refinery at Aoji; and the
third at barracks, troop concentrations, and other targets
in the Hoeryong area. Smoke caused by exploding fuel
tanks and burning buildings prevented accurate assess-
ment of results of the Pyongyang and Musan-Aoji strikes.
Pilot claims in the Hoeryong strike include destruction
of many barracks and warehouses, with extensive dam-
age to a pulp plant, a vehicle parking and supply area,
ammunition and gunpowder storage area, two locomotives
and a number of railroad cars, and a railroad station.
Attacks continued during this period against hydro-
electric plants, transformer stations, and industrial
plants. Attacks on interdiction targets resulted in numer-
ous rail cuts, destruction or damage to railroad and
higliway bridges, locomotives, railroad cars, trucks and
boats. Close support sorties were flown in direct support
of front line troops.
United Nations Command land and carrier-based naval
aircraft operating on the Korean west coast conducted
offensive strikes against enemy installations as far north
as Kangso in the Chinnampo area; in the Hwanghai
Province, and in support of front line troops. Attacks
continued against enemy transportation facilities, giin
positions, supply and storage areas, troop concentrations,
transformer stations, warehouses and buildings of mili-
tary significance, small boats, junks, and sampans. On
two occasions MIG-15's were engaged by United Nations
Command conventional fighters. In one engagement a
MIG-15 was shot down in the vicinity of the friendly
Island of Sokto.
Shore-based naval aircraft provided friendly front line
units with close air support, and flew strike and recon-
naissance sorties deep into enemy territory. These sor-
ties resulted in destruction or damage to numerous gun
and mortar positions, bunkers, personnel and supply shel-
ters, warehouses, railroad cars, railroad and highway
bridges, and rail and road cuts. Numerous personnel
and troop casualties were also inflicted.
Patrol planes conducted daylight reconnaissance mis-
sions over the Sea of Japan, the Yellow Sea, and Tsushima
Straits. They also flew anti-submarine patrols and
weather reconnaissance missions for surface units in the
Japan and Yellow Seas.
The naval blockade continued along the Korean east
coast from the bombline to Chongjin with surface units
making day and night coastal patrols firing on key targets
along the coastal main supply route daily to maintain rail
cuts, bridge cuts and blocked tunnels at several points.
The enemy was denied the use of the coastal waters for
shipping, and fishing was curtailed. All craft detected
were taken under fire and either destroyed or driven
ashore. Enemy coastal movements were kept under sur-
veillance. Naval gunfire accounted for destruction or
damage to a number of locomotives, railroad cars, trucks,
railroad and highway bridges, and sampans, also numer-
ous rail cuts, tunnel blocks and personnel casualties were
reported. Other targets destroyed or damaged included
157
gim positions, hunkers, troop concentrations, industrial
buildings, power plants, observation posts, and supply
areas.
Navy Task Elements at the east coast bombline pa-
trolled the area north to Wonsan daily and provided gun-
tire support on call from the frout line troops. Shore
batteries were engaged and silenced in many instances,
and shore fire control parties reported destruction and
damage to guns, mortars, hunkers, and personnel shelters,
and numerous enemy troop casualties.
Typhoon Mary following in the wake of typhoon Karen
caused high seas that tore enemy mines loose from their
moorings. As a result many more mines than usual were
sighted and destroyed, jjarticularly in the Wonsan area.
Enemy shore batteries were active almost daily against
the blockading vessels along the Korean east coast. Many
ships received near misses. While delivering call fire at
the bombline, one ship was hit by an enemy shore battery
causing minor structural damage and one personnel cas-
ualty. Damage to the ship was superficial and her
operational readiness was not impaired. Another ship,
while on routine patrol north of Tanchon, received near
misses which resulted in slight shrapnel damage ; how-
ever, no personnel casualties were reported and the ship
continued her patrol. In many cases minesweepers and
motor torpedo boats, operating close to the shore, received
machine guns and small arms fire. There were no re-
ports of damage or casualties. In all cases the ships
effectively suppres.sed the enemy shore battery fire.
United Nations Command surface units on the Korean
west coast manned anti-invasion stations along the coast
from Chinnampo to the Ilan River Estuary In support of
the friendly islands north of the battle line. Daylight
firing into enemy positions destroyed gun positions, com-
munications and transportation facilities, supply build-ups
and troop concentrations. Patrols were made nightly,
and mainland positions opposite friendly islands were
illuminated to deter any enemy attack plans.
Vessels of the Republic of Korea Navy conducted close
inshore patrols and blockade along both coasts and as-
sisted United Nations Command forces in minesweeping
duties.
United Nations Command minesweepers continued op-
erations to keep the channels, coastal areas and anchor-
ages free of mines of all types. Enemy fishing sampans
were dispersed and driven ashore when encountered
during sweeping operations.
United Nations Command naval auxiliary vessels,
Military Sea Transportation ships, and merchant vessels
under contract provided personnel lifts and logistic sup-
port for the United Nations Command naval, air and
ground forces.
The first two weeks of September were marked by swift
air battles between United Nations Command interceptor
aircraft and enemy MIG-lo's on all but five days. During
these engagements, United Nations Command pilots de-
stroyed a total of thirty-eight MIG aircraft and damaged
thirty-seven enemy jets. Other claims against the
Russian-built jets were withheld pending assessment of
gun camera film.
On 1 September, the United Nations Command inter-
ceptors engaged twenty-eight MIG aircraft and were able
158
to damage two of them before the MIGs escaped to their
sanctuary across the river in JIanchuria. Weather closed
in until 4 September, when the United Nations Command
pilots reported sighting 110 MIGs over North Korea. In
a series of engagements, United Nations Command pilots
accounted for a total of twelve MIGs destroyed and three
damaged. Eight of the MIGs exploded in the air, and
only two pilots were observed to bail out. On the next
day, one MIG spun in without a shot being fired by United
Nations Command aircraft. A United Nations Command
interceptor received minor damage as a result of a mid-air
collision with a crippled enemy jet.
On only two occasions were the enemy aircraft able to
penetrate the interceptor screen to attack the fighter
bombers operating deep in enemy territory. On one occa-
sion, MIGs attacked the United Nations Command fighter
bombers while they were on their bomb run. In this en-
counter, six JIIGs were destroyed and nine damaged.
The medium bombers dealt two smashing blows to
hydro-electric installations in North Korea. The first of
these took place on 4 September, just after typhoon Mary
passed through Korea, against the Chosen No. 1 plant
which the Communist forces had been trying to repair.
On 12 September, the medium bombers attacked the
Suiho hydro-electric plant which was also undergoing
intensive repair. Strike photography showed good pat-
terns and hits on important facilities, but complete assess-
ment of damage is not yet available. This plant had been
under close surveillance by reconnaissance aircraft ever
since the fighter bomber attack of 23 June 1952.
Other targets for the medium bombers included a 2,.500
acre supply center near Yangdok, which was hit by the
medium bombers for the first time on S September. A
large manufacturing and supply storage area in the north-
east section of Pyongyang was also bombed with 145
buildings reported destroyed. The supply center at Sopo-rl
was attacked on 9 September, and observers reported good
coverage of the target area.
The medium bombers also flew along the front line in
close support of ground troops. Seven missions of this
type were flown on the night of 12-13 September. In addi-
tion, leaflets designed to weaken the morale of North
Korean civilians and enemy troops were dropped.
On 5 September, fighter bomber aircraft concentrated
on destruction of targets at a mine and industrial center
northeast of Kunu-ri, where eight separate target areas
were hit. Claims from this action and other targets scat-
tered through North Korea included destruction of mili-
tary buildings, warehouses, railroad cars, supply dumps,
and completion of several rail and highway cuts.
Other strikes of the jet and propeller-driven fighter
bombers were carried out against a troop billeting area
south of Tonan, a military academy at Sakchu, mining
facilities and supply storage areas at Kunu-ri and supply
buildings at Sibyon-ui, Singye and Namchonjom. They
scored rail cuts at Sinanju, hit a rail and bridge complex
south of Kanggye in North Central Korea and cut rail
lines between Pyongyang and Sukchon.
The fighter bombers struck at supply stockpiles near
the front lines and set off five secondary explosions at
a hidden ammunition dump near Kumsong. Claims on
these and other general support sorties during the period
Department of State Bulletin
Included destruction at many bunkers, gun positions,
military buildings, and numerous casualties among enemy
trcioiis.
In night and day attacks, United Nations Command
light bombers hit military targets at Kangdong and in
the K.vomipo and Sariwon areas. They struck a troop
concentration and supply area near Sibyon-ni and also
attacked military supplies north of Chorwon and troops
in the Yonan area.
In attacks on interdiction targets the light bombers
watered highway junctions in the Sinmak, Ichon, Suan
and Singosan areas. The light bombers continued the
practice of patrolling the main supply routes after night
attacks on supply targets. They utilized small frag-
mentation bombs to create temporary road blocks to slow
Communist vehicles until fighter bombers on first-light
missions could make their attacks.
On 12 September, in a continuation of the policy of
warning civilians when military targets near populated
areas were scheduled for attack, a loudspeaker aircraft
warned the people of Sohung, seventy-five miles northwest
of Seoul, that military targets in the area would be de-
stroyed. Within thirty minutes light bombers poured
bombs into military supply targets at that point.
Combat cargo transports continued to fly logistical
sorties, airlifting supplies and personnel in support of
United Nations Command operations in Korea.
Reports from refugees fleeing Communist tyranny in-
dicate that United Nations Command warnings to North
Korean civilians to avoid military targets are gratefully
received, but that officials of the Communist police state
are taking stringent measures to prevent these human-
itarian messages reaching the people. In addition to
warnings of a general nature, warnings to specific areas
in which military targets are located were broadcast as
much as thirty minutes in advance of bombing attacks.
By means of news leaflets and news broadcasts, the United
Nations Command continued efforts to penetrate the bar-
rier of censorship and to combat Communist distortion
with factual information. A large portion of this infor-
mation concerned developments at Panmunjom, reiterat-
ing United Nations sincere desires to acliieve a realistic
Armistice and explaining the nature of the problem which
blocks agreement.
Rear Admiral B. Hall Hanlon, United States Navy,
on 30 August was appointed Commander in Chief, United
Nations Conmiand representative on the Combined Eco-
nomic Board, vice Major General Thomas W. Herren.
The Combined Economic Board consists of representatives
of Commander in Chief, United Nations Command and
the Republic of Korea Government, as provided in the
Agreement on Economic Co-ordination between the Unified
Command and the Republic of Korea signed 24 May 1952.
General Herren, Commanding General, Korean Commu-
nications Zone, retains over-all responsibility for United
Nations Command civil affairs activities in Korea. Ad-
miral Hanlon has been appointed his Deputy for Civil
Affairs. The Korean Communications Zone was estab-
Ushed in July to relieve the Commanding General, Eighth
Army, of logistical and territorial responsibilities not
immediately related to the conduct of combat operations
in Korea. All United Nations Command civil affairs ac-
January 26, 1953
tivities in Korea, including relationships with the Repub-
lic of Korea Government and administration of the United
Nations Conunand civilian relief and economic aid pro-
gram are, therefore, in the sphere of responsibilities of
the Commanding General, Korean Communications Zone.
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Southeast Asia, South Pacific Regional Air
Navigation Meeting (ICAO)
The Department of State announced on Janu-
ary 12 (press release 14) tliat under the auspices
of the Air Navioation Commission of the Inter-
national Civil Aviation Organization (Icao),
the Second Southeast Asia and limited Second
South Pacific Kegional Air Navigation ISIeeting
will convene at Melbourne on January i:). The
U. S. delegation to this meeting will be as follows :
Deleyate
Henry S. Chandler, Chief, International Standards
Branch, Airways Operations Division, Civil Aero-
nautics Administration, Department of Commerce
Special assistant to the chairman
Evan J. Lewis, Chief Adviser, Caa International Field
Office, Bangkok, Thailand
Alternate delef/ates
Gilbert V. Tribhett, Icao Adviser, Air Carrier Safety
Division, Civil Aeronautics Administration, Depart-
ment of Commerce
James F. Ansier, International Air Ground Aids Special-
ist, Establishment Engineering Division, Civil Aero-
nautics Administration, Department of Commerce
Edmond V. Shores, Aeronautical Telecommunications
Specialist, Airways Operations Division, Civil Aero-
nautics Administration, Department of Commerce
Gordon D. Cartwright, Meteorologist-in-Charge, Pacific
Supervisory Office, U.S. Weather Bureau, (Honolulu),
Department of Commerce
Hugh H. McFarland, Regional Icao Representative, Air-
ways Operations Division, Civil Aeronautics Admin-
istration, Department of Commerce
Clement Vaughn, Commander, U.S.C.G., Search and Rescue
Agency, U.S.C.G., Department of the Treasury
Adviseis
B. Thomas Burnard, Operations Division, Air Transport
Association of America, Inc.
William B. Hawthorne, Chief. Technical Section, Aviation
Division, Federal Communications Commission
Grove C. Johnson, Lt. Col., U.S.A.F., Flight Operations
Division, Director of Operations, Department of the
Air Force
Winton E. Modin. Communications Specialist, Pan Amer-
ican Airways, Aeronautical Radio, Inc.
Frank G. Raysbrook, Capt. U.S.N., Office of Director of
Naval Communications, Office of Chief of Naval Opera-
tions, Department of the Navy
Charles A. Stiefelmaier, Lt., U.S.N. Aviation Meteoro-
logical Adviser, Office of Chief of Naval Operations,
Department of the Navy
Secretary of the delegation
Charles S. Millet, Consul, American Consulate, Mel-
bourne, Australia
159
At the forthcoming meeting, participants will
discuss matters of air navigation in: (a) the
Southeast Asia region, which for the purpose of
the meeting will include the western part of New
Guinea and that part of Australia in which inter-
national air routes of the Southeast Asia region
terminate; and (b) that part of the South Pacific
region lying west and southwest of Hawaii.
Delegates will review the existing Icao facil-
ities plan for the regions and prepare any neces-
sary amendments to the plan with reference to
such subjects as: (1) aerodromes, air routes, and
ground aids; (2) communications facilities and
services; (3) meteorological facilities and serv-
ices; (4) the provision and operation of search
and rescue facilities and services. In this connec-
tion the participants will list and evaluate, in the
light of their effect on operations, all known and
particularly serious deficiencies in the provision of
facilities and services necessary to the efficiency,
regularity, and safety of air transport.
Special attention will be given to the item
"Aeronautical Fixed Telecommunications Serv-
ices (Afts) including preparation of a long-term
plan for the region," since Southeast Asia and the
South Pacific are the only areas for which an Afts
long-term plan has not been prepared. The meet-
ing will also consider the proposed air route Perth-
Cocos Island-Mauritius-Johannesburg, which lies
in the African-Indian Ocean region.
Inland Transport Committee (ECAFE)
The Department of State announced on Janu-
ary 16 (press release 31) that at the second session
of the Inland Transport Committee of the U. N.
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East
(Ecafe), which will be held at Bandoeng, Indo-
nesia, January 19-23, the U. S. delegate will be
Anthony Bisgood, Chief of the Industrial Divi-
sion of the Special Technical Economic Mission,
Bangkok. Lubert Sanderhoff, Second Secretary
and Consul, American Embassy, Djakarta, will
serve as adviser to the U. S. delegate.
In 1951, at its seventh session, Ecate decided to
establish an Inland Transport Committee as a
means of furthering regional cooperation in the
development and improvement of rail, highway,
and water-transport facilities. The Committee
was directed to serve in a consultative and ad-
visory capacity in the field of inland transport in
Asia and the Far East; to provide a forum for
discussion among governments of inland-transport
subjects; to stimulate the development of inland
transport in the region; and to promote agree-
ments between governments on long-term inland-
transport policy for the area. At the same ses-
sion, Ecafe decided to establish a railway sub-
committee and also authorized the Inland Trans-
port Committee to set up subcommittees on high-
ways and inland waterways to consider and ex-
amine problems essentially concerning these
means of transport. The first session of the Sub-
committee on Highways was held at Bangkok,
August 18-23, 1952.
Mr. Bisgood, assisted by Mr. Sanderhoff, is also
representing the United States at the first sessions
of the Subcommittees on Railways and Inland
Waterways of the Inland Transport Committee,
which are being held at Bandoeng, January 14-17.
During the forthcoming session of the Inland
Transport Committee, participants will review
reports and recommendations submitted by the
three subcommittees, determine the work program
and priorities for 1953, discuss the coordination of
transport in the region, survey library services
and facilities, and prepare the Committee's report
for submission to Ecate.
Restrictive Business Practices (ECOSOC)
The Department of State announced on Jan-
uary 12 (press release 15) that on that date the
fourth session of the Ad Hoc Committee on Re-
strictive Business Practices of the U. N. Economic
and Social Council would convene at New York.
The U.S. Government, at this session is repre-
sented by the following delegation :
Repi'escntative
Corwin D. Edwards, Director, Bureau of Industrial Eco-
nomics, Federal Trade Commission
Adviser
Raymond Vernon, Deputj- Director, Office of Economic
Defense and Trade Policy, Bureau of Economic
Affairs, Department of State
Since its establishment by the Economic and
Social Council in 1951, the Committee has made
considerable progress in drafting an international
agreement, for possible submission to govern-
ments, looking toward the prevention of restric-
tive business practices which have harmful effects
on the expansion of production or on international
trade.
At the present meeting, final discussions will be
held on the Committee's proposals for such an
agreement, which must be submitted to the Eco-
nomic and Social Council by March 1953. The
principal remaining questions concern the recom-
mendations whicli the Ad Hoc Committee will
make to the Economic and Social Council regard-
ing the internal structure of an international body
to administer the propo.sed agi-eement. The
United States is a member of the Economic and
Social Council and will be in a position to discuss
this matter further at the next session of the Coun-
cil. The Connnittee will also consider its report
on restrictive business practices and legislative or
other measures adopted by various countries to
counteract them.
The United States in the United Nations
A regular feature, will be resumed in a subsequent
issue.
160
Department of State Bulletin
THE DEPARTMENT
Secretary Acheson's Farewell
to His Colleagues
Press release 32 dated January 16
Secretary Acheson in an informal ceremony, on
January 16, hade farewell to the employees of the
Department and the Foreign Service. The oc-
casion ivas the presentation, hy the employees of
the Depai'tment and the Foreign Service, to Mr.
Acheson of the chair tohich he occupied at Cabinet
meetings at the White House. The Secretary was
introduced iy Robert J. Ryan, Assistant Chief,
Division of Foreign Service Personnel. Mr. Ach-
cson^s remarks together with those of Mr. Ryan
follow:
Mr. Ryan's Introductory Remarks
Mr. Secretary and Mrs. Acheson : The employ-
ees of the Department and the Foreign Service are
very proud of your many and outstanding achieve-
ments.
Your high sense of duty, your statesmanship,
your courage, your patience, and your fortitude
have been an inspiration to all of us.
You, sir, are a true public servant.
As you take your leave of the Office of the
Secretary of State, may we express to you our
thanks and sincere appreciation for your leader-
ship and support. Our most sincere wish, sir, is
that the years ahead will bring every happiness to
you and your family.
Mr. Secretary, this chair is the chair which you
occupied during your tenure as a member of Presi-
dent Truman's Cabinet. It is a great privilege and
honor, on behalf of the employees of the Depart-
ment and the Foreign Service, to present it to you
as a small token of our esteem and affection.
Secretary Acheson's Reply
Mr. Eyan, and my very dear friends: I am
more deeply touched than I will be able to tell
you this morning at what Mr. Ryan lias said, and
the fact tliat you should have wished to make me
the gift of this chair, and that so many of you
should have come here this morning to say good-
bye to me.
I hope that I can see many of you again this
afternoon. My door will be open, and I should
be delighted to shake hands with any and all of
my friends from the Department who find it pos-
sible to come in to see me.
This chair will be a gift which I shall treasure
through my life. I think I can say of my Cabinet
chair what the Supreme Court of the United States
said of something quite different. The Supreme
Court in one of its cases, referring to this quite
dissimilar object, said : "It is not a place of rest
or final destination."
I have simply not found in this chair a place
of rest.
There were occasions when it seemed likely that
it might be my place of final destination.
I shall treasure it because it will bring to my
mind every time I look at it two memories which
are very dear to me. It was in this chair that I
have sat for four crucial, tumultuous, and stren-
uous years at the right hand of my Chief.
It was in this chair that I have sought to bring
him all the help and support and loyalty of which
I am capable. And it is sitting there that I have
received from him that unswerving support and
loyalty without which no one in my position can
ever hope truly to serve his country. So it will
bring him very close to my mind when I see it.
But it is also in this chair that I have attempted
to lay before him the distillation of all your work
and all your wisdom and all your experience be-
cause no Secretary of State by himself can possibly
be of help to the President of the United States,
which he can be if he acts as the agent through
whom your help goes to your President, and that
is what I have tried to do.
And through the long years in which we have
been friends and companions in the same length,
I have grown every day to know more and more
that you are a part of a great and goodly company
which stretches back through the years to the
very beginning of our Nation and that today, as
always, there is here that devotion to country, that
loyalty to your work, that wisdom which is so
necessary for our country.
Yours' is not an easy task nor one which is much
appreciated. You don't ask much of your fellow
citizens, and if any of you are so inexperienced
that you ever do, you receive very little. Cer-
tainly not much in the way of material recom-
pense; certainly not very much in the form of
appreciation of your work, because you are deal-
ing with matters which, though they affect the
life of every citizen of this country intimately, do
it in ways which it is not easy for every citizen to
understand.
And so you are dealing in a field which I called
the other day a field of "alien knowledge," which
seems strange to many of your fellow citizens.
One thing I think you are entitled to ask, and,
again, if you have not received that you are en-
titled to ask that you should not be vilified ; that
your loyalty should not be brought in doubt; that
slanders and libel should not be made against you.
You know, and I know, all of us are aware, that
in the times in which we live there is a security
problem before our country. We know that that is
a problem which must be dealt with wisely and
January 26, 1953
161
justly and quietly by people who are expert in
dealing with it. It cannot be made the mere ad-
junct of something of which it is not a part. And
I believe that the difficulties through which you
have been will be temporary difficulties because
they are not in tune with the great traditions of
American life.
We have traditions here in the United States
about the Government, One which grows out of
our early history sometimes makes our life a little
uncomfortable. In the early days of our country,
government was conceived as something alien and
something which threatened the liberties of the
citizen. Therefore, we have a tradition in this
country of skepticism about government, of look-
ing at it very carefully, of seeing whether our
public servants can take it.
That isn't always comfortable, but, on the
whole, it is good. Any time when there are gov-
ernments in the world which are dedicated to
crush the liberties of the citizens, it is good that
in this great country people look with some skep-
ticism upon government as such. That is one
of our traditions.
But we have another, and I think far deeper,
tradition and that is the tradition of public
service. I should like to mention only two people
who are compatriots of ours, who have worked in
the field in which you and I have worked. One of
them, before our country was a nation, worked in
the field of foreign affairs: Benjamin Franklin —
one of the first ambassadors this Nation ever had
and who served it abroad before it was a nation.
The other, a very great and illustrious predecessor
of mine, to whom I feel often very close indeed,
is John Quincy Adams, a peppery old fellow to be
sure. But he, like Benjamin Franklin, never for
one moment believed that the holding of office
was a question of power — it was a question of
service.
And both of those men, and other men who have
served in important positions, and thousands of
people who have served less prominently, have
been motivated by that same deep tradition of
public service. It is only by that that a democ-
racy, a republic such as ours, can live. And it
will live, and this Department will continue, as it
has throughout its history, to be honored by those
M-hose honoring is really worth while, and prob-
ably abused by those whose abuse is unimportant.
In saying one last word to you I should like to
put it in the words of farewell which appear
almost as our language began to appear. You
will find it in Bunyan's Pilgrims'' Progress and
there another met with his friends to say good-
bye, and he said to them : "My sword I give to
him who shall follow in my pilgrimage. My
courage and skill I give to him who can take it.
My marks and scars I carry with me to bear wit-
ness for me that I have fought his battles who will
be my rewarder."
Thank you from the bottom of my heart.
Resignation of Secretary Aclieson
White House press release dated January 16
The President has sent the following letter to
Dean Acheson, accepting his resignation as Sec-
retary/ of State:
Dear Dean:
I have your letter of resignation, effective at
the end of my term, January 20, 1953, and I accept
it with warm thanks for a' job well done. I am
glad I've had you with me all the way.
You have been my good right hand. There is
no need for me to go into detail about all that
you have accomplished. Certainly no man is more
responsible than you for pulling together the
people of the free world, and strengthening their
will and their determination to be strong and
free.
I would place you among the very greatest of
the Secretaries of State this country has had.
Neither Jefferson nor Seward showed more cool
courage and steadfast judgment.
Our association has been a grand experience,
from start to finish. I hope Mrs. Acheson prevails
on you to take a good long rest. You deserve it.
Sincerely yours,
Harky S. Truman
Following is the text of Secretary Achesori's
letter to the President:
Dear Mr. President :
I hereb}' present my resignation as Secretary of
State effective at the end of your Presidential term
and request your acceptance of it.
In presenting my resignation, Mr. President,
may I express my gratitude to you for the con-
fidence you have placed in me, for your unwaver-
ing support and for the great kindness which you
have always shown me. You have given me the
honor of serving my country under a leader who
has had and has my full devotion and respect.
May rest and happiness and peace be yours for
years to come.
Kespectfully,
Dean Acheson
Resignations
David K. E. Bruce
On January 13, 1053, President Truman accepted the
resignation of David K. E. Bruce as Under Secretary of
State and as U.S. Alternate Governor of tlie International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development. For tlie texts
of Mr. Bruce's letter of resignation nnd the President's
reply, see White House press release of January 13, 1953.
Edumrd O. Miller, Jr.
Edward G. Miller, Jr., as Assistant Secretary for Inter-
American Affairs, effective December 31, 1952.
^62
Department of State Bulletin
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Ambassador Locke Resigns
Press release 917 dated Decem.ber 12
In commenting on the resignation of Ambassador Locke
as U.S. rciirescntative on the Advisory Commission of the
U.N. Relief and Vi'orks Agency for Palestine Refugees in
the Near East and as the Secretary of State's special rep-
resentative in the Near East to coordinate economic and
technical-assistance programs, tvhich teas announced on
December 12, Secretary Acheson stated that he greatly
appreciated the contributions made by Ambassador Locke
in furthering our programs in the Near East. The Secre-
tary understands that Sir. Locke is returning to private
business folloiving his year of service with the Department.
The text of Ambassador Locke's letter of resignation as
the Secretary's special representative follows:^
Decembeb 10, 1952
My Dear Mr. Seceetabt :
Since it is my understanding that the Department of
State finds generally acceptable my recommendations re-
garding the urgent need of a capital assistance program
for the Near East, subject of course to the necessary clear-
ances in the Executive Branch and confirmation by the
Congress, I feel that we now, in effect, have a sound eco-
nomic policy for that vital area of the world and that,
accordingly I can with a clear conscience return again to
private business. I therefore submit my resignation as
your Special Representative in the Near East to coordi-
nate Near Eastern economic and technical assistance
programs effective January 5, 1953.
Much of course remains to be done in the political field
in the Near East, and I should like also to emphasize the
importance of further progress in that direction if we are
to move ahead to any significant degree in economic
matters.
Sincerely yours,
Edwin A. Locke, Jr.
Recent Releases
For sale bit the Superintendent of Documents, Government
Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address requests
direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except in the
case of free publications, which may be obtained from the
Department of State.
Treaties and Other
4084. 6 pp. 5«f.
Mutual Assistance in Raw Materials.
International Acts Series 2472. Pub,
Agreement, with annex, between the United States and
the United Kingdom— Dated at Washington Jan. 18,
' For test of Mr. Locke's letter to the President, ten-
dering his resignation as representative on the Advisory
Commission of the U. N. Relief and Works Agency for
Palestine Refugees in the Near East, and for the Presi-
dent's reply, see White House press release dated
Dee. 12.
January 26, 1953
1952; entered into force Jan. 18, 1952; and annex
signed at Washington Jan. 29 and Feb. 12, 1952 ; en-
tered into force Feb. 12, 1952.
Health and Sanitation, Cooperation Program in Brazil.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2464. Pub.
4689. 4 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Brazil —
Signed at Rio de Janeiro Dec. 28 and 29, 1951 ; entered
into force Dec. 31, 1952.
Defense, Control of Electromagnetic Radiation in the
Event of Attack. Treaties and Other International Acts
Series 2459. Pub. 4690. 3 pp. 5<f.
Agreement between the United States and Cuba —
Signed at Habana Dec. 10 and 18, 1951 ; entered into
force Dec. 18, 1951.
Technical Cooperation, Establishment and Operation of
Training Centers and Other Services in Puerto Rico.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2485. Pub.
4693. 4 pp. 5«(.
Agreement between the United States and the Or-
ganization of American States — Signed at Washing-
ton Feb. 12 and Mar. 3, 1952 ; entered into force Mar.
3, 1952.
Cooperative Program of Agricultural Education. Treaties
and Other International Acts Series 2455. Pub. 4698.
8 pp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and Colom-
bia— Signed at Bogotd Jan. 10 and 12, 1952 ; entered
into force Jan. 12, 1952.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Jan. 12-16, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the OfiBce of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press release issued prior to Jan. 12 which appears
in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 917 of Dec. 12,
1952.
Subject
Air navigation commission (Icao)
Restrictive business practices (Ecosoc)
Note to U.S.S.R. on Austrian treaty
New aid agreement with liulont'sia
Truman : Death of Chilean ambassador
Acheson : Death of Chilean ambassador
Baker resignation : Claims commission
Pt. 4 to study Egyptian industry
Regulation on collisions at sea
Kennan : Soviet-American relations
Cohen: Disarmament commissinn report
Acheson : Farewell press conference
Convention on aircraft damage
Novikov : Persona non grata
Regional association for Africa (Wmo)
Semiannual report of Iia
Air force agreement witli Venezuela
Inland transport committee (Ecafe)
Acheson : Farewell to colleagues
Population commi.ssion (Ecosoc)
Territorial violations of Japan
* Not printed
t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin
No.
Date
14
1/12
15 1/12
16 1/12
tl"
1/12
*1S
1/12
*19 1/12
•20
1/13
t21
1/13
t22
1/14
*23
1/14
24
1/14
25 1/14
t26
1/15
27
1/15
t2S 1/15
t29
1/15
t30 1/16
31
1/16
32 1/16
t33
1/16
34
1/16
163
January 26, 1953
Index
Vol. XXVIII, No. 709
American Principles
Challenge of the cold war (excerpt from fare-
well address by Truman) 127
Principle of national unity In foreign policy
(Cowen) 132
American Republics
BRAZIL: New manganese project undertaken . 140
Asia
JAPAN: Exchange of notes concerning territo-
rial violations of Japan (texts) .... 134
KOREA: U.N. Command Operations (53d re-
port) 155
Aviation
Exchange of notes concerning territorial viola-
tions of Japan (texts) 134
Southeast Asia. South Paclflc regional air navi-
gation meeting (Icao) 159
Disarmament Commission
Retiring deputy U.S. representative reports to
the President (Cohen) 142
Europe
AUSTRIA: U.S. note to U.S.S.R. on Austrian state
treaty (text) 135
SPAIN: Allocation of loan for economic devel-
opment 139
U.S.S.R. : U.S. requests departure of Yuri V.
Novlkov 134
UNITED KINGDOM : Ten-year development pro-
gram proposed for Jamaica 141
YUGOSLAVIA: Special grant by Msa .... 135
Finance
Allocation of loan to Spain 139
Special grant to Yugoslavia 135
Ten-year development program proposed for
Jamaica 141
Foreign Service
Ambassador Locke resigns 163
International Meetings
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Inland Transport Committee (Ecafe) .... 160
Restrictive Business Practises (Ecosoc) . . . 160
Southeast Asia. South Pacific regional air navi-
gation meeting (Icao) 159
Jamaica
Ten-year development program proposed . . . 141
Mutual Aid and Defense
Nature of the Atlantic partnership (Acheson) . 129
Special grant to Yugoslavia 135
Year-end report of the Mutual Security Agency . 136
Presidential Documents
Challenge of the cold war (excerpt from fare-
well address) 127
Publications
Recent releases igs
State, Department of
Resignation of Mr. Acheson 162
Resignations (Bruce, Miller) 162
Secretary Acheson's farewell to his colleagues . 161
U.S. requests departure of Yuri V. Novlkov . . 134
Strategic Materials
New manganese project undertaken In Brazil . 140
Transportation
Inland Transport Committee (Ecafe) . . . 160
Treaty Information
U.S. note to U.S.S.R. on Austrian state treaty
(text) 135
United Nations
Retiring deputy U.S. representative on Disarma-
ment Commission reports to the President
(Cohen) 142
U.N. Command Operations in Korea (53d re-
port) 155
Name Index
Acheson, Secretary 129, 161, 162
Blsgood, Anthony 16O
Bruce, David K. E 162
Cohen, Benjamin V 142
Cowen, Myron M 132
Edwards, Corwln D 160
Locke, Edwin A., Jr 163
Miller, Edward G., Jr 162
Novlkov, Yuri V 134
Truman, President 127, 162
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: I9S3
^J/ie/ u)eha/yl7ne7i(/ xw t/tat&
Td. XXVIII, No. 710
February 2, 1953
PROCLAIMING OUR FAITH ANEW • President
Eisenhower's Inaugural Address lo<
HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES: 1951
178
WHITHER DISARMAMENT • by Benjamin V. Cohen . 172
VISA WORK OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE AND
THE FOREIGN SERVICE. Changes Under the Im-
migration and Nationality Act: Part I • Article by
Eliot B. Coulter 195
For index see hack cover
*^^y^. bulletin
Vox- XXVIII, No. 710 • PuBucATiON 4901
February 2, 1953
For sale b; the Saperlntendent of Docamenta
D.8. Goverament Printing Office
Washington 2fi, D.C.
Pbice:
62 Issues, domestic $7.60, foreign (10.25
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1962).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Depaetuent
Of State Btllktin as the source will be
»ppreclate<i.
Th« Department of State BULLETIN,
a tceekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government tvith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the u>ork of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as urell as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Proclaiming Our Faith Anew
INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
My felxow citizens: The world and we have
passed the midway point of a century of con-
tinuing challenge. We sense with all our faculties
that forces of good and evil are massed and armed
and opposed as rarely before in history.
This fact defines the meaning of this day. AVe
are summoned, by this honored and historic cere-
mony, to witness more than the act of one citizen
swearing his oath of service in the presence of his
God. We are called as a people to give testimony,
in the sight of the world, to our faith that the
future shall belong to the free.
Since this century's beginning, a time of tempest
has seemed to come upon the continents of the
earth. Masses of Asia have wakened to strike off
shackles of the past. Great nations of Europe
have waged their bloodiest wars. Thrones have
toppled and their vast empires have disappeared.
New nations have been born.
For our own country, it has been a time of re-
curring trial. We have grown in power and in
responsibility. We have passed through the
anxieties of depression and of war to a summit
unmatched in man's history. Seeking to secure
peace in the world, we have had to fight through
the forests of the Argonne, to the shores of Iwo
Jimu. and to the mountain peaks of Korea.
In the swift rush of gi-eat events, we find our-
selves groping to know the full sense and meaning
of the times in which we live. In our quest of
understanding, we beseech God's guidance. We
sunnnon all our knowledge of the past and we scan
all signs of the future. We bring all our wit and
will to meet the question: How far have we come
in man's long pilgrimage from darkness toward
light ? Are we nearing the light — a day of free-
dom and of peace for all mankind? Or are the
shadows of another night closing in upon us?
The President's Prayer
Following is the text of a fn-ayer whi<ih the Presi-
dent wrote early on the mwnin-g of his inaugural,
January 20, 1953, and delivered hefore he began his
address:
Almighty God, as we stand here at this moment,
my future associates in the executive branch of the
Government join me in beseeching that Thou will
make ftiU and complete our dedication to the service
of the people in this throng and their fellow citizens
everywhere.
Give us, we pray, the power to discern clearly
right from wrong and allow all our words and ac-
tions to be governed thereby and by the laws of this
land.
Especially we pray that our concern shall be for
all the people, regardle.ss of station, race or calling.
May cooperation be permitted and be the mutual aim
of those who, under the concept of our Constitution,
hold to differing ixilltical beliefs — so that all ma.v
work for the good of our beloved country and for
Thy glory. Amen.
Great as are the preoccupations absorbing us at
home, concerned as we are with matters that
deeply affect our livelihood today and our vision
of the future, each of these domestic problems is
dwarfed by, and often even created by, this ques-
tion that involves all human kind.
This trial comes at a moment when man's power
to achieve good or to inflict evil surpasses the
brightest hopes and the sharpest fears of all ages.
We can turn rivers in their coui"ses, level moun-
tains to the plains. Ocean and land and sky are
avenues for our colossal commerce. Disease
dimini.shes and life lengthens.
Yet the promise of this life is imperiled by the
very genius that has made it possible. Nations
February 2, 1953
167
amass wealth. Labor sweats to create — and turns
out devices to level not only mountains but also
cities. Science seems ready to confer upon us, as
its final gift, the power to erase human life from
the earth.
At such a time in history, we who are free must
proclaim anew our faith.
This faith is the abiding creed of our fathers.
It is our faith in the deathless dignity of man,
governed by eternal moral and natural laws.
This faith defines our full view of life. It es-
tablishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator
that are man's inalienable rights and that make
all men equal in His sight !
In the light of this equality, we know that the
virtues most cherished by free people — love of
truth, pride of work, devotion to country — all are
treasures equally precious in the lives of the most
humble and of the most exalted. The men who
mine coal and fire furnaces and balance ledgers
and turn lathes and pick cotton and heal the sick
and plant corn — all serve as proudly and as profit-
ably for America as the statesmen who draft trea-
ties or the legislators who enact laws.
This faith rules our whole way of life. It de-
crees that we, the people, elect leaders not to rule
but to serve. It asserts that we have the right to
choice of our own work and to the reward of our
own toil. It inspires the initiative that makes our
productivity the wonder of the world. And it
warns that any man who seeks to deny equality
in all his brothers betrays the spirit of the free and
invites the mockery of the tyrant.
It is because we, all of us, hold to these princi-
ples that the political changes accomplished this
day do not imply turbulence, upheaval, or disorder.
Rather this change expresses a purpose of
strengthening our dedication and devotion to the
precepts of our founding documents, a conscious
renewal of faith in our country and in the watch-
fulness of a Divine Providence.
The enemies of this faith know no god but
Force, no devotion but its use. They tutor men in
treason. They feed upon the hunger of others.
"Wliatever defies them, they torture, especially the
Truth.
Here, then, is joined no pallid argument between
slightly differing philosophies. This conflict
strikes directly at the faith of our fathei-s and the
lives of our sons. No principle or treasure that we
hold, from the spiritual knowledge of our free
schools and churches to the creative magic of free
labor and capital, nothing lies safely beyond the
reach of the struggle.
Freedom is pitted against slavery; light against
dark.
Free Peoples Sharing a Common Bond
The faith we liold belongs not to us alone but
to the free of all the world. This common bond
binds the gi'ower of rice in Burma and the planter
of wheat in Iowa, the shepherd in southern Italy
and the mountaineer in the Andes. It confers a
common dignity upon the French soldier who dies
in Indochina, the British soldier killed in Malaya,
the American life given in Korea.
AVe know, beyond this, that we are linked to all
free peoples not merely by a noble idea but by a
simple need. No free people can for long cling to
any privilege or enjoy any safety in economic soli-
tude. For all our own material might, even we
need markets in the world for the surpluses of our
farms and of our factories. Equally, we need for
these same farms and factories vital materials and
products of distant lands. This basic law of in-
terdependence, so manifest in the commerce of
peace, applies with thousandfold intensity in the
event of war.
So are we persuaded by necessity and by belief
that the strength of all free people lies in unity,
their danger in discord.
To produce this unity, to meet the challenge of
our time, destiny has laid upon our country the
responsibility of the free world's leadership. So
it is proper that we assure our friends once again
that, in the discharge of this responsibility, we
Americans know and observe the difference be-
tween world leadership and imperialism ; between
firmness and truculence; between a thoughtfully
calculated goal and spasmodic reaction to the
stimulus of emergencies.
We wish our friends the world over to know
this above all : We face the threat — not with dread
and confusion — but with confidence and convic-
tion.
We feel this moral strength because we know
that we are not helpless prisoners of history. We
are free men. We shall remain free, never to be
proven guilty of the one capital offense against
freedom, a lack of staunch faith.
In pleading our just cause before the bar of his-
168
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
tory and in pressing our labor for world peace,
we shall be guided by certain fixed principles.
These principles are :
The Fir/it Task of Statesmanship
( 1 ) Abhorring war as a chosen way to balk the
pui'poses of those who threaten us, we hold it to be
the first task of statesmanship to develop the
I strength that will deter the forces of aggression
and promote the conditions of peace. For, as it
; must be the supreme pui-pose of all free men, so
I it must be the dedication of their leaders, to save
humanity from preying upon itself.
In the light of this principle, we stand ready
to engage with any and all others in joint effort to
remove the causes of mutual fear and distrust
among nations and so to make possible drastic
reduction of armaments. The sole requisites for
undertaking such effort are that, in their purpose,
they be aimed logically and honestly toward se-
cure peace for all; and that, in their result, they
provide methods by which every participating na-
tion will prove good faith in carrying out its
pledge.
The Futility of Appeasement
(2) Realizing that common sense and common
decency alike dictate the futility of appeasement,
we shall never try to placate an aggressor by the
false and wicked bargain of trading honor for
security. For in the final choice a soldier's pack
is not so heavj' a burden as a prisoner's chains.
Keeping America Strong and Productive
(3) Knowing that only a United States that is
strong and immensely productive can help defend
freedom in our world, we view our Nation's
strength and security as a trust upon which rests
the liope of free men everywhere. It is the firm
duty of each of our free citizens and of eveiy free
citizen everywhere to place the cause of his coun-
try before the comfort of himself.
Respect for Other Nations' Sovereignty
(4) Honoring the identity and heritage of each
nation of the world, we shall never use our
strength to try to impress upon another people
our own cherished political and economic insti-
tutions.
Sharing the Common Defense of Freedom
(5) Assessing realistically the needs and capac-
ities of proven friends of freedom, we shall strive
to help them to achieve their own security and
well-being. Likewise, we shall count upon them
to assume, within the limits of their resources,
their full and just burdens in the conuiion de-
fense of freedom.
Indispensahility of Economic Health
(6) Recognizing economic health as an indis-
pensable basis of military strength and the free
world's peace, we shall strive to foster everywhere,
and to practice ourselves, policies that encourage
productivity and profitable trade. For the im-
poverishment of any single people in the world
means danger to the well-being of all other
peojDles.
Strengthening Regional Groupings
(7) Appreciating that economic need, military
security, and political wisdom combine to suggest
regional groupings of free peoples, we hope,
within the framework of the United Nations, to
help strengthen such special bonds the world over.
The nature of these ties must vary with the dif-
ferent problems of different areas.
In the Western Hemisphere, we join with all
our neighbors in the work of perfecting a commu-
nity of fraternal trust and common purpose.
In Europe, we ask that enlightened and inspired
leaders of the "Western nations strive with renewed
vigor to make the unity of their peoples a reality.
Only as free Europe unitedly marshals its strength
can it effectively safeguard, even with our help,
its spiritual and cultural treasures.
Holding All Races and Peoples in Equal Regard
(8) Conceiving the defense of freedom like
freedom itself to be one and indivisible, we hold
all continents and peoples in equal regard and
honor. We reject any insinuation that one race or
another, one people or another, is in any sense
inferior or expendable.
Making the U. N. an Effective Force
( 9 ) Respecting the United Nations as the living
sign of all people's hope for peace, we shall strive
to make it not merely an eloquent symbol but an
effective force. And in our quest of honorable
peace, we shall neither compromise, nor tire, nor
ever cease.
By these rules of conduct, we hope to be known
to all peoples. By their observance, an earth of
peace may become not a vision but a fact. This
February 2, 1953
169
hope — this supreme aspiration — must rule the way
we live.
We Must Be Willing to Dare Ail
We must be ready to dare all for our country.
For history does not long entrust the care of free-
dom to the weak or tlie timid. We must acquire
proficiency in defense and display stamina in
purpose.
We must be willing, individually and as a nation,
to accept whatever sacrifices may be required of us.
A people that values its privileges above its prin-
ciples soon loses both.
These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions
far removed from matters of daily living. They
are laws of spiritual strength that generate and
define our material strength. Patriotism means
equipped forces and a prepared citizenry. Moral
stamina means more energy and more productiv-
ity on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty
means the guarding of eveiy resource that makes
freedom possible — from tlie sanctity of our fam-
ilies and the wealth of our soil to the genius of our
scientists.
So each citizen plays an indispensable role. The
productivity of our heads, our hands, and our
hearts is the source of all the strength we can
coniniand, for both the enrichment of our lives and
(lie winning of peace.
Xo person, no home, no community can be be-
yond tlie reach of this call. We are summoned to
act in wisdom and in conscience; to work with in-
dustry, to teach with persuasion, to preach with
conviction, to weigh our every deed with care and
witli compassion. For this truth must be clear
before us: Whatever America hopes to bring to
pass in the world must first come to pass in the
heart of America.
The peace we seek, then, is nothing less than the
practice and the fulfillment of our whole faith,
among ourselves and in our dealings with others.
It signifies more than stilling the guns, easing the
sorrow, of war.
More than an escape from death, it is a way of
life.
More than a haven for the weary, it is a hope for
the brave.
This is the hope that beckons us onward in tliis
century of trial. This is the work that awaits us
all, to be done with bravery, with charity — and
with prayer to Almighty God.
Secretary Dulles' Message
to His New Associates
Statement hy Secretary Dulles '
To Mt Associates in the Department of State
AND the Foreign Ser\'ice
As I assume the post of Secretary of State, my
thoughts turn to my future associates in the De-
partment of State and the Foreign Service.
We are united by the heavy responsibilities that
press upon us. We are front-line defenders of
the vital interests of the United States which are
being attacked by a political warfare which is as
hostile in its purpose and as dangerous in its
capabilities as any open war. President Eisen-
hower recently stated, "This nation stands in
greater peril than at any time in our history."
The peril is of a kind which places a special
responsibility on each and every member of the
Department of State and the Foreign Service.
It requires of us competence, discipline, and posi-
tive loyalty to the policies that our President and
the C.'ongress may prescribe.
' Made on .Ian. 21 immediately after he was sworn in as
Secretary of State ; circulated among Department otfices
and Foreign Service i)Osts and released to the press on
.Ian. 22 (press release 40).
Less than that is not tolerable at this time.
Lest any misunderstand, let me add that loyalty
does not, of course, call for any one to practice
intellectual dishonesty or to distort his reporting
to please superiors. Our foreign policies will pre-
vail only if they are based on honest evaluations
of the facts.
Each foreign mission will have its appointed
task, which will form part of our nation's over-
all strategy designed to win peacefully the strug-
gle that has been forced on us. Each mission will
be expected to accomplish its task.
It will be necessary, from time to time, to adjust
our Department and Foreign Service so that we
shall be best able to discharge our responsibilities
and reach our chosen goals. Tliis will be done
with all of the consideration which the situation
seems to permit. But the national welfare must
be given priority over individual concerns.
I luiow, and our fellow citizens know, that those
who comprise the Department of State and For-
eign Service are, as a whole, a group of loyal
Americans dedicated to the presei'vation of Ameri-
can ideals. You are the worthy heirs of a noble
tradition. I am honored to be one of you and I
am confident that, under the leadership of Presi-
dent Eisenhower, we shall go on to desei-ve well
of the nation we love and serve.
170
Department of State Bulletin
IIA Provides Inaugural Coverage
Press release 37 dated January 19
The International Information Administration
(Iia) used its broadcasting, film, and press
facilities to carry the story of the inauguration of
Dwight D. Eisenhower as President of the United
States throughout the world.
A special inaugural program over the Voice of
America, from 11:45 a.m. to 1 p.m. January 20,
was beamed simultaneously to Europe, the
Near and Middle East, Far East, and Latin
America on a total of 42 frequencies. The massed
transmission was carried by a score of domes-
tic transmitters and relayed by medium wave or
short-wave transmitters"^ in England, Germany,
Greece, Tangier, Hawaii, and the Philippines, as
well as by the seagoing relay base, the U. S. Coast
Guard Cutter Courier, now anchored in the
Eastern Mediterranean.
The special radio program originated from
both the Capitol steps in Washington and Voice
of America studios in New York. Full inaugvira-
tion coverage was provided in all of the 46 VOA
language services.
The inaugural programs were relayed locally
in a number of countries. In Japan, for ex-
ample, the broadcasting corporation of Japan
relayed over its regular network a half-hour
VOA Japanese-language program to an estimated
20 million listeners.
The IiA gave complete film coverage to the
speech, parade, and other functions.
Iia's press service will send the full text of the
inaugural address to America's missions abroad
as soon as it is available. Text of the address will
be sent in English and will also be made available
in translations.
Semiannual Report of IIA
Press release 2S dated January 15
Secretary Acheson on January 16 sent to Con-
gress the Ninth Semiannual Report of the Inter-
national Information and Educational Exchange
Program, which is administered by the Depart-
ment of State through the International Infor-
mation Administration (Iia).
In the document, the Secretary reported on the
activities, expenditures, and effectiveness of the
psychological offensive of the United States.
The report is required by Public Law 402 (80th
Cong., 2d sess.).
In an attached memorandum, Wilson Compton,
Administrator of the Iia program since January
1952, stated that the program is "gaining m im-
pact and effect in most but not all of the countries
in which its activities are under way."'
This is the first report since all of the "foreign
information activities for the administration of
which the Secretary (of State) is responsible"
Fefaruory 2, J 953
were consolidated in the Iia program. The re-
port is a comprehensive summary of the policies
and information objectives of the United States
in four great areas of the world ; it describes the
"Menace of Communist Propaganda" ; and it gives
examples, country by country, of the Iia action
programs now under way. The report also ex-
plains the technical operations of the Iia serv-
ices—radio (the Voice of America), press, motion
pictures, information centers, and the exchange-
of -persons program, as well as the support of the
program through private enterprise cooperation.
In a section headed "Some Assumptions for the
Future," the rejjort states that "the Soviet Union
will continue its policy of using all available
means to defeat our policies and program; and
that these actions will intensify the pressures on
the free world."
The report concludes with two recommenda-
tions :
We should maintain and increase our efforts to reach
beliind the Iron Curtain.
We must demonstrate our decent and constructive pur-
poses so effectively that we will Inspire the confidence of
people in other countries and their fsreater willingness
to join with us in developing a world community of free
nations.
Following is the text of Mr. Compton's memo-
randum to Secretary Acheson, transmitting the
report :
The overseas information program of the United States,
administered by the Department of State through the
U. S. International Information Administration, is grad-
ually gaining in impact and effect in most but not all of
the countries in which its activities are under way. This
program is not as good as its most enthusiastic advocates
claim. It is not as bad as its severest critics say. There
have been some wasted and misdirected efforts and some
negligent "housekeeping." Most of these situations have
been substantially improved. Some have been corrected.
All of them are having attention.
Following your order in January 1952 establishing the
U.S. International Information Administration (Iia), aU
of the "foreign information activities for the adminis-
tration of which the Secretary [of State] is responsible"
have now been consolidated within this program. In addi-
tion, agreements have been completed or are in process
with the Mutual Security Agency (Msa) for the practical
integration of the Iia-Msa information activities in
Europe, country by country. This has been a great gain.
Steps toward similar integration In the countries of South-
east Asia should be undertaken. By agreement with the
Technical Cooperation Administration (Tca) we are
handling Its general information activities.
The report transmitted with this letter covers the pe-
riod from January 1, 1952, through June 30, 1952. It
should be noted, however, that beginning as of July 1,
1952, we have undertaken the responsibility for the in-
formation programs in Germany and Austria. At the
request of the Department of the Army the Japan program
was transferred to the International Information Admin-
istration at the end of April. Therefore, the overseas in-
171
formation program — which on June 30, 1952, covered 85
countries — now covers 88 countries, including major ac-
tivities in several "high priority" countries. The desir-
ability and the financial feasibility of continuing an in-
formation program In a number of the "low priority"
countries are under review.
The contemplated reorganization of constituent units of
the International Information Administration is under
way. Its chief goals in each country are :
Sharper definition of U.S. information objectives.
More positive, i. e. less defensive, themes.
Strengthening of overseas staffs with maximum use of
qualified local nationals ; and concurrently the con-
version of media divisions into effective means of
servicing approved country programs.
Larger initiative, responsibility, and authority in over-
seas missions.
Better means of determining effectiveness of each coun-
try program.
To complete these changes in organization and func-
tions is a formidable undertaking. It will take at least
18 months. We have had much help from the Bureau
of the Budget, encouragement from the Advisory Com-
Whither Disarmament?
by Benjamin V. Cohen '
mission on Information and the Advisory Commission on
Educational Exchange, and useful suggestions from com-
niittef's and members of the Congress. These improve-
ments in liasic organization should be diligently pressed.
In no other practical way may we expect to direct our
efforts where they will count for the most, with the least
waste and with the largest return from the funds invested
in this overseas "crusade of ideas."
The procedures which you established for assuring the
day-to-day guidance of the information activities in con-
formity with United States policy have worked satisfac-
torily. The International Information Administration
appreciates the assistance, for this purpose, of the Otfice
of the Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs and of the
regional bureaus of the Department of State.
As currently reported to you, steps have been taken to
assure that no person of doubtful loyalty to the United
States will be engaged or continued in this program.
This oflBce is grateful for the interest and cooperation
(if your office and of the Office of the Under Secretary in
these initial stages of the organization of the International
Information Administration.
Wilson Compton
Administrator, International Information
Administration.
I
There is one point on which I should hope there
would be general agreement. At this stage of the
struggle for disarmament it is essential that we
adhere strictly to the principle of rotation in office.
Having devoted most of my time the past year as
our representative on the U.N. Disarmament
Commission, I am keenly aware that we need an
infusion of new blood and new ideas. The strug-
gle for disarmament is too important to be handi-
capped by veterans who are beaten down rapidly
by their own frustrations and are apt, if they stay
at the task too long, to lose hope, resiliency, and
vision.
During the past year the Disarmament Commis-
sion has made little progress toward agi-eement
between the free and the Cominform world on
' .\ddress made at Washington un .Tan. 16 before the
Worlsslioji on World Disuruianient sponsored b.v officers
of vai-ious national organizatiuns. For Ambassador
Cohen's letter of resignation as deputy U. S. representa-
tive on the U.N. Disarmament Coumiission and his report
on the Commission's work, see Bulletin of Jan. 26, 1953,
p. 142.
disarmament. But it seems to me that consid-
erable progress has been made in an educational
way toward a better understanding of the nature
and significance of the problem of disarmament.
In the Commission our Government has tried to
direct serious attention not only to the basic ob-
jectives and prineijiles of disarmament but to sug-
gest various practical approaches toward a dis-
armament program. We have planted seeds
which if properly nurtured will, we hope, in the
future bring forth rich fruit.
Let me summarize the proposals which we have
made : '
(1) We have submitted a statement of the es-
sential principles of disarmament. We have
sought to relate the principles which should gov-
ern a disarmament program to the law of the
Charter. We have sought to give effect and mean-
ing to the basic Charter obligation of states to
refrain in their international relations from the
threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent
" For citations to texts of these proposals, see sum-
mary printed in Bulletin of Oct. 27, 1952, p. 648.
172
DeparlmenI of State Bulletin
widi the purposes of the Charter. We have in-
sisted that the goal of an effective disarmament
program must he not to regulate the armaments
to be used in war, but to prevent war.
To achieve this goal, all states have a respon-
sibility to cooperate to establish and maintain an
oi)en and substantially disarmed world. That is
the only way in fact to eliminate armed force or
till' threat of armed force as an instrument of na-
tional or ideological policy. In a substantially
disarmed world, no state should or would be in a
condition of armed preparedness to start a war.
In an open world no state should or would be in a
])osition to undertake preparations for war with-
out other states having knowledge and warning of
such preparations long before the offending state
could start a war.
These principles must be adhered to if the world
is to enjoy the fourth freedom — freedom from
fear — which President Roosevelt proclaimed in
1!>H. It was President Roosevelt himself who
(lanslated freedom from fear in world terms to
mean a world-wide reduction of armaments to such
a point and in such a thorough fashion that no
nation will be in a position to commit an act of
piiysical aggression against any neighbor any-
where in the world.
We must therefore approach the problem of dis-
armament from the standpoint that no state can
have a sovereign right to wage war or to menace
the world with its arms.
Effects on International Relationships
Before summarizing the other proposals which
we made in the Disarmament Commission, it might
be worth while to consider some of the far reaching
effects that the genuine acceptance of these princi-
ples of disarmament could have in the course of
time on international relationships.
If there were reasonable certainty that no nation
was in a state of armed preparedness to undertake
a war with any prospect of success, or to accom-
plish an act of aggression by a quick, decisive
blow there would be a profound change in the cli-
mate of international relationships. Differences
would remain differences in ideas, in interest, and
even in power. But the people would know that
they could not suddenly explode into war. The
road to genuine understanding and peaceful settle-
ment would not be blocked by the necessity of con-
sidering every problem in light of its effect on mili-
tary potential in some future war rather than in
light of its effect on human welfare in a peaceful,
friendly world. The barriers to East- West trade,
for example, would fall of their own weight.
There would be much less danger of states seek-
ing to strengthen and protect themselves in event
of war by strategic settlements which themselves
plant the seeds of friction and war.
For good or ill, even in a disarmed world, power
would still be an important factor. But national
power in a disarmed world like power in the
domestic field would depend not on armed pre-
paredness, but on the health and virility of the
people and the industrial and economic develop-
ment of the nation. There should be very little
difference in power relationships if all states arm
to the hilt or if all states disarmed completely, but
there should be a great difference in the happiness
and welfare of the people.
Many of you may say all such thinking in the
international field is visionary and unreal, but I
suppose many people in the early days of the
development of private law regarded the law-
makers who souglit to outlaw private wars and
private armies as visionaries and dreamers. It is
worth remembering that the primary end of all
primitive private law was to keep the peace.
Crude approximations of justice through ordeals
and trials by battle were accepted as far preferable
to allowing men to take the law into their own
hands and to engage in private wars.
It was probably not easy for primitive man to
give up the right to take the law into his own hands
in order to redress wrongs done him or his family.
Even in modern society the instinct of man to duel
and to feud is not completely extinct. But it was
in a sense the genius of primitive law that it for-
bade resort to violence to rectify wrongs even
before it developed completely adequate means of
punishing or redressing wrongs other than the
breaking of the peace.
In historic perspective, it would seem that the
effective outlawing of war is a necessary pre-
requisite to the establishment of the rule of law.
There would seem to be considerable ground for
the belief that the effective outlawing of war and
of national armaments must come before there
can be any extensive development of world law
or world order rather than the other way around.
Of course as progress is made toward the elimina-
tion of war and of armaments, the need for the
development of effective procedures for the settle-
ment of disputes by peaceful means will be better
appreciated and understood. Practical statesmen
may then give as much attention to the problem
of the peaceful adjustment of differences as they
now give to the problem of armed defense. States
may even become conscious not only of their obli-
gation under the Charter to refrain from the use
of force except in defense of the Charter, but their
obligation under the Charter to settle their inter-
national disputes by peaceful means in such a
manner that international peace and security and
justice are not endangered.
Universal disarmament imposing drastic limi-
tations on national armaments would not stand
in the way of collective security. On the contrary,
by bringing its task within manageable propor-
tions, universal disarmament should increase the
possibility of effective collective security immeas-
urably. Law enforcement in the international
February 2, 7953
173
field, like law enforcement in the domestic field,
does not depend on the vast accumulation of arms
in the possession of the peace officers, rather it
hinges upon the rigid limitation of arms in the
possession of organized groups not responsible to
the peace officers. Large national armies and
armaments are as inimical to international peace
as large private armies and armaments have always
been to domestic peace.
In the long run, it is likely that justice will fare
better in a world where neither nations nor indi-
viduals may take the law into their own hands and
fight it out. There is much greater danger of con-
fusion of right and might in an armed world than
in a disarmed world. In an armed world there
must be arms to support and sustain the right.
Every nation remembers with pride its efforts to
support and sustain the right with its arms and
fighting men. But there is no assurance that in
an armed world armed power, even in the service
of the right, may not come to have a corroding
influence on men's ideas as to what is right and
what is wrong. The power of righteousness is on
the whole, over a fair stretch of time, more likely
to prevail in a disarmed world than in an armed
world.
Suggested Approaches to a Program
Let us now return to the summary of our work
in the Disarmament Commission and some of the
practical approaches to a disarmament program
which we suggested to the Commission.
(2) We submitted a working paper containing
concrete suggestions for a progressive and con-
tinuing system of disclosure and verification under
effective international control which would em-
brace all armed forces and armaments, includ-
ing atomic and bacteriological. The working
paper was to provide a system of continuing in-
spection as the ground work for effective safe-
guards and realistic controls to insure that agreed
disarmament became actual disarmament. Re-
sponsible statesmen cannot rely on mere paper
promises which provide no assurance of their ob-
servance. We cannot make genuine progress to-
ward disarmament by jiiecenieal attempts to for-
bid the use of particular weapons without safe-
guards designed to give assurance that such
weapons will not be available for use.
We have suggested that disclosure and verifica-
tion be carried out progressively in five stages.
We have suggested that the system proceed by
stages not because we want to proceed at a snail's
pace, but because we know that in the present state
of world tension, no state would tear the veil of
secrecy from its most carefully guarded security
arrangements unless it could be satisfied that other
states were proceeding with the good faith and the
same understanding and at the same pace. We
have sought to provide that the information dis-
closed in the atomic field should be approximately
[larullel to the infonnation disclosed in the non-
iitoniic field.
(3) We joined with France and the I'nited
Kingdom in submitting a tripartite working ])aper
suggesting the fixing of numerical limits or ceil-
ings on all armed forces of all states. As a basis
of discussion the working paper proposed equal
maximum ceilings of between 1,000.000 and 1.500,-
000 for the United States, the Soviet Union, and
China, and ecjual maximum ceilings of between
700,000 and 800,000 foi- France and the United
Kingdom. The j)ai)er suggested the fixing of com-
parable maximum ceilings for all other states
having substantial armed forces.
Alanj- of the ])resent difficulties both in Eur()])e
and in Asia s]jring from an imbalance of armed
strength which causes some nations to feel that
they live only by leave or grace of their more
powerful and none too friendly neighbors. Ob-
viously, if a balanced reduction of arms is to re-
duce the danger and fear of war, it must take into
account the balance of armed strength of the most
powerful states not only in relation to one another
but also in relation to their neighbors. The over-
all reductions proposed and contemplated by the
tripartite paper were balanced ancl substantial.
The initial reduction for the United States and
the Soviet Union would be well over .50 percent.
A nation's armed forces are not the only meas-
ure of its armed strength. Other elements must
be dealt with in any comjirehensive program. But
aggressors are not likely to go to war without the
armed forces necessary to insure the successful ac-
complishment of their aggressive purposes. Ten-
tative agreement on the size of permitted armed
forces should greatly facilitate agreement on the
r^uantities and tyjjes of jjermitted armaments.
(i) In collaboration with France and the
I'nited Kingdom, we submitted a supplement to
the tripartite working paper suggesting practical
]irocedures to prevent the undue concentration of
))ermitted armed forces in particular categories of
services, to limit armaments in types and quanti-
ties to those necessary and appropriate for the
sup])ort of ]5ermitted armed forces, and to bring
all essential elements of the disarmament progi-ani
into equitably balanced and fairly synclironized
relationship.
Under these procedures it was contemplated that
all armed forces and armaments other than those
expressly permitted were to be eliminated, that all
major weapons adaptable to mass destruction were
to be excluded from permitted armaments, and
that atomic energy was to be placed under effec-
tive international control to insure its use for
peaceful purposes only.
(5) We reiterated our support of the U.N. plan
for the control of atomic energy% but at the same
time we reaffirmed our willingness to examine se-
riously and with an open mind any proposal for
the effective control of atomic energy which might
be presented. We pointed out that the concept of
174
Department of State Bulletin
disclosure and verification which includes con-
tinuing inspection provides an indispensable first
step in laying the ground work for any control
plan in the atomic field. Until the Soviet Union
is willing to consider this concept, little progi'ess
can be made toward determining the other ele-
ments of control — those contained in the U.N. plan
or others — which would be necessary.
(6) Finally, we suggested a plan for the elimi-
nation of bacteriological weapons and facilities for
their production and use, within the framework
of a comprehensive disarmament program.
The Soviet Union sought to leave the false im-
pression that the United States was opposing any
effort in the United Nations to devise ways and
means of eliminating bacteriological weapons as
a part of a disarmament program. The record
proves the exact contrary. It was the Soviet
Union which would not budge beyond a paper
promise — carrying with it no effective guarantee
of its observance — not to use bacteriological weap-
ons. It was the United States which proposed
that in connection with an effective system of dis-
closure and verification all bacteriological weapons
be eliminated from national armaments and thus
not only their use but their very existence pro-
hibited.
Paper Promises Not Enough
We cannot be content with paper promises not to
use weapons of mass destruction. Aggressors who
would break their Charter obligation not to go to
war could not be trusted to keep their paper prom-
ises not to use bacteriological weapons if they had
them and found their use advantageous. In any
effective disarmament program we must see to it
that prohibited weapons are not available for use.
We do not contend that the proposals thus far
presented to the Commission would solve all prob-
lems. The proposals were not intended to be final
and definitive in terms or exhaustive in details.
They were intended only to provide a basis for
discussion and to open avenues by which we might
approach understanding and agreement.
Unfortunately the Soviet representative on the
Commission was unwilling or unable to discuss
seriously any of the working papers submitted to
the Commission or to make any constructive sug-
gestions. The Soviet representative only insisted
that the Commission adopt the elusive phantom
proposals which the Soviet Union had fii-st made
in the General Assembly several years ago and
which the General Assembly has rejected re-
peatedly. Wl\en requested, he even refused to
give explanations or to answer questions concern-
ing these shadowy proposals.
The Disarmament Commission cannot force
agreements upon recalcitrant nations. It cannot
bridge deep and fundamental differences by lin-
guistic sleight of hand. Excessive zeal to obtain
agreements which gloss over rather than resolve
these differences may even increase the tensions
and fears which stand in the way of necessary
agreement.
We have tried to avoid freezing our positions or
taking inflexible stands. But until the Soviet
Union is prepared to talk seriously and to nego-
tiate in good faith, we must be on our guard
against negotiating oui-selves out of sound posi-
tions for the sake of illusoi-y agreements.
We should not modify or abandon valid and
reasonable proposals before any sincere negotia-
tions have started. If we do so, we may lose the
confidence of our own people without securing any
genuine concessions from others.
We must maintain an open mind, but an open
mind need not be a weak or fuzzy mind. Until
we can reach the stage of serious discussions with
the Soviet Union, we should devote our time,
eiiergy, and resourcefulness to improving and per-
fecting our proposals rather than to compromis-
ing and emasculating them. We should review
and re-examine our positions and ideas to deter-
mine whether they are intrinsically sound, work-
able and fair from the point of view not simply of
any one nation, but of the community of nations.
Let us make sure that we really are ready to
negotiate when the time for real negotiations
comes, as it surely must come if the civilized world
is not to be blown to smithereens. Let us make
sure that we ourselves thoroughly xmderstand the
full sweep of the problems of disarmament in all
their political, psychological, and technical as-
pects. I do not minimize the preparations already
made, but much, much more remains to be done.
And in this task we must enlist our best, our most
resourceful minds. The task requires wisdom,
vision, and courage. While we must guard against
premature concessions and compromises before
serious negotiations begin, we must redouble, not
slacken, our efforts to break down the barriers
which stand in the way of serious talks and dis-
cussions. In this task also we need our best, our
most imaginative, resourceful, and fearless minds.
It will be little comfort to those who may survive
another world war to know that it came not
through our fault.
Of course if and when we arrive at the stage of
serious negotiations, we cannot expect to write our
own ticket^ We will have to accept or reject agi'ee-
ments that can be had, not by the standard of per-
fectibility, but by the standard of comparative
good. We will have to ask ourselves not whether
the agreements we can secure are ideal but whether
they are better than no agreements.
Many agreements less than ideal may be in our
Correction
Bulletin of Dec. 29, 1952, p. 1019, footnote 2 : The
date is incorrect ; demolition was not completed
until Jan. 6, 1953.
February 2, 7953
175
interest and in tlie world's interest. But we must
not assume tliat any agreement is better than no
agreement. Any militarist would accept an agree-
ment to disarm his adversaries. While there may
be no one exclusive test Ijy which we can judge the
acceptability of a disarmament agreement, the
most important test would seem to be whether the
agreement is likely to reduce the danger of war
and the fear of aggression.
Relating disarmament to the prevention of war
does not in my judgment remove it from the field
of practical world politics. On the contrary, it
brings it into the field of practical. world politics.
We are, I fear, deluding ourselves if we think
that we can make progress in disarmament if we
regard it merely as a bargaining process involving
haggling over quotas of armaments with a view to
regulating the armaments used in war, or to codi-
fying the rules of war, or to reducing the cost of
preparing for war. When nations engage in total
war and fight to kill, it is diilicult to regulate the
manner of killing. Realists are not likely to take
disarmament seriously until they become con-
vinced that disarmament can prevent war.
No nation today can be indifferent to the threat
to its very survival of the new instnnnents of
modern warfare. Even the most fanatical and
aggressive power must balk at self-destruction.
There is good reason to believe that in a thermo-
nuclear age the instinct of self-preservation will
impel the leaders of all nations to accept common
survival in preference to mutual extinction.
In the interest of common survival, we must
quicken our efforts within tlie United Nations and
in every other way open to us to develop a better
understanding of the problems of armaments in
this atomic and thermonuclear age and the sig-
nificance of disarmament as a means of eliminat-
ing tlie danger and fear of war which threatens the
survival of our common humanity. Let us bestir
ourselves before the curfew sounds the knell of a
parting world.
Calendar of Meetings
Adjourned During January 1953
Fao (Food and Agriculture Organization):
Meeting on Rice Bangkok Jan. 5-16
Regional Extension Development Center Beirut Jan. 6-17
Inter-American Research Seminar on National Income Santiago Jan
Rubber Study Group. 2d Session of Working Party London Jan
UN (United Nations):
Economic and Social Council:
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East:
Inland Transport Committee, Inland Waterway Subcom-
mittee: 1st Session.
Inland Transport Committee, Railway Subcommittee: 1st
Session.
Inland Transport Committee: 2d Session Bandung Jan
Population Commission: 7th Session New York Jan
Wmo (World Meteorological Organization):
Regional Association for Africa: 1st Session Tananarive Jan. 19-31
.5-17
.5-27
Bandung Jan. 14-17
Bandung Jan. 14-17
19-
19-
23
30
In Session as of January 31, 1953
Washington Feb. 26, 1951-
Montreal Jan. 13-
Melbourne Jan. 13-
Jan.21-
International Materials Conference
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization):
Council: 18th Si'ssion
Southeast Asia/South Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting
(and limited South Pacific) .
Who (World Health Organization):
Executive Board: 11th Session Geneva
UN Ecosoc (United Nations Economic and Social Council):
Ad Hoc Committee on Restrictive Business Practices: 4th Session . New York Jan
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: Commission on Bandung Jan
Industry and Trade: 5th Session.
Cpm (Council of Foreign Ministers):
Deputies for Austria I-ondon Jan
International Wheat Council: 11th Session Wa-shington Jan
12-
26-
30-
30-
' Prepared in the Division of International Conferences,
tentative dates.
Department of State, Jan. 22, 1953. Asterisks indicate
176
Department of State Bulletin
Calendar of Meetings — Continued
Scheduled February 1 — April 30, 1953
Gatt (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade): ■!? k o
^d //oc Committee for Agenda and Intercessional Business of the Geneva l<eb. 2-
Contracting Parties.
Ilo (International Labor Office) : i? k o
Textiles Committee: 4th Session Geneva vC.'^
Governing Body: 121st Session Geneva a? ic
Committee on Work on Plantations: 2d Session Habana ^'ar. lb-
Joint Ilo/Who Committee on .the Hygiene of Seafarers: 2d Ses- Geneva Apr. or May
sion.
UN (United Nations) : tt u o
Transport and Communications Commission: 6th Session . . . New York reb. z-
Statistical Commission: 7th Session New York ^ur
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: Ninth Session Bandung l<eb. t>-
of the Commission. ^ i? v, ir_
Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations New York reb. Ib-
Ecafb: Second Regional Conference on Trade Promotion . . . Manila r^K o i
General Assemblv, Reconvening of 7th Session New York Feb. 24-
Technical Assistance Conference: Third New York >eb. Ib-
Economic Commission for Europe: 8th Session Geneva at "^ ,c
Commission on the Status of Women: 7th Session New York War. lb-
Technical Assistance Committee New York ^lar. lb-
Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 8th Session New \ork ^lar. dO-
Economic and Social Council: 15th Session New"^ork Mar. dl
Consultative Group in the Field of Prevention of Crime and Brazil i^lar-
Treatment of Offenders (Latin American Regional).
Human Rights Commission: 9th Session Geneva. s^r
Economic Commission for Latin America: 5th Session .... Rio de Janeiro Apr. b-
UN/Ilo yld /7oc Committee on Forced Labor Geneva a'"^' on
Ecafe: Regional Conference on Mineral Resources Develop- Tokyo Apr. 20
Fiscal Commission: 4th Session New York Apr. 27-
International Wheat Council: Reconvening of 8th Session . . . . Washington i<eb. l-
Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organization):
Information Conference Paris i^eb. 5-
Petroleum Planning Committee: 4th Meeting Pans l^^ebruary
Planning Board for European Inland Surface Transport: 3d Paris I'ebruary
Session. -, ,
Ministerial Meeting of the North Atlantic Council Paris r^^a
Inter-American Economic and Social Council: Third Extraordinary Caracas i'eb. J-
Meeting. „ , ,„
Pakistan Science Conference, Fifth Annual Lahore reo. id
ICAO (International Civil Aviation Organization): i? u o<
First Air Navigation Conference Montreal ._ ^eb. 24-
Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Defense Science .... New Delhi i'eb. 2&
Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization):
Meeting of Group of E.xperts on Emergency Food Reserve. . . Rome t'f ia
Coordinating Committee: 3d Session Rome Mar. lb
Committee on Relations with International Organizations . . . Rome a oi
Technical Advisory Committee on Desert Locust Control: 3d Rome Apr. 21
Meeting. _, at ii
Cannes Film Festival, Vlth International Cannes Mar. 11-
Wmo (World Meteorological Organization): „. , . Tvr io
Commission for Climatologv: 1st Session Washmgton Mar. i--
Commission for Synoptic Meteorology: 1st Session Washington Apr. 2
Oeec (Organization for European Economic Cooperation):
Conference on European Inland Transport E*"^-, Af''v:
International Rubber Studv Group: 10th Meeting Copenhagen l\^
International Tin Study Group: 7th Meeting London . ... . . Marcli
Mining and MetaUurgical Congress, Fifth Empire Australia and New Zealand . Apr. 12-
IcEM (Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration):
Finance Subcommittee Geneva Apr. id
Fifth Session of ICEM S''"''^'? a'"" ir
South Pacific Conference: Second Noumea Apr. Ib-
Paso (Pan American Sanitary Organization): „. .. a in
Executive Committee: 19th Meeting Washington a^""' in
Inter-American Council of Jurists: 2d Meeting Buenos Aires Apr. 20-
South Pacific Commission: 1 1th Session Noumea. a'^^'m
Timber Trade Conference (Caribbean Commission) Trinidad April
Icsu (International Council of Scientific Unions): ai j -j i -i
Joint Commission on Physiological Optics Madrid. Apri
Central and South Africa transport Conference Lourengo Marques April
fehmaty 2, 1953
177
Human Rights in the United States: 1951
The following report was prepared at the request
of the United Nations for publication in its ^''Year-
book on Human Rights" and is similar in fomti to
reports prepared 07i the same subject in previous
years. The Department of State had the coopera-
tion of interested agencies of the Government in
assemhling information on the various topics con-
sidered in the report.
In the political and legal tradition of the United
States the rights of individuals have always com-
prised protection of individual liberty against
Government as well as the right of individuals to
claim positive action by Government to protect
their rights. This high value placed on limita-
tions on the powers of Government finds expres-
sion in constitutional provisions which define those
powei-s and subject them to specific restrictions.
The liberties thus guaranteed to everyone in the
United States must be respected by governmental
agencies, Federal as well as local; and they find
protection, when necessary, in the courts of the
States and of the United States. The responsibil-
ity for affirmative action to protect and extend the
recognized rights of Americans similarly rests on
the Governments of the United States, the States,
territories, and local communities, each according
to the functions constitutionally assigned to it in
the Federal structure of the United States.
Constitutional and legislative provisions re-
lating to human rights have a long history in the
United States. Many of the statements on free-
dom of speech, press, and religion and the right to
self-government date back to the charters and
agreements made at the time the first settlers came
to America. These bills of rights, as they were
called, were frequently retained and expanded in
constitutions framed in the early colonies and later
in the various States, and were the basis for the
first ten amendments, known as the Bill of Rights
in the Federal Constitution. Additional rights
protecting citizens are in the body of the Con-
stitution, and some have been added in later
amendments.
Under the judicial system of the United States,
the interpretations of particular constitutional
and legislative provisions in relation to cases
brought before the courts become precedents which
must be taken into account in later cases, thus
constantly expanding the understanding and ap-
plication of these provisions in the changing situ-
ations of modern life. Since the provisions in the
early colonial and State constitutions related
largely to civil and political rights, a great body
of legislative and judicial interpretation exists in
this field. In the field of social, economic, and
cultural rights, the legislative and judicial ac-
tivity reported in any one year tends to be rela-
tively greater, both because of the complex prob-
lems involved as the country opens up new oppor-
tunities to its citizens and because fewer laws and
precedents have as yet been produced to give
these rights their full and precise meaning. The
responsibility of State Governments in regard to
social, economic, and cultural rights is extensive,
as under the U.S. Constitution the Federal Gov-
ernment may exercise only limited powers in cer-
tain areas, and the promotion of certain rights,
such as education, is largely a function of the
States.
In addition to the support for human rights by
governmental agencies, constitutional and legal
provisions, and court decisions, not least in im-
portance is the support afforded in the exercise
and enjoyment of these rights by the attitude of
the American people and the whole climate of
public opinion.
Progress of the United States in the field of
Imman rights during 1951 must therefore be con-
sidered as supplementing and reaffirming the basic
human rights and liberties long enjoyed in this
country.
This survey touches only on the major and
most significant developments in this field, viz on
definitive actions and statements of the executivt"
branches of the Federal, State, and Territorial
Governments, on the most important Federal,
State, and Territorial laws, on international agree-
ments whicli have actually come into force, and
on legal principles established by decisions of tlic
highest courts of the land. A complete picture
would also include reference to the day-to-day
Federal, State, and Territorial activities relating
to human rights and to those continuing from past
years and to the vast financial provision for these
178
Department of State Bulletin
activities made by States, Territories, and local
communities as well as by the Federal Government.
Part I will take up those actions of the Federal,
State, and Territorial Governments and some of
those of their local subdivisions which have
seemed to represent significant developments in
the field of human rights in the United States in
1951, including both civil and political rights on
the one hand and economic, social, and cultural
rights on the other. Part II will refer to the
several international agreements made by the
United States which came into force in 1951 and
contained references to human rights.
I. FEDERAL, STATE, AND TERRITORIAL
ACTIONS
Human rights can be affected by action of the
executive, legislative, or judicial branches of the
Goverimients of the United States, the States, and
Territories, or local governmental units. Such
actions may range from an Executive order of the
President, a law of the Congress, or a decision of
the Supreme Court of the United States to a local
city ordinance regulating the holding of street-
corner meetings.
General
As in previous years, President Truman by
pi-oclamation ^ designated December 10 as Hu-
man Rights Day and called upon the people of
the United States to celebrate that day by public
reading of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights and by other ceremonies desigiied to en-
lai-ge our understanding of its provisions and
thus to "join with the citizens of other countries
in a common effort to strengthen the forces of
freedom, justice, and peace in the world through
promoting the universal achievement of the fun-
damental human rights and freedoms set forth
in the Declaration."
Similarly, December 15 was widely celebrated
as Bill of Rights Day, commemorating the 160th
amiiversary of our Bill of Rights, which is the
name popularly given to the first ten amend-
ments to the Constitution of the United States.
It is these amendments which contain the^ prin-
cipal guarantees of human rights in the Consti-
tution, including those of freedom of speech and
of the press, freedom of petition for redress of
grievances, the right of freedom from search and
seizure, the right of fair and speedy trial, trial
by jury, and confrontation of opposing witnesses,
the prohibition of excessive bail or fines, and of
cruel and unusual punislnnents, and the right not
to be deprived of life, liberty, or property without
due process of law.
Practical methods of promoting an understand-
' 16 Fed. Reg. 12449.
February 2, 1953
ing of human rights were set forth in the publi-
cation issued by the U.S. Office of Education en-
titled How Children Leat-n About Human
Rights? This booklet gave suggestions for teach-
ing children about human rights and for the ai>-
plication of the principles involved in human
rights to situations arising in the schoolroom.
Civil and Political Rights
The enjoyment of his civil and political rights
by the inhabitant of the United States is well
gi-ounded in specific constitutional provisions,
legislation, judicial holdings, more than a cen-
tury of usage and precedent, and a favorable
state of public opinion. Specific aspects of these
rights are defined still more clearly each year by
law or judicial action. For instance, in 1951
progress was recorded in the removal by addi-
tional States of the poll tax as a requirement
for voting. The requirements of a fair trial
were more clearly set forth and other civil and
political rights were better defined.
GOVERNMENT BY THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE
Voting. The Federal Constitution assures the
citizens of the United States a republican form
of govermnent, responsive to the will of the
people through their elected representatives and
expressly provides that the right to vote shall not
be denied or abridged on account of race, color,
or sex. In 1951 additional measures to assure
every citizen the right to vote in fair and honest
elections were adopted in several States.
Two States, South Carolina and Tennessee,
eliminated payment of poll tax as a qualification
for voting. South Carolina, in a general election
in 1950, had approved a constitutional amend-
ment to this end, and during 1951 this amendment
became effective by action of the General As-
sembly. These actions reduced the number of
States requiring payment of a poll tax as a pre-
requisite for voting to five.
In October 1951 the Louisiana Democratic State
and Central Committee deleted a rule that only
whites could participate in the party's primary
elections in that State.
In Florida the election law of 1951 was in-
terpreted as forbidding segregation at the polls
by permitting but one place of entrance to the
polls and one place of exit from the polls.
In Alabama a constitutional amendment was
adopted requiring those seeking to register for
voting to satisfy the county registrare that they
are of good character, that they have fulfilled the
obligations for State and Federal citizenship, can
read and write any article of the U.S. Constitu-
^Wilhelmina Hill and Helen K. Mackintosh, Federal
Security Agency, Office of Education, Hov) Children Learn
About Human Rights, Bulletin No. 9, 1951, (Washington,
Government Printing Office, 1951).
179
tinn, and pass a written examination to be pre-
pared by the State Supreme Court.
An Alabama law afiirmed for certain workers
the right to take time off to vote, thus making 26
States which have given statutory protection of
this privilege for some or all workers of the State.^
Several States adopted laws to facilitate ab-
sentee voting, particularly by members of the
armed forces. As an aid in keeping its list of
voters correct, Comiecticut passed a law provid-
ing that citizens, other than those in the armed
forces, who have not voted for 4 years, must file a
formal application in order to be retained on the
list.
Provision for the Co7istitufional Government of
Puerto Rico. The Territory of Puerto Rico con-
tinued during 1951 its progress toward a fuller
measure of self-government. Pui-suant to an act
of the Congress approved on July 3, 1950,* which
provided that the people of Puerto Rico might re-
organize their Government under a new con-
stitution to be drafted by them, a referendum
was held in Puerto Rico on June 4, 1951, on the
question of accepting or rejecting this proposed
procedure. By a vote of 387,016 to 119,169, the
Puerto Rican voters accepted the invitation to
draft a constitution.^ On August 27, 1951, a date
set by the Puerto Rican Legislature, an election
was held for delegates to the Constitutional Con-
vention and the Convention began its meetings on
September 17, 1951.
LIFE, LIBERTY, AND SECURITY OF PERSON
The fifth and fourteenth amendments to the
Federal Constitution provide that no person shall
be deprived by governmental authority of life,
liberty, or property without due process of law.
The U.S. Supreme Court held that a special
State police officer who, in his official capacity,
by use of force and violence, obtained a confession
from a pei-son suspected of crime, was guilty of
violating a Federal statute (IS U.S. Code 242)
which makes it a crime for any person, under
pretense of law, to deprive any other person of a
right, privilege, or immunity secured or protected
by the Constitution and laws of the United States.
The constitutional right held to have been violated
in this case was the right, guaranteed by the
fourteenth amendment, not to be deprived of life
or liberty without due pi'ocess of law."
'Details of the provisions of these laws may be found
in Time Off For Votintj Under State Law, U.S. Depart-
ment of Labor Bulletin No. 13S, revised (Washington,
1952).
'G4 Stat. 319.
" See Bui.iJmN of Nov. 10, 1952, p. 758, for an anal.ysis
of human rights provisions in the Puerto Rican Con-
stitution.
'Williiims V. United States, 341 U.S. 97 (1951).
EQUAL PROTECTION OF THE LAW
The fourteenth amendment to the Federal Con-
stitution provides that no State shall deny any
per.son the equal protection of the laws.
In the case of Dowd v. Cook '' the defendant
was convicted of murder in a State court, sen-
tenced to life imprisonment, and immediately con- ,
fined in a State prison. The prison warden, how- i
ever, acting pursuant to then existing jjrison rules,
prevented the defendant from filing appeal papers
with the State Supreme Court. The Supreme
Court of the United States held, in a habeas corpus
proceeding brought in a Federal court, that the i
warden's suppression of the appeal papers was
a violation of the provision of the fourteenth
amendment of the Constitution of the United
States that "No State shall . . . deny to any
person within its jurisdiction the equal protection
of the laws." The court held, further, that in
the circumstances of the case, nothing short of an
actual appellate determination of the merits of
the conviction could cure the original denial of
equal protection of the law and ordered the dis-
trict court to enter an order allowing the State a
I'easonable time in which to aflFord the convicted
man the full appellate review he woiUd have
received but for the suppression of his i^apers,
failing which he should be discharged.
FREEDOM FROM UNREASONABLE SEARCH AND SEIZURE
The fourth amendment of the Constitution,
which curbs abuses of authority by Federal offi-
cers, provides that :
The right of the people to be secure in their persons,
iKJuses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches
and seizures, shall not be violated, anil no Warrants shall
issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or
affirnjation, and particularly describing the place to be
searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
In the case of the United States v. Jeffers * the
Supreme Court held that where Federal police
officers, acting without a warrant to search or
arrest, but with reason to believe that a suspect
had narcotics unlawfully concealed there, entered
an apartment belonging to other i>ersons, and
seized narcotics claimed by the suspect, the search
and seizure were not incidental to a valid arrest and
hence were in violation of the fourth amendment
of the Federal Constitution, in the absence of
exceptional circumstances to justify their being
made without a warrant.
FAIR TRIAL
The Constitution of the United States contains
muncroiis safeguards with respect to a fair trial,
including guarantees of the right to protection
against the requirement of excessive bail, compul-
sory self-incrimination, and double jeopardy, and
';{40 U.S. 206 (1951).
'342 U.S. 48 (1951).
180
Department of Sfofe Bulletin
protection of the right in criminal cases to a speedy
and public trial before an impartial jury, with
confrontation of opposing witnesses and assistance
of counsel.
Excesfiivc Bail. In Stack v. Boyle " the Supreme
Court held that bail set before trial of a defendant
in a Federal court at a figure higher than an
amount reasonably calculated to assure his pres-
ence at the trial violates the eighth amendment to
the Constitution of the United States, which pro-
vides that "excessive bail shall not be required."
Covnsel to Be Afforded. Another decision of
the Supreme Court held that the due process-of-
law clause of the fourteenth amendment to the
Constitution requires a State to afford the defend-'
ant assistance of counsel in a noncapital criminal
case when there are special circumstances showing
that without a lawyer the defendant could not
have an adequate and fair defense.'"
Jury Selection. In a case " involving the convic-
tion of two Florida Negroes for rape, the Supreme
Court unanimously reversed a judgment of the
Supreme Court of Florida affirming the convic-
tion because the method of jury selection had ex-
cluded Negroes from both the grand jury and
the trial jury. Two justices also considered that
the conviction should have been reversed on the
ground that a fair trial had been made impossible
because of the circulation of newspaper and radio
reports of alleged confessions by the defendants,
which confessions had not been presented in the
course of the trial.
Laws permitting women to serve on juries were
enacted in 1951 in three States — New Mexico,
Oklahoma, and Tennessee. At the end of the year,
there were only six States and two Territories in
which women were not eligible for jury service:
Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, South Carolina,
Texas, West Virginia, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico.
Self-incrimination. Two cases decided by the
Supreme Court gave expanded significance to the
right of protection against self-incrimination. In
the case of Blau v. United States " the court up-
held the right of a witness before a Federal grand
jury to refuse to answer questions concerning her
activities and records of the Communist Party on
the ground that to answer such questions might
result in self-incrimination and would be con-
trary to the provisions of the fifth amendment to
the Constitution of the United States that : "No
person . . . shall be compelled in any criminal
case to be a witness against himself."
In the other case " the court held that the privi-
lege against self-incrimination guaranteed by the
fifth amendment extends not only to answers that
would in themselves support a conviction under a
Federal statute but ahso to those which would fur-
nish a link in the chain of evidence needed to prose-
cute the individual being questioned for a Federal
crime. The court stated that to sustain the privi-
lege, it need only be evident from the implications
of the question, in the particular factual setting in
which it is asked, that a responsive answer to the
question or an explanation of why it cannot be
answered, miglit be dangerous because an injurious
disclosure could result.
GRANT OF ASYLUM
During 1951, as in previous years, the Congress
enacted legislation, in the form of private laws,
to provide asylum in the United States for vari-
ous individuals who might otherwise be required
to leave the country."
Entry of additional displaced persons into the
UnitedStates was facilitated by a law " which ex-
tended until December 31, 1951, the termination
date for the issuance of visas for eligible displaced
persons, and which extended until June 30, 1952,
the terminal date of the period during which 5,000
nonquota visas could be issued to eligible displaced
persons.
RIGHT TO OWN PROPERTY
The Federal Constitution protects persons from
being deprived of life, liberty, or property, with-
out due process of law, and this right has been
affirmed on numerous occasions. Protection of the
right of ownership in property was again upheld
in'tlie courts when the Supreme Court decided in
United States v. Pewee Coal Company " that the
temporary seizure and operation by the Govern-
ment of a coal mine, in order to avert a Nation-
wide strike of coal miners, resulted in a "taking"
of property entitling the mine owner to recover
compensation under the fifth amendment of the
U.S. Constitution, which provides that "private
pr'/perty [shall not] be taken for public use, with-
out just compensation."
FREEDOM OF RELIGION
Freedom of religious worship has been among
the most carefully guarded of all the rights en-
joyed by the individual in the United States and
has been repeatedly confirmed by the courts.
The most noteworthy case decided by the Su-
preme Court in 1951 in which the right of freedom
of religion was upheld was that of Niemotko v.
Maryland.^'' In this case the appellants' applica-
•342 U.S. 1 (1951).
"Palmer v. Ashe. 342 U.S. 134 (19.51).
" Shepherd v. Florida, 341 U. S. 50 (1951).
"340 U. S. 332 (1951).
"Hoffman v. United States, 341 U.S. 479 (1951).
February 2, 1953
239314—53 8
" For example, Private Law 30, 82(1 Cong., 1st sess.,
approved Jlay 14, 1051.
" Public Law 60, S2d Cong., 1st sess., approved June 28,
1951.
"341 U.S. 114 (1951).
"340 U.S. 268 (1951).
181
tions to a city council for permits to use a city
park for Bible talks was denied, for no apparent
reason except the council's dislike for appellants
and disagreement with their views. Appellants
were convicted in a local Maryland court of dis-
orderly conduct for attempting to hold public
meetings and make speeches in the park without
having secured permits. There was no evidence
of disorder or threat of violence or riot, and it
was shown that permits customarily had been
granted other organizations for similar purposes.
The court held that appellants were denied equal
protection of the laws, in the exercise of freedom
of speech and religion, contrary to the fourteenth
amendment and reversed the convictions.
FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND EXPRESSION
Several important issues involving constitu-
tional guarantees of freedom of speech and expres-
sion were decided by the U. S. Supreme Court.
In the case of Feiner v. Ne^o York '* the peti-
tioner had made an inflammatory speech on a
city street. The crowd blocked the sidewalk and
overflowed into the street. Its feelings were
rising, and there was at least one threat of violence.
In order to prevent such violence, police officers
thrice unsuccessfully requested the petitioner to
stop speaking. After his third refusal, and after
he had been speaking over 30 minutes, he was
arrested and later convicted of incitement of a
breach of the peace. The court sustained the con-
viction against the claim that it violated the peti-
tioner's right of free speech under the fourteenth
amendment. The court emphasized that the po-
lice cannot be used as an instrument for the sup-
pression of unpopular views but that when a
speaker passes the bounds of argument or per-
suasion and undertakes incitement to riot, the
police are not powerless to prevent a breach of
the peace.
In the case of Kunz v. NexD York " the Supreme
Court held invalid a New York City ordinance
which rec(uired police permits for religious meet-
ings on city streets. The Court's ruling reversed
the conviction of the Rev. Carl Jacob Kunz, who
had been arrested and fined 10 dollars for preach-
ing without a permit in 1948. In this case the
court held that the ordinance, because it did not
contain appropriate standards for administrative
action and gave an administrative official discre-
tionary power to control in advance the right of
citizens to speak on religious matters on the city
streets, was invalid under the fourteenth amend-
ment.
In a case arising out of questioning of a wit-
ness by the California Legislature's Committee on
Un-American Activities," the Supreme Court
held that the privilege of legislators to be free
"340 U.S. 315 (1051).
"340 U.S. 290 (1951).
"Tenney v. Brandhove, 341 U.S. 867 (1951).
from arrest or civil process for what they do or
say in legislative proceedings has been carefully
preserved in the formation of State and National
Governments, and that in order to find that a
legislative committee's investigation has exceeded
the bound of legislative power, it must be made
plain that there was a usurpation of functions ex-
clusively vested in the judicial or executive 1
branches of Government. |
In the case of Breard v. Alexandria'^ it was
determined that rights of salesmen to go on pri-
vate property are not unlimited and must be
weighed against the right of privacy of the prop-
erty owners. In this case the court upheld the
constitutionality of a municipal ordinance for-
bidding the practice of going from door to door
for the purpose of soliciting orders for the sale
of goods, without prior consent of the owners
or occupants. The court rejected the claim that j
such an ordinance offends the provision of the four- '
teenth amendment that no person shall be deprived
of property without due process of law. The
court also held that such an ordinance does not
abridge the freedom of speech and press guar-
anteed by the first and fourteenth amendments
since these constitutional rights have never been
treated as absolutes and that it would be a misuse
of the great guarantees of free speech and free
press to use them to force a community to admit
the sellers of publications to the home premises of
its residents. i
In Dennis v. United States " the Supreme |
Court on June 4, 1951, upheld the constitutionality
of the provision of the Alien Registration Act of
1940 (Smith Act) which makes it a crime for any
pei"son knowingly or willfully to advocate the
overthrow or destruction of the Government of the
United States by force or violence, to organize or
help to organize any group which does so, or to
conspire to do so. The defendants in this case
were the 11 leaders of the Communist Party of the
United States, who were found by the jui-y to have
willfully and knowingly conspired to organize the
Communist Party as a conspiratorial organiza-
tion intended to overthrow the Government by
force and violence "as speedily as circumstances
would permit."
An important action in defense of the freedom
of communication of ideas was taken by the
Federal Communications Commission when it
announced that it would enforce strictly the law
forbidding radio broadcasting stations to censor
speeches by political candidates and that even if
the speech is libelous the station must not
interfere."
Several State legislatures enacted legislation
against subversive organizations or activities.
"341 U.S. 622 (19.51).
"341 U.S. 494 (19.51).
" Federal Communications Commission File No. BR-449,
"In the Matter of the Application of WDSU Broadcasting
Corporation, New Orleans, Louisiana for Renewal of
License."
182
Department of State Bulletin
By a Massachusetts law, any person who is a
member of an organization attempting to over-
throw the Government by unconstitutional means
and who remains a member of it knowing it to be
subversive may be fined and imprisoned. Laws
against subversive organizations were also passed
in Indiana, Michigan, and New Hampshire. The
Indiana law provided mandatory terms of im-
prisonment for membership in subversive organi-
zations, while in Michigan it was made a felony
to conceal knowledge of subversive acts.
ACCESS TO PUBLIC SERVICES
Service in Armed Forces. The principle of
equality of treatment and opportunity for all per-
sons in the armed forces without regard to race,
color, religion, or national origin was established
by an Executive order of the President of July
26, 1948." The order provided that this policy
should be put into effect as rapidly as possible,
having due regard to the time required to effectu-
ate any necessary changes without impairing
efficiency or morale.
The integration of racial groups in the armed
services intended bv this order has been completed
in the Navy and the Air Force. In the Army
changes are still in progress to complete compli-
ance with the order. Thus in March 1951, the
Department of Defense announced that racial seg-
regation had been ended at the Fort Dix, N. J.,
reception center and shortly thereafter it was an-
nounced that the Army now has complete integra-
tion at all of its training centers, although segre-
gation still prevails in some combat units. In an
announcement of July 26, 1951, the Department
of Defense announced that steps were being taken
by the Army to carry to completion the integra-
tion of Negro personnel, already in progress, in
all combat units of the Far East Command.^'
The integration was to be phased over a period of
approximately 6 months. A similar integration
program was to be applied to service units.
An extensive historical study of race relations
and the process of integration in the U.S. Navy
was published during the year 1951 by one of the
first Negroes to serve as an officer in the Kegular
Navy, Lt. Dennis D. Nelson, under the title The
Integration of the Negro into the United States
Navy.-'^ While this is not an official history, the
author was given full access to official documents
and records and such materials were used with
full authority. This work showed that the former
concentration of Negro personnel in the steward's
branch was being eliminated and that nearly half
of Negro personnel were in other assignments.
" Executive Order 9981, 13 Fed. Reg. 4313.
"Department of Defense press release 997-51, July
" "Dennis D. Nelson, The Integration of the Negro iyito
the United States Navy (New York, Farrar, Straus, and
Young, 1951).
February 2, J 953
Appointment and Election to Public Office.
Candidacy for election to public office is open to
those persons who can fulfill the legal require-
ments for officeholding, while appointment to posi-
tions in the Federal and State Government service
is open to those who can meet the qualifications
for a particular post. Among the qua.lifications
for certain positions involving responsibility for
the security of the Government is assurance that
the appointee is in fact loyal.
The legislature of Pennsylvania passed a loy-
alty bill affecting teachers and other State and
local government employees. The law provides
for the removal of such employees when charged
with specific instances of subversive activity with
the charges backed up by a "fair preponderance
of evidence," while employment may be refused
to persons in whose cases there is "reasonable
doubt" of loyalty. An appeal mechanism, with
appeal to the courts, was also set up.
Efforts by States and municipalities to prevent
members of subversive organizations actively seek-
ing the overthrow of constitutional government
from becoming candidates for public office or from
serving as puT)lic employees were upheld by the
Supreme Court. In Gerende v. Board of Su-
pervisors of Elections of Baltimore " the Supreme
Court held that a State could constitutionally re-
quire that in order for a candidate for public office
to obtain a place on the ballot he must take an
oath that he is not engaged "in one way or another
in the attempt to overthrow the Government by
force or violence," and that he is not knowingly a
member of an organization engaged in such an
attempt.
Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights
The expansion of the economic, social, and cul-
tural rights enjoyed by the individual appears
most clearly through the listing and enumeration
of the new provisions made by law or regulation
in each of these fields. The year 1951 was espe-
cially marked by large increases in the number of
persons covered by the social-security program,
steady improvement in the provisions of the unem-
ployment-insurance laws, further progress toward
nondiscrimination in employment, large provision
for improved housing, an all-time high in elemen-
tary and secondary school enrollment, and in-
creased cultural interchange between the Ameri-
can people and those of foreign countries.
SOCIAL SECURITY
The basic social-security program of the United
States is intended to provide economic security to
elderly and retired workers or to surviving fam-
ilies by means of an old-age and survivors' insur-
' 341, U. S. 56.923 (1951).
183
ance system. The number of persons covered by
this program were largely increased by amend-
ments to the Social Security Act, which were
adopted in 1950 and became effective January 1,
1051.='
Steps were taken through amendments to the
Railroad Retirement Act in Public Law 231:, ap-
proved Oct. 30, 1951, to effect still more complete
coverage of retired workers. These amendments
increased benefits and included provisions for
transferring to the old-age and survivors' insur-
ance (social-security) program the wage credits
of individuals who die or retire with less than
10 years of railroad service. These workers or
their survivors may thus receive old-age and sur-
vivors' insurance benefits. The bill also included
provisions relating to financial interchange and
benefit interrelationships between the two pro-
grams.
State legislation also affected the coverage of
the old-age and survivors' insurance program.
The 1950 Social Security Act amendments had
provided for the extension of coverage to State
and local governmental employees (other than
those in positions already covered by retirement
systems) through voluntary agreements between
the State and the Federal Security Administrator.
By the end of 1950, three States (Arkansas, Idaho,
and Oklahoma) had already effected such agree-
ments and four others (California, South Dakota,
Washington, and West Virginia) had passed ena-
bling legislation. During 1951 agreements were
effected by the four which had passed their ena-
bling legislation in 1950 and by an additional 24
States and Territories (Alabama, Alaska, Ari-
zona, Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Indiana, Kan-
sas, Kentucky, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Mis-
souri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Carolina,
Oregon, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Texas, Utah,
Vermont, Wisconsin, and Wyoming) . By the end
of 1951, there were six other States (Connecticut,
Georgia, Illinois, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and
South Carolina) which had enacted enabling leg-
islation but had not yet effected coverage
agreements.
Much of the public-assistance legislation en-
acted by the States during the 1951 legislative ses-
sions was designed to implement other amend-
ments to the Social Security Act adopted in 1950.
In 16 States legislation enacted in 1951 established
programs of assistance to persons who are per-
manently and totally disabled. Some additional
States had taken the necessary action in legisla-
tive sessions called late in 1950 ; in others the legis-
lative authority already placed in the State
Welfare Department was sufficiently broad to per-
mit them to benefit from the new Federal grants
for disability assistance. Thus, by the end of
1951, a total of 36 jurisdictions were making pay-
" These amendments have been summarized In the re-
port on Human Rights in the United States in 1950. See
Bulletin of Dec. 31, 1051, p. 1072.
ments under approved plans for aid to the perma-
nently and totally disabled.
A few States enacted special legislation to
bi-oaden the program for aid to dependent chil-
dz-en by providing for the consideration of the
needs of the parents or other adult relatives car-
ing for the dependent child; other States took
advantage of the new provisions in the Federal
Act without enacting additional legislation. A
number of States raised the statutory maximum
payment for one or more of the assistance pro-
grams. In 1951, 29 States enacted legislation re-
lating to income exemptions for aid to the blind
to comply with the 1950 amendments to the Fed-
eral Act. Under the impetus of these same
amendments, 17 States enacted legislation to pro-
vide for assistance payments to patients in public
medical institutions, and several adopted special
legislation taking advantaf^e of a new provision
to aid payments for medical services. A few
States took legislative action in connection with
a Federal provision in the Revenue Act of 1951
(Public Law 183, approved October 20) provid-
ing that Federal aid may not be withheld because
the State makes its welfare records available to
public inspection. Various provisions enacted by
the States in 1951 were designed to establish the
responsibility of relatives for persons receiving
public assistance.
UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE.AND WORKMEN'S
COMPENSATION
Each State has its own unemployment-insur-
ance law and operates its own unemployment-in-
surance system with cooperation and grants of
funds from the Federal Government.
Almost 35 million workers in industry and
commerce were employed in jobs covered by the
Federal-State system of unemployment insurance
in 1951. Such laws are in effect in the 48 States,
the District of Columbia, Alaska, and Hawaii,
and a special Federal system covers railroad work-
ers. Workers in agriculture, domestic service,
public service, and nonprofit organizations are
generally not covered. In one-third of the States,
all workers in covered industries are protected ; in
the other States, workers in smaller firms are
excluded.
Benefits are provided by the States under vary-
ing conditions. In 1951, 22 States increased their
maximum weekly payments and 8 States increased
the maximum potential duration of benefits. This
emphasis on the size of the weekly payments rather
than the period during which payments are made
resulted from the continued rise in wages and in
the cost of living and the expectation of continued
high-level employment during the next few years.
The 1951 sessions of the State Legislatures
(Alaska. New York, North Carolina, Pennsyl-
vania, AVashington, and Wisconsin) saw the first
30-dollar basic maximum weekly benefit and the
elimination of the last maximum benefit under
184
Department of State Bulletin
20 dollars. After the 1951 amendments, 15 States
with 55 percent of the covered workers in the
country had a maximum basic weekly benefit of
26 dollars to 30 dollars and 18 States with a
quarter of the covered workers had a maximum
of 25 dollars.
Of the eight States which increased maximum
duration of benefits, five extended duration to 26
weeks, two to 24 weeks, and one to 22 weeks. Thus
it became possible in 1951 for claimants in 18
States to qualify for benefits for 26 weeks and for
up to 23 weeks in more than one-half of the States.
Colorado increased the weekly benefit by 26 per-
cent and potential duration of benefits to a uni-
form 26 weeks for claimants who had had wages
in excess of 1,000 dollars in each of 5 consecutive
years and had drawn no benefits during the period.
Basic maximum benefits in a benefit year, not
including dependents or other allowances, ranged
from 240 dollars to 689 dollars in 1950; largely
because of changes in maximum weekly benefits,
the range after the 1951 amendments were enacted
is from 240 dollars in Arizona to 795 dollars in
Wisconsin. The laws of 10 States with approxi-
mately 40 percent of the covered workers now
provide for basic maximum annual benefits of
700 dollars or more, while the basic maximum
benefits were between 500 dollars and 700 dollars
in 25 additional States with another 40 percent of
the covered workers.
Disability benefits are payable for nonoccupa-
tional disabilities to workers covered by railroad
unemployment insurance and by four States.
California increased the maximum weekly bene-
fit for temporary disability insurance from 25
dollars to 30 dollars, allowed receipt of hospital
benefits while claimants are receiving remunera-
tion from an employer, and exempted from con-
tribution and benefits individuals who belong to
a religious sect that depends upon prayer for
healing.
Workmen's Compensation. Benefits to injured
workers, which are provided throughout the
United States, were increased in 34 States and
Hawaii. Benefits for temporary total injury, the
most common type of injury, were raised in 28
States and Hawaii. An increase of 20 percent or
more in maximum weekly benefits was voted in
eight States. An Illinois amendment provided
that 75 percent of the weekly wages might be paid
as benefits for temporary total disability and as
high as 971/^ percent may be paid for workers
having three or more dependent children. Maxi-
mum weekly benefits of 30 dollars or more (in-
cluding allowances for dependents) are now pro-
vided in more than half of the States.
Death benefits were raised in 28 States and
Hawaii. For example, maximum total benefits
were raised from 8,400 dollars to 9,200 dollars in
Alabama ; from 7,500 dollars to 10,000 dollars in
Maryland ; and from 6,000 dollars to 8,000 dollars
in North Carolina. In Oklahoma, death benefits
were provided under the act for the first time, the
maximum amount being set at 13,500 dollars.
Benefits payable for medical aid were increased
in seven States ; provision was made in seven States
and Hawaii for additional appliances to be fur-
nished the disabled worker ; and benefits for bur-
ial expenses were increased in six States.
Coverage for occupational diseases was intro-
duced in Alabama and Vermont and extended in
several other States. Altogether 25 States, Alas-
ka, Hawaii, and the District of Columbia now
provide full coverage of occupational diseases,
while 18 others and Puerto Rico cover specified
diseases.
Rehabilitation services for the injured worker
were provided in the workmen's compensation
laws of Missouri and Puerto Rico, in addition to
the 18 States with laws already containing spe-
cific rehabilitation provisions; and such services
were improved or benefits increased in North
Dakota, Ohio, and Utah.
JUST AND FAVORABLE CONDITIONS OF WORK
Migratory Workers. The conditions surround-
ing migratory workers had been the subject of
study by a special Commission on Migratory
"Workers, appointed by President Truman in 1950
to inquire into the social, economic, health, and
educational conditions among migratory workers,
both alien and domestic, in the United States. In
March 1951, the Commission issued a report of
findings and recommendations growing out of
public hearings held throughout the United
States in 1950. The report included recom-
mendations for legislative action on both the Fed-
eral and State levels.
Congress enacted a law dealing with migra-
tory labor,-' which authorized the Secretary of
Labor, upon certification by the Secretary of Agri-
culture that such workers are needed, to recruit
farm laborei'S in Mexico, transport them to the
United States, provide them with necessary sub-
sistence while en route, as well as emergency
medical care, and guarantee that employers will
comply with the terms of the individual work con-
tracts with the laborers. An agreement was made
with the Mexican Government (see Part II below)
covering rights under contracts to be enjoyed by
Mexican agricultural workers in the United
States.
Several States enacted in 1951 laws designed to
improve the condition of migratory workers.
California enacted a law regulating farm-labor
contractors, under which persons who recruit farm
laborers are required to be licensed and bonded,
and providing for refusal or revocation of a li-
cense by the Labor Commissioner for failure to
comply with specific requirements set up by the
law to protect the workers who are recruited.
'^ Public Law 78, approved July 12, 1951.
Februory 2, J 953
185
In Minnesota, the State Board of Health was
specifically authorized to make sanitary regula-
tions relating to migrant-labor camps, in addi-
tion to its previous authority to make such
regulations for lumbering and industrial camps.
Wisconsin also enacted legislation under which
all industrial camps must be registered with the
State Board of Health and must obtain annual
certificates which may be revoked if the camp
does not comply with regulations issued by the
Board.
Industrial Safety. A number of laws were en-
acted in 1951 to provide safe work places and
working methods. The authority of a State agency
to draw up industrial safety regulations was in-
creased or strengthened in Montana, Michigan,
Tennessee, and Washington. More specific pro-
visions for the detection and prevention of
hazardous conditions included : a Massachusetts
law prohibiting the removal of safety guards on
machinery having movable parts unless the ma-
chinery has been shut down for repairs; in Cali-
fornia, an increase from 10 dollars to 25 dollars
in the minimum fine for failure to report an ac-
cident ; in Oregon, specific authority for the State
Industrial Accident Commission to post a notice
of any violation of a law or rule requiring a safety
appliance, device, or safeguard, the notice not to
be removed until the employer has complied.
Minimum Wage. A minimum wage, applicable
to workers engaged in interstate commerce or in
the production of goods for interstate commerce,
was established by the Federal Fair Labor Stand-
ards Act of 1938.'° In January 1950, amend-
ments " strengthening the provisions of this Act
came into force. These amendments raised the
legal minimum wage of all workers in interstate
commerce from 40 to 75 cents an hour, improved
the enforcement provisions, and clarified and
modified the overtime provision and the exemp-
tions. The basic protection of this minimum wage
applies to about 21 million employees, constituting
more than half of all employees in the United
States other than those working for Government
agencies. During the year marked progress was
made in putting these important changes in the
law into effect. Wage rates below 75 cents were
permitted, under circumscribed conditions, for
handicapped workers, for apprentices, for learn-
ers in occupations which require training periods,
and for workers in certain industries in Puerto
Eico and the Virgin Islands. The wage orders
applicable to industries in these two areas are re-
viewed periodically in order to achieve the statu-
tory objective of the 75-cent minimum wage as
rapidly as economically feasible.
The year 1951 saw an increase in the submini-
mum rates for learners in a number of industries.
The general direction of these revisions was to-
ward the establishment of a 65-cent hourly base for
learners' rates, as compared with the 55-cent and
CO-cent level which prevailed generally during
1950. New rates were set in the hosiery industry,
the cotton-garment industry, and in a number of
others.
Under the Walsh-Healey Act," two new wage
determinations were issued by the Secretary of
Labor in 1951, and proceedings on several others
were nearing completion. This is the Federal law
which requires that at least the minimum wage
prevailing in an industry be paid in the execution
of Government contracts for materials, supplies,
and equipment, exceeding 10,000 dollars in value.
The new wage determinations covered the Chemi-
cal and Related Products Industry and the Dental
Goods and Equipment Manufacturing Industry.
These were in addition to the rates already set in
some 40 industries, many of which have been the
subject of more than one determination. In most
important industries in which no wage determina-
tion has been made, employment is generally cov-
ered by the 75-cent hourly minimum under the
Fair Labor Standards Act.
State minimum-wage laws, designed to assure
the workers covered by them at least a minimum
adequate standard of living, are in effect in 26
States. Three States strengthened their laws
during 1951. Most laws apply only to women
and minors but in five States — Connecticut, Massa-
chusetts, New Hampshire, New York, and Rhode
Island — they apply also to adult men workers.
In Connecticut the minimum-wage law of that
State, applying to men, women, and minors, was
amended to establish the same statutory minimum-
wage rate as is fixed by the Federal Fair Labor
Standards Act — namely, 75 cents an hour. The
Act also deleted the provision allowing the wage
board to differentiate between male, female, and
minor employees in recommending minimum- wage
rates.
During the year 1951, 26 wage orders improv-
ing wage rates and working conditions were is-
sued in the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico,
and 11 States — Colorado, Connecticut, Kentucky,
Massachusetts, New York, North Dakota, Oregon,
Rhode Island, Utah, Washington, and Wisconsin.
Of these, seven orders in four States established
a basic minimum wage of 75 cents an hour, the
minimum currently in effect under the Federal
Fair Labor Standards Act for workers in inter-
state commerce. In a number of States, other
wage orders were in process of revision at the end
of the year.
Women Workers. All but four States have
laws regulating the hours of employment of wom-
en. In 1951 New York made permanent the pro-
vision permitting women over 21 to be employed
until midnight in mercantile establishments and
also passed bills removing certain pi-ohibitions on
"52 Stat. 1060.
' 63 Stat. 910.
' 49 Stat. 2038.
ia6
Department of Slate Bulletin
employment of women at night by permitting
women to work in factory-operated restaurants in
the previously restricted period between midnight
and 6 a. m. and permitting them to work in other
restaurants after midnight with the consent of
the State Industrial Commissioner. Indiana sus-
pended the operation of its night-work law cover-
ing manufacturing establishments for a 10-year
period ending March 15, 1961. A number of States
enacted laws to permit relaxation of hour stand-
ards for women during the national defense emer-
gency under specific conditions.
The Massachusetts Legislature approved a bill
to tighten the provisions of its law on equal pay
for women. Maine enacted a teachers' equal pay
law. At the end of the year, 12 States and Alaska
had equal-pay laws in effect for women in private
employment, while 16 States and the District of
Columbia had equal-pay laws for teachers.
Right to Strike. The U.S. Supreme Court in
1951 upheld the right of workers to strike in a
decision which held invalid a Wisconsin State law
outlawing the right to strike in the case of failure
of bargaining negotiations where the employer
involved furnished essential public-utility sei'v-
ice." The Supreme Court held that the law was
in conflict with Federal law in that it prohibited
the exercise of rights guaranteed by Federal labor
legislation.
Nondiscrimination in Employment. Under an
Executive order in February 1951 by which Presi-
dent Truman authorized the Departments of De-
fense and Commerce to let defense contracts,^* he
directed that there should be no discrimination in
connection with the letting of such contracts
against any person on the ground of race, creed,
color, or national origin, and that all contracts let
under these conditions should contain a provision
that the contractor and any subcontractor there-
under shoidd not so discriminate.
In December 1951 President Truman issued an
Executive order ^° establishing a Committee on
Government Contract Compliance, the purpose of
which was to secure better compliance by contrac-
tors and subcontractors with provisions in their
contracts with the U. S. Government obligating
them to practice nondiscrimination in the per-
formance of their contracts. These provisions
specifically forbade discrimination because of race,
creed, color, or national origin and extended to
subcontracts as well as to original contracts. They
had not, however, been secured by any system of
uniform regulation or inspection common to all
the contracting agencies of the Federal Govern-
" AmaJflamated Association of Street, Electric Railway,
and Motor Coach Emplouees, Division 998 v. Wisconsin
Employment Relations Board, 340 U.S. 3S3 (1951).
" Executive Order No. 10201, 16 Fed. Reg. 1049. The
directive was extended on Oct. 31, 1951, to cover contract
letting by the Department of the Interior, by Executive
Order No. 1029S, 10 Fed. Reg. 11135.
" 16 Fed. Reg. 12303.
February 2, J 953
ment and widely understood by the contractors
and their employees. The Executive order was
intended to correct this deficiency. It placed the
primary responsibility for securing compliance
with the nondiscriminatory provisions with the
head of the agency of the Federal Government let-
ting each contract. The Committee appointed
under the order was expected to examine and study
the compliance procedures in use and to recom-
mend changes that would strengthen them. It
was to be composed of five members representing
Government agencies and six other members desig-
nated by the President. President Truman in
issuing the order expressed the view that in ful-
filling a contract with the Federal Government
a contractor should follow the national policy
of equal treatment and opportunity.
Colorado in 1951 enacted a fair-employment-
practices law providing for an educational ap-
proach to problems of discrimination in private
employment because of race, creed, color, and na-
tional origin, or ancestry. In signing the law,
Gov. Dan Thornton called the act "a forward step
in human relations" and reaffirmed "Colorado's be-
life in equal rights for all." In the city of Denver,
Colo., the City Council approved an ordinance
establishing a permanent Commission on Human
Relations, succeeding previous committees ap-
pointed by the mayor. The purpose is to eliminate
bias in employment of city and county workers
and in providing city services to the public.
The action of Colorado makes three States that
have the educational type of fair-employment-
practices law for private employment— Colorado,
Indiana, and Wisconsin. Eight States— Connect-
icut, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New Mexico,
New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, and Washing-
ton— have acts under which authority is provided
to enforce the ban on specified practices of dis-
crimination. In 1951 the New Jersey antidis-
crimination law was amended by adding a prohi-
bition against discrimination because of liability
for military service; and a California law pro-
hibited discrimination in the acceptance of
apprentices on public works on the ground of race,
creed, or color.
The New Jersey Constitution of 1948 provided
for municipal or local committees on civil rights
in each of the townships. By 1951, 17 such local
public intergroup-relations agencies existed in
New Jersey. . .
New Jers^ has a Division Against Discrmiina-
tion in the State Department of Education, with
a budget of 65 thousand dollars and 12 employees.
It is under the Commissioner of Education and
the Assistant Commissioner of Education is direc-
tor of the Division Against Discrimination.
Besides the 11 States having fair-employment
laws, local ordinances regarding fair-employment
practices were in effect in some 20 cities, including
Phoenix, Ariz. ; Chicago, 111. ; Sioux City, Iowa ;
Akron, Cincinnati, Cleveland, and Youngstown,
Ohio ; and Philadelphia, Pii. Eifjht of these ordi-
nances were adopted daring 1951. In Philadel-
phia the new city charter created a Commission
on Human Relations which woidd take over the
duties of the municipal Fair Employment Prac-
tices Commission, created by an ordinance in 1948.
By the end of 1951, fair-employment-practices
legislation existed in States or cities which held
32.5 percent of the Nation's population.
HOUSING AND PUBLIC ACCOMMODATION
Iloufiing Legislation. Basic Federal legislation
intended to furnish assistance in providing suit-
able housing dates from before AVorld \Ti\v II.
The Housing Act of 1949 '"' provided aid in the
housing of low-income families and for slum
clearance and urban redevelopment. The 1949
Act set forth the goal of the U.S. housing program
as a decent home and a suitable living environ-
ment for every American family. The Housing
Act of 1950 ^' authorized more liberal financial
assistance for construction of low-cost houses
through the mortgage-insurance program.
Much of the Federal legislation affecting hous-
ing enacted in 1951 had as its purpose assistance
in the provision of housing and community facili-
ties essential for workers in areas which had be-
come critical housing areas as a result of defense
activities. Public Law 139,^ approved Sept. 1,
1951, contained provisions to assure that private
enterprise would be afforded full oppoi'tunity to
pi'ovide the housing needed and set up a liberal
mortgage-insurance program to assist private
enterprise in such undertakings, such assistance
to be available in critical areas for a period of
not less than 90 days before the Federal Govern-
ment would construct any permanent housing in
such an area. The Federal Government was to
construct only such necessary housing as private
builders did not within the 90-day period indicate
they would provide. The President was author-
ized to provide essential community facilities and
services and to make loans and grants to local
communities to assist them in providing com-
munity facilities and services.
Other laws affecting housing provided an addi-
tional 3,875,000 dollars for loans for housing in
Alaska and authorized the provision of temporary
housing or emergency shelter in the case of major
disasters.
Legislation affecting housing was also enacted
by over three-fourths of the State and territorial
legislatures in session during 1951.
Laws regarding housing authorities in Georgia,
Hawaii, Nevada, and Puerto Rico were amended
to authorize any housing authority having rural
areas within its jurisdiction to undertake the pro-
vision of housing for persons of low income within
"6.3 Stat. 413.
"'64S?(!<. 48.
" 65 Stat. 293.
such areas. New York created seven new housing
authorities in towns and cities in that State.
Georgia, Hawaii, Maine, Minnesota, and Nevada
made provision for veterans' preference in admis-
sion to low-rent housing projects.
Seven States, making a total of 34 States, four
Territories, and the District of Columbia, enacted
new legislation authorizing the undertaking of
slum clearance and local redevelopment projects
by local public agencies.
Nondincnmination in Housing. A trend toward
elimination of discrimination in housing and pub-
lic accommodation continued in 1951.
The Housing and Home Finance Agency issued
a statement of policy designed to eliminate dis-
crimination with respect to families belonging to
minority groups displaced in the course of Fed-
erally assisted slum clearance operations requiring
suitable rehousing arrangements for such fami-
lies.^^"
Another policy statement required communities
planning defense housing to be assisted by the Fed-
eral Government to provide fully for incoming de-
fense workers of minority groups. It was also
stated that defense housing and community fa-
cilities to be provided directly by the Housing and
Home Finance Administrator should be available
for any eligible worker, with no denial on the basis
of race, color, creed, or national origin.*"
The Public Housing Administration's Low-Rent
Housing Manual, in a general statement on racial
policy applicable to all low-rent housing projects
developed and operated under the Housing Act of
1937, declared that to be eligible for assistance,
programs must reflect equitable provision for eli-
gible families of all races in accordance with the
volume and urgency of their needs for such hous-
ing, and that such housing should be of substan-
tially the same quality, with the same conveniences
and facilities.
State and local governmental agencies also
took action against discrimination in connection
with housing.'*'
A Wisconsin law relating to sale of property for
nonpayment of taxes was amended to provide
that racial restrictions on the property were not
among restrictions surviving a tax sale.
In New York City an ordinance was enacted to
bar discrimination in selection of tenants for hous-
ing built with city aid. In this ordinance it was
declared to be the policy of the city to assure equal
opportunity to all residents to live in decent, sani-
"Tliis statement of policy appeared in an announcement
by tlie Administrator of the Housing nnd Home Finance
Agency on Nov. 5, 1051. See Housing and Home Finance
Agency press release HHF.V-OA-241.
'° Statement by Housing and Home Finance Administra-
tor, Nov. 15, 1951.
*' For the texts of these provisions, see Non-discrimina-
tion Clau.ies in Regard to Public Housing ami Urban Re-
development Undertakings (Washington, Housing and
Home Finance Agency, November 1950) and supplements
thereto.
188
DepartmenI of State Bulletin
tary, and healtliful living quarters, regardless of
race, color, religion, national origin, or ancestry.
Other cities making statements of policy op-
posed to discrimination in connection with public
housing and urban redevelopment were Cincinnati,
Pasco, Wash., Omaha, Nebr., Pontiac, Mich., and
Toledo.
In Los Angeles County, the Count}' Board of
Supervisors adopted a resolution prohibitino; dis-
crimination in the use of any land owned by the
county. In the city of Los Angeles the City Coun-
cil passed an ordinance declaring that all plans
for city-assisted redevelopment projects shall con-
tain clauses prohibiting discrimination and segre-
gation in the sale or renting of housing units in
these projects.
In the case of City of Blrm'tnglimrh v. Monk *^ the
U.S. Court of Appeals affirmed the ruling of the
District Court and held that a city zoning ordi-
nance making it unlawful for Negroes to occupy
property for residential purposes in areas zoned
as white-residential, and making it unlawful for
white persons to occupy property for the same
purpose in an area zoned as Negro-residential,
violated the fourteenth amendment to the Consti-
tution of the United States which prohibits States
from depriving pei'sons of property without due
process of law. The Supreme Court of the United
States refused to review this decision on May 28,
1951.
Among State and local acts to prevent dis-
crimination in access to and use of places of public
accommodation were the rej^eal by the Maryland
Legislature of a law requiring segregation of
Negroes on intrastate steamboats and railways,
which had long been obsolete except on Chesapeake
Bay ferry boats; amendment of a Wisconsin law
prohibiting hotels, resorts, or other places of pub-
lic accommodation or amusement from discrimina-
tion on account of race or color, to include
prohibition also of discrimination because of creed,
national origin, or ancestry, and of discriminatory
advertising; and a provision in the newly adopted
City Charter in Philadelphia against discrimina-
tion in extending the use of city property.
HEALTH
Congress passed sevei'al laws in 1951 to im-
])rove health services or protection to citizens of
the country. Among them was Public Law 139,
already mentioned, which assists in the provision
of hospital and sanitary facilities in communities
affected by defense activities. Under its provi-
sions the Surgeon General of the United States
is to administer the portions of the law dealing
with health, sewage, and sanitation facilities.
The Migratory Farm Labor Act includes provi-
sion for emergency medical care for this group of
Avorkere. A protective law, an amendment to the
"185 F. 2d S50 (1951) ; 341 U. S. 940 (1951). certiorari
tlonied.
Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, bars the
sale, without prescription, of certain barbiturates,
narcotics, ancl new experimental drugs.
Most significant of State legislation enacted in
1951 were several mental-health laws. During
1951 Idaho and Utah adopted the model State
mental-health law which provides for (1) maxi-
mum opportunity for prompt medical care; (2)
protection against emotionally harmful or degrad-
ing treatment; and (3) protection against wrong-
ful confinement and deprivation of rights. The
South Carolina Legislature passed a law setting
up the South Carolina Mental Health Commis-
sion and providing for revision of the mental-
health laws. In addition, a 5 million dollar bond
issue was initiated to provide for the construction
of State mental institutions. The State of Wash-
ington enacted a new law regarding psychopathic
delinquents; it provides for their release from
State hospitals upon correction of personality
problems. Individuals thus concerned may be-
come useful members of society without criminal
convictions on their records. Also, a law for
rehabilitation of mentally handicapped children
was pas.sed by the State Legislature. In this same
vein, the North Carolina Legislature passed a law
which provides for treatment of "mentally danger-
ous" pei'sons who were charged with crime and
found innocent. Other States which enacted men-
tal-health legislation were New Jersey, Vermont,
and California.
Legislation recognizing alcoholism as an illness
was enacted in several States. As the result of
such legislation, boards, divisions or commissions
on alcoholism were created in Michigan, Georgia,
Minnesota, North Dakota, Rhode Island, and Ver-
mont. In addition, educational programs to
combat alcoholism have been provided for in
Georgia, Indiana, Maine, North Dakota, and Ver-
mont. The Georgia law provides procedures for
committal of alcoholics for treatment and reha-
bilitation. Florida passed a law for the establish-
ment of a hospital for alcoholics. Thirty-nine
States and the District of Columbia have official
agencies for medical care, research, and rehabili-
tation in the field of alcoholism, following the
basic principle of regarding alcoholism as a dis-
ease rather than viewing its victims as criminals
and social misfits.
The chronically ill were also beneficiaries of
State legislation in 1951. Minnesota passed a law
authorizing its counties to create and maintain
nursing homes for the chronically ill and aged
person. New Jersey passed legislation providing
for State-supervised, county-operated programs
of assistance to chronically ill persons.
For the benefit of sufferers from tuberculosis
New York's Legislature made a requirement that
each county should afford free hospital care for
tuberculosis patients, while Delaware provided a
bond issue for the improvement of its tuberculosis
sanitariums.
fe\)t\iQty 2, 7953
189
Connecticut passed legislation (H'anting finan-
cial aid to a program of nursing education.
General legislation enacted during the year in-
cluded statutes creating a Department of Health
in Arizona and authorizing tlie creation of city,
county, or district jjublic-liealth departments in
Wyoming. The Federal Goverimient and most
States already have official agencies responsible
for public-health activities.
CHILD WELFARE
Midccntury White Home Conference on Chil-
dren and Youth. The Midcentury White House
Conference on Children and Youth held at the end
of r.)r)0 constituted one of the high points in work
for children in the United States in recent years
and was among the largest citizen undertakings
in belialf of children in the history of the country.
The conference was called by the President and
planned by a national committee of citizens ap-
pointed by him. It was sponsored on behalf of
the Federal Government by the Children's Bu-
reau of the Federal Security Agency, in accord-
ance with its function, as defined in the basic leg-
islation creating it in 1912," to investigate and
report on all matters related to child life and to
increase opportunity for the full development of
all children by promoting their health and social
welfare. The U.S. Congress made special ap-
propriations to the Children's Bureau for the
conference.
One result of the conference was the creation of
a National Midcentury Committee, organized in
the spring of 1951. This committee, in collabora-
tion with agencies of the Federal Government, the
latter working through the Federal Interdepart-
mental Connnittee for Children and Youth, set six
program goals as a follow-up of the work of the
Midcentury Conference. These goals are: **
1. Strengthening family life.
2. Providing opportunities for young people to
take part in significant local. State, and national
activities.
3. Providing equal opportunities for all chil-
dren with particular reference to overcoming
those conditions which make for discrimination
because of race, religion, or national origin.
4. Strengthening spiritual life.
5. Pooling the skills of the experts from differ-
ent fields to further the total well-being of the
child.
6. Encouraging the application and use of
tested research knowledge in programs for chil-
dren and youtli.
Prohibition of Child Labor. Prohibition of
child labor and regulation of work by young
"37 Stat. 79.
" The text of these recommendations may be found in
the Social Security Bulletin published by the U.S. Federal
Security Agency, vol. xn. No. 2, February 1951, p. 10.
190
pi'oiile has been dealt with in the United States
ill both Federal and State legislation. The basic
law, the Federal Fair Labor Standards Act of
VJ'A^*'- set minimum standards for the employ-
ment of young people in establishments engaged
in producing goods for shipment in interstate
connnerce. The provisions of this act were
strengtliened by amendments, whicli became effect-
ive ill January 1950,** and tightened the prohibi-
tions on child labor. These included a direct in-
stead of an indirect prohibition of the employment
of underage children in the production of goods
for interstate commerce, a direct prohibition of
their employment in interstate commerce, and a
provision which permits their employment in
agriculture only outside of school hours in the
district in which they are working. In 1951 con-
siderable progress was made in implementing these .
amendments. |
Several orders issued under the provisions of the •
Fair Labor Standards Act came into effect, by
which certain occupations were designated as haz-
ardous, in which children less than 18 years of
age were forbidden to work. Hazardous Occupa-
tions Order No. 9, which became effective in Janu-
aiy 1951, applied the act's 18-year minimum age
standard for hazardous work to all undergi'ound
and some surface occupations in all mines other
than coal mines, to which an earlier hazardous
occupations order applies.
State laws regulating conditions of work for
young people wei-e improved in four States during
1951. In New Hampshire the 14-year minimum
age standard was made applicable to all occupa-
tions except agriculture and domestic service, in-
stead of to specified occupations. Age certificates
were required for minors 16 and 17 years of age in
Delaware. In California workmen's compensa-
tion benefits were increased 50 percent for minors
injured while illegally employed. Under an Ohio
law the minimum age for employment in a number
of hazardous occupations was raised from 16 to
18, and an 18-year minimum was set for additional
occupations.
Aid to Handicapped Children. The legislature
of Illinois authorized local school boards to estab-
lish and maintain special educational facilities for
mentally handicapped children. State aid for
such programs was to be granted up to a maximum
of $250 per child.
In Arizona a program was set up for the educa-
tion of homebound crippled children, as well as
for crippled children in institutions; provision
was made for the establishment of a children's
colony for handicapped children.
Public Child Welfare Services. Laws were
enacted in Delaware and Florida establishing de-
partments of welfare with responsibility for pub-
lic child-welfare services. New Jereey authorized
".52 Stat. 1060.
"63 Stat. 910.
Department of State Bulletin
State-wide services and financial aid for children
with the proviso that they should be available
when and so long as these are not available from
a private agency. The Southern Illinois Services
Center was established under the Department of
Public Welfare to care for children when private
and local public services are not available. The
State of Washington established a Division of
Youth Services within the Department of Institu-
tions to assist in the provision of public services
for delinquent childi-en.
EDUCATION
Public education in the United States is a func-
tion of the individual States and their subdivi-
sions, rather than of the Federal Government, and
educational systems and laws relating to education
vary somewhat from State to State. Everywhere,
however, public education is fi'ee in the elementary
and secondary schools. Compulsory education
laws differ somewhat, fi'om State to State, with
school-leaving ages ranging from 14 to 18, but in-
cluding all elementary schooling. With education
thus accessible to all, enrollment in elementary and
secondary schools, public and private, in the
United States set a new record in 1951 at 29,828,-
000, while college and university enrollments num-
bered about 2,500,000.
Enrollments at this record level put a severe
strain on the physical facilities of the school sys-
tem of the country. Extensive use was made dur-
ing the year of the two important laws passed by
Coligress during September 1950,^' which provided
for assistance by the U. S. Government in con-
struction of schools in areas affected by Federal
activities, and for Federal assistance to schools in
such communities for current operating expenses.
Efforts were made to cope with the shortage of
teachers, particularly teachers in elementary
schools. The average salary of teachers in elemen-
tary schools in the United States during 1950-51
was $2,980 — a 3.3 percent increase over the preced-
ing year. A ruling by the Wage Stabilization
Board gave school authorities the right to raise
salaries of teachers at their own discretion, pro-
vided the increases did not exceed the 10 percent
over January 1950 levels permitted as increases to
industrial workers and other segments of the labor
force of the country. A California law set a mini-
mum of $3,000 for salaries of public school teach-
ers in that State.
Several States adopted legislation affecting seg-
regation in the schools and for the prevention of
discrimination in educational opportunities.
Arizona adopted a law making segregation in
the schools optional with local school boards and
as a result Tucson and several other cities changed
to a nonsegi'egated school system.
"64 Stat. 967,1100. These laws are summarized in the
report on Human Rights in the United States in 1950.
See BtTLLETiN of Dec. 31, 1951, p. 1076.
In New York the Fair Educational Practices
Act was amended to cover unfair discriminatory
jiractices governing admission to trade and busi-
ness schools, while an Oregon law made it illegal
for vocational, professional, or trade schools to
discriminate in admissions on the basis of race or
creed. The New Jersey Division Against Dis-
crimination reported that as of December 1950 no
cases had come to its attention involving admis-
sion policies and practices in postsecondary
(higher) schools.
In Illinois discrimination in schools of nursing
and of optometry was prohibited by administra-
tive action of the State Department of Registra-
tion and Education.
On the other hand, the Georgia Legislature
passed a school appropriation bill containing a
provision withholding all State funds from the
public school and university system, if any court
should order the admission of Negroes to institu-
tions heretofore reserved for whites.
In line with the decisions of the U.S. Supreme
Court in 1950 on cases involving discrimination
in university education, considerable numbers of
Negro stuclents were admitted to the gi;aduate
schools of several southern State universities.
Vocational Rehabilitation. Vocational rehabil-
itation of the physically handicapped has been a
recognized function of the Federal and State Gov-
ernments in the United States for more than 30
years. Under Federal law, the Federal Oflice of
Vocational Rehabilitation approves State plans
for vocational rehabilitation, grants funds to
State agencies, develops standards and assists
State agencies in their plans and operations.
In 1951 the legislature of West Virginia
amended its laws relating to the vocational rehabil-
itation of disabled individuals to include provision
for the establishment, operation, and maintenance
of special centers for the vocational rehabilitation
of handicapped persons and of workshops for
blind and severely disabled persons. This is the
first State legislation of its kind enacted, although
the establisliment of special centers for rehabilita-
tion of severely disabled individuals has been
accelerated throughout the country.
The Montana Legislature passed an act provid-
ing for preference to blind or severely disabled
persons in securing, through lease, license, or other
type of contract, space in State-owned or other
public buildings. This action brought to 21 the
number of States having such legislation with
respect to State-owned or other public buildings.
CULTURAL RIGHTS
The right to participate freely in the cultural
life of the community and to enjoy its cultural ad-
vantages is exercised in the United States not only
by American citizens, but by large numbers of
visitors from abroad, who come to this country
both as a result of the U,S. Government's program
f^htMw^ 2, 7953
191
of exchanj^e of pprsons, and tlirough privately
sponsored exchange arrangements, or of their
own volition.
The U.S. Government's program of exchange in
the field of cultural relations was increased greatly
during 1951. This was especially true of the in-
ternational exchange of persons, by which govern-
ment grants enable teachers, research scholars,
labor leaders, newspaper publishers, editors, and
writers to come to the United States for study and
research, with provision for travel and observa-
tion as desired, while similar grants permit Ameri-
cans to travel abroad.^^
International exchange of persons is provided
for in several types of programs officially spon-
sored by the Federal Government.''^ The U.S.
Information and Educational Exchange Act
(Smith-Mundt Act)''° provides for a reciprocal
exchange of students, trainees, educators, and
leaders of thought and opinion between the United
States and other participating countries, which
vary from year to year. The Fulbright Act''^
authorizes the use of certain foreign currencies
and credits acquired through the sale of surplus
property abroad for educational exchanges. By
1951, 24 countries had made agreements with the
United States to participate in such exchanges.
Several programs provided for exchanges of per-
sons between the United States and certain coun-
tries or areas. The convention for the Promotion
of Inter-American Cultural Relations, popularly
known as the Buenos Aires convention,^^ provides
for the annual exchange of two graduate students
between each of the signatory American Republics.
There are specialized programs for exchanges with
Germany ^^ and Austria.^"* A program of educa-
tional exchange with Finland'*'* authorizes the use
of payments by Finland on her debt to the United
States for exchanges of persons and educational
materials between the two countries. An Iranian-
American trust fund arrangement ^^ pi-ovides that
the amount paid by the Government of Iran in
settlement of a claim by the U.S. Government be
expended for the education of Iranian students
"Under these plans of exehanse more than 7,800 per-
sons were exchanged under programs conducted with 70
countries during the year ending June 30, 1901. Of these,
6,291 were awarded grants to come to the United States,
while some 1,528 Americans received grants for similar
travel abroad. In addition, grants were awarded to 2,894
Chinese students and scholars to complete their studies
in this country.
■"■ For additional details on exchange in the field of
cultural relations, see the Srrcntii and Eitjlith Semiannual
Reports of the Secretary of State to Conc/ress on tlie In-
ternational Infonmition and E-rchange Program, for 1951
(Department of State publications 4401 and 457")).
'"G2 Stat. 6.
"60 Stat. 754.
" U.S. Treaty Series No. 928, 51 Stat. 178.
"64 Stat. 198.
"64 Stat. 613.
" 63 Stat. 630.
°"64 Stilt. 1081.
in the United States. A Chinese emergency aid
l)rogram '' provides assistance to Chinese students
and scholars in the United States. Exchange ac-
tivities also took place during 1951 under the
technical cooperation and economic cooperation
programs, consisting generally in bringing foreign
nationals to the United States as trainees and in
sending U.S. experts abroad to help participating
countries with problems related to their economic
or technical developments.
Other foreign visitors came to the United States
for cultural and educational purposes and Ameri-
cans traveled abroad under privately sponsored
exchange projects, which, however, received Gov-
ernment encouragement and assistance. Some
4,800 persons were exchanged through assistance
given to 4G4 private organizations, fraternal and
business groups, educational institutions, and for-
eign governments. Also, in accordance with the
provisions of the U.S. Information and Educa-
tional Exchange Act, some 513 exchange visitor
programs were designated, by which 17,700 per-
sons were exchanged under Government and pri-
vate programs.
During 1951 approximately 30,000 foreign stu-
dents were studying in American colleges and
universities.
While only a small percentage of the visitors to
the United States for cultural purposes were sup-
ported by Government grants, numbers of others
were assisted in their visits, in such matters as
establishing professional and community contacts,
by orientation and service centers for foreign visi-
tors operated by the U.S. Government in New
York City, Washington, Miami, New Orleans, and
San Francisco. These centers, which served
nearly 120,000 foreign visitors in 1951, arrange vis-
its with local civic, business, cultural, religious,
and other groups to enable foreign visitors to gain
a more accurate jaicture of America and its way of
life than would be otherwise possible.
II. INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS
Several international agreements which came
into force during 1951 contained important pro-
visions dealing with human rights.
The Charter of the Organization of American
States,^* which had been sigiied at Bogota on April
30, 1948, was ratified by the United States during
1951 and came into force December 13, 1951. Its
ratification by the U.S. Senate was accompanied
by the reservation that "none of its provisions
shall be considered as enlarging the powers of the
Federal Government of the United States or limit-
ing the powers of the several states of the Federal
Union with respect to an}' matters recognized
" 63 Stat. 709, 64 Stat. 198.
"For text, see Department of State publication 4479.
Pertinent clauses of the Charter appear in the United
Nationx Yearbook on Human Rights for 19.'i8, pp. 437-439.
192
Deparlmenf of State Bulletin
under the Constitution as being within the reserved
powers of the several states."
The agreement between the United States and
Iceland for the defense of Iceland pursuant to the
North Atlantic Treaty, signed on May 5, 1951, was
followed by an annex on the status of U.S. per-
sonnel and property in Iceland, which was signed
on May 8, 1951, and entered into force on that
day."" The annex contained provisions regarding
the rights to fair trial of members of the U.S.
forces in Iceland or dependents of members of
such forces who might be prosecuted under the
jurisdiction of Iceland. It was agreed that such
persons should be entitled to a prompt and sjieedy
trial; to be informed in advance of the specific
charges made against them ; to be confronted with
the opposing witnesses; to have compulsory proc-
ess for obtaining favorable witnesses, if these were
within the jurisdiction of Iceland ; to defense by
a qualified advocate; to have the assistance of a
qualified interpreter; and to communicate with a
re]3resentative of their Government.
A new agi'eement between the United States and
Mexico regarding Mexican agricultural workers
employed in the United States was signed and
entered into force on August 11, 1951.'^° The
agreement dealt with workers who were selected
in Mexico under the auspices of the Mexican Gov-
ernment and whose work was carried out in the
United States under a standard work contract,
which was incorporated into the agreement and the
observance of which was to be supervised by rep-
resentatives of the U.S. and Mexican Govern-
ments. The agreement contained in article 8
provides against discrimination against Mexican
workers because of their nationality or ancestry.
Article 15 regarding wages provided that the em-
ployer should pay wages to a Mexican worker at
the contracted rate or at a rate not less than the
rate prevailing in the area for similar work of
domestic agricultural workers, whichever is the
greater. By article 35 the U.S. Government
agreed to exercise vigilance and influence to the
end that Mexican workers might enjoy impar-
tially and expeditiously the rights granted by the
laws of the United States.
The standard work contract contained clauses
requiring the provision for the Mexican workers
of hygienic lodgings, adequate to the climate con-
ditions of the area and not inferior to those ordi-
narily furnished to domestic workers in the area.
The contract contained standard clauses relating
to provision of medical care and personal injury
compensation, methods of wage payment, and
wage standards.
Three agreements were made in 1951 to devote
to educational jDurposes the proceeds in foreign
currency arising from disposal of surplus property
by the U.S. Government. Siicli agreements were
concluded with Denmark, Iraq, and Japan."' The
agreements with Denmark and Iraq provided for
the creation of the U.S. Educational Foundations
in Denmark and Iraq and an exchange of students
and teachers, while the Japanese agreement cov-
ered the activities of the U.S. Educational Com-
mission in Japan, and an educational exchange
program.
Two international agreements came into force
which helped to guarantee the right of an author
to protection of the moral and material interests
resulting from his literary or artistic produc-
tions."- These were copyright agreements with
Finland and Italy, which extended the time for
complying with copyright provisions by reason
of conditions, such as difficulty of communication,
arising out of World War II.
A number of other international agreements
concluded during 1951 dealt with cooperation be-
tween the United States and other countries under
the terms of the Point Four Program for extend-
ing technical assistance to underdeveloped areas.
This assistance is designed to aid in the advance-
ment of economic and social standards in the
underdeveloped regions of the world. This Pro-
gram was first proposed by President Truman in
his inaugural address on January 20, 1949, as the
fourth point in a statement on American foreign
policy. The act for international development,
approved June 5, 1950,"^ gave the Program legis-
lative sanction, while Public Law 165, approved
October 10, 1951, authorized continuance of
the Program. The United States also contributed
to the expanded program of technical assistance
administered through the United Nations and
the specialized agencies.
Each project for technical assistance adminis-
tered under the United States program grows out
of the requests from a foreign government and
is worked out cooperatively through an agreement
between the Technical Cooperation Administra-
tion and the government of the country concerned,
in terms of persoimel, equipment, funds, and other
contributions to be supplied by each party. Ac-
tivities under the Point Four Program aim at
raising the living standards of the underdeveloped
areas by helping to increase food production,
stamping out disease, improving schools, develop-
ing water and mineral resources, and bettering
transportation, housing, public administration,
and industry. American technicians go out to
work with the technicians and people of other
countries on these problems and supply advice and
technical skills to further development projects,
and qualified persons from these countries are also
"" For the texts of the agreement and annex, see Depart-
ment of State publications 4294 and 4351.
" For text, see Department of State publication 4435.
"For the texts of these agreements, see Department
of State publications 4424, 4269, and 4438.
•"For the texts of these agreements, see Department
of State publications 4011 and 4510.
" 64 Stat. 204.
February 2, 7953
193
given additional training opportnnities in the
United States.
Most of tlie genei'al agreements for Point Four
cooperation with other countries were concluded
during 1950 and 1951. By the end of 1951 there
were more than 30 such bilateral agreements in
force. These general agreements were supple-
mented by a number of specific agreements cover-
ing individual ])rojects, distribution of costs, and
despatch of American advisory missions, particu-
larly in the fields of agriculture, health and sani-
tation, and education. As a result of requests
from governments and the agreements resulting
therefrom, there were by the end of 1951, 619
American technicians working on over 200 projects
in 33 countries.
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Regional Association for Africa (WIVIO)
The Department of State announced on Jan-
uary 15 (press release 28) that the Fii-st Session
of the Regional Association for Africa of the
World Meteorological Organization (Wmo) will
convene in Tananarive, Madagascar, on January
19. The United States will be represented by an
observer delegation, as follows:
Chairman
Arthur \V. .lolinson, Meteorological Attach^, Geneva
Adviser
Vernon O. Snead, Major, U. S. A. F., Department of
Defense
Participants in the forthcoming meeting will
discuss technical meteorological questions, techni-
cal-assistance projects in Africa, and actions re-
quired on the part of members of this Regional
Association by resolutions and recommendations
of other bodies of Wmo.
Wmo, established in 1951, is a specialized agency
of the United Nations which evolved from the In-
ternational Meteoi'ological Organization. Its
basic objective is to coordinate, standardize, and
improve world meteorological activities and to en-
courage an efficient exchange of meteorological in-
formation between countries. The functions of
each of the six regional associations of Wmo in-
clude promotion of the execution in the region of
resolutions of the Wmo Congress and Executive
Committee; coordination of meteorological and
associated activities in the region; and making
recommendations to the Wmo Congress and Ex-
ecutive Committee on matters within the scope of
the organization.
Associations have been established by Wmo for
the regions of Africa, Asia, South America, North
and Central America, the Southwest Pacific, and
Europe. The membership of each a.ssociation is
determined by the meteorological observation net-
works lying in or extending into the particular
region, but regional association meetings are open
to official observers representing any member of
Wmo.
Population Commission (ECOSOC)
The Department of State announced on Janu-
ary 16 (press release 33) that the U.S. Govern-
ment will be represented at the seventh session of
the Population Commission of the U.N. Eco-
nomic and Social Council (Ecosoc), scheduled to
meet at New York, January 19-30, 19&3, by the
following delegation:
Acting U.S. Representative
Roy V. Peel, Director, Bureau of the Census, Department
of Commerce
Advisers
Dudley Kirk, Division of Functional Intellisence, Depart-
ment of State
Conrad Taueber, Assistant Director, Bureau of the Cen-
sus, Department of Commerce
The Population Commission is one of the func-
tional connnissions of the Economic and Social
Council which were established in 1946, under
article 68 of the U.N. Charter, to make studies,
prepare reports and other material, and advise
the Council with respect to matters within their
respective special fields. The specific functions of
the Population Commission are to study and ad-
vise the Council on population changes and
trends, migrations, and any other demographic
questions on which U.N. bodies seek advice.
Items to be considered during the forthcoming
session include progress reports on projects in the
fields of j)opulation studies and demographic
statistics; report of the first meeting of a prepara-
tory committee for a world conference of experts
on population, scheduled to be held in 1954 under
U.N. sponsorship in collaboration with the inter-
ested specialized agencies and the International
Union for the Scientific Study of Population;
studies of the interrelationships between popula-
tion trends and social and economic factors; a
proposed program of studies of fertility and
mortality; studies and research in migration and
draft recommendations for the improvement of
migration statistics; questions pertaining to popu-
lation censuses taken in and around 1950; semi-
nars and training courses in demographic tech-
niques and analysis, to be held as projects of the
U.N. Technical Assistance Administration dur-
ing 1953 and 1954; demographic aspects of the
programs of the regional economic commissions;
revision of draft recommendations for improve-
ment and standardization of vital statistics; con-
certed practical action on population questions;
and a schedule of priorities for future work of the
United Nations in the field of population.
194
Department of State Bulletin
Visa Work of the Department of State and the Foreign Service
CHANGES UNDER THE IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY ACT
OF JUNE 27, 1952: PART I
hy Eliot B. Coulter
The Immigration and Nationality Act was en-
acted on June 27, 1952, over a Presidential veto, to
become effective December 24, 1952.^ The act,
which was based upon a study by congressional
committees of the immigration system of the
United States, was designed to include in one act
the permanent provisions of the immigration laws
which Congress considered should be retained and
new provisions believed to be desirable.
The act generallj' removes racial bars to im-
migration and naturalization. The act eliminates
tlie previous discrimination between the sexes by
placing a husband and a wife uix)n the same basis.
The definition of "child" as a member of a family
group has been expanded in the act to include a
stepchild and a legitimate child, but not an adopted
child.
The act modifies the previous list of classes of
excludable aliens.
The act provides a more detailed and practical
classification of nonimmigrants and immigrants.
Preference immigrant status within each immigra-
tion quota is provided for needed skilled workers
and for certain classes of relatives of U.S. citizens
and of alien permanent residents.
The act follows the ''national origins" principle,
inaugurated in the Immigration Act of 1924, in
the determination of the immigration quotas other
than those within a newly created Asia-Pacific
triangle quota area.
The act provides for the creation within the
Department of State of a Bureau of Security and
Consular Affaii-s. under an administratoi". The
Bureau will include a Passport Office, a Visa Office,
and such other offices as the Secretary of State
may establish, under separate directors.
* Public Law 414, 82d Cong., 2d sess.
fehtxiary 2, )953
Dual System of Examination of Aliens Continued
The act continues the dual system of examina-
tion of aliens seeking to enter the United States
through the issuance by consular officers abroad
of visas to qualified applicants and through the
examination by immigration officei-s at ports of
entry of aliens who have obtained visas. This
procedure follows the usual international prac-
tice. The jurisdiction of the two services does
not overlap, but close liaison is maintained to in-
sure a uniform interpretation of the law.
In the operation of the visa system, visa appli-
cants are given appointment dates for a discus-
sion of their cases or are registered on a quota
waiting list for later appointment scheduling
when tlieir turns are reached.
Applicants are informed of the documents, in-
cluding a passport, which they should assemble
and of the evidence which they should present for
the purpose of establishing their proper classifica-
tion under the law and their eligibility to receive
visas.
Consular officers are responsible under the law
for the issuance or refusal of visas. The Depart-
ment of State is iTsponsible for the general super-
vision of the administration of the act, insofar as
the Department of State and the Foreign Service
are concerned. The Department of State may
instruct consular officers regarding interpretations
of the law and may furnish them with advisory
ojiinions concerning other phases of the work.
The Department of State may also obtain reports
from consular officers in individual visa cases
under an informal visa review procedure with a
view to determining whether the action taken or
contemplated is in accord with the law and regu-
lations.
195
In tlie course of a year, consular officers examine
several hundreds of thousands of visa apj)lit'aiits,
issue visas to aliens who qualify under the law,
and refuse visas to those who fail to qualify there-
under. At niiiny posts, officers of the U.S. Pub-
lic Health Service conduct the medical examina-
tion of immif^i-iints and, where deemed necessaiy,
of nonimmiffrants. At other posts, where such
officers are not available, the medical examina-
tions are conducted by competent local physicians.
The Immi<rration and Nationality Act of 1952,
like the Immifjration Act of 1024, classifies aliens
desiring to proceed to the United States as immi-
grants and 7)oi\innnigrants. Under the act an
alien is classified as an immigrant until he estab-
lishes to the satisfaction of the consular officer at
the time of application for a visa, and to the satis-
faction of the immigration officer at the time of
application at a port of entry for admission, that
he is a iioninuiiigrant.
Classification of Nonimmigrants
Xoninunigrants are classified under the 1952 act
as follows :
(A) Government officials
(B) Temporary visitors
(C) Transit aliens
( D ) Crewmen
(E) Treaty aliens
(F) Students
(G) Intei'national organization aliens
(H) Temporary workers
(I) Representatives of foreign press, radio,
film, or other foreign information media.
Government Ofjiciali — The 1952 act classifies
foreign-government officials in three categories
under the provisions of section 101 (a) (15) (A)
as follows :
( 1 ) Ambassador, public minister, or career dip-
lomatic or consular officer.
To be eligible for this nonimmigrant classifi-
Related Materials
Article by Mr. Coulter on the Department's visa
work— I5ULI.ETIN of Oct. 10, 1949, p. 523; also
available as Department of State publication 3649.
Text of President Truman's message explaining his
veto of the Immigration and Nationality Act —
BuLurriN of .July 14, 19.52, p. 78.
Text of regulations relating to diplomatic visas and
to the documentation of nonimmigrants and im-
migrants, issued bv the Department of State on
Dec, 15, 1952—17 Fed. Reg. 11565.
Text of regulations Issued by the Immigration and
Naturalization Service, Department of Justice, on
Dec. 17, 1952—17 Fed. Reg. 114()9. (See also list
of corrections, 18 Fed. Reg. 200. )
Excerpts from the report of the President's Commis-
sion on Immigration and Naturalization — ISulle-
TiN of Jan. 19, 1953, p. 97.
cation (Symbol A-1) the official niu.st have been
accredited by a foreign goveiiiment recognized
(le jure by the United States, and he must be ac-
cepted by the President or the Secretary of
State. The members of the immediate fam-
ily of such official are accorded a similar
classification.
(2) Other officials and employees of a foreign
government.
To be eligible for this noninmiigrant classifi-
cation (Symbol A-2) such aliens must have been
accredited by a foreign government recognized
de jure by the United States and must be ac-
cepted by the Secretary of State. Such foreign
government must accord to the United States
similar privileges with respect to United States
officials and employees. The members of the
immediate families of such officials and employ-
ees are accorded a similar classification.
(?>) Attendants, servants, personal employees
of the officials and employees of a foreign gov-
ernment referred to in (1) and (2).
To be eligible for this nonimmigrant classifica-
tion, the foreign government must accord to
the United States similar privileges with respect
to United States officials and employees. The
members of the immediate families of such at-
tendants, personal employees and servants are
accorded a similar classification.
The act exempts foreign-government oflScials of
these three classes from certain of the exclusion
and deportation provisions of the act in view of
the fact tliat the U. S. Government maintains
diplomatic relations with countries which may
be expected to send representatives and employees
to the United States who, without such exemptions,
would be excludable. In general, the aliens of
these classes are required to have passports and
obtain suitable visas, and are not exempted from
the provisions of the act relating to public safety.
Temporary Vi.sitors — The 1952 act provides
noninnnigrant classification for a temporary vis-
itor, defined in the act as :
an alien (other than one coming for the purpose of study
or of performing skilled or unskilled labor or as a repre-
sentative of foreign press, radio, film, or other informa-
tion media coming to engage in such vocation) having a
residence in a foreign country which he has no intention
of abandoning and who is visiting the United States tem-
porarily for business or temporarily for pleasure.
The term ''business'' refers to legitimate activi-
ties of a commercial or professional character but
does not include purely local employment or labor
for hire. The term "pleasure" refers to the pur-
pose of an alien in coming to the United States
temporarily as a tourist or for some other legiti-
mate purpose, including amusement, liealth, rest,
visits with relatives or friends, or education inci-
dental to other purposes. An alien coming to the
United States for the purpose of "study" is re-
quired to qualify under (F) as a "student" and is
not classifiable as a temporary visitor.
196
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
An "Exchange Visitor" is an alien selected to
participate in an exchange-visitor program desig-
nated by the Secretary of State under the provi-
sions of the U. S. Information and Educational
Exchange Act of 1948, as amended.
A temiKH-arv visitor for business is given the
symbol "B-1"'; a temporary visitor for pleasure
is given the symbol "B-2" ; and an exchange visi-
tor is given the symbol "Ex."
Transit Aliens— The 1952 act provides nonim-
migrant classification for an alien passing through
the United States in immediate and continuous
transit to a foreign destination or to and from
the IT. N. Headquarters District. An alien in
transit is given the symbol C-1 ; an alien in transit
to and from the U'.N. Headquarters District is
given the symbol C-2 ; a foreign government offi-
cial, members of his immediate family, and his
attendant servant or personal employee are given
the symbol C-3. An alien who desires to travel
more extensively or to remain for a longer period
than is permitted to an alien entering the United
States for immediate and continuous transit is
required to apply for a visa under a different clas-
sification, usually that of temporary visitor.
Crexomen — The 195'2 act provides nonimmi-
grant classification for the member of the crew of
a vessel or aircraft serving in good faith in any
capacity required for normal operation and
service and intending to land temporarily and
solely in pursuit of his calling as a crewman and to
depart from the United States with the vessel or
aircraft on which he arrived or some other vessel
or aircraft. A crewman is given the symbol "D."
A crewman is required to be in possession of a
passport, seaman's book, or other travel document
showing the bearer's origin, identity, and na-
tionality, if any, and valid for entry of the bearer
into the country of issuance for a period of 6
months beyond the termination of the period of
contemplated enti-y.
A crewman is also required to have an individual
visa or, until all crewmen can be individually
documented, to be included in a crew-list visa
issued by a consular officer to the master of the
vessel or commanding officer of the aircraft. A
crew-list visa is not required, however, if the vessel
or aircraft commences its journey to the United
States from a port or place at which no American
consul is stationed or is not readily accessible at a
nearby place ; if the vessel or aircraft is owned or
operated by a foreign government and is of a non-
commercial character ; if the vessel or aircraft is
operating solely between a port of the United
States and a port of Canada; if the vessel or air-
craft is operating on a regular service between a
port in Florida and Habana, Cuba, and a crew-list
visa is obtained to cover the first trip each month
or whenever a new crewman is signed on at other
times ; if the vessel or aircraft touches at a port in
the Virgin Islands; or if the vessel or aircraft
Fefaruory 2, 1953
which is proceeding from one foreign place to
another and is diverted from its course to a port in
the United States under emergency conditions.
In such cases, however, the crewman may be per-
mitted to land temporarily only upon a waiver
by the Secretary of State and the Attorney Gen-
eral, jointly, on the basis of an unforeseen emer-
gency in an individual case.
If a crewman is properly documented or a
waiver is granted for him, he may be granted a
conditional landing permit by the examining im-
migration officer on form I-95A, B, or C. This
permit may, in certain cases, be used for landing
on subsequent arrivals.
The definition of "crewman" in the act does
not include a member of the crew of a fishing
vessel having its home port or operating base
in the United States. Such persons are classified
as immigrants and are required to be documented
as such.
Alien crewmen on a foreign naval vessel or air-
craft are exempted from the documentary require-
ments relating to crewmen on other vessels or air-
craft. In such cases, it is customary to make ad-
vance arrangements to cover arrival ancl in this
connection the matter of documentation and
waiver of documentary requirements.
Treaty Aliens— Tae 1952 act provides nonim-
migrant classification for an alien accorded cer-
tain rights of entry and sojourn for trade or in-
vestment purposes under the provisions of a treaty
of commerce and navigation between the United
States and the foreign state of which he is a
national. The act covers two categories of treaty
aliens, a treaty trader and a treaty investor.
A treaty trader must be coming to the United
States under the provisions of an applicable
treaty, solely to carry on substantial trade, princi-
pally between the United States and the foreign
state of which he is a national. Such alien is given
the symbol "E-1." The spouse and child of such
alien are given the same classification if accom-
panying or following to join him.
The term "trade" means trade of a substantial
nature which is international in scope, carried on
by the alien in his own behalf or as an agent of a
foreign person or organization engaged in trade,
and is principally between the United States and
the foreign state of which the alien is a national.
A treaty investor must be coming to the United
States under the provisions of an applicable
treaty concluded after June 27, 1952, solely to
develop and direct the operations of an enter-
prise in which he has invested or in which he is
actively in the process of investing a substantial
amount of capital. Such alien is given the symbol
"E-2." The spouse and child of such alien are
given the same classification if accompanying or
following to join him.
With respect to treaty traders, treaties of com-
197
iiierce and navigation have been concludetl betvreen
the United States and tlie following counti-ies :
Argentina
<;rcece
Austria
Iloiiduras
Belgium
Ireland
Bolivia
Italy
Borneo
Latvia
China
Liberia
Colombia
Norway
Costa Rica
Paraguay
Denmark
Spain
El Salvador
Switzerland
Estonia
Thailand
Ethiopia
Turljey
Finland
Yugoslavia
Great Britain
No treaties covering investoi-s have been nego-
tiated up to January 6, 1953.
Students — The 1952 act provides nonimmigi-ant
classification for an alien coming to the United
States temporarily for study. A nonimmigrant
student is given the symbol "F" and must qualify
under the following definition :
an alien having a residence in a foreign country which
he has no intention of abandoning, who is a bona fide
student qualified to pursue a full course of study at an
established institution of learning or recognized place
of study in the United States, particularly designated by
him and approved by the Attorney General after con-
sultation with the Office of Education of the United
States . . .
The Attorney General has approved, until fur-
ther notice, the schools and places of study which,
as of December 23, 1952, are included in the list
of approved institutions.
A student must show that he has adequate
scholastic preparation to enable him to take a full
course of study and he must be coming to take a
full course. He must have adequate knowledge of
English or other language acceptable to the insti-
tution. He must also have a passport valid for at
least 6 months beyond the contemplated period of
stay in the United States. He must also have made
adequate financial arrangements to meet his needs.
Certain official students may be classified as
foreign-govermuent officials. Certain official and
other trainees may be classified as foreign-govern-
ment officials, or as exchange visitors under a des-
ignated program, or as temporary workers.
Internatioiuil Orgamzation Aliem — The 1952
act provides nonimmigrant classification for an
international organization alien, coming within
one of the following five classes:
( 1 ) a designated principal resident representative of a
foreign government recognized de jure by the United
States, which foreign government is a member of an inter-
national organization entitled to CTijoy privileges, exemp-
tions, and immunities as an international organization
under the International Organizations Immunities Act
(59 Stat. 669), accredited resident members of the staff
of such representatives, and members of his or their imme-
-diate family; (Symbol G-1).
(2) other accredited representatives of such a foreign
government to such international organizations, and the
members of their immediate families; (Symbol G-2).
(3) an alien able to qualify under (1) or (2) above
except for the fact that the government of which such
alien is an accredited representative is not recognized
de jure by the United State.s, or that the government of
which he is an accredited representative is not a member
of such international organization, and the members of
his immediate family; (Symbol G-3).
(4) officers, or employees of such international organ-
izations, and the members of their immediate families;
( Symbol G^ ) .
(u) attendants, servants, and personal employees of
any such representative, officer, or employee, and the
members of the immediate families of such attendants,
servants, and personal employees; (Symbol G-5).
The act exempts international organization
aliens of these five classes from certain of the ex-
clusion and deportation provisions of the act, in
a manner similar to that in the case of foreign-
goverimient officials. In general, the aliens of
these classes are required to have passports and
obtain suitable visas, and are not exempted from
the provisions of the act relating to public safety.
Temporary Workers — The 1952 act provides
nonimmigrant classification for a temporary
worker coming within one of the following three
classes :
(1) an alien having a residence in a foreign country
which he has no intention of abandoning, who is of dis-
tinguished merit and ability and who is coming tem-
porarily to the United States to perform temporary serv-
ices of an exceptional nature requiring such merit and
ability [S.vmbol H-1] ; or
(2) who is coming temporarily to the United States to
perform other temporary services or labor, if unemployed
persons capable of performing such services or labor can-
not be found in this country [Symbol H-2] ; or
(3) who is coming temporarily to the United States
as an industrial trainee [S.vmbol H-3].
Before a nonimmigrant visa may be granted to
an alien as a temporary worker, a petition by the
prospective employer must have been filed with
and approved by the Attorney General. The
approval of a petition to bring in a temporary
worker constitutes prinm facie evidence that the
alien may be granted such classification. How-
ever, the alien must satisfy the consular officer that
he is entitled to this classification and if such offi-
cer has reason to doubt the hona fides of the case,
he shall report the facts to the Department of
State for the information of the Attorney General.
Representatives of Foreign Press, Radio, Film,
or Other Foreign Information Media — The 1952
act provides nonimmigrant classification for a
representative of foreign press, radio, film, or
other foreign information media, if the foreign
government of which the alien is a national ac-
cords similar treatment to American citizens of a
similar class. Such alien is given the symbol "I."
The alien must be a ion-a -fide representative of
the foreign information medium and must be com-
ing to the United States solely to engage in such
vocation. The spouse and child of such alien, if
accompanying or following to join him, are given
the same status.
198
Department of State Bulletin
Documentary Requirements and Procedures
for Nonimmigrants
PASSPORT AND VISA
The 1952 act requires ti nonimmigrant to be in
possession of a passport valid for a minimum
period of 6 months from the date of the expiration
of the conteniphited initial period of stay, and a
valid visa or border-crossing identification card,
unless such documentation has been waived under
authority of the act.
The term ''passport"' means any travel docu-
ment issued by competent authority showing the
bearer's origin, identity, and nationality if any,
which is valid for the entry of the bearer into a
foreign country.
A passport is not limited to a national passport
but, in certain cases, may consist of two or more
documents which, when considered together, ful-
fill the requirements.
A border-crossing identification card may be
issued to a Canadian citizen or British subject hav-
ing a residence in Canada, or to a Mexican citizen
having a residence in Mexico, who has frequent
occasion to cross the border for a legitimate
purpose.
The act provides that the requirement of pass-
port or visa or both may be waived by the At-
torney General and the Secretary of State acting
jointly :
(A) on the basis of unforeseen emergency in individual
C3.S6S
(B) on the basis of reciprocity with respect to na-
tionals of foreign contiguous territory or of adjacent
islands and residents thereof having a common national-
ity with such nationals, and
(C) in the case of aliens proceeding in immediate and
continuous transit through the United States under a
contract between the transportation line and the Immi-
gration and Naturalization Service.
WAIVER OF PASSPORT AND VISA REQUIREMENTS
Under authority of the act, the passport and
visa requirement has been waived for nonimmi-
grants in the following categories:
(a) Canadian citizen who has a residence in Canada
and (1) is making application for admission to the
United States from Canada ; or (2) is making application
for admission to the United States after a visit solely
to some place in foreign contiguous territory or adjacent
islands.
(b) British subject who has a residence in Canada and
is making application for admission to the United States
from Canada, or from, and after a visit solely to, some
place in foreign contiguous territory or adjacent islands.
(c) lilexican national who (1) is a military or civilian
official or employee of the Mexican national government,
or of a Mexican state or municipal government, and the
members of his family, making an application for admis-
sion to the continental United States from Mexico on
personal or official Inisiness or for pleasure; or (2) is
passing in immediate and continuous transit through the
continental United States from one place in Mexico to
another by means of a transportation line which crosses
the border between the United States and Mexico; or
(3) is a member of a fire-flghting group entering the
february 2, 7953
United States in connection with fire-fighting activities.
(d) International Boundary and Water Commission
ufflecrs, employees, and other personnel entering the
United States in the performance of their official duties.
(e) French natiotwl who has a residence in French
territory in the West Indies and who is in possession of a
round-trip transportation ticket, and who is making appli-
cation for admission into Puerto Kico or the Virgin Islands
of tile United States for business or pleasure.
(f) Netherlands subject who has a residence in Neth-
erlands territory in the West Indies and who is making
au application for admission to Puerto Rico or the Virgin
Islands of the United States for not more than 24 hours.
(g) An alien being transported by railroad in imme-
diate and continuous transit through the United States
from one part of Canada to another, or directly from
one part of Mexico to another, without stopover, in ac-
cordance with the terms of a contract between the trans-
portation line and the Attorney General, provided that
such alien while in the United States shall be in the
custody of an officer of the United States or such other
custody as may be approved by the Attorney General.
(h) An alien being transported by a transportation
line (other than a railroad referred to in (g) ), in imme-
diate and continuous transit through the United States
without stopover from one foreign place to another, in
accordance with the terms of a contract between the
transportation line and the Attorney General, provided
that such alien is in possession of a travel document
which is valid for his entry into a foreign country for a
period of not less than 60 days after the date of transit,
and such alien while not aboard an aircraft which is in
flight through the United States, shall be in the custody
of an officer of the United States.
(i) An alien member of the armed forces of the United
States holding identifying documents and applying for
admission under official orders or permit.
(j) An American Indian born in Canada, crossing the
border.
WAIVER OF VISA BUT NOT OF PASSPORT REQUIREMENTS
Under authority of the act, the visa require-
ment but not the passport requirement has been
waived for nonimmigrants of the following cate-
gories :
(a) Canadian citizen having a residence in Canada who
is returning thereto from any country or place, and is
making application for admission to the United States.
( See previous categories for waivers of passport and visa
requirements in certain cases.)
(b) British subject having a residence in British terri-
tory in the West Indies, who is making an application for
admission to Puerto Rico or the Virgin Islands of the
United States.
(c) Netherlands subject who has a residence in Nether-
lands territory in the West Indies and who is making an
application for admission to Puerto Rico or the Virgin
Islands of the United States for more than 24 hours.
(d) Nationals of foreign contiguous territory or adja-
cent islands who are entering the United States as seasonal
or temporary workers under specific legislation enacted by
Congress and in accordance with international arrange-
ments concluded upon the basis of such legislation.
NONIMMIGRANT VISAS
Application— The. act requires every alien ap-
plying for a nonimmigrant visa to state in his
application his full and true name, the date and
place of his birth, his nationality, his race and
ethnic classification, the purpose and length of his
199
intended stay in the United States, his personal
description, and siicli additional information as
may be necessary to his identification and to tlie
enforcement of tlie law and regulations.
In the case of a child under 14 years of age or
an alien physically incapable of making an appli-
cation, the application may be made by such
alien's ])arent or guardian, or, if there is no parent
or guardian, by any person having legal custody
of, or a legitimate interest in him.
Application for a noninnnigrant visa is to be
made on Form 2.57, consisting of an original copy
and three copies (257 a, b, c, and d).
Every applicant for a nonimmigrant visa is re-
quired to appear in person before a consular offi-
cer to execute Form 257. However, in the dis-
cretion of such officer, personal appearance may
be waived in the case of a child under 10 years of
age, a government official, or an international or-
ganization alien.
Every applicant for a nonimmigrant visa is re-
quired to furnish with his application three iden-
tical photographs which reflect a reasonable like-
ness of the alien at the time of his application.
Each photogi-aph is to be 2 x 2 inches in size, un-
mounted, without head covering, on light back-
ground, and must clearly show a full front view
of the facial features of the alien. The require-
ment of photographs may, in the discretion of the
consular officer, be waived in the case of a child
under 10 years of age, unless he is the bearer of a
separate passport, a government official, or an in-
ternational oi-ganization alien.
An alien must ordinarily apply for a nonimmi-
grant visa in the district of his residence. How-
ever, in a case involving hardship, a consular offi-
cer may accept an application from an alien phvsi-
cally present in his district, although such alien
may have a residence in another district.
An applicant for a nonimmigrant visa is re-
quired to present with his application a certified
copy of each document considered by the consular
officer to be necessary to a determination of the
alien's eligibility to receive a visa. However, if
the alien establishes to the satisfaction of the con-
sular officer that any document or record is unob-
tainable, the alien may be permitted to submit
other satisfactory evidence of the fact to which
such document or record would pertain. A docu-
ment or record is to be considered to be "unob-
tainable" if it cannot be procured without causing
the applicant or a member of his family actual
hardship other than normal delay and inconven-
ience.
A medical examination may be required in the
case of an applicant for a nonimmigrant visa if
the applicant comes from an area or in a status
which indicates that a medical examination is ad-
visable or if the consular officer otherwise has rea-
son to believe that the applicant may be ineligible
to receive a visa on medical grounds.
Issuance — If a consular officer is satisfied that
an applicant is a nonimmigrant and is eligible
to receive a nonimmigrant visa, he may issue such
visa, which is evidenced by a stamp placed in the
alien's passport and properly executed by the
officer. If the passport was issued by a govern-
ment not recognized de jure by the United States,
the visa stamp is not placed in the passport but
is impressed on Form 257.
A single nonimmigrant visa may be issued to
include more than one qualified applicant if each
such alien executes a separate application. Usu-
ally a single nonimmigrant visa is issued to cover
the members of a family group included in a
single passport.
Fees — The act requires that the fee for a non-
immigi-ant visa shall, as nearly as practicable,
correspond to the total of all similar visa, entry,
residence, or other fees, taxes, or charges assessed
or levied against nationals of the United States,
in connection with their entry or sojourn, by the
foreign countries of which such aliens are nationals
or stateless residents. On a reciprocal basis, visa
fees have been waived for nationals of a large
number of countries. In some cases, however, sub-
stantial fees are required to be collected, on a
reciprocal basis.
Validity — The validity of a nonimmigrant visa
relates to the period during which it may be pre-
sented by the bearer at a port of entry in applying
for admission. A nonimmigi-ant visa is usually
valid for a period of 12 months but on a reciprocal
basis it may be given a validity of 2-1 months.
Under certain circumstances, however, a visa may
be limited in validity to a shorter period or for
one application for entry. Ordinarily, a non-
immigrant visa may be used by the bearer for any
number of applications at ports of entry during
the period of validity.
The period for which a nonimmigrant may be
admitted by the immigration authorities at a port
of entry is determined by such authorities and does
not depend upon the validity of the visa.
Revalidation — A consular officer maj' revalidate
a nonimmigrant visa which is about to expire or
which expired less than 3 months prior to the
application for revalidation, under certain condi-
tions, if the officer is satisfied that the alien has
maintained a hona fde nonimmigrant status and
is otherwise eligible to receive a nonimmigrant
visa.
Refusal of Nonimmigrant Visa — The act re-
quires a consular officer to refuse nonimmigi-ant
documentation to an alien under certain circum-
stances, as follows:
(1) if it appears to the consular officer from the state-
ments in the application, or in the papers submitted there-
with, that the alien is ineligible to receive a visa or other
documentation under section 212 of the Act or any otier
provision of law ;
200
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
C) if the application fails to comply with the provi-
sions of the Act or regulations issued thereunder ; or
( 3 ) if the consular officer knows or has reason to believe
that the alien is ineligible to receive a visa or other docu-
mentation under section 212 or any other provision of law.
Exemptions— The act provides for nonimmi-
orants exemptions from the categories of aliens
ineligible under section 212, as follows:
(1) illiterates;
(2) polygamists; , « ^ ,-
3 aliens suffering from a physical defect, disease, or
disability likely to affect his ability to earn a living pro-
vided that a bond or undertaking has been given to the
Attornev General to assure such alien's support ;
(4) aliens appearing to be likely to become a public
charge provided that a bond or undertaking has been
given to the Attorney General to assure such aliens
^"^frforeign-government officials and International Or-
ganization aliens, with respect to exemptions from exclu-
sion grounds other than those relating to passports and
visas and public safety.
Revocation of Nonimmigrant Visa—K consular
officer may revoke a nonimmigrant visa it he
knows or after investigation is satisfied that the
visa was procured by fraud, a willfully false or
misleading representation, the willful conceal-
ment of a material fact, or other unlawful means,
or the officer obtains information establishing that
the alien was otherwise ineligible to receive the
visa.
A consular officer may invalidate a nonimmi-
grant visa if he finds that the alien has become
ineligible for such visa.
If practicable, the bearer of the visa is to be
notified of the proposed revocation or invalida-
tion and given an opportunity to show cause why
such action should not be taken. Notice of revo-
cation or invalidation of a nonimmigrant visa is
to be given to an appropriate representative or
official of the transportation line on which the
alien is known or believed to intend to travel to
the United States.
Registration and Fingerprinting— "T\\& act re-
quires every alien applying for a visa to be regis-
tered and fingerprinted, except:
(1) Government official, (A) (i) or ii).
(2) International Organization alien (G) (i, ii, iii, iv).
(3) Applicant for diplomatic visa exempted under the
diplomatic visa regulations (22 CFR Part 40).
(4) Child under 14 years of age.
Admission or Exclmion of Nonimmigrant at
Port of Entry — Tlie bearer of a nonimmigrant visa
issued by a consular officer is subject to examina-
tion by an immigration officer at a port of entry.
The act (section 221 (b) ) provides that
Nothing in this Act shall be construed to entitle any
alien, to whom a visa or other documentation has been
issued, to enter the United States, if, upon arrival at a
port of entrv in the United States, he is found to lie in-
admissible tinder this Act, or any other provision of law.
Temforartj Admission of Excludable Alien —
The act provides that an alien {a) who is applying
for a nonimmigrant visa and is known or believed
februory 2, 1953
by the consular officer to be ineligible for such visa
under one or more of the exclusion provisions enu-
merated in section 212 (a) of the act— other than
those under (27) and (29)— which relate to aliens
whose entry is contrary to pubhc interest or pub-
lic safety may, after approval by the Attorney
General of a recommendation by the Secretary of
State or by the consular officer that the alien be
admitted temporarily despite his inadmissibility,
or (I)) who is inadmissible under one or more of
the paragi-aphs enumerated in section 212 (a) of
the act— except (27) and (29)— but who is in
possession of appropriate documents or is granted
a waiver thereof, be admitted into the United
States temporarily as a nonimmigrant in the dis-
cretion of the Attorney General.
Classification of Immigrants
Immij
follows :
Immigrants are classified under the 1952 act as
NONQUOTA IMMIGRANTS
(1) Non<iuota Spouse and Child of United States
Citizen
A United States citizen may file a petition with
the Attorney General (Form 1-133) to obtain non-
quota immigrant status for an alien spouse or
minor unmarried child or stepchild. The child
must be under 21 years of age at the time of appli-
cation at port of entry for admission. A "mar-
riage," unless consummated, is not recognized un-
less the contracting parties were present at the
marriage ceremony in the presence of each other.
Accordingly, a marriage ceremony performed by
proxy or by telephone is not recognized.
(2) Nonquota Returning Resident Alien
An alien having the status of an alien admitted
into the United States for permanent residence,
who has domicile in the United States and is re-
turning from a temporary visit abroad is accorded
nonquota immigrant status.
(3) Nonquota Native of Western Hemisphere
Country
The act provides nonquota immigrant status for
an alien born in Canada, the Republic of Mexico,
the Republic of Haiti, the Dominican Republic,
the Canal Zone, or an independent country of
Central or South America. The act accords simi-
lar status to the spouse or unmarried minor child
(regardless of country of birth) if accompanying
or following to join such alien. This provision
does not apply in the case of a Chinese person or
a person coming under the Asia-Pacific triangle
provisions, except an unmarried minor "triangle"
child accompanying or following to join a Western
Hemisphere alien.
(4) Nonquota Person EligiUe for Reacquisition
of Citizenship
The act provides nonquota immigrant status for
20'i
an immigrant who was a citizen of the United
States and is entitled under section 324 (a) or 327
of the act to apply for reacquisition of citizenship.
(Such person may be a woman expatriate who lost
her citizenship by reason of marriage to an alien,
or by reason of the loss of United States citizen-
ship by her husband, or by reason of her marriage
to an alien who was ineligible to citizenship, and
who has not acquired any other nationality by any
affirmative act other than marriage) ; or a mili-
tary expatriate who lost his citizenship by enter-
ing or serving in the armed forces of a foreign
state.
(5) Nonquota Fot^mer Citizen Eligible for Re-
fatriation
The act provides nonquota immigrant status for
an immigi'ant included within the second proviso
to section 349 ( a ) ( 1 ) of title III of the act. Such
person may be a child who lost his citizenship
prior to January 1, 1948, through the naturaliza-
tion in a foreign state of a parent or parents and
who applies for a nonquota immigrant visa prior
to December 23, 1953.
(6) Nonquota Minister of Religion
The act provides nonquota immigi-ant status for
a minister of religion who continuously for at
least 2 years immediately preceding the time of
his application for admission to the United States
has been, and who seeks to enter the United States
solely for the purpose of carrying on the voca-
tion of minister of a religious denomination. The
religious denomination must have a bona fide or-
ganization in the United States and must have a
genuine need for the services of the applicant.
The religious organization must file a petition with
the Attorney General on behalf of the minister and
such petition must be approved before nonquota
status may be accorded to the alien. The spouse
or child of such alien may be given a similar status,
if accompanying or following to join him.
(7) Nonquota Employee of United States Gov-
ernment
The act provides nonquota immigrant status for
an immigrant who is an employee or an honorably
retired former employee, of the United States Gov-
ernment abroad, and who has performed faithful
service for a total of 15 years or more, if the prin-
cipal officer of the Foreign Service establishment
shall have recommended the granting of nonquota
status to such alien in exceptional circumstances
and the Secretaiy of State shall have approved
such recommendation as in the national interest.
The accompanying spouse and child of such alien
may be granted a similar nonquota status.
QUOTA IIVIIVIIGRANTS
(1) Needed Skilled Worker — First Preference
The act provides that the first 50 percent of each
quota (plus any portion of the remainder of the
quota not needed for the second and third prefer-
ence classes) shall be made available for the issu-
ance of immigrant visiis to qualified quota immi-
grants whose .services are determined by the At-
torney General to be needed urgently in the United
States because of the high education, technical
training, specialized experience, or exceptional
ability of such immigrants and to be substantially
beneficial prospectively to the national economy,
cultural interests, or welfare of the United States.
A similar status is accorded to the spouse and child
accompanying such alien.
The person or concern in the United States de-
siring the services of such alien is required to file
a petition on Form 1-129 with the Attorney Gen-
eral and such petition must have been approved by
him before the alien may be given first preference
status.
(2) Parent of United States Citizens—Second
Preference
The act provides that the next 30 percent of
each quota (plus any portion of the quota not
needed for the first and third preference classes)
shall be made available for the issuance of immi-
grant visas to qualified quota immigrants who are
the parents of a United States citizen 21 years of
age or over. Such citizen child must file a petition
on Form 1-133 witJi the Attorney General and
such petition must have been approved by him
before the alien may be given second preference
status.
(3) Spouse and Child of Alien Lawfully Ad-
mitted for Permanent Residence^Third
Preference
The act provides that the remaining 20 percent
of each quota (plus any portion of the quota not
needed for the first and second preference classes)
shall be made available for the issuance of immi-
grant visas to qualified quota innnigrants who are
the spouses or children of aliens lawfully ad-
mitted for pei-manent residence. Such lawful resi-
dent alien must file a petition on Form I-133a
with the Attorney General and such petition must
have been approved by him before the alien may
be given third preference status.
(4) Brother -Sister -Son- Daughter of United
States Citizen — Fourth Prefererwe
The act provides that any portion of the quota
not required for the issuance of immigrant visas
to the first, second, and third classes, shall be made
available for the issuance of immigrant visas to
other qualified quota immigrants charged to such
quota, and that not to exceed 25 percent of such
remaining portion of each quota shall be made
available for the issuance of immigrant visas to
q^ualified quota immigrants who are the brothers,
sistei's, sons, or daughters of United States citizens.
Such sons or daughters may be either married
minor children or children 21 years of age or
over, married or unmarried. The citizen must
202
Department of State Bulletin
file a petition on Form 1-133 with the Attorney
General and such petition must have been ap-
proved by him before the alien may be given fourth
preference status.
(5) Nonpreference Quota Immigrants
The act provides that any portion of the quota
not required for the issuance of immigrant visas
to the first, second, third, and fourth preference
classes, may be used for the issuance of immigrant
visas to otlier qualified quota immigrants.
Under the provisions of the Displaced Persons
Act of 1948, as amended, prior to July 1, 1954, up
to 50 percent of a quota may be used for the issu-
ance of visas to qualified nonpreference quota im-
miorants coming under the second proviso to
section 3 (c) of the Displaced Persons Act.
An immigi-ation quota may be reduced it so pro-
vided in an Act of Congress.
• Mr. Coulter, author of^ the above artwle, is
Assistant Director of the Visa Ofjice. P<irt II of
his article will appear in the Bulletin of b eb.
9, 1953.
Confirmations
John Foster Duller ,,,.,,» t^„ii„„
The Senate on .January 21 confirmed John Foster Dulles
as Secretary of State.
Benry Cabot Lodge, Jr. ^ „ r^ u ^t^^„o
The Senate on January 23 confirmed Henry Cabot Lodge,
Jr., as U. S. representative to the U.N.
Agreement between the United States and Australia —
Signed at Washington Nov. 16, 1951; entered into
force Nov. 10, 1951.
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Mutual Defense Assistance. Treaties and Other Inter-
national Acts Series 2466. Pub. 4691. 11pp. 5<f.
\greement between the United States and Peru-
Signed at Lima Feb. 22, 1952 ; entered into force Apr.
26, 1952.
Mutual Defense Assistance. Treaties and Other Inter-
national Acts Series 2467. Pub. 4692. 11pp. 5^.
Agreement between the United States and Cuba —
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Mar. 7, 1952.
Technical Cooperation, Snowy Mountains Hydroelectric
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Agreement, with annex, between the United States,
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American Dead in World War II, Hamm Military Ceme-
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Convention between the United States and Switzer-
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Together We are Strong. Commercial Policy Series 144.
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Soui-ces of information in the United States about
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Pacific Coast Conference on Private Investment in Inter-
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Economic Cooperation Series 36. Pub. 4795. 19 pp. 200.
Summary of the discussions.
Time and People— Point 4 in Perspective. Economic
Cooperation Series 37. Pub. 4816. 6 pp. 50.
Article by Stanley Andrews, Administrator, Tech-
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UNESCO Basic Documents. International Organiza-
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.\ collection of documents including the Constitu-
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The United States in the United Nations
A regular feature, will be resumed in a subsequent
issue.
February 2, 1953
203
February 2, 1953
Ind
American Principles
Proclaiming our faith anew (Elsenhower Inau-
gural address) 167
Disarmament Commission
Whither disarmament? (Cohen) 172
Foreign Service
Visa work of the Department of State and the
Foreign Service 195
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Jan. 19-23, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to Jan. 19 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 28 of
Jan. 15, 29 of Jan. 15, and 33 of Jan. 16.
Subject
Meeting of Austrian treaty deputies
Reports on I'uerto Rico to U.N.
IiA covers Inauguration
Exchange of per.sons
Exchange of persons
Dulles : Letter to Dept. and FSO
U.S. property in East Germany, Berlin
* Not printed.
t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
t35
1/19
t36
1/19
37
1/19
*38
1/21
*39
1/21
40
1/22
141
1/23
ex XXVIII, No. 710
Human Rights
Human rights In the U.S.: 1951 178
International Information
IiA provides Inaugural coverage 171
Semiannual report of Iia (Compton) .... 171
International Meetings
Calendar of meetings 17a
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Population Commission (Ecosoc) 194
Regional Association for Africa (Wmo) . . . 194
Publications
Recent releases 203
State, Department of
Confirmations (Dulles, Lodge) 203
Secretary Dulles' message to his new associates . 170
Semiannual report of Iia (Compton) .... 171
Visa work of the Department of State and the
Foreign Service 195
United Nations
Whither disarmament? (Cohen) 172
Population Commission (Ecosoc) 194
Name Index
Acheson, Secretary 171
Cohen, Benjamin V 172
Compton. Wilson 171
Coulter, Eliot B 195
Dulles, Secretary 170. 203
Eisenhower, President i67, 171
Johnson, Arthur W 194
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 203
Peel, Roy V 194
U S, GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1953
tJ/i€/ zl)eha/}^^te7ii/ ^ c/taie^
ol. XXVIII, No. 711
tebruary9, 1953
THE STATE OF THE UNION • Excerpts from President
Eisenhower's Message to the Congress . 207
A SURVEY OF FOREIGN POLICY PROBLEMS •
Address by Secretary Dulles ••..••••••• 212
VISA WORK OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE AND
THE FOREIGN SERVICE. Changes Under the
Immigration and Nationality Act: Part II • Article
by Eliot B. Coulter 232
For index see back cover
«<s
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
MAR 1 1 1953
^e Q)e/ia/yi^mU ^/ ^lal^ iDUllGllIl
Vol. XXVIII, No. 711 • Publication 4912
February 9, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent ot Documents
U.S. Oovemment Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Price:
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The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 11)52).
Note: Contents oi tliis publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Bdllktdj as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
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Publications of the Department, aa
uiellas legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
THE STATE OF THE UNION
Message of President Eisenhower to the Congress ^
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the
Eightj/-fhird Congress :
I welcome the honor of appearing before you to
deliver my first message to the Congress. It is
manifestly the joint purpose of the Congressional
leadership and of this Administration to justify
the summons to governmental responsibility issued
last November by the American people.
The grand labors of this leadership will involve :
application of America's influence in world affairs
with such fortitude and such foresight that it will
deter aggression and eventually secure peace ; next,
the establishment of a national administration of
such integi'ity and such efficiency that its honor
at home will insure respect abroad ; encouragement
of those incentives that inspire creative initiative
in our economy, so that its productivity may for-
tify freedom everywhere; and, dedication to the
well-being of all our citizens and to the attainment
of equality of opportunity for all, so that our
Nation will ever act with the strength of unity in
every task to which it is called.
The purpose of this message is to suggest certain
lines along which our joint efforts may immedi-
ately be directed toward realization of these four
ruling purposes.
The time that this Administration has been in
office has been too brief to permit preparation of a
detailed and comprehensive program of recom-
mended action to cover all phases of the responsi-
bilities that devolve upon our country's new
leaders. Such a progi'am will be filled out in the
' Excerpts from the President's message delivered to the
Congress on Feb. 2 ( H. doc. 7.5, 83d Cong., 1st sess. ) . Also
available as Department of State publication 4915.
weeks ahead as, after appropriate study, I shall
submit additional recommendations for your con-
sideration. Today can provide only a sure and
substantial start.
Definition of a New Foreign Policy
Our country has come through a painful period
of trial and disillusionment since the victory of
1945. We anticipated a world of peace and co-
operation. The calculated pressures of aggressive
Communism have forced us, instead, to live in a
world of turmoil.
From this costly experience we have learned one
clear lesson. We have learned that the free world
cannot indefinitely remain in a posture of para-
lyzed tension. To do so would leave forever to the
aggressor the choice of time and place and means
to cause gi-eatest hurt to us at least cost to himself.
This Administration has, therefore, begun the
definition of a new, positive foreign policy. This
policy will be governed by certain fixed ideas.
They are these:
1. Our foreign policy must be clear, consistent
and confident. This means that it must be the
product of genuine, continuous cooperation be-
tween the Executive and Legislative branches of
this Government. It must be developed and
directed in the spirit of true bipartisanship.
2. I assure you members of this Congress — I
mean this fully, earnestly, and sincerely — the
policy we embrace must be a coherent global pol-
icy. The freedom we cherish and defend in
Europe and in the Americas is no different from
the freedom that is imperiled in Asia.
3. Our policy, dedicated to making the free
world secure, will envision all peaceful methods
February 9, J 953
207
and devices — except breiikinn; fuith with our
friends. We shall never acquiesce in the enslave-
ment of any people in order to purchase fancied
gain for ourselves. 1 shall ask the Congress at a
later date to join in an appropriate resolution mak-
ing clear that this Government recognizes no kind
of conunitment contained in secret understandings
of the past with foreign governments which permit
this kind of enslavement.
4. The policy we pursue will recognize the truth
that no single country, even one so powerful as
ours, can alone defend the liberty of all nations
threatened by Connnunist aggression from with-
out or subversion within. Mutual security means
effective mutual cooperation. For the United
States, this means that, as a matter of common
sense and national interest, we shall give help to
other nations in the measure that they strive ear-
nestly to do their full share of the common task.
No wealth of aid could compensate for poverty of
spirit. The heart of every free nation must be
honestly dedicated to the preserving of its own
independence and security.
5. Our policy will be designed to foster the
advent of practical unity in Western Europe. The
nations of that region have contributed notably to
the effort of sustaining the security of the free
world. F'rom the jungles of Indochina and Malaya
to the northern shores of Europe, they have vastly
improved their defensive strength. Where called
upon to do so, they have made costly and bitter
sacrifices to hold the line of freedom.
Need for Closer European Cooperation
But the problem of security demands closer co-
operation among the nations of Europe than has
been known to date. Only a more closely inte-
grated economic and political system can provide
tlie greatly increased economic strength needed to
maintain both necessary military readiness and
respectable living standards.
Europe's enlightened leaders have long been
aware of these facts. All the devoted work that
has gone into the Schuman Plan, the European
Army, and the Strasbourg Conferences has testi-
fied to their vision and determination. These
achievements are the more remarkable when we
realize that each of them has marked a victory —
for France and for Germany alike — over the divi
sions that in the past have brought such tragedy
to these two great nations and to the world.
The needed unity of Western Europe manifestly
cannot be manufactured from without ; it can only
be created from within. But it is right and neces-
sary that we encourage Europe's leaders by inform-
ing them of the high value we place upon the
earnestness of their efforts toward this goal. Real
progress will be conclusive evidence to the Ameri-
can people that our material sacrifices in the cause
of collective security are matched by essential
political, economic, and military accomplishments
in Western Europe.
6. Our foreign policy will recognize the import-
ance of profitable and equitable w^orld trade.
A substantial beginning can and should be made
by our friends themselves. Europe, for example, is
now marked by checkered areas of labor-surplus
and labor-shortage, of agricultural areas needing
machines and industrial areas needing food. Here
and elsewhere we can hope that our friends will
take the initiative in creating broader markets and
more dependable currencies, to allow greater ex-
change of goods and services among themselves.
Action along these lines can create an economic
environment that will invite vital help from us.
Such help includes :
First. Revising our customs regulations to re-
move procedural obstacles to profitable trade. I
further recommend that the Congress take the
Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act under immedi-
ate study and extend it by appropriate legislation.
This ol)jective must not ignore legitimate safe-
guarding of domestic industries, agriculture, and
labor standards. In all Executive study and
recommendations on this problem, labor and man-
agement and farmers alike will be earnestly
consulted.
Second. Doing whatever our Government can
properly do to encourage the flow of private
American investment abroad. This involves, as a
serious and explicit purpose of our foreign policy,
the encouragement of a hospitable climate for such
investment in foreign nations.
Third. Availing ourselves of facilities overseas
for the economical production of manufactured
articles, which are needed for mutual defense and
which are not seriouslj' competitive with our own
normal peacetime production.
Fourth. Receiving from the rest of the world,
in equitable exchange for what we supply, greater
amounts of important raw materials which we do
not ourselves possess in adequate quantities.
In this general discussion of our foreign policy,
I must make special mention of the war in Korea.
208
DepaT^ment of S/afe Bulletin
This war is, for Americans, the most painful
phase of Communist aj^gression throughout the
world. It is clearly a part of the same calculated
assault tliat the aggressor is simultaneously press-
ing in Indochina and in Malaya, and of the stra-
tegic situation that manifestly embraces the island
of Formosa and the Chinese Nationalist forces
there. The working out of any military solution
to the Korean War will inevitably affect all these
areas.
The Administration is giving immediate in-
creased attention to the development of additional
Republic of Korea forces. The citizens of that
country have proved their capacity as fighting men
and their eagerness to take a greater share in the
defense of their homeland. Organization, equip-
ment, and training will allow them to do so. In-
creased assistance to Korea for this purpose con-
forms fully to our global policies.
Seventh Fleet no Longer to Shield
Communist China
In June 1950, following the aggressive attack on
the Republic of Korea, the United States Seventh
Fleet was instructed both to prevent attack upon
Formosa and also to insure that Formosa should
not be used as a base of operations against the
Chinese Communist mainland.
This has meant, in effect, that the United States
Navy was required to serve as a defensive arm of
Communist China. Regardless of the situation
of 1950, since the date of that order the Chinese
Communists have invaded Korea to attack the
United Nations forces there. They have consist-
ently rejected the proposals of the United Nations
Command for an armistice. They recently joined
with Soviet Russia in rejecting the armistice pro-
posal sponsored in the United Nations by the Gov-
ernment of India.^ This proposal had been ac-
cepted by the United States and 53 other nations.
Consequently there is no longer any logic or
sense in a condition that required the United
States Navy to assume defensive responsibilities
on behalf of the Chinese Communists. This per-
mitted those Communists, with greater impunity,
to kill our soldiers and those of our United Na-
tions allies in Korea.
I am, therefore, issuing instructions that the
Seventh Fleet no longer be employed to shield
Communist China. Permit me to make this crystal
clear : This order implies no aggressive intent on
' See Bulletin of Jan. 12, 1953, pp. 74-78.
our part. But we certainly have no obligation to
protect a nation fighting us in Korea.
Our labor for peace in Korea and in the world
imperatively demands the maintenance by the
United States of a strong fighting service ready
for any contingency. Our problem is to achieve
adequate military strength within the limits of
endurable strain upon our economy. To amass
military power without regard to our economic
capacity would be to defend ourselves against one
kind of disaster by inviting another.
Both military and economic objectives demand a
single national military policy, proper coordina-
tion of our armed services, and effective consoli-
dation of certain logistics functions.
We must eliminate waste and duplication of
effort in the armed services. We must realize
clearly that size alone is not sufficient. The big-
gest force is not necessarily the best force — and we
want the best. We must not let traditions or
habits of the past stand in the way of developing
an efficient military force. All members of our
forces must be ever mindful that they serve under
a single flag and for a single cause. We must
effectively integrate our armament programs and
plan them in such careful relation to our indus-
trial facilities that we assure the best use of our
manpower and our materials.
Because of the complex technical nature of our
military organization and because of the security
reasons involved, the Secretary of Defense must
take the initiative and assume the responsibility
for developing plans to give our Nation maximum
safety at minimum cost. Accordingly, the new
Secretary of Defense and his civilian and military
associates will, in the future, recommend such
changes in present laws affecting our defense ac-
tivities as may be necessary in order to clarify
responsibilities and improve the total effectiveness
of our defense effort. This effort must always
conform to policies laid down in the National
Security Council.
Role of National Security Council
The statutory function of the National Security
Council is to assist the President in the formula-
tion and coordination of significant domestic, for-
eign, and military policies required for the security
of this Nation. In these days of tension, it is
essential that this central body have the vitality to
perform effectively its statutory role. I propose
to see that it does.
February 9, 1953
209
Careful formulation of policies must be fol-
lowed by clear understanding of them by all peo-
ples. A related need, therefore, is to make more
effective all activities of the Government related
to international information.
I have recently appointed a committee of repre-
sentative and informed citizens to survey this sub-
jert and to make recommendations in the near
future for legislative, administrative, or any other
action.'
A unified and dynamic effort in this whole field
is essential to the security of the United States
and of the other peoples in the community of free
nations. There is but one sure way to avoid total
war, and that is to win the cold war.
"While retaliatory power is one strong deterrent
to a would-be aggressor, another powerful deter-
rent is defensive power. No enemy is likely to
attempt an attack foredoomed to failure.
Because the building of a completely impene-
trable defense against attack is still not possible,
total defensive strength must include civil defense
preparedness. Because we have incontrovertible
evidence that Soviet Russia possesses atomic
weapons, this kind of protection becomes sheer
necessity.
Civil defense responsibilities primarily belong
to the state and local governments — including the
recruiting, training and organizing of volunteers
to meet any emergency. The immediate job of
the Federal Government is to provide leadership,
to supply technical guidance, and to continue to
strengthen its civil defense stockpile of medical,
engineering, and related supplies and equipment.
Tliis work must go forward without lag.
Loyal and Reliable Federal Employees
Our vast world responsibility accents with ur-
gency our people's elemental right to a govern-
ment whose clear qualities are loyalty, security,
efficiency, economy, and integrity.
The safety of America and the trust of the peo-
ple alike demand that the personnel of the Federal
Government be loyal in their motives and reliable
in the discharge of their duties. Only a combina-
tion of both loyalty and reliability promises gen-
uine security. To state this principle is easy; to
apply it can be difficult. But this security we must
and we shall have. By way of example, all prin-
cipal new appointees to departments and agencies
' See p. 217.
have been investigated at their own request by the
Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Confident of your understanding and coopera-
tion, I know that the primary responsibility for
keeping out the disloyal and the dangerous rests
squarely upon the Executive branch. When this
branch so conducts itself as to require policing by
another brancii of the Government, it invites its
own disorder and confusion.
1 am determined to meet this responsibility of
the Executive. The heads of all Executive de-
partments and agencies have been instructed to
initiate at once effective programs of security with
respect to their personnel. The Attorney General
will advise and guide the departments and agencies
in the shaping of these programs, designed at once
to govern the employment of new personnel and
to review speedily any derogatory information
concerning incumbent personnel.
To carry out these programs, I believe that the
powei-s of the Executive branch under existing law
are sufficient. If they should prove inadequate,
the necessary legislation will be requested. These
progi-ams will be both fair to the rights of the in-
dividual and effective for the safety of the Nation.
They will, with care and justice, apply the basic
principle that public employment is not a right but
a privilege.
All these measures have two clear purposes.
Their first purpose is to make certain that this
Nation's security is not jeopardized by false ser-
vants. Their second purpose is to clear the at-
mosphere of that unreasoned suspicion that accepts
rumor and gossip as substitutes for evidence.
Our people, of course, deserve and demand of
their Federal Government more than security of
personnel. They demand, also, efficient and logical
organization, true to constitutional principles.
I have already established a Committee on Gov-
ernment Organization. The Committee is using
as its point of departure the reports of the Hoover
Commission and subsequent studies by several in-
dependent agencies. To achieve the greater effi-
ciency and economy which the Committee analyses
show to be possible, I ask the Congress to extend
tlie present Government Reorganization Act for a
period of 18 months or 2 years beyond its expira-
tion date of April 1, 1953.
There is more involved here than realigning the
wheels and smoothing the gears of administrative
machinery. The Congress rightfully expects the
Executive to take the initiative in discovering and
210
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
removing outmoded functions and eliminating
duplication.
In all Departments dedication to these basic
precepts of security and efficiency, integrity and
economy can and will produce an Administration
deserving of the trust the people have placed in it.
Our people have demanded nothing less than good
and efficient government. They shall get nothing
less.
The Question ot Immigration
Now our civil and social rights form a central
part of the heritage we are striving to defend on
all fronts and with all our strength.
There is one sphere in which civil rights are
inevitably involved in Federal legislation. This
is the sphere of immigration.
It is a manifest right of our Government to
limit the number of immigrants our Nation can
absorb. It is also a manifest right of our Gov
ernment to set reasonable requirements on the
character and the numbers of the people who come
to share our land and our freedom. It is well for
us, however, to remind ourselves occasionally of
an equally manifest fact: we are, one and all,
immigrants or the sons and daughters of im-
migrants.
Existing legislation contains injustices. It does,
in fact, discriminate. I am informed by members
of the Congress that it was realized, at the time
of its enactment, that future study of the proper
basis of determining quotas would be necessary.
I am therefore requesting the Congress to review
this legislation and to enact a statute that will,
at one and the same time, guard our legitimate
national interests and be faithful to our basic ideas
of freedom and fairness to all.
Now we have surveyed briefly some problems of
our people and a portion of the tasks before us.
The hope of freedom itself depends, in real
measure, upon our strength, our heart, and our
wisdom. We must be strong in arms. We must
be strong in the source of all our armament, our
productivity. We all — workers and farmers, fore-
men and financiers, technicians and builders — all
must produce, produce more, and produce yet
more.
We must be strong, above all, in the spiritual
resources upon which all else depends. We must
be devoted with all our heart to the values we
defend. We must know that each of these values
and virtues applies with equal force at the ends of
the earth and in our relations with our neighbor
next door. We must know that freedom expresses
itself with equal eloquence in the right of workers
to strike in the nearby factory — and in the yearn-
ings and sufferings of the peoples of Eastern
Europe. As our heart summons our strength, our
wisdom must direct it.
There is, in world affairs, a steady course to be
followed between an assertion of strength that is
truculent and a confession of helplessness thar is
cowardly.
There is, in our affairs at home, a middle way
between untrammelled freedom of the individual
and the demands for the welfare of the whole
Nation. This way must avoid government by
bureaucracy as carefully as it avoids neglect of the
helpless.
In every area of political action, free men must
think before they can expect to win.
In this spirit must we live and labor, confident
of our strength, compassionate in our heart, clear
in our mind.
In this spirit, let us together turn to the great
tasks before us.
February 9, 1953
211
A SURVEY OF FOREIGN POLICY PROBLEMS
Address hy Secretary Dvlles ^
It has been now just 6 days that I have been
Secretary of State and I can assure you that they
have been very, very busy days. They have been
a perfect mass of accumulated problems, but I
hope never to be too busy to talk with the Congress
and with the people of the United States so that
they will know what it is we're thinking about
and what our purposes and intentions are.
I've already met with two congressional com-
mittees that deal primarily with foreign affairs
and now I want to have a chance to talk with you.
Of course, it's obvious that after 6 days I haven't
got the answers to all the problems. It would be
ridiculous if I pretended that I did have, but I
do think it's worth while to tell you what our posi-
tion in the world is and the spirit with which we
approach the solution of these problems.
The first thing that I want to make clear, and
I want to make it abundantly clear, is that I con-
sider that it is my job to work for the people of the
United States. I am part of your Government;
it's you that have hired me and pay me and you're
entitled to have me do the best that I can for you.
And that is going to be the spirit of the State De-
partment and of our ambassadors. You needn't
be afraid that we're working against you and for
others.
President Eisenhower has' often used a phrase,
"enlightened self-interest." That is going to be
the guide as we go on to make our foreign policy.
In our own interest, our enlightened self-interest,
we have to pay close attention to what is going on
in the rest of the world. And the reason for that
' Delivered to the Nation over radio and television net-
works on Jan. 27 and released to the press (no. 45) on
the same date. Also printed as Department of State
publication 4911.
is that we have enemies who are plotting our de-
struction. These enemies are the Russian Com-
mtmists and their allies in other coimtries.
Now you may ask, how do we know that they are
really trying to destroy us? The answer to
that one is that their leaders teach it openly and
have been teaching it for many years; every-
thing that they do fits into that teaching. And
in this country our courts have had to look into
the question, and they've found most recently, only
last week, that the Communist party in this coun-
try is part of a gigantic conspiracy designed to
overthrow our Government by violence.
You may say, "Do we need to take this threat
seriously?" The answer to that is that the threat
is a deadly serious one. President Eisenhower
recently said this Nation stands in greater peril
than at any time in our history. Any Ameri-
can who isn't awake to that fact is like a soldier
who's asleep at his post. We must be awake, all
of us awake, to that danger.
Interdependence of Our Foreign Policy
Already our proclaimed enemies control one-
third of all the people of the world. I've here be-
hind me a map which shows the vast area which
stretches from Kamchatka near Alaska, the north-
ern islands of Japan, and right on to Germany in
the center of Europe. Tliat's an area which the
Russian Communists completely dominate. In
that area are 800 million people, and they are be-
ing forged into a vast weapon of fighting power
backed by industrial production and modem
weapons that include atomic bombs. If this block
of 800 million people is compared with our popu-
lation, about 150 million people, it means that if
212
Department of State Bulletin
we were alone against them the population odds
against us and in their favor would be 7 to 1.
In the case of the First World War and the Second
World War there was a big coalition on our side
against the despots so that the manpower ratio
then was about 7 to 1 in our favor. It wouldn't
be pleasant to have a war in which the odds against
us were 7 to 1.
Another important fact is that this vast area
of Asia and Europe, which our enemies control,
has within it all of the natural resources which
they need. On the other hand, we are largely de-
pendent on overseas goods. For example, our
steel industry, which is of course basic, in peace
production and war production, depends very
largely upon importations of manganese from
overseas. So, if we were alone, not only would
the manpower odds be terrifically against us, but
we would be at a great disadvantage in the pro-
duction of the weapons that we needed.
These are some of the reasons why the enlight-
ened self-interest of the United States compels
that we should have friends and allies in the world.
At the present time, the Soviet Communists are
carrying out a policy which they call encirclement.
That means they want to get control of the dif-
ferent areas around them and around us, so they
will keep growing in strength and we will be more
and more cut off and isolated. They said they
don't want to start an open war against us until
they have got such overwhelming power that the
result would not be in doubt. That strategy has
been to pick up one country after another by
getting control of its government, by political
warfare and indirect aggression. And they have
been making very great progress.
At the end of the Second World War, only a
little over 7 years ago, they only controlled about
200 million people. Today, as I say, they con-
trol 800 million people and they're hard at work
to get control of other parts of the world.
Areas of Concern
Let me now, with a map before me, pick out
some of the high spots of trouble. Let's start
with Korea, which naturally comes first to our
minds because of the cruel and bloody war going
on there. Wliat's that all about? One thing
that it's about is Japan. You see the Soviet
Union has already moved into the northern is-
lands which are very close to Japan. In fact,
they are within 2 miles of northern Japan and
their planes are reported daily almost as flying
across the northern part of Japan. You can see
from this map that, if they had not only this
area up to the north of Japan but also had all of
Korea, then Japan would be within the Commu-
nist pincers. And, if the Russians or Chinese
Communists got control of Japan with its great
industrial power, then they could use that to proc-
ess the raw materials which come from Asia, from
Manchuria, and from China and to process them
into arms and weapons for the vast manpower of
China. And that, if it happened, would be a very
unfortunate thing for us. It was hard enough for
us to win the war against Japan in the Pacific
when Japan was alone, when China was our ally
and the Soviet Union was neutral. If Russia,
China, and Japan all combined, it would be pretty
tough going for us in the Pacific. Stalin has
boasted that with Japan the Soviet Union would
be invincible. We don't need to believe that but
at least we can see that it would be pretty tough
going.
The Soviet Russians are making a drive to
get Japan, not only through what they are doing
in northern areas of the islands and in Korea but
also through what they are doing in Indochina.
If they could get this peninsula of Indochina,
Siam, Burma, Malaya, they would have what is
called the rice bowl of Asia. That's the area
from which the great peoples of Asia, great coun-
tries of Asia such as Japan and India, get, in large
measure, their food. And you can see that, if the
Soviet Union had control of the rice bowl of Asia,
that would be another weapon which would tend
to expand their control into Japan and into India.
That is a growing danger; it is not only a bad
situation because of the threat in the Asian coun-
tries that I refer to but also because the French,
who are doing much of the fighting there, are
making great effort; and that effort subtracts just
that much from the capacity of their building a
European army and making the contribution
which otherwise they could be expected to make.
I'll touch on that problem later on when we get
to Europe.
Now then, we can go on to the next area, which
is the Arab world. In the Middle East we
find that the Communists are trying to inspire
the Arabs with a fanatical hatred of the British
and ourselves. That area contains the great-
est known oil reserves that there are in the world,
and the Soviet interest is shown by the fact that
February 9, 1953
213
Stalin, when he was negotiating with Hitler in
1940, said that that area must be looked upon as
the center of Soviet aspirations. If all of that
passed into the hands of our potential enemies,
that would make a tremendous shift in the balance
of economic power. And furthermore, this area
also has control of the Suez Canal, and that is the
portion of the world and the seaways of the world
which has long been guarded and called the life-
line which made it possible for Europe to be in
communication with Asia. Thei-e, there are dif-
ficulties at the present time between the British
Government and the Government of Egypt which
relate to the question of the defense and control
of the Suez Canal.
Then if we move on further we can go to Africa.
And throughout Africa the Communists are try-
ing to arouse the native people into revolt against
the Western Europeans, who still have political
control of most of Africa. If there should be
trouble there that would break the contact between
Europe and Africa, Africa being a large source
of raw materials for Europe.
And then we come now, as we go around the
globe, to Western Europe itself. In Western
Europe we find that there is in existence there
one of our major foreign policies, the foreign
policy that is called by the word Nato, Nato
standing for North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
The purpose there was to tie the Western Euro-
pean countries together with association from
United States and from Canada, so as to create
there a community which would be strong enough
to deter any attack on Westei-n Europe by the
Eed armies. This area of Western Europe has
always been historically an area which was strong
in the military sense. And the countries have
quite a considerable military tradition. The
trouble has been that in the past these Western
European countries have used their military
strength with which to fight each other and to
bleed each other. Particularly France and Ger-
many, as you know, have been fighting each other
about once in every generation for quite a long
time.
The present hope is that Germany and France
will join in a single European defense com-
mu'uity; then we would have a situation where
they could not fight each other and where their
combined strength with that of their other allies
would make it unlikely that the Red armies would
attempt to invade Western Europe. That's a
good idea and it has had in this country bipar-
tisan support. Unfortunately the plan now seems
to be somewhat stalled. It seems as though
some of the French people and some of the
German people want again to go in their sep-
arate ways. That's one of the reasons why Presi-
dent Eisenhower asked me and Mr. Stassen, who
directs the mutual-assistance program, to go to
Europe this week. We want to look the situa-
tion over at first hand and see whether this trend
to unity is on the upgrade or is on the downgrade.
Let me say to you first of all that in this trip
we are taking we are not going to make any com-
mitments of any kind, sort, or description. The
problem of making commitments is for the Con-
gress of the United States working in cooperation
with the executive departments of the Govern-
ment. We shall be there to observe and to listen
but not to make any commitments.
The United States has made a big investment
in Western Europe on the theory that there could
be unity there. Of the 40 billion dollars which
we have sent abroad since the end of the Second
World War, almost 30 billions have gone into
Western Europe. If, however, there were no
chance, and that I just refuse to believe, but if
it appeared there were no chance of getting effec-
tive unity, and if in particular France, Germany,
and England should go their separate ways, then
certainly it would be necessary to give a little
rethinking to America's own foreign policy in
relation to Western Europe.
So you see that as we look around the world
so far we've looked at Asia, and we've looked
at Europe, and we've looked at Africa, but then
also we've got this Hemisphere to look at. And
On January 28, Secretary Dulles extended his greetings to
Department employees who were gathered at the west entrance
of the new Department of State Building. For text of remarks
made on this occasion by the Secretary, see p. 239.
we have to look at South America. Sometimes
we're inclined to take South America for granted.
But the reality is that there are strong Commu-
nist movements in South America, and Fascist
influences in some quarters, which are working
away, largely underground so far, and they're
trying to destroy the traditional friendship be-
tween the people of the American Republics.
The past administration has been so preoccupied
with some of those problems of Europe and Asia
214
Department of State Bulletin
and Africa tliat I referred to that I fear it may
have somewhat neglected South America and
taken it for granted that we could forget about
South America for a time and then go back again
and find everything the same as it was before.
But actually any such policy of neglect would
lead to growing danger.
Basis for a Successful Foreign Policy
You can see that there is plenty of trouble
around the world, I've pointed out some of the
higli sjiots of trouble, but there are many more.
There are plenty of areas which are vulnerable
to the political warfare which the Russians are
waging; if these areas were lost, then the Rus-
sian Communists would have largely completed
their encirclement of the United States and be
ready for what Stalin has called the decisive blow
against us with the odds overwhelmingly in their
favor. That's a gloomy picture, but it need not
and it must not discourage us. These Russian
Communists are not supermen and their strategy
is not irresistible. I feel absolutely confident
that we can make it fail. Now, as I said, I'm not
going to attempt to tell you tonight in any detail
what will be the foreign policies of President
Eisenhower's administration. It would be foolish
to attempt to do that so quickly — it's only a week
ago today that President Eisenhower was inaugu-
rated— but I think I can, on the basis of what I
know about him, give you two indications as to
the outline of our foreign policy, one negative and
the other positive.
Now first the negative one. We will not try to
meet the Soviet strategy of encirclement by our-
selves starting a war. Take that for certain. A
few people here and there in private life have
suggested tliat a war with Soviet Russia is inevi-
table and that we'd better have it soon rather than
later because, they said, time is running against
us. President Eisenhower is absolutely opposed
to any such policy and so, of course, am I and all
of my associates in the State Department and the
Foreign Service. We shall never choose a war
as the instrument of our policy.
It says in the Bible, you recall, that all they that
take the sword perish with the sword. And even
people who do not accept that as a doctrine of
faith should at least remember that twice within
our generation great and powerful despots have
taken the sword. Germany and Japan, for ex-
ample, have taken the sword with seemingly
overwhelming power only in the end to perish
miserably. Now, of course, we know that our
enemies do not have moral scruples. In fact, they
deny that there is such a thing as a moral law.
They preach violence. Stalin has said, and it is
taught to every one of his Communist followers,
that the world transformation which they seek
cannot, they say, be achieved without violence.
And Stalin went on to say that any who thought
that their goals could be achieved peacefully have
either gone out of their minds or are traitors to
the Communist cause. We know that they've
used violence, at least on a local scale, in several
countries of the world, including Korea and Indo-
china. They're building up a vast military ma-
chine; they've rejected U.N. proposals for an
armistice in Korea; and they've rejected U.N.
proposals for effective limitation of armament.
Therefore we ourselves must have a strong mili-
tary establishment and we should encom-age the
creation of military strength among our friends;
but the purpose is never to wage war but only to
deter war. Not only shall we never invoke war
to achieve our purposes but we shall try to the
best of our ability to stop the wars that are now
going on in the world, notably these wars in Korea
and Indochina. Today these wars go on because
the enemy thinks he's getting an advantage by
continuing the war. I believe that General Eisen-
hower will find the ways to make the enemy change
his mind in that respect so that they too will
want peace.
The Answer— Love of Freedom
Now the other purpose of our foreign policy,
and this is the positive aspect, must be to create in
other peoples such a love and respect for freedom
that they can never really be absorbed by the des-
potism, the totalitarian dictatorship, of the Com-
munist world. The Russian Communists, as I've
pointed out, have swallowed a great many people
to date, approximately 800 million, but you know
there is such a thing as indigestion. People don't
always get stronger by eating more; sometimes
they eat more than they can digest and then
they get weaker instead of getting stronger. Al-
ready there are signs of indigestion within the
Russian Communist world. The purges and the
trials that are going on in Eastern Europe, the
wholesale executions that are going on in Com-
munist China — all these things show the people are
restive and are unhappy. The fact that the Cora-
February 9, 1953
215
munist nilers feel that they liave to resort to these
tactics of terrorism in order to make the people do
their will — that fact is a sign of weakness, not a
sign of strength. And a gi-eat deal can be done
to make these peoples, these captive peoples, retain
such a love of freedom and independence, and to
bring such a love and determination to keep inde-
pendence on the part of these peoples that I've
talked about, who are menaced, that they can't be
swallowed and digested by Soviet communism.
And perhaps in time the indigestion will become
so acute that it might be fatal.
Now what's our job and our task in that respect?
Our job is to serve our own enlightened self-
interest by demonstrating by our own perform-
ance, by our own examples, how good freedom is
and how much better it is than despotism is. Now
who can put on that performance, that demonstra-
tion, to show that example ? The only people in
the world that can do it are you, the people of the
United States of America. And it means that
each of you has a task in foreign policy. Foreign
policy isn't just something that's conducted by
secretaries of state and by ambassadors in dif-
ferent parts of the world; every one of you has
got a part in making a successful foreign policy
for the United States, because whether or not we
peacefully succeed will largely depend upon the
demonstration you make as to the value and pro-
ductivity of liberty. You must work hard enough
at whatever your task is to show that freedom is
more productive than slavery. You must be re-
sourceful and inventive enough so that our instru-
ments of peace and, if need be, war are better than
any that can be invented by the despots and
their captives. We must be compassionate and
friendly and good neighbors because people who
are wholly selfish are never an attractive people.
If each of you will recognize that you have a part
to play in making freedom seem desirable, then
all of us together will make freedom so sought
after throughout the world that the Russian Com-
munists will be bound to fail in their strategy of
encircling us by swallowing up the rest of the
world.
National Conduct and Example — Our Responsibility
The point I want to emphasize is that tlie heart
of a successful foreign policy is our national con-
duct and example, and that is a matter for every
individual and not just the diplomats. So far as
your Government is concerned, you may be sure
that it will not be intimidated, subverted, or con-
quered. Our Nation must stand as a solid rock in
a storm-tossed world. To all those suffering
under Communist slavery, to the timid and the
intimidated peoples of the world, let us say this:
you can count upon us. Together with the other
free peoples of the world we can, I am confident,
peacefully achieve an honorable peace.
Now I suppose some of you are wondering
whether the State Department can really be
trusted to take a strong lead against Russian com-
munism. There have been some shocking revela-
tions which showed that some Communists and
sympathizers have found their way into high
places and betrayed secrets, even that of the
atomic bomb. I can assure you that all of the
resources of Government, and that includes the
FBI, are going to be employed to be sure that any
such people are detected and cleaned out. I can
promise you that our foreign policies, our new
policies, will never to the slightest degree reflect
any lack of faith in the ideals and the principles
on which this Nation was founded.
Let me now in conclusion say that I believe that
our foreign policies should be open so that you can
know what they are, and they should be sufficiently
simple so that you can understand them and judge
them, and they should be sufficiently decent and
moral so that they will fit into your idea of what
you think is right. These principles of openness,
simplicity, and righteousness — these principles are
those which are in accord with what used to be
the great American traditional foreign policy.
That has been our great tradition and I am proud
that we here in the State Department and in our
Foreign Service will have a chance to carry on
that great tradition and to live up to it. And in
that way we shall, I think, deserve and I hope we
shall receive the support, the confidence, and the
cooperation of the American people.
216
Department of Stafe Bulletin
Purpose of European Trip
Statement hy Secretary Dulles ^
Press release 55 dated January 30
President Eisenhower has asked Mr. Stassen
and me to make this trip to Europe in order to
gather information about problems which we and
other nations of the Atlantic community must deal
witli in our common effort to attain peace, security,
and economic health. Cooperation among the na-
tions of the Atlantic community is of the utmost
importance to all of us because it is clear that the
collective strengtla of these nations, if properly
directed and organized, is far greater than their
strength would be if each pursued separate and
individual nationalistic programs and policies.
During our trip we will visit the six countries
which plan a European Defense Community,
namely, Italy, France, Germany, the Netherlands,
Belgium, and Luxembourg, and also the United
Kingdom, which is closely associated with this
project. We are looking forward with very great
interest to our meeting with the top Government
officials in these countries and to hearing about
the latest developments concerning the European
Defense Community, which was developed by the
Eurojieans themselves with gi-eat courage and
imagination as a step toward that unity which all
recognize as necessary.
In conclusion I would like to reiterate what I
have recently said on several occasions, namely,
that the purpose of this trip does not involve the
making of new commitments but rather it is to
gather information on common problems which
the new Administration will take into considera-
tion in the formulation of policy.
Netherlands to Forego
U.S. Defense Support Aid
Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 44 dated January 27
The Netherlands Government is to be warmly
congi-atulated on its announcement that, after
careful consideration of the economic position of
the country, it has decided not to request defense
support aid for the fiscal year 1952-53.
This action, which is in the best Dutch tradition
of self-reliance, desei-ves the admiration of the
American i^eople. Our Netherlands friends have
had to struggle hard to overcome their need for
economic aid. The cooperation of agriculture
and industry and, above all, the tenacity of pur-
pose, hard work, and the willingness to sacrifice
on the part of the people of the Dutch nation have
enabled the Netherlands to surmount the enormous
obstacles they faced when hostilities ceased in 1945
' Made at the Military Air Transport Terminal at
Washington on Jan. 30.
after years of destruction and occupation. Their
achievement is the more remarkable in view of
the increase in the Dutch defense effort within
Nato since the North Korean attack on the Re-
public of Korea. To help make this effort ever
more effective, the United States will continue
the program of direct militai"y aid under which
assistance is furnished in the form of arms and
equipment for military, naval, and air forces.
The Dutch statement of the importance and use-
fulness to them of aid received under the Marshall
Plan and the Mutual Security Program is sin-
cerely appreciated, and I offer my best wishes for
the continued improvement in the economic
strength and security of the Netherlands.
International Information Activities
Committee Appointed
The President on January 26 appointed a com-
mittee to be known as the President's Committee
on International Information Activities. The
Committee will survey and evaluate the Govern-
ment's information and related policies and ac-
tivities with particular reference to international
relations and the national security.
The members of the Committee are William H.
Jackson, Chairman; Robert Cutler, Administra-
tive Assistant to the President; C. D. Jackson,
representing the Secretary of State; Sigurd Lar-
mon, representing the Director for Mutual Se-
curity; Gordon Gray; Barklie McKee Henry;
John C. Hughes.
Abbott Washburn will act as executive secretary
of the Committee.^
In announcing this action, the President said:
"It has long been my conviction that a unified and
dynamic effort in this field is essential to the se-
curity of the United States and of the other peo-
ples in the community of free nations. All execu-
tive departments and agencies of the Federal
Government are authorized and directed, as a mat-
ter of common concern, to cooperate with the Com-
mittee in its work.
"The establishment of this Committee and the
scope of its inquiry were discussed at the Cabinet
meeting last Friday morning and received full
and complete support.
"The Committee's final repoi't and recommen-
dations are to be in my hands not later than June
30."
The appointments of C. D. Jackson and Mr.
Larmon, respectively, were made by the President
after consultation with and at the designation of
Secretary Dulles and Harold E. Stassen. A nom-
inee of the Secretary of Defense will be named to
the Committee shortly.
The Committee will cease to exist 30 days after
submission of its final report to the President.
' For biographical data on members of the Committee,
see White House press release dated Jan. 26.
f&ht\iaty 9, 1953
217
Treatment of American Property in Soviet Zone
of Germany and Soviet Sector of Berlin
Press release 41 dated January 23
On February 23, 1952, the American Embassy
at Moscow delivered a note to the Soviet Foreif^n
OiRce calling attention to the evasion by the Soviet
Control Commission of its responsibilities for the
protection of American properties, rights, and in-
terests situated in the Soviet zone of occupation in
Germany and in the Soviet sector of Berlin. The
U.S. note pointed out that as a result of transfer
of these responsibilities by the Soviet Control
Commission to German agencies in the Soviet zone
of occupation, American property owners have
been denied access to their pioperty, have been
unable to manage or supervise their property,
have had no voice in the selection of agents, and
have been unable to obtain information concerning
their property or to pi'event its management in a
manner which impairs its value.
The U.S. note called upon the Soviet Govern-
ment to take the necessary measures to control the
actions of the German authorities and to rescind
the measures taken against American properties,
rights, and interests concerned. It concluded that,
failing satisfaction, the United States would have
no alternative but to hold the Soviet Government
answerable for the resulting damage to American
interests in the Soviet zone of Germany as well as
in the Soviet sector of Berlin.
On May 23, 1952, the Soviet Foreign Office sent
a rejily to the American Embassy at Moscow stat-
ing that the transfer of management and safe-
keeping of foreign property on East German ter-
ritory to the "German People's Republic" was in
accordance with Declaration No. 2 of the Control
Council in Germany, and that accordingly the
assertion by the Government of the United States
that such transfer was not in accord with the obli-
gations of the Soviet Government is without
foundation.
On January 16, 1953, the American Embassy at
Moscow sent another note to the Soviet Foreign
Office rejecting the ex])lanation of the Soviet Gov-
ermnent and reasserting that the United States
would hold the Soviet Government answerable for
the resulting damage to Ajnerican properties.
rights, and interests in the Soviet zone of occupa-
tion in Germany and in the Soviet sector of Berlin.
Texts of the U.S. and Soviet notes follow :
U.S. NOTE OF FEBRUARY 23, 1952
The Embassy of the United States of America presents
its compliments to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and, acting upon in-
structions from the United States Government, has the
honor to draw the attention of the Soviet Government to
the protection of American properties, rights and interests
situated in the Soviet Zone of occupation in Germany and
in the Soviet Sector of Berlin.
The Government of the United States understands that
in accordance with a protocol signed on .June '20, 19.">0,
the administration and protection of foreign properties,
devolving upon the Soviet Union, has been transferred
to certain German agencies in the Soviet Zone of occupa-
tion. In the view of the Government of the United States,
however, whereas tliis protocol purjwrts to delegate cer-
tain resiwnsibilities for protection of foreign properties,
rights and interests, the Soviet Government must be aware
that such action cannot absolve it from the obligation to
insure the protection of such properties, rights and
interests until the final peace settlement.
It has come to the notice of the United States Govern-
ment that developments permitted by the Soviet Control
Commission are in no way consistent with the obligation
of tlie Soviet Government to protect foreign projierty,
rights and interests in the Soviet Zone of Germany. Tlie
evidence available to the United States Government sup-
ports the conclusion that the Soviet Control Commission
is in fact evading its responsibilit.v in the matter of
American property, rights and interests in Germany.
Measures have been taken which are equivalent in their
effect to sequestration of American property. Repre-
sentatives of American owners have been denied access
to the property and records of such owners. Agents ap-
pointed by American owners to manage or supervise their
property have been summarily deprived of tlieir powers.
American owners have had no voice in the selection of
the successors to tlieir agents, and have been unable to
obtain from them information concerning their property
or to prevent its management in a manner which impairs
its value.
The American Embassy accordingly calls upon the
Soviet Government to talje the necessary measures to
control the actions of the German authorities purporting
to act on behalf of the Soviet Control Commission and
to rescind the measures so far taken against American
properties, rights and interests concerned. Failing sat-
isfaction, the United States Government will have no
alternative but to hold the Soviet Government answerable
218
Department of State Bulletin
for the resultiriK damage to American interests in the
Soviet Zone of Germany as well as in the Soviet Sector
of Berlin.
SOVIET REPLY OF MAY 23, 1952
The Ministry of Foreijai Affairs of the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics presents its compliments to the
Embassy of the United States of America and referring
to the Embassy's Note No. 411 of February 23, 19.52
relative to the protection of American properties, rights
and interests in East Germany, has the honor to state
the following:
In accordance with the appropriate quadripartite
decision under which German authorities are responsible
for the preservation, maintenance and prevention of
plundering of foreign property, wliich is mentioned in
Declaration No. 2 of the Control Council in Germany to
the German people, the Soviet Control Commission trans-
ferred to the Government of the German People's Republic
functions with regard to the management and safekeeping
of foreign property on East German territory. Similarly,
all questions connected with the safeguarding and mainte-
nance of American property on East German territory
are regulated by laws of the German People's Republic
ba.sed on the mentioned quadripartite agreement. Such
an arrangement fully assures the safety of the foreign
proiierty on East German territory until the time of final
decision of the question of the fate of this property con-
nected with conclusion of a peace treaty with Germany.
As a result of the foregoing the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the USSR considers that the assertion of
the Embassy of the USA that the mentioned decisions
taken by the Soviet Control Commission somehow do not
correspond with the obligations of the Soviet Government
regarding the protection of foreign property rights and
interests in East Germany is without foundation.
U.S. NOTE OF JANUARY 16, 1953
The Embassy of the United States of America presents
its compliments to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and, acting upon
instructions from the United States Government, has the
honor to refer to the Ministry's note No. 19 of May 23, 1952
concerning the protection of American properties, rights
and interests in the Soviet Zone of occupation in Germany
and in the Soviet sector of Berlin.
The United States Government regards the explanation
set forth in the Soviet Government's note as an entirely
unsatisfactory response to Note No. 411, dated February
23, 19.")2, from the American Embassy. With respect to
the Ministry's statements regarding Control Council Proc-
lamation No. 2, the Government of the United States
wi.shes to point out that the basic purpose of those pro-
visions of that Proclamation which are relevant to this
matter was to ensure the protection of United Nations
properties, rights and interests. However, as the United
States note of February 23 empliasized, developments
which the Soviet Government has iiermitted in its area of
control in Germany have had and continue to have pre-
cisely the opposite effect on American property. The
United States Government, therefore, has no alternative
but to reiterate that, unless satisfactory action is taken by
tlie Soviet Government to cause the rescission of the meas-
ures taken against American proi^erties, rights and inter-
ests in the Soviet zone of Germany and the Soviet sector of
Berlin by German agencies purporting to act on behalf
of the Soviet Control Commission, the United States Gov-
ernment will hold the Soviet Government answerable for
the resulting damage to American proi>erties, rights and
interests in those areas.
Fur Imports from U.S.S.R.
and Adjacent Areas
Press release 42 dated Jaiuiftry 2G
Section 5 of the Trade Agreements Extension
Act of 1951 provides that "as soon as practicable"
the President sliall deny trade agreement benefits
"to imports from the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, and to imports from any nation or area
dominated or controlled by the foreign govern-
ment or foreign organization controlling the world
Communist movement." Effect was given to this
provision by the President's proclamation of
August 1, 1951,' under which trade-agreement
benefits would be suspended with respect to im-
ports from particular nations or areas following
their designation in a letter from the President
to the Secretary of the Treasury. Following steps
to terminate agreements with the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics and Poland, with which the
denial of trade-agTeement benefits would conflict,
the President on November 20, 1951, notified the
Secretary of the Treasury that such benefits should
be suspended with respect to imports from the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Poland, and
certain adjacent areas."
The President on January 17, 1953, sent to the
Secretary of the Treasury a new letter superseding
his letter of November 20, 1951, in order to specify
more atlequately those areas the imports from
which would be affected by the letter of November
20, 1951. The second paragraph of the new letter
continues without change the prohibition against
the importation of certain furs, the product of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, contained in
the second paragraph of the letter of November
20, 1951.
The text of the new letter, which will supersede
the earlier letter on February 19, 1953, is as
follows :
President's Letter of January 17
My Deab Mr. Seceetabt: Pursuant to Part I of my
proclamation of August 1, 19.51, carrying out sections 5
and 11 i>f the Trade Agreements Extension Act of 1951,
I hereby notify you that the suspension provided for
therein shall be applicable with respect to imports from
the following nations and areas :
Poland, and areas under the provisional administration
of Poland (the former Free City of Danzig, and areas in
Germany including the area in East Prussia)
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the area in
East Prussia under the provisional administration of
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Pursuant to Part II of that proclamation of August 1,
1951, I hereby notify you that the entry, or withdrawal
from warehouse, for consumption of ermine, fox, kolinsky,
marten, mink, muskrat, and weasel furs and skins, dressed
or undressed, shall be prohibited as to the products of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
The provisions of this letter shall apply to products
' BxjixETiN of Aug. 20, 1951, p. 291.
= Ibid., Dec. 3, 1951, p. 913.
February 9, 1953
219
specified herein which are entered, or withdrawn from
warehouse, for consumption on and after February 19,
1953 on whicli date this letter shall supersede my letter
to you of November 20, 1951 under the proclamation of
August 1, 1951.
Sincerely yours,
Haebt S. Truman
The Honorable
John W. Snydee,
Secretary of the Treasury.
U. S. Air Force Agreement
With Venezuela
Press release 30 dated January 16
There was signed on January 16 by Dean
Acheson, Secretary of State, and Cesar Gonzalez,
Ambassador of Venezuela to the United States,
an agreement providing for the detail of personnel
of the U. S. Air Force to serve as an advisory mis-
sion in Venezuela. The agreement is to continue
in force for 4 years from the date of signature and
may be extended beyond that period at the request
of the Government of Venezuela.
The agreement is similar to numerous other
agreements in force between the United States
and certain other American Republics providing
for the detail of officers and enlisted men of the
U. S. Army, Navy, and Air Force to advise the
armed forces of those coimtries. The provisions
of the agreement relate to the duties, rank, and
precedence of the personnel of the mission, the
travel accommodations to be provided for the
members of the mission and their families, and
other related matters.
Economic, Technical Aid
Agreement With Indonesia
Press release 17 dated January 12
On January 12, 1953, the Governments of Indo-
nesia and the United States concluded a new agree-
ment terminating and replacing their agreement
of Jan. 5, 1952, which jjrovided for the extension
of economic and technical and of military assist-
ance on a grant basis. While continuing to honor
the old agreement, the Indonesian Government
has taken the initiative in negotiating the new
agreement, which provides for the continuance of
economic and technical aid and the discontinuance
of military aid on a grant basis.
Technical and economic aid to Indonesia totaled
about 16 million dollars in fiscal years 1951 and
1952. Of this amount, approximately 6 million
dollars was requested by Indonesia for the stimu-
lation of food production; 4 million dollars for
IMiblic health: 2 million dollars for industrial en-
gineering and engineering development; and 2
million dollars for education and vocational train-
ing. The conclusion of the new agreement has
cleared the way for discussions between the two
Governments as to the size and content of the
technical-assistance program for fiscal year 1953.
Under the former agreement, the U. S. Govern-
ment had almost completed a grant of about 5
million dollars' worth of equipment under a 1950
program for the maintenance of internal security.
The Indonesian Government has indicated its in-
tention to pay for the small undelivered balance
of this program, about 12,500 dollars, in accord-
ance with its desire to purchase, instead of to re-
ceive as a gi'ant, any military equipment which
it may obtain from the U. S. Government.
Revised Regulations
for Preventing Collisions at Sea
Press release 22 dated January 14
The revised International Regulations for Pre-
venting Collisions at Sea will come into force on
January 1, 1954. These Regulations were agreed
upon among the delegates to the International
Safety of Life at Sea Conference held at London
in 1948. They were circulated to all interested
governments by the Government of the United
Kingdom, acting at the invitation of the other
participating governments. When substantial
unanimity of acceptance had been reached, the
Government of the United Kingdom was to notify
all other governments of that fact, setting an
effective date not less than 1 year ahead. The
United States is now in receipt of formal notifi-
cation that substantial tnianimity has been
reached and that the date of January 1, 1954, has
been decided upon as the effective date for the
new Regulations.
Among the more important changes introduced
by the 1948 Regidations are the following:
(1) The Regulations apply to seaplanes on the
water as well as to water craft.
(2) The second white masthead light which
is allowed by the existing Regidations becomes
compulsory except for vessels less than 150 feet
in length and for vessels engaged in towing.
(3) The range of visibility of lights on fishing
vessels is standardized at two miles. In the ex-
isting Regulations no range is specified.
(4) The stern light which is allowed by the
existing Regulations becomes compulsory and its
range of visibility is increased from one to two
miles.
(5) The range of visibility of anchor lights is
increased for all vessels under 150 feet in length
from one to two miles and for vessels over that
length from one to three miles.
(6) When a power-driven vessel which, under
the Regulations, is to keep course and speed, is
in sight of another vessel and is in doubt whether
the other vessel is taking sufficient action to avert
collision, it may use a signal consisting, of five
short blasts.
220
Oepartmeni of Sfate Bulletin
The International Eegulations for Preventing
Collisions at Sea, 1948, have so far been accepted
by the following countries :
Australia
France
Norway
Belgium
Greece
Pakistan
Brazil
Holland
Peru
Burma
Hungary
Poland
Canada
Iceland
Rumania
Chile
India
South Africa
Colombia
Iraq
Spain
Denmark
Republic of Ire-
Sweden
Dominican
land
Turkey
Republic
Italy
United Kingdom
Ecuador
aiexico
U.S.A.
Egypt
New Zealand
U.S.S.R.
Finland
Nicaragua
Yugoslavia
Convention on Aircraft Damage
Press release 26 dated January 15
The diplomatic conference convened under the
auspices of the International Civil Aviation Or-
ganization in Eome on September 9, 1952, pur-
suant to the invitation of the Italian Government,
completed work on and adopted and opened for
signature and ratification or adherence a Conven-
tion on Damage Caused by Foreign Aircraft to
Third Persons on the Surface.
This convention has as its purpose the provision
of uniform rules and limits of liability applicable
to the operator of an aircraft for damage caused
to persons or property on the surface in a nation
other than that in which the aircraft is regis-
terecl. It also contains provisions governing the
manner in which the nation overflown may assure
itself that the operator of the overflying aircraft
has insurance or other security for any liability
which may eventuate under the convention. The
convention has no application whatsoever to do-
mestic aircraft, that is, to the aircraft of any con-
tracting nation while flying over that nation.
Thirty-two nations, including three which were
represented by observers, participated in the work
of the Conference. Fifteen nations signed the
resulting convention at Rome, October 7, 1952, and
three more nations have signed it in the interven-
ing period. No nation has yet ratified the con-
vention, which will become effective as between
the nations which have then ratified it on the nine-
tieth day after the instrument of ratification of
the fifth nation is deposited with the International
Civil Aviation Organization. The convention re-
mains open for signature by any nation until it
becomes effective and for adherence without sig-
nature at any time thereafter.
The United States did not sign the convention
at Rome and has not done so since. Although
possessing the appropriate powers to sign a con-
vention, the U.S. delegation considered that the
convention, as adopted and opened for signature
by the Conference, contained provisions which de-
part so substantially from the U.S. views and
February 9, 1953
240437—53 3
posed such important problems of law and policy
as to require further careful consideration and
analysis before determining whether to sign.
Among the major problems presented which it
was felt warranted further consideration are —
1. The inclusion of the principle of absolute
liability of the operator for any damage caused
by his aircraft, regardless of the existence of fault.
The United States sought a convention predicated
on a rebuttable presumption of fault.
2. The relatively low limits of liability pro-
vided, particularly with respect to large transport
aircraft. The convention contains a scale of lim-
its starting at approximately 33 thousand dollars
and increasing according to weight, but with the
rate of increase becoming progressively lower as
the weight increases. Under this scale, the maxi-
mum liability for the largest plane in commercial
operation today would be approximately 800 thou-
sand dollars. The United States sought substan-
tially higher limits.
3. The provision of an individual limit of lia-
bility for injury or death of any one person of 33
thousand dollars. The United States opposed any
individual limit and particularly one limiting lia-
bility for personal injury.
4. The provision whereby absolute liability
without any limit in the amount thereof is im-
posed in cases of deliberate acts done with the
intent to cause damage, including cases where such
acts were those of a servant or agent acting in the
course of his employment and within the scope of
his authority. The United States contended that,
having adopted the principle of absolute liability,
the limits provided by the convention should be re-
moved only in the most extreme circumstances in-
volving intentional wrongdoing amounting in ef-
fect to criminal intent and that, in cases of acts of
servants or agents, such unlimited liability should
be imposed on the operator only when the act is
done pm-suant to express authority.
5. The provisions governing security for the
operator's liability which incorporate the princi-
ple that the nation being overflown, while entitled
to require insurance or other security for an op-
erator's liability, is compelled to accept as sufficient
evidence of the final responsibility of an insurer
the certificate of the nation of registry of the air-
craft or of the nation of the domicile of the insurer
as to such financial responsibility. This approach
also required elaborate provisions for the admin-
istration of this system of certificates. The
United States urged that the country overflown
should be entitled to satisfy itself as to any rea-
sonable doubts in respect of financial responsibility
of the insurer.
6. Inclusion in the convention of the so-called
"single forum" solution of the problem of jurisdic-
tion, under which actions for damages under the
convention can be brought only in the courts of the
states where the damage occurred, except in cer-
tain limited circumstances where the parties agree
221
upon a diflFerent fonun, requiring tliat judgments
rendered in the single forum be executed in other
states, subject to specified exceptions. The United
States urged provisions whicli would have per-
mitted considerably more flexibility in the choice
of fora while at the same time assuring the de-
fendant an opportunity to preserve the limits of
liability.
Numerous other provisions of the convention
likewise present problems of greater or lesser im-
portance which warrant further study and con-
sideration, all of which will be taken into account
in determining the course which the United States
should pursue in relation to this convention.
Plans are now being formulated, and will shortly
be announced, for affording all interested persons
an opportunity to make their views and com-
ments on this convention known to the Govern-
ment prior to determining what course to pureue.
At the present time, the minutes of the Con-
ference are in the process of being prepared by the
International Civil Aviation Organization and are
not yet available in final form. It is not known at
this time how soon the minutes will be completed
and available for distribution by the International
Civil Aviation Organization.
The convention was prepared in Spanish,
French, and English texts, these being the official
languages of the International Civil Aviation Oi'-
ganization. All three texts are equally authentic.
Every reasonable effort was made to have the texts
conform in meaning, although literal translations
were not always possible. Copies of the French
and Spanish texts can be obtained from the In-
ternational Civil Aviation Organization in Mon-
treal. The English text of the convention is at-
tached.^
Summary of 1952 Activities
of Export- Import Bank
Loans for the development of sources of stra-
tegic materials abroad have accounted for more
than half of the credit activities of the Export-
Imi)ort Bank of Washington, the foreign lending
agency of the U.S. Government, during the year
1952, according to a statement issued on January
16 by Herbert E. Gaston, the Chairman of the
Bank, summarizing the calendar-year's activities.
The total amount of loan commitments from the
Bank's funds for strategic and defense materials
purposes during the year was 314.2 million dollars,
out of a total of loan commitments for the entire
year in the amount of 506.6 million dollars.
As the year ended, the Bank had under consid-
eration substantial additional loans for mining of
strategic metals and for transportation and power
projects and for auxiliary power and transi^orta-
tion projects.
' Not printed here.
Among the commitments made during the year
were loans for transportation, power plants, and
port facilities in Africa to expedite the movement
of strategic materials to the United States and
other markets.
Uiuler consideration at the close of the year
were applications in the amount of 169 million
dollars for financing the development and expan-
sion of foreign sources of critical materials.
In addition to the 314.2 million dollars of loan
commitments from the Bank's own funds for stra-
tegic materials and other defense objectives, loans
to the amount of 44.04 million dollars were made
on certification by defense agencies as essential
from funds provided for defense purposes.
The Directors will report to the Congress net
profits of 26 million dollars for the last 6 months ■
of 1952, making profits for the calendar year 50.7 I
million dollars. The profits for the year were ar-
rived at by deducting from gross revenue fi-om
loans of 73.3 million dollars operating expenses of
1 million dollars and interest of 21.6 million dol-
lars paid to the Treasury of the United States.
In June, the Directors approved the payment of
a 20 million dollar dividend to the Treasury of the
United States representing 2 percent of the 1 bil-
lion dollars of capital stock of the Bank, all of
which is held by the Treasury. This dividend was
paid out of the net profit during the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1952. The Bank's undivided
profits for the 6 months ended December 31, 1952,
together with the accumulated reserve for con-
tingencies, aggregate 292.4 million dollars.
Total outstanding loans and undisbursed com-
mitments of 3.2 billion dollars in 48 countries
around the world were on the books of the BaiJc
on December 31, 1952. Principal repayments on
outstanding loans amounted to 186 million dollars
for the last 6 months of 1952, bringing the total
for the calendar year to 271 million dollars. Loan
disbursements totaled 293 million dollars for the
last 6 months of 1952, making a total of 478 mil-
lion dollars for the entire year.
New credits amounting to 183 million doHars
were authorized by the Board in the last 6 months
of 1952.
Colombia To Receive Loan
for Irrigation Project
Authorization of an Export-Import Bank loan
of 4,500,000 dollars to the Caja de Credito Agrario,
Industrial, y Minero, an agency of the Republic
of Colombia, was announced at Washington on
January 12.
The loan represents an increase in the existing
line of credit of 10 million dollars authorized in
July 1943. The additional funds will be used to
complete the financing of an earth-fill flood-control
dam on the Bogota River and the Saldana and
222
Department of State Bulletin
Coello irrigation projects, which include some
60,000 acres of fertile agricultural lands in the
Tolima Plain in the valley of the Magdalena Kiver
west of Bogota.
Advances under the line of credit are to be re-
paid in 20 semiannual installments commencing in
July 1955. Interest on balances outstanding, at
the rate of 4 percent per annum, will be paid semi-
annually.
Construction of African Railway
The Export-Import Bank of Washington on
January 15 announced a credit to the Eepublic
of Portugal to finance in part the construction of
a new railway from the Rhodesias to the port of
Louren^o Marques in Mozambique. This project
will be carried out jointly by the railway lines ot
Mozambique and the Rhodesias. At the same time,
the Rhodesian Railways are carrying out a major
development and equipment program to improve
service generally throughout Northern and South-
ern Rhodesia. It is understood that the Northern
Rhodesian Government has approached the Inter-
national Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment for assistance in financing this program and
that further discussions will take place in Wash-
ington soon.
The railways of Northern and Southern Rho-
desia and of Mozambique jointly have planned the
construction of about 340 miles of new railroad
to assist in the economic development of central
Africa and to provide increased export rail ca-
pacity for the mining areas of the Rhodesias. Cop-
per and cobalt from Northern Rhodesia and
chrome from Southern Rhodesia now are exported
to the United States and friendly nations prin-
cipally through the port of Beira in Mozambique.
The capacity of the existing railway and of the
port itself is so fully utilized, however, that all of
the minerals awaiting export cannot be handled
promptly. The railways therefore intend to con-
struct an alternative route to the sea by way of the
excellent port of Louren^o Marques in southern
Mozambique.
This new route traverses a region in Southern
Rhodesia and in Mozambique which presents no
serious construction difficulties. The area is well
adapted to farming and cattle raising, the devel-
opment of which will benefit the populations of
both countries and will provide local traffic for
the new railway. The route in Southern Rhodesia
also passes through a region which, although pres-
ently undeveloped, shows evidence of extensive
mineral resources.
The Export-Import Bank, following discussions
with representatives of the Government of Por-
tugal and the Mozambique Railways, has author-
ized a credit of $17,000,000 to the Republic of
Portugal to cover the cost of U. S. materials, equip-
ment, and services for that portion of the new line
which will be constructed in Mozambique.
Point Four IVIission To Study
Egyptian Industry
The Department of State announced on Janu-
ary 13 (press release 21) that Thomas D. Cabot,
prominent business executive and financier of Bos-
ton, and a group of American industrial specialists
from Arthur D. Little, Inc., internationally
known firm of industrial research and engineer-
ing consultants in Cambridge, Mass., have arrived
in Egypt to advise and assist the Government of
Egypt in developing the country's industries un-
der a Point Four progi-am.
The first phase of the project of technical co-
operation will take about 4 months and will con-
sist of a study of the raw-material resources, actual
and potential markets, marketing conditions af-
fecting Egypt's domestic and export trade, avail-
able industrial facilities and skills, and related
matters. This phase will be followed by recom-
mendations to the Government of Egypt for spe-
cific action and undertakings for advancing the in-
dustrialization of the country and developing
more fully its economic potentials.
The project will continue to furnish advisory
and development services to the Govermnent of
Egypt and to business firms in particular fields as
specific industi-ial opportunities are undertaken
by domestic or outside capital.
Mr. Cabot is serving temporarily as an indus-
trial consultant to the Technical Cooperation Ad-
ministration (Tca) of the Department of State.
He will work with the Point Four staff in Egypt,
as will the representatives of Arthur D. Little,
Inc., while the industry services project is in
progress. He has served as a consultant to the
Department of State previously, and in 1951 he
was Director of International Security Affairs in
the Department.
The group from Arthur D. Little, Inc., will be
comprised of Earl Stafford as field pi-oject man-
ager and Richard M. Alt as chief economist. A.
G. Haldane, Director of the International Divi-
sion of Arthur D. Little, Inc., will also accom-
pany the gi'oup for the first 2 weeks.
These industrial experts will be provided under
contract with Tca by Arthur D. Little, Inc. As
the project locates and identifies specific possibil-
ities for industrial development, additional spe-
cialists may be furnished by Arthur D. Little, Inc.
The Office of International Trade of the Depart-
ment of Commerce will assist in the project by
supplying technical information and assistance
as needed, and by aiding in the evaluation of re-
ports and recommendations.
The Government of Egypt requested the assist-
ance of Point Four in planning and taking neces-
sary steps to develojD the resources and markets
of the coxmtry through a soundly conceived pro-
gram of encouraging industrialization through
both domestic and outside capital. Many surveys
February 9, 7953
223
have been made of Egypt's resources. The pur-
pose of the Point Four industry project is not to
survey but to stimuhite actual development, in-
cluding locating specific opportunities, recom-
mending action necessary to attract investment,
interesting investors in particular fields and sites
for industrial (leveloj)ment, and developing gen-
eral plans for advancing industrialization in line
with the aims of Egypt's whole economic and so-
cial development program.
As is customary in Point Four projects, the
Egyptian Government will assign its own tech-
nicians to woi"k with the Americans and will pro-
vide most of the local facilities and expenses nec-
essary, such as office equipment, clerical help,
translators, transportation within Egypt, office
space, local labor, and the like. Point Four is
paying the salaries and supporting expenses of the
American specialists.
Report of U.N. Command Operations in Korea
FIFTY-FOURTH REPORT: FOR THE PERIOD
SEPTEMBER 16-30, 1952 1
U.N. doc. 5/2897
Transmitted January 6, 1953
I herewith submit report numlier 54 of the United
Nations Command Operations in Korea for the period
16-30 September 1952, inclusive. United Nations Com-
mand communiques numbers 1374-1388 provide detailed
accounts of these operations.
The main Armistice Delegation met on 20 September
1952 and again on the 28 of September 1952.
In the first meeting the Communists continued to slander
the United Nations Command, calling the United Nations
Command Delegation liars and accusing the United Na-
tions Command of being the aggressors in the Korean
conflict.
The substance of the senior United Nations Command
Delegate's comments follow.
On the 25 of June, 1950, the United Nations Commission
in Korea, composed of representatives from Australia,
China, El Salvador, P'rance, India, the Philippines, and
Turkey, reported that North Korean forces had crossed the
' Transmitted to the Security Council by the representa-
tive of the U.S. to the U.N. on Jan. 6. Texts of the 30th,
31st, and 32A reports appear in the Bulletin of Fe\\ 18,
1952, p. 266; the 33d report, Mar. 10, 1952, p. 395 ; the 34th
report. Mar. 17, 19.52, p. 430; the 35th report. Mar. 31,
19.52, p. 512 ; the 36th and 37th reports, Apr. 14, 1952, p.
594 ; the 3Sth report. May 5, 1952. p. 715 ; the 39th report
May 19, 1952, p. 788; the 40th report. June 23, 1952, p.
998 ; the 41st report. June 30, 1952, p. 1038 ; the 42d report,
July 21. 1952, p. 114; the 43d report. Aug. 4, 1952, p. 194;
the" 44th report, Aug. 11, 1952, p. 231 ; the 45th report,
Aug 18, 19.52, p. 272; the 46th report, Sept. 29, 1952, p.
495 ; the 47th report, Oct. 27, 1052, p. 668 ; the 48th report,
Nov. 17, 1952, p. 795 ; the 49th report, Dec. 1, 1952, p. 883 ;
the .50th report, Dec. 15, 1952, p. 958 ; the 51st and .52d
reports, Dec. 29, 19.52, p. 1034 ; and the 53d report, Jan. 26,
1953. p. 155.
38th Parallel and the invasion was assuming the character
of full-scale war.
When this Commission, two days later, reported that
North Korea was carrying out a wi'll-planned, concerted,
and full-scale invasion of South Korea, and that North
Korea would not heed the resolution of the Security
Council of the United Nations to cease hostilities and
withdraw its forces, fifty-three nations accepted the find-
ings of the United Nations Commission and only live —
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Byelorussia, the
Ukraine, Czechoslovakia and Poland, refused to accept the
recommendations that assistance be furnished to the Re-
pul)lic of Korea. Let me read the li.st of the names of
the countries who by vote in the United Nations General
Assembly branded your side as the aggressor in Korea. It
is a rather imposing list; Argentina, Australia, Belgium,
Bolivia, Brazil, Canada. Chile, China, Colombia, Costa
Rica, Cuba, Denmark, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Ethi-
opia, France, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Ice-
land, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Lebanon, Liberia, Luxembourg,
Mexico, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Nor-
way, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, the Philippines, El Salva-
dor, Thailand, Turkey, Union of South Africa, United
Kingdom, United States, Uruguay and Venezuela.
It would appear that a considerable portion of the world
has its own opinion as to who was the aggressor in this
tragic war.
You have the effrontery to claim that the United States
has "stolen the name of the United Nations". The United
Nations Command in Korea contains fighting forces of
the following countries ; Australia, Belgium, Canada,
Colombia, Ethiopia, France, Greece, Luxembourg, the
Netherlands, New Zealand, tlie Philippines, Republic of
Korea, Thailand, Turkey, Union of South Africa, United
Kingdom and United States. There are medical units
224
Departmenf of Sfate Bulletin
from Deiimtiik, India, Italy, Norway, and Sweden. The
following countries have provided transportation, medical
supplies, food, funds, and other miscellaneous supplies
for the relief of the unfortunate people who are the
victims of your aggression : Argentina, Austria, Australia,
Belgium, Brazil, Burma, Cambodia, Canada, Italy, China,
Costa Rica, Cuba, Denmark, Ecuador, El Salvador,
Ethiopia, France, Greece, Iceland, New Zealand, Nica-
ragua, Xorway, Pakistan, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, the
Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Sweden, Syria, Thailand,
Turkey, Union of South Africa, United Kingdom, United
States, Uruguay, Viet Nam, and Venezuela.
On the 28 of September 1952 the United Nations Com-
mand Delegation reviewed past proposals that it had
offered designed to solve the prisoners of war question
and gain an Armistice and three new ones, any one of
which could solve the prisoners of war question if the
Communists really want an Armistice. The senior United
Nations Command Delegate speech is quoted.
United Nations Command : I have an imijortant state-
ment to make.
For many weeks the prisoner of war issue has blocked
the achievement of an Armistice in Korea. On 1 July
we suggested to you that a solution to the problem' must
be one that to a reasonable degree meets the requirements
of both sides. You have admitted the soundness of that
proposition.
It must now be clear to you that one of the requirements
of our side which cannot be compromised is that of no
forced repatriation.
Within this humanitarian principle the United Nations
Command has made honest efforts to achieve an Armistice.
So that there can be no doubt of the objectivity and
sincerity with which the United Nations Command Dele-
gation has attempted to find a solution to the prisoner
of war question, I will restate the proposals which we
have previously offered and which you have summarily
rejected.
We have previously proposed that joint teams or Red
Cross Teams with or without military observers of both
sides, be admitted to the prisoner of war camps of both
sides, to verify the fact that non-repatriates would for-
cibly re.sist return to the side from wliich they came. As
an alternative we proposed that all the prisoners of war
of both sides be delivered in groups of appropriate size
to the demilitarized zone and be given the opportunity to
express their preference on repatriation, the interview to
be done by one or a combination of the following :
A. International Committee of the Red Cross.
B. Teams from impartial nations.
C. Joint teams of military ob.servers.
D. Red Cross representatives from each side.
Either one of these proposals, if accepted by your side,
would have allayed any legitimate fears you might have
had that the prisoners of war were being coerced into
rejecting repatriation to your side and would have pro-
duced an Armistice.
I now present to you three additional alternate pro-
posals, any one of which will lead to an Armistice if you
truly desire one. I ask that you give careful considera-
tion to them because they represent the only remaining
avenues of approach on which our side can agree to an
Armistice. All of these proposals are based on the prior
formal acceptance of an Armistice by both sides, with
the disposition of prisoners of war to be determined there-
after according to one of the following procedures.
A. As soon as the Armistice Agreement goes into ef-
fect all prisoners of war in the custody of each side shall
be entitled to release and repatriation. Such release and
repatriation of prisoners of war shall begin in accordance
February 9, 1953
with the provisions of Article Three of the Armistice
Agreement. Both sides agree that the obligation to ex-
change and repatriate prisoners of war shall be fulfilled
by having them brought to an agreed exchange iKunt in
the demilitarized zone. The prisoner of war shall be
identified and his name checked against the agreed list of
prisoners of war in the presence, if desired, of one or a
combination of the International Committee of the Red
Cross, joint Red Cross teams, or joint military teams.
The prisoner of war shall thereupon be considered as
fully repatriated for the purposes of the agreement. Both
sides agree, however, that any prisoner of war who at
time of identification states that he wishes to return to
the side by which he had been detained shall immediately
be allowed to do so. Such former prisoner of war shall
thereupon go into the custody of the side to which he
wishes to go, which side shall provide him with transpor-
tation from the demilitarized zone to territory under
its control in Korea. Such individual, of cour.se, shall
not be detained as a prisoner of war but shall assume
civilian status, and in accordance with Paragraph fifty-
two of the Armistice Agreement, shall not again be em-
ployed in acts of war in the Korean conflict.
B. As soon as the Armistice Agreement goes into effect
all prisoners of war who desire repatriation will be ex-
changed expeditiously. All prisoners objecting to repatri-
ation will be delivered to the demilitarized zone in small
groups where, at a mutually agreealile location, they will
be freed from military control of both sides and inter-
viewed by representatives of a mutually agreed country or
countries whose forces are not participating in the Korean
hostilities, such persons being free to go to the side of their
choice as indicated by such interview. The foregoing pro-
cedure will be accomplished, if desired, with or without
military representation from each side and under the ob-
servation of one or a combination of the following :
(1) International Committee of the Red Cross.
(2) Joint Red Cross teams.
(3) Joint military teams.
C. As soon as the Armistice is signed and becomes ef-
fective all prisoners of war who desire repatriation will be
exchanged expeditiously. Concurrently, if logistical capa-
bility permits, or as soon as possible thereafter, those
prisoners of war who have previously expressed their ob-
jections to repatriation will be delivered in groups of ap-
propriate size to a mutually agreed upon location in the
demilitarized zone and there freed from the military con-
trol of both sides. Without questioning, interview, or
screening, each individual so released will be free to go to
the side of his choice. We will agree, if desired, to have
this movement and disposition of non-repatriates accom-
plished under the observation of one or a combination of
the International Committee of the Red Cross, joint teams
of military observers, or Red Cross representatives from
both sides.
We have now offered you the widest selection of choices
the United Nations Command can offer. Each of them
will produce an Armistice. I urge that you give mature
and careful consideration to our proposals. For that
purpose I propose a recess for ten days, and that we meet
again here at 1100 hours on S October. Our staff officers
will be available at any time to answer questions on any
of our proposals.
The Communists Immediately rejected these fair and
reasonable proposals but agreed to meet again on 8 October
1952.
On 28 September 1952, the United Nations Command
announced that approximately 11,000 South Koreans who
had been held in its custody as prisoners of war were re-
classified as civilian internees and would be released to the
Republic of Korea beginning in early October. In order
to provide for orderly assimilation into the economy of
the Republic of Korea, and to assist this group in their
225
return to civilian pursuits, a detailed plan was drawn up
which, it is estimated, will take about six weeks to com-
plete.
Thorough screening and investigation of the status of
each of these persons had established the fact that they
were originally improperly classified as prisoners of war.
Continuous screening lias disclosed that this group, like
the 27,000 civilian internees previously released, were de-
tained because of various accidental circumstances of war,
principally the dislocation of great masses of civilian
population during the latter part of 1950 and early 1951.
These nationals of the Republic of Korea had been re-
tained in a camp near Masan, Korea. They had previously
elected, during individual screening, to remain in South
Korea. They are, of course, not among the 83,000 pris-
oners of war whom the United Nations Command has
reported to the Communists for repatriation. In accord-
ance with its consistent stand to abide by the humani-
tarian objectives of the Geneva Convention, the United
Nations Command is furnishing the International Com-
mittee of the Red Cross, Geneva, with complete informa-
tion concerning the release of these civilians.
The operation of most of the prisoner of war camps pro-
ceeded satisfactorily with continued improvement being
made in physical facilities and accommodations. The ex-
tensive plan for winterizing quarters, kitchens, and hos-
pital space is well under way and should be completed in
suflicient time to meet cold weather.
On 22 September 1952. the first of a series of incidents
occurred in a prisoner of war camp on the island of
Cheju-do, holding almost COOO Chinese Communist pris-
oners of war who had expressed their desire to return to
Communist control in the event of an Armistice. On this
date a work detail outside the compound had flagrantly
disobeyed a legal camp order. It was necessary to use
force to restore order. On 25 September, while a work
detail was returning to the compound area, one prisoner
deliberately broke ranks. This action started a series of
events which developed into an open demonstration that
again had to be settled by force. One day later, on 26
September, security forces had to enter another compound
where existing orders were being violated and discovered,
while restoring order, forbidden Communist literature
and several strips of red cloth which had been concealed,
undoubtedly for future use as flags. On the same day,
information received from sources within the camp indi-
cated that the inmates of another compound had planned
to execute the camp commander and one other United Na-
tions officer if they were to be required to salute the camp
commander, which provision is expressly contained in
Article 39, Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment
of Prisoners of War, 1049. As a security measure, the
inmates of tliis compound were removed and a search
conducted, during which eleven (11) prisoners of war
were found to have hand-fashioned knives. There were
also some literature and red strips of cloth confiscated.
These repeated rebellious actions indicate clearly an at-
tempt to embarrass the United Nations Command and con-
test the right of the camp authorities to maintain dis-
cipline and to administer and operate this installation in
accordance with the Geneva Convention.
During the period 28-29 September, the proposals made
by the United Nations Command Armistice Delegation to
the Comtuunists at Panmunjom on 28 September were
translated and distributed through all prisoners of war
installations. Camp authorities disseminated this infor-
mation through various media of communications in order
to emphasi/.e to the prisoners held by the United Nations
Command that these proposals in no way constituted a
retreat from our basic principle of no forced repatriation.
It was stressed too, that the efforts of our delegation
were directed solely to securing an Armistice on honorable
terms without requiring an exchange of prisoners by
use of force.
The increased tempo of enemy aggressiveness demon-
strated in early September did not diminish. The enemy
again employed assault forces of up to battalion strength
at scattered points across the United Nations Command
front. In only two instances was the enemy successful in
retaining outpost positions gained during the series of
attacks which began 17 September. The first of these is
southeast of Sangnyong while the second is near a hill
mass east of the Pukhan River. The volume of enemy
artillery and mortar fire decreased with a daily average
of 9,000 rounds falling along the battle line. On 29
September the Communists employed a new daily high of
approximately -17,000 rounds of artillery and mortar fire.
The majority of the fire was utilized in support of Com-
munist attacks on the central front. United Nations
Command forces continued their tactics of local raids and
patrolling to counter enemy reconnaissance elements and
seek out hostile defenses. There was no major change in
enemy dispositions across the front. However, in the
area east of Mabang another division was moved up to
reinforce front line positions.
On the western front a bitter struggle developed for
the possession of previously contested outiiosts in the
!Mal)ang and Sangnyong areas. Initially a hostile force
employing elements of a battalion attacked a United Na-
tions Command outpost six miles south-southeast of
Sangnyong on 17 September. The same outpost was the
target for an enemy battalion on the following day. This
latter attack succeeded in taking the position, decimating
the .small United Nations Command defending force.
The accuracy and quantity of hostile interdictory fire
prevented supporting friendly elements from extricating
the bulk of the defenders. The outpost in the action
described above is referred to as "Kelly". Two subse-
quent attempts to recapture this hill position resulted in
failure, due to the high volume of well placed enemy
artillery and mortar fire and fanatic resistance displayed
by the enemy. A battalion, well supported by tank and
artillery fire, attacked a position southwest of Mabang
the evening of IS September. Friendly elements were
forced to consolidate their positions winch allowed the
enemy to partially occupy the outpost. After being re-
inforced, United Nations Command elements continued
the fight until midnight 19-20 September. The situation
then remained static until the evening of 20 September
when a nine hour attack was initiated which restored
the position to I'nited Nations Command control.
On the central front, action was again centered in the
Yulsa sector where the battle for control of two hill
226
Department of Stale Bulletin
positions which began in the previous period continued.
One of these outposts, one and a half miles southeast
of Yulsa, was still in eneniy hands on 15 September.
However, it was reoccupied liy friendly forces on 18
September and immediately became a target for a series
of attaclis by the Communists. Late the same day the
enemy, employing heavy supporting fires, launched a
strong attacli against the position but was forced to
withdraw. During the ensuing several days further
attacks were initiated by the Reds, but in lesser strength
than the first. An abortive attempt to dislodge friendly
forces occurred during the early morning hours of 29
September after which the enemy withdrew. This was
followed a few hours later by another attack during
which hostile forces occupied the position. A friendly
counterattack compelled the Reds to withdraw and the
outpost was restored to friendly hands by noon of 29
September. The second outpost, three thousands yards
to the east, had been retaken by United Nations Com-
mand elements on 9 September. Hostile elements, how-
ever, persisted in their attempts to again drive the United
Nations Command defenders from the position. On the
night of 28-29 September the outixist was struck by a
hostile company \Ahieh was forced to retire after a four
and one-half hour fight. About midnight 28-29 Septem-
ber two adjacent outposts in the vicinity of a hill mass
east of the Pukhan River were attacked initially by a
small enemy force. As the action progressed this initial
group was reinforced piecemeal until it was of battalion
size. Friendly attempts to reinforce the defending gar-
rison were to no avail and by morning the Communists
completely occupied the terrain feature. Despite two
United Nations Command counterattacks the enemy re-
mained in possession of the hill at the close of the period.
On the evening of 29 September fire from a group of enemy
tanks proved to be the opening move of an enemy attempt
to capture two adjacent outpost positions south and east
of Kumsong. The battle, which at times included hand
to hand fighting, flam-ed and died intermittently for the
following twenty-four hours. At noon on 30 September
a portion of the hostile force succeeded in occupying one
of the positions but were ejected several hours later by
a United Nations Command counterattack.
On the eastern front there was a marked increase in
patrol action and nightly probes by the enemy, particularly
in the Yuusil area. On 21 September a company, which
was later reinforced to battalion size, attacked a position
five and a half miles east-southeast of Tuusil and suc-
ceeded in partially occupying it. United Nations Com-
mand elements launched a counterattack which forced an
enemy withdrawal. The following morning two enemy
companies attacked another position two miles to the
north but after a seven hour fire fight were forced to
withdraw. During the night of 23 September the extreme
eastern portion of the front flamed into prominence. Here
the Communists employed two battalions to attack two
hill positions north and east of Oemyon. The enemy
succeeded, after two and a half hours of fighting, in tem-
porarily penetrating one of the positions. However, a
dawn counteratack completely restored this position and
the enemy retired.
Indications still point predominantly toward a con-
February 9, 1953
tinued defensive attitude by hostile forces. Front-line
reports reveal that the enemy is persistently improving
and adding depth to his defenses. Jieanwhile prisoners
of war state that the mission of their units is one of de-
fense. These same prisoners of war fail to reveal any
knoviledge of large-scale offensive preparations within
their units. Vehicle movements in Communist-held areas
rose sharply during tlie early part of the period. This
may have been motivated by the enemy's determination
to maintain his front-line supply stocks at adequate levels
in spite of the logistical strain imposed by the increased
battle action. There still is no evidence that the greater
aggressiveness displayed by the Communists during the
month of September presages a major hostile offensive.
In fact several prisoners of war have reported that the
increased number of hostile attacks was a result of con-
cern by the Communists over the possibility of a United
Nations Command offensive.
United Nations Command naval aircraft operating from
fast carriers in the Sea of Japan struck pre-selected tar-
gets and targets of opportunity from the Bombline to tlie
Slanchurian border. Strikes were launched almost daily
against enemy transportation facilities, supply, troop con-
centration and mining areas, factories, and warehouses.
Major targets included mining areas west and northwest
of Tanchon and northwest of Songjin, where pilots re-
ported an ore processing plant was ninety percent de-
stroyed. Thirty-three of the mine buildings and ten
warehouses were destroyed also in the vicinity as were
three buildings of a carbide plant at Puryong-dong. Four
buildings were damaged in a strike on a cement factory
near Tajiu-dong. At Kyongsong a factory area was left
burning. Industrial and waterfront areas at Sinpo,
Chaho, and Tanchon were hit repeatedly during the
period. Attacks continued against hydroelectric plants
and transformer stations. The Kyosen Number One
hydroelectric plant was again damaged. Pilots reported
fifty percent destruction of a powerhouse and damage to
a transformer yard, penstocks and surge tanks.
Attacks on interdiction targets resulted in numerous
rail cuts, destruction of or damage to railroad and high-
way bridges, locomotives, railroad cars, trucks, and boats.
Numerous close support sorties were fiown during the
period in direct support of United Nations Command
ground forces.
United Nations Command carrier based Naval aircraft
oi>erating in the Yellow Sea continued their offensive
strikes against enemy installations in central west and
northwest Korea as far north as Hanchon. Throughout
the Hwang Hae province attacks were pressed against
enemy transportation facilities, supply and storage areas,
troop billets and troop concentrations, gun positions, trans-
former stations and warehouses and buildings of military
significance. As a result of these strikes pilots reported
transix)rtation by road or rail In the Chlnnampo area
had been seriously hampered. Pilots reported the de-
struction of all rail bridges on the main line between
Chinuampo and the North Korean capital of Pyongyang.
As a result of strafing and bombing of troop concentrations
in the Haeju-Tonau area 302 were killed and 257 wounded.
Photographs of a strike with 1,000 pound bombs against
sluice gates in the Yonan area revealed breaches in each
of the three gates. Communist jet aircraft appeared
227
more active in the area durinK tlie ixM-iod but no attacks
were made on naval aircraft.
Shore based Marine aircraft provirliMl friendly front-
line units with close air support and flew strike and re-
connaissance sorties deep into enemy territory. These
sorties destroyed or dama^'ed numerous gun and mortar
positions, bunkers, buildings, personnel and supply shel-
ters, warehouses, railroad cars, railway and highway
bridses and many rail and road cuts were made. Numer-
ous personnel and troop casualties were also iullicted.
Patrol planes based in .Japan conducted daylight re-
connaissance missions over the Sea of Japan, the Yellow
Sea, and Tsushima Straits. They also flew anti-sub-
marine patrols and weather reconnaissance missions for
surface units in the Japan and Yellow Seas.
United Nations Connnand surface craft on the Korean
west coast manned anti-invasiou stations from Chinnain-
po to the Han River Estuary in support of the friendly
islands north of the liattle line. Firing on enemy coastal
positions destroyed gun positions, communications and
transportation facilities, supply build-ups, troop concen-
trations, and troop billets.
The naval blockade continued along the Korean east
coast from the Bombline to Chonyjin, with surface units,
on day and night coastal patrols firing on key targets
along the coastal main supply route daily to maintain rail
cuts, destroy bridges and block tunnels at several points.
Truck and train traffic was harrassed almost daily in the
Wonsan area. Rail targets between Tanehon and Songjin
■were hit repeatedly during the period, a locomotive and
many railcars being destroyed. Tracks were cut frequent-
ly ; many bridges were destroyed and a number of tun-
nels were blocked in the area. The enemy was denied the
use of the coastal waters for shipping. All craft detected
were taken under fire and either destroyed or driven
ashore. Enemy coastal movenjeuts were kept under con-
stant surveillance. Naval gunfire accounted for destruc-
tion to or damage of numerous gun positions, bunkers, in-
dustrial buildings, power plants, observation posts and
supply areas. Troop concentrations were also hit, a num-
ber of casualties resulting.
Navy task elements at the east coast Bombline patrolled
the area north to Wonsan daily and provided gunfire sup-
port on call from the front-line troops. Ships also fired
illumination on call from shore fire control party and air
spot. The shore fire control parties reported destruction
or damage to guns, mortars, bunkers, bridges, road junc-
tions, buildings, supply areas, sampans, personnel shelters
and many troop casualties.
Enemy shore batteries were active almost daily against
the blockading vessels along the Korean coast, and a
number of ships were fired on. While firing on enemy
rail targets north of Tanehon the Cunninffham received
five hits and seven airbursts from an estimated enemy
105 to 155 mm. battery. Eight crewmen of the Cunning-
ham were wounded. Damage to the ship was minor
and her operational readiness was not seriously im-
paired. Fire from enemy shore batteries was elfectively
suppressed whenever encountered. The Barton struck a
probable mine while patrolling east of Wonsan harbor.
A hole approximately five feet in diameter was torn In
the forward fireroom. Five enlisted men are missing
and six injured. The vessel was sent to Sasebo for re-
Iiairs.
Vessels of the Republic of Korea Navy conducted close
inshore patrols and blockade along both coasts and as-
sisted United States forces in minesweeping duties.
United Nations Command minesweepers continued
operations to keep the channels, coastal areas and an-
chorages free of mines of all types. Enemy fishing sam-
pans were dispersed and driven ashore when encountered
during sweeping operations. Seven mines were sighted,
five of these being destroyed.
United Nations Command naval auxiliary vessels. Mil-
itary Sea Transportation Service, and merchant vessels
under contract provided personnel lift and logistic sup-
port for the United Nations Command naval, air and
ground forces.
The United Nations Command air force continued its
air battles with the enemy's MIG-15s. During these en-
gagements, twenty-two of the Russian built jets were
destroyed and twenty-one additional were damaged.
These victories established a new record of enemy MIGs
destroyed during any one month of operation. Sixty of
the Russian built jets were destroyed by F-86s and
fifty-eight more were damaged, as the United Nations
planes continued to hunt and engage the enemy aircraft
before they could reach the safety of the Yalu River.
The previous monthly record for confirmed claims was set
in April 1952, when forty-four enemy aircraft were
destroyed by United Nations Command air forces.
On 16 September 134 enemy jets were observed aloft.
Forty-six United Nations Command planes engaged fifty-
six of the enemy jets in eighteen separate battles. Five
MIGs were destroyed and three damaged. The MIGs
were aggressors in only five of the air battles but those
attacks generally were of the hit-and-run pattern that has
now become the mainstay of Red tactics. The United
Nations Command Sabrejets initiated the action in thir-
teen instances and pressed the attack until the MIGs fled
to the safety of the Manchurian border.
The number of MIGs sighted for the next three days
was considerably reduced but during the entire period
MIGs were observed during each day of operational
weather. Their tactics and formations showed no dis-
cernible change and no change in the enemy air capability
was indicated.
Fighter-bombers continued to destroy Red military sup-
ply areas during the period, striking points north and
southeast of Kumsong, an ammunition dump southwest of
Namchonjom and a vehicle parking and repair area north
of Kumsong. They also attacked a munitions factory at
Pukchong, and struck troop concentrations south of Sin-
chon, west of Haeju, at Kyomipo, Chaeryong and south-
east of Haeju. Marine aircraft attacked a locomotive
repair shop between Pyongyang and Samdung.
In other attacks the fighter-bombers destroyed rail and
road bridges west of Kowon and near Tongchon, scored
rail cuts east of Sinmak and destroyed and damaged mili-
tary buildings northeast of Hwangju and at Chinnampo.
Continuing their day and night attacks, invader light
bombers hit Communist military supply points at Tong-nl,
a supply complex at Sinchang-ni. a troop and supply con-
centration at Sohung and similar targets in the Wonsan
228
Department of State Bulletin
area. In a daylight formation attack, the invaders de-
stroyed a fuel dump southwest of Siumak. Other mis-
sions aceounted for the destruction of sections of rail lines
near Kangdong and Tongpo-ri.
The night intruder aircraft destroyed numerous Com-
munist vehicles attempting to move supplies south to the
front, following the practice of creating temporary road
blocks with butterfly bombs and then attacking vehicular
traffic halted on the roads.
On 19 September, United Nations Command superforts
staged the first daylight raid of the Korean war in eleven
months. In a change of role from night bombing to a for-
mation daylight strike, they attacked three supply and
troop concentration areas at Yongpo, Tongchon and Chig-
yong. Post-strike photography showed a total of 125
buildings destroyed. Escort for this mission was provided
by Sabrejets but no MIGs were observed in the area.
Other Sabrejet aircraft provided screening cover in the
Chongchon River area.
During the period, the B-29s carried out a series of
raids on large supply complexes in North Korea, striking
installations at Sopo-ri, Huilliak, Pyongyang, Pachunjang
and other points. They also attacked enemy mar.shalling
yards at Sinmak and Hwangju destroying terminal equip-
ment, rail cars and supplies. On 27 September, the
medium bombers attacked two bridges south of Huichon
and one bridge west of Sinanju.
On 30 September, night flying medium bombers carried
out a successful attack against the Namsan-ni chemical
plant on the Yalu River, just five miles from Suiho. This
was the largest attack made since 4 September 1902 when
the Chonsen hydroelectric plant was attacked.
Regular close support sorties were flown each night
over frontline targets, with the bombers operating under
control of ground radar stations.
Combat cargo aircraft flew normal logistical sorties in
support of United Nations combat operations. Two squad-
rons of C-124 aircraft were being utilized for training and
cargo missions, with a limited number being flown on cargo
missions to Korea.
Air Rescue Units continued their regular missions and
performed one of the most daring rescues of the war. On
28 September a United Nations Command helicopter res-
cued a Sabrejet pilot who had parachuted over the sea
thirty miles off the Manehurian border. The downed air-
man was recovered by use of a sling dropped from the
hovering helicopter. No enemy MIGs rose to interfere
with the rescue even though the incident occurred at a
point within a few seconds flying time of the Antung
bases.
United Nations Command leaflets and radio dissemi-
nated factual information to civilians and enemy troops
behind the Communist barrier of controlled and distorted
Information, and stressed the efforts of the United Nations
to achieve peace and rehabilitation in Korea. Humani-
tarian warnings to civilians in the vicinity of targets being
attacked by United Nations Command aircraft were con-
tinued on a large scale. Airborne loudspeakers were used
in one area to warn civilians of the impending bombing
of military installations. Reports indicate that the Com-
munist leaders, through their rigidly controlled mass-
propaganda media, are inciting the people in a calculated
"hate" program centering around charges of alleged United
Nations Command use of bacteriological warfare.
Communiques Regarding Korea
to the Security Council
The Headquarters of the U.N. Command has
transmitted communiques regarding Korea to the
Secretary-General of the United Nations under
tlie following U.N. document numbers: S/2865,
Dec. 4; S/2866, Dec. 5; S/2867, Dec. 8; S/2868,
Dec. 8, S/2870, Dec. 10; S/2S71, Dec. 12; S/2872,
Dec. 12; S/2874, Dec. 15; S/2876, Dec. 15; S/2877,
Dec. 18; S/2878, Dec. 19; S/2879, Dec. 19; S/2885,
Dec. 23 ; S/2886, Dec. 23 ; S/2888, Dec. 29 ; S/2889,
Dec. 29; S/2892, Jan. 5, 1953; S/2894, Jan. 6;
S/2896, Jan. 6; S/2899, Jan. 8; S/2900, Jan. 9;
S/2902, Jan. 12; S/2905, Jan. 15; S/2908, Jan. 19.
Investigation of Employees
at U.S. Mission to U.N.
U.S. /U.N. press release dated January 26
Following is the text of a letter, dated January
25, addressed to J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, by Henry Cabot
Lodge, Jr., Chief of the United States Mission to
the United Nations:
Dear Mr. Hoo\'er : I request that you undertake,
as soon as possible, a full field investigation of all
of the employees at the United States Mission
to the United Nations, and that you will let me
have this report on each person as soon as it is
completed.
Very sincerely yours,
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. To Cease Reporting
to U.N. on Puerto Rico
Press release 36 dated January 19
The U. S. Government is informing the Secre-
tary-General of the United Nations that it will
cease to transmit information on the Common-
wealth of Puerto Rico in accordance with chapter
XI of the Charter of the United Nations.
This action, approved by the President, was
taken in view of the full measure of self-govern-
ment which has been achieved by the people of
Puerto Rico under their new Constitution and in
accordance with the express wishes of the Govern-
ment of Puerto Rico.
Since 1946 the United States has transmitted
annually to the United Nations information on
Puerto Rico pursuant to article 73(e) of the U.N.
February 9, J 953
229
ChiU'ter which relates to ten-itories whose peoples
"have not yet attained a full measure of self-fj;ov-
ernment." The new Constitution of the Common-
wealth of Puerto Rico, which was entered into
force on Jul,y 25, 11)52, was developed by the peojile
of Puerto Rico and their didy elected representa-
tives, and conforms with their wishes as expressed
in pojjular referenda and elections. The new Con-
stitution was suhsecjueutly approved by the Con-
gress and the President. Thus the people of
Puerto Rico, in agreement with the Government of
the United States, have established their own gov-
ernment within a union with the United States.
The U.S. Govermnent. therefore, believes that
it is no longer necessary or appropriate for it to
transmit information to the United Nations on
Puerto Rico since the new Commonwealth cannot
be considered as a non-self-governing territory.
In connection with the foregoing there follows
an exchange of messages between the President
of the United States and the Governor of the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico :
.Tanuabv 16, 19.53
'I'lic President
The White House
In as much as the Commonwealth of Puerto Kico under
its Constitution has now achieved a lull measure of self-
government, it should no longer be Intluiled iiniong the
areas on which reports are made by the United States
to the United Nations under tlie Charter. I understand
that notice of intention to discontinue report should go
to the Secretary-tleiieral by January 25th, that is, within
six months of the effective date of Constitution.
I, therefore, respectfully urge ,vou to approve sending
of required notice by Secretary of State.
Greetings.
LttIs Muxoz Maein
Oovernor,
Commonwealth of Puerto Rieo
.Tanuary 19, 1953
The GovKRNOR
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico
I am glad to approve the action requested in your
telegram of January 16 and congratulate you on the
political and economic progress made by the Common-
wealth of Puerto Rico under your guidance.
Harry S. Truman
Current United Nations Documents: A Selected Bibliography'
General Assembly
Co-ordination Between the United Nations and the Spe-
cialized Agencies : Programme of Conferences at
Headquarters and Geneva. Report of the Secretary-
General. A/2243, Nov. 1, 1952. 11 pp. mimeo.
Budget Estimates for the Financial Year 1953. Financial
implications of resolutions adopted by the Economic
and Social Council at its fourteenth session. (Revised
estimates for sections 8, 10, 11, 20 and 25.) Eighth
report of the Ailvisory Committee on Administrative
and Budgetary Questions to the seventh session of
the General Assembly. A/2245, Nov. 1, 1952. 9 pp.
mlmeo.
Methods and Procedures of the General Assembly for
Dealing With Legal and Drafting Questions. Report
of the Sixth Committee. A/2247, Nov. 4, 1952. 13
pp. mimeo.
Treatment of People of Indian Origin in the Union of
South Africa. Report of the Ad Hoe Political Com-
mittee. A/2257, Nov. 17, 19.52. 5 pp. mimeo.
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 20G0 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or i)rocessed documents) may
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.
The U.N. Secretariat has established an Official Records
series for the General Assembly, the Security Council, the
Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council, and
the Atomic Energy Commission, which includes summaries
of proceedings, resolutions, and reports of the various
commissions and committees. Information on securing
subscriptions to the series ma.v be obtained from the
International Documents Service.
Ways and Means for Making the Evidence of Customary
International Law More Readily Available. Report
of the Sixth Committee. A/22o8, Nov. 17, 1952. 7 pp.
mimeo.
General Assembly Sixth Session, 5 November 1951 to 5
February 1952 (Paris). Disposition of Agenda Items.
A/INF/46, undated. 534 pp. mimeo.
Human Rights Day. Third Anniver.«ary Celebration (10
December 1951) of the Proclamation of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. Report of the Secre-
tary-General. A/I.\F/50, Oct. 28, 1952. 17 pp. mimeo.
United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine.
Supplement to the Twelfth Progress Report (for the
period from S October 1952 to 24 November 1952).
A/2216A\dd.l, Nov. 24, 19.52. 3 pp. mimeo.
Question of South West Africa. Report of the Ad Hoc
Committee on South West Africa to the General As-
sembly. A/2261, Nov. 21, 19.52. 101 pp. mimeo.
Financial Reports and Accounts, and Reports of the Board
of Auditors. A/2265, Nov. 22, 1952. 5 pp. mimeo.
Supplementary Estimates for 1052. Reix)rt of the Fifth
Conmiittee. A/2266, Nov. 22, 1952. 8 pp. mimeo.
International Criminal Jurisdiction. Report of the Sixth
Conunittee. A/2275, Dec. 1, 1952. 10 pp. mimeo.
Question of the Adoption by the Economic and Social
Council and Its Functional Commissions of Siianish as
a Working Language. Report of the Fifth Commit-
tee. A/2283, Dec. 3, 19.52. 13 pp. mimeo.
Scale of Assessments for the Apportionment of the Ex-
penses of the United Nations : Report of the Com-
mittee on Contributions. Report of the Fifth Com-
mittee. A/2286, Dec. 3, 1952. 12 pp. mimeo.
Co-ordination Between the United Nations and the Spe-
cialized Agencies: Administrative and Budgetary
Co-ordination. Administrative budgets of the spe-
230
Department of State Bulletin
lialized agencies for 1953. Twenty-flfth report of
the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budg-
etary Questions to the seventh session of the General
Assembly. A/22.S7. Dec. 4, 1952. 25 pp. mimeo.
Administration of the United Nations. Organization of
tlie Secretariat I A/2214, part I). Budget Estimates
for the Financial Year 1953. A/2290, Dec. 6, 1952.
4 jip. mimeo.
Freedom of Information. Report of the Third Commit-
tee. A/2294, Dec. 9, 1952. 42 pp. mimeo.
Kepatriation of Greek Children : Reports of the Secretary-
General and of the International Red Cross Organiza-
tions. Report of the Ad Hoc Political Committee.
A/2295, Dec. 6, 1952. 4 pp. mimeo.
Information From Nou-Self-Goveruing Territories. Re-
port of the I'ourth Committee. A/2296, Dec. 8, 1952.
30 pp. mimeo.
Human Rights. Recommendations Concerning Interna-
tional Respect for the Self-Determination of Peoples.
Report of the Third Committee. A/2309, Dec. 13,
19.52. 21 pp. mimeo.
The Conciliation Commission For Palestine and Its Work
in the Liglit of the Resolutions of the United Nations.
Reixu-t of the Ad Hoc Political Committee. A/2310,
Dec. 15, 1952. 7 pp. mimeo.
The Tunisian Question. Report of the First Committee.
A/2312, Dec. 15, 1952. 8 pp. mimeo.
Budget Estimates For the Financial Year 1953. Applica-
tion of the cost-of-living adjustment at Headquarters.
Fortieth report of the Advisory Committee on Ad-
ministrative and Budgetary Questions to the .seventh
session of the General Assembly. A/2320, Dec. 15,
1952. 6 pp. mimeo.
Question of Defining Aggression. Report of the Sixth
Committee. A/2322, Dec. 17, 1952. 15 pp. mimeo.
Co-ordination Between the United Nations and the Spe-
cialized Agencies: Programme of Conferences at
Headquarters and Geneva. Report of the Special
Committee on Programme of Conferences. A/2323,
Dec. 18, 1952. 11 pp. mimeo.
Co-ordination Between the United Nations and the Spe-
cialized Agencies : Administrative and Budgetary
Co-ordination. Report of the Fifth Committee.
A/2324, Dec. 18, 1952. 6 pp. mimeo.
The Question of Morocco. Report of the First Committee.
A/2325, Dec. 18, 1952. 4 pp. mimeo.
Report of the United Nations High Commissioner For
Refugees. Report of the Third Committee. A/2328,
Dec. 18, 1952. 7 pp. mimeo.
Economic Development of Under-developed Countries.
Report of the Second Committee. A/2332, Dec. 18,
1952. 36 pp. mimeo.
Report of the Economic and Social Council (Chapters IV
and V (Except Section II)). Report of the Third
Committee. A/2333, Dec. 19, 1952. 8 pp. mimeo.
Draft Convention on the Political Rights of Women.
Report of the Third Committee. A/2334, Dec. 19, 1952.
12 pp. mimeo.
The Ewe and Togoland Unification Problem. Repoil of
the Fourth Committee. A/2335, Dec. 19, 1952. 15
pp. mimeo.
Administrative Unions Affecting Trust Territories. Re-
port of the Fourth Committee. A/2337, Dec. 19, 1952.
7 pp. mimeo.
Question of an Appeal to the Powers Signatories to the
JIoscow Declaration of 1 November 1943, For an
Early Fulfilment of Their Pledges Toward Austria.
Report of the First Committee. A/2339, Dec. 19, 1952.
4 pp. mimeo.
Admission of New Members. Report of the Ad Hoc
Political Committee. A/2341, Dec. 20, 1952. 17 pp.
mimeo.
Report of the Trusteeship Council. Report of the Fourth
Committee. A/2342, Dec. 20, 1952. 27 pp. mimeo.
Administration of the United Nations. Report of the
Fifth Committee. A/2344, Dec. 20, 1952. 10 pp.
mimeo.
Measures to Limit the Duration of Regular Sessions of the
General Assembly. Report of the Sixth Committee.
A/2.349, Dec. 21, 1952. 8 pp. mimeo.
Report of the Economic and Social Council (Chapter II).
Report of the Second Committee. A/2350, Dec. 20,
1952. 3 pp. mimeo.
Status of Claims For Injuries Incurred in the Service of
the United Nations. Report of the Sixth Committee.
A/2353, Dec. 20, 1952. 5 pp. mimeo.
Korea : Reports of the United Nations Commission For
the Unification and Rehaliilitation of Korea. Report
of the President. A/2354, Dec. 20, 1952. 20 pp.
mimeo.
The Conciliation Conirais.sion For Palestine and Its Work
in the Light of the Resolutions of the United Nations.
Letter dated 1 December 1952 from the Chairman of
the Iraq Delegation addressed to the Chairman of the
Ad Hoc Political Committee transmitting a statement
by Dr. Tanuous, Representative of the Palestine Arab
Refugees. A/AC.61/L.24, Dec. 1, 1952. 10 pp. mimeo.
The Question of Morocco. Letter Dated 11 December
1952 From the Permanent Representative of Pakistan
Addressed to the Secretary-General, Transmitting Two
Documents on the Question of Morocco. A/C.1/738,
Dec. 11, 19.52. 18 pp. mimeo.
Note by the Secretary-General. (1) A copy of the opinion
of the Commission of Jurists which he appointed on
20 October 1952 to advise him on certain issues arising
out of the hearings of the United States Senate Sub-
Committee on Internal Security ; and (2) A statement
which the Secretary-General has addressed to the
staff of the Secretariat concerning his use of that
opinion. A/INF/51, Dec. 5, 19.52. 51 pp. mimeo ;
Opinion of the Commission of .Jurists. Corrigendum.
Note by the Secretary-General. A/INF/51/Corr. 1,
Dec. 12, 1952. 3 pp. mimeo.
Supplementary Estimates for the Financial Year 1952.
Resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its
398th plenary meeting on 25 November 1952 (adopted
on the report of the Fifth Committee (A/2266)).
A/RESOLUTION/16, Nov. 26, 1952. 5 pp. mimeo.
Security Council
Letter Dated 16 September 1952 from Mr. Frank P.
Graham, United Nations Representative for India and
Pakistan, to the Secretary -General Transmitting His
Fourth Report to the Security Council. S/2783, Sept.
19, 1952. 48 pp. mimeo.
Note Dated 1 October 1952 From the Delegation of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Transmittini; a
Report of the International Scientific Commission for
the Investigation of the Pacts Concerning Bacterial
Warfare in Korea and China. S/2802, Oct. 8, 1952.
62 pp. mimeo.
Letter Dated 30 October 1952 From the Chief of Staff of
the Truce Supervision Organization to the Secretary-
General Transmitting a Report on the Decisions Made
During the Period 1 November 1951 to 30 October 1952
by the Mixed Armistice Commissions. S/2833, Nov. 4,
1952. 21 pp. mimeo.
Trusteeship Council
Special Report of the United Nations Visiting Mission to
Trust Territories in West Africa, 1952, on the Ewe and
Togoland Unification Problem. Letter dated 25 Octo-
ber 1952 from the Chairman of the Visitins Mission to
the Secretary-General. T/1034, Nov. 7, 1952. 145 pp.
mimeo.
Arrangements for a Visiting Mission to the Trust Terri-
tories in the Pacific During 1953. Memorandum pre-
pared by the Secretariat. T/1037, Nov. 18, 1952. 9 pp.
mimeo.
February 9, 7 953
231
Visa Work of the Department of State and the Foreign Service
CHANGES UNDER THE IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY ACT
OF JUNE 27, 1952: PART II i
hy Eliot B. Coulter
The 1952 Act requires an immigrant to be in
possession of a valid passport and a properly is-
sued immigrant visa, reentry permit, border-
crossing identification card, or other valid entry
document, unless such documentation has been
waived under authority of the Act.
The Visa Regulations (22 CFR 42.36) require
every alien applying for an immigrant visa to
present to the consular officer an unexpired pass-
port valid for at least 60 days beyond the period
of validity of the immigrant visa, except :
(1) an immigrant who is stateless, or is outside of the
country of his nationality and establishes that he is
unable to obtain a national passport, and who presents
two or more documents which, when considered together,
fulfill the requirements of a passport; Provided, That
written permission to enter a foreign country shall be
considered as fulfilling one of such requirements if it is
clearly valid for such purpose and specifies no conditions
to such validity for the alien's entry during a period of
at least 60 days beyond the i>eriod of validity of the visa ;
(2) an immigrant, lawfully admitted for permanent
residence who is returning from a temporary visit abroad ;
(3) an immigrant child under 2 years of age, who was
born during his mother's temporary visit abroad, and who
is accompanying a parent on the first return of the parent
to the United States after such child's birth ;
(4) an immigrant who is a member of the armed forces
of the United States ;
(5) an immigrant who establishes that he is unable to
obtain a passport, who is not within one of the exceptions
above mentioned, and in whose case the requirement of a
passport shall have been waived by the Attorney General
and the Secretary of State.
Application for Immigrant Visas
The act requires every alien applying for an
immigrant visa to make application therefor in
such form and manner and at such place as shall
be by regulations prescribed.
Application for an immigrant visa is to be made
on Form 256.
' For part I of this article, see Btjixetin of Feb. 2, 1953,
p. 195.
Separate application is to be made by each alien
immigrant, except that in the case of an alien
under 14 years of age, or one physically incapable
of executing an application, he may have the
application executed in his behalf by a parent
or guardian or, if lie has no parent or guardian,
by any person having lawful custody of, or a legit-
imate interest in him.
Every applicant for an immigrant visa, includ-
ing an alien whose application is executed by
another person, is required to appear personally at
the consular office in connection with his applica-
tion.
Each applicant is required to furnish with his
application 3 identical copies of his photograph,
reflecting a reasonable likeness of the alien as of
the time of the application, 2x2 inches in size,
unmounted, showing a full front view without
head covering, and printed on light background.
An alien shall apply for an immigrant visa in
the consular district of his residence. However,
a consular officer, at his discretion, may accept an
application from an alien having no residence in
his district if such alien is physically present and
the officer is satisfied that the application may be
accepted without prejudice to the security of the
United States.
If an applicant for an immigrant visa expects
to precede his family to the United States, the
consular officer may arrange for an informal exam-
ination of the other members of the family to de-
termine whether there is reason to believe that,
if they later apply for visas, there are likely to
be grounds of ineligibility to receive visas.
SUPPORTING DOCUMENTS
An applicant for an immigrant visa is required
to furnish with his application 2 copies of a police
certificate, any prison record, military record,
birth certificate, and of all other records or docu-
ments deemed by the consular officer to be neces-
232
Department of State Bulletin
sary to a determination of his eligibility to receive
a visa.
If an immigrant establishes to the satisfaction
of the consular officer that any document or I'ecord
is unobtainable, the consular officer may permit
him to submit other satisfactory evidence of the
fact to which such document or record would per-
tain. A document or record is considered to be
"unobtainable" if it cannot be procured without
causing to the applicant or a member of his family
actual hardship, other than normal delay and
inconvenience.
MEDICAL EXAMINATION OF IMMIGRANTS
The act provides tliat prior to the issuance of
an immigrant visa to any alien, the consular officer
shall require such alien to submit to a physical
and mental examination. At consular offices
where medical officers of the U. S. Public Health
Service have been assigned, the required examina-
tion will be conducted by such officer. At other
offices, the required examination will be conducted
by a physician selected by the alien from a panel
of I'eputable and competent local physicians ap-
proved by the consular officer.
REGISTRATION AND FINGERPRINTING OF IMMIGRANTS
Tlie act requires each alien who applies for an
immigrant visa to be registered and fingerprinted,
except a child under 14 years of age. Form
AR-4 is used for the fingerprinting of a visa ap-
plicant. An applicant executing an application
on Form 256 is thereby automatically registered
if the visa is issued.
ISSUANCE OF IMMIGRANT VISAS
Form 256 contains on one side a space for the
visa. "Wlien completed and properly executed,
such visa form constitutes the immigrant visa.
IMMIGRANT VISA FEES
The act provides that the following fees shall
be collected:
(1) For the furnishing and verification of each
ajiplication for an immigrant visa (which shall
include the furnishing and verification of the
duplicate) ... 5 dollars.
(2) For the issuance of each immigrant visa
... 20 dollars.
VALIDITY OF IMMIGRANT VISAS
An immigi-ant visa may be issued to be valid
for a period not to exceed 4 months. If originally
issued for a shorter period of validity, it may be
extended up to a date which shall not be more than
4 months from the date of issuance.
If the original immigrant visa has been lost or
mutilated or could not be used by the holder be-
cause of reasons beyond his control and for which
he was not responsiole, a new nonquota immigrant
visa may be issued or a new quota immigrant visa
bearing the same quota number may be issued dur-
ing the same quota year.
REFUSAL OF IMMIGRANT VISAS
Tlie act requires a consular officer to refuse an
immigrant visa to an alien under the following
circumstances :
(1) if it appears to the consular officer from statements
in the application, or in the papers submitted therewith,
that tlie alien is ineligible to receive a visa under Section
212 of the Act or any other provision of law,
(2) if the application fails to comply with the pro-
visions of the Act or regulations issued thereunder ; or
(3) if the consular officer knows or has reason to be-
lieve that the alien is ineligible to receive a visa under
Section 212 or any other provision of law.
Exemftlons — The act provides certain exemp-
tions from the categories of aliens ineligible under
Section 21'2 of the Act. These exemptions are men-
tioned below, in the section listing the classes of
excludable aliens.
When an immigrant visa is refused, a memoran-
dum of refusal is prepared on Form 290 and re-
tained ill the appropriate consular file. The ac-
tion of refusing an inimigi'ant visa is to be re-
viewed by the consular officer in charge of visa
work at the post. If he or the principal officer
at the post does not concur in the refusal, the case
is to be referred to the Department for an advisory
opinion.
If upon preliminary examination and after be-
ing informed by the consular officer of grounds of
ineligibility, the alien decides not to execute a
formal visa application, such a circumstance con-
stitutes an informal refusal of an immigrant visa.
If an immigrant visa is refused after formal ap-
plication, the consular officer shall write or stamp
diagonally across the visa side of Form 256a and
b, in red ink, "Visa refused under authority of — "
and shall insert the specific provision of law or
regulation on which the refusal is based.
REVOCATION OF IMMIGRANT VISAS
A consular officer may revoke an immigrant visa
if he finds that the visa was procured by fraud,
misrepresentation, or other unlawful means, or if
he obtains information establishing the alien's in-
eligibility to receive the visa.
If practicable, the bearer of the visa is to be
notified of the proposed revocation and given an
opportunity to show why such action should not
be taken.
Notice of the revocation of an immigrant visa
is to be given to an appropriate representative or
official of the transportation line on which the alien
is known or believed to intend to travel to the
United States.
fehmaty 9, 1953
233
ADMISSION OR EXCLUSION OF
IMMIGRANT AT PORT OF ENTRY
The act provides in Section 221 (b) that
"Nothing in tliis act sliall be construed to entitU;
any alien, to whom a visa or other documentation
has been issued, to enter the United States, if,
upon arrival at a port of entry in the United States,
he is found to be inadmissible under this act, or
any other provision of law. The substance of this
subsection shall appear upon every visa applica-
tion."
Waiting Lists
An intendinc; immifri'ant may be re^stered on
a waitintj list maintained at a consular office for
the various oversubscribed immigration quotas.
An application for registration must be submitted
by mail. The exact time of receipt of each prop-
erly executed application for registration is to be
noted thereon and constitutes the registration pri-
ority in the proper category on the appropriate
quota waiting list.
Aliens registered on waiting lists prior to De-
cember 24, 1952, are continued on waiting, lists
under the act under tlieir original priorities.
In the case of a first-preference immigi'ant the
act provides that immigrant visas shall be issued
to eligible quota immigrants in the order in which
a petition on behalf of each such immigrant is
filed with the Attorney General.
In the case of second-, third-, fourth-preference,
and nonpreference immigrants, the act provides
that immigrant visas shall be issued to eligible
quota immigrants strictly in the chronological
order in which such immigrants are registered in
each class on quota waiting lists. An immigrant
visa may not therefore be issued to an alien out of
his proper turn on the waiting list.
In the case of nonquota immigrants, a consular
officer may, if the number of applications exceeds
the capacity of his office to act currently upon such
applications, establish administrative waiting
lists comparable to the quota waiting lists.
The application of a quota immigi-ant for regis-
tration on a waiting list is considered as auto-
matically including any parent, spouse, or cliild
such immigrant or his spouse may have, whom he
may wish to have accompany him, regardless of
whether such person was specifically mentioned
in the application for registration. No other alien
is considered to be included in the application un-
less they are members of the immediate family by
blood or marriage and are residing regularly iii
the household of the principal registrant and are
specifically named in the application.
No alien may have his name entered or retained
on a quota waiting list while he is in the United
States, except:
(1) an alien who Is maintaining or seeking to enter
in the status of a government official, crewman, treaty
alien, International organization alien, temporary worker,
or representative of foreign information metlia;
(2) an alien who entered the I'nited States hefore
Septeiiiher 10, l!)4<i. and was registered on a waiting list
before July 1, 1!HI), provided that such alien did not
enter the United States in violation of the immigration
laws ;
(3) an alien who is proceeding to. or remaining in. the
United States at the behest of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
The registration of a quota immigrant shall be
canceled if :
fl) the registrant dies ;
(2) the registrant was erroneously listed on the wait-
ing list :
(3) the registrant enters the United States in viola-
tion of the immigration laws ;
(4) the registrant abandons his intention to emigrate:
(.")) the registrant has been denied an immigration
visa on some ground which cannot be overcome by the
I)resentation of further evidence or by a probable change
in the circumstances of his case ;
(6) the registrant is issued an immigrant visa;
(7) the registrant is issued a nonimmigrant visa, ex-
cept in cases referred to above in which retention on a
waiting list is authorized: or.
(8) the registrant is issued a nonresident alien's bor-
der-crossing identification card, except in cases in which
retention on a waiting ll.st is authorized.
An alien's name may be reinstated on a waiting
list under the original priority date if he proceeded
to the United States as a visitor or transit alien
for an urgent and brief visit or for immediate
and contimious transit journey, if the alien estab-
lishes that he departed promptly from the United
States.
Excludable Classes of Aliens
The act excludes from the United States aliens
who are of the following classes, with the excep-
tions indicated :
(1) Feeble-minded;
(2) Insane or who have had one or more at-
tacks of insanity;
(3) Afflicted with psychopathic personality,
epilepsy, or a mental defect ;
(4) Narcotic drug addicts or chronic alcoholics ;
(.5) Afflicted with tuberculosis in any form,
leprosy, or any dangerous contagious disease;
(6) Certified by the examining surgeon as hav-
ing a physical defect, disease, or disability, when
determined by the consular officer or immigration
officer to be of such a nature that it may affect
the ability of the alien to earn a living, unless the
alien establishes that he will not have to earn a
living;
(7) Paupere, professional beggars, or vagrants;
(8) Criminals—
(a) Aliens who have been convicted of a
crime involving moral turpitude other
than a purely political offense, or who
admit having committed such a crime,
or who admit committing acts which
constitute the essential elements of such
a crime. (However, aliens who have
234
Department of State Bulletin
committed only one such crime wliile
under 18 years of age may be granted
a visa if tlie crime was committed more
than 5 years prior to the date of api)li-
cation for admission to the Ignited
States, unless the crime resulted in con-
finement in a prison or correctional
institution, in which case such alien
must have been released from such con-
finement more than 5 years prior to the
date of the application for a visa or for
admission.) ;
(b) Aliens who have been convicted orf
two or more offenses other than ]nirely
political offenses, regardless of wheth-
er the conviction was in a single trial
or whether the offenses arose from a
single scheme of misconduct and re-
gardless of whether the offenses in-
volved moral turpitude for which the
aggregate sentences to confinement ac-
tually imposed were 5 years or more,
(n) Polygamists or persons who practice polyg-
amy or advocate the practice of polygamj* ;
(10) Prostitutes or procurers or pei-sons com-
ing to the United States to engage in any ether
unlawful connnercialized vice;
(11) Aliens coming to the United States to
engage in any immoral sexual act ;
(12) Aliens seeking to enter the United States
for the purpose of performing skilled or unskilled
labor, if the Secretary of Labor has certified to
the Secretary of State and to the Attorney Gen-
eral that (a) sufficient workers in the United
States who are able, willing, and qualified are
available at the time and place in the United
States to which the alien is destined, or (b) the
emploj'ment of such aliens will adversely affect
the wages and working conditions of the workei"s
in the United States similarly emploj^ed.
Exemptions — Parents, spouses, sons, and'
daughters regardless of age and marital status, of
United States citizens ; parents, spouses, children
of aliens lawfully admitted to the United States
for permanent residence; brothers and sisters of
Ignited States citizens; immigrants whose services
are determined by the Attorney General to be
needed urgently in the United States because of
the high education, technical training, specialized
experience, or exceptional ability of siich immi-
grants, and to be substantially beneficial prospec-
tively to the national economy, cultural interests,
or welfare of the United States; returning alien
residents, ministers of religion, employees of U.S.
Government ;
(13) Aliens who are likely to become public
charges ;
(1-1) Aliens who have been excluded, deported,
or repatriated unless the Attorney General shall
have consented to their applying or reapplying
for admission ;
(15) Stowaways;
february 9, 1953
(IG) Aliens who have obtained or sought to
obtain a visa or other documentation or to ent^r
the United States by fraud, or by willfully mis-
representing a material fact;
(17) Aliens not in possession of required
documentation;
(18) Aliens in possession of improperly issued
visa ;
(19) Aliens ineligible for citizenship (except
nonimmigi-ants) ; or persons who have departed
from or who have remained outside the United
States to avoid or evade training or services in the
armed forces in time of war or national emergency
(except aliens who were at the time of departure
noninnnigrants and who seek to reenter the United
States as nonimmigrants) ;
(20) Aliens brougiit to foreign contiguous ter-
ritory or adjacent islands by nonsignatory line and
who have not resided for at least 2 years subsequent
to such arrival in such territory or adjacent is-
lands ;
(21 ) Illiterates over 16 years of age, physically
capable of reading, except returning resident aliens
and nonimmigrants;
( 22 ) Aliens who are nonimmigi-ants and are not
in possession of required passports and visas or
other documentation, unless such documentation
has been waived under authority of the Act;
(23) Aliens who the consular officer or the At-
torney General knows or has reason to believe seek
to enter the United States solely, principally, or
incidentally to engage in activities which would
be prejudicial to the public interest or security of
the United States (Section 212 (a) (27) ) ;
(24) Aliens who are, or at any time have been,
members of any proscribed Communist or other
classes enumerated in Section 212 (a) (28) of the
act;
(25) Aliens with respect to whom the consular
officer or the Attorney General knows or has rea-
sonable ground to believe would, after entry, en-
gage in espionage, sabotage, public disordei-, or in
other activity subversive to the national security,
or certain other activities specified in Section 212
(a) (29) of the act;
(26) An alien accompanying another alien
ordered to be excluded and deported and certified
to be helpless from sickness or mental or physical
disability or infancy, whose protection or guard-
ianship is required by the alien ordered excluded
and deported ;
(27) An alien who at any time shall have, know-
ingly and for gain, encouraged, induced, assisted,
abetted, or aided any other alien to enter or to try
to enter the United States in violation of law.
Exemptions from Exclusion Provisions
Government officials ;
A-l (exempt from provisions of Section 212 (a) except
(26) (passport and visa) and (27) (certain subver-
sive categories)
(Continued on page 237)
235
Immigration Quotas
PresiiU'iitial I'rdclaiiiiitioii No. 29S0 of June 30, 1952
(Bulletin of July 14, VX,2, p. 83; 17 Fed. Reg. 6019)
establishwl quotas to becoiiip effective Jan. 1, 1953. The
following table sets forth the new quotas and those pre-
viously in effect untler the 1924 Act. (The subquota areas
were not listetl in the proclamation.) The new list is
subject to revision.
The 1952 proclamation revoked the following previous
proclamations regardin.i; immigration quotas: No. 2283 of
Apr. 28, 1938 ; No. 2003 of Feb. S, 1944 ; No. 2CC6 of Sept.
28, 1945 : No. 2096 of July 4, 1946 ; No. 2846 of July 27,
1949 ; and No. 2911 of Oct. 31. 1950.
Quota area
WSi Act
t9H Ad
100
100
100
100
100
100
1,405
1,297
100
100
100
100
100
1,413
1,304
•Bhutan
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
105
2,859
100
1,175
100
100
Cameroons (British Trust Territory)
Cameroons (French Trust Territory)
100
100
*China . .
100
•Chinese
105
2,874
100
1,181
Egypt
100
115
100
566
3,069
100
Estonia
116
Ethiopia . . .
100
Finland
669
3,086
Subquotas:
St. Pierre and Miquelon
Tunisia
Germany
Great Britain and Northern Ireland
. 25, 814
65,361
25,957
65, 721
British Guiana
British Solomon
Fiji
Gibraltar
Gold Coast
Maldive Islands
Malta
St. Helena
Quota area
Great Britain and Northern Ireland — Continued
Subquotas — Continued
Sarawak
Seychelles
Sierra Leone
Singapore
Somaliland Protectorate
Southern Rhodesia
Sudan, Anglo-Egyptian
Swaziland
Tonga
Trinidad and Tobago
t'panda
M'indward Islands
Zanzibar
Greece
Hungary
Iceland
•India
Subgvotas:
Andaman Islands
Nicobar Islands .
•Indonesia
Iran (Persia) ....
Iraq .
Ireland (Eire)
Israel
Italy
•Japan
Jordan
•Korea
•Laos
Latvia
Lebanon
Liberia
Libya
Liechtenstein
Lithuania
Luxembourg
Monaco
Morocco
Muscat (Oman)
•Nauru (.\ustralian Trust Territory)
•Nepal
Netherlands
Subquotas:
Netherlands New Guinea
Netherlands West Indies
Surinam
•New Guinea (.Australian Trust Territory) . . . .
New Zealand
Norway
•Pacific Islands (United States Trust Territory) .
•Pakistan
Palestine (Arab Palestine)
•Philippines
Poland
Portugual
Subquotas:
-Angola
Cape Verde Island
Guinea, Portuguese
India. Portuguese
Macau
Mozambique
Principe and S. Tome
Timor
Ruanda-Urundi (Belgian Trust Territory) ....
Rumania
•Samoa, Western (New Zealand Trust Territory) .
San Marino
Saudi Arabia
Somaliland (Italian Trust Territory)
South-West .Africa
Spain
Subquotas:
Itni
Rio de Oro
Rio Muni
Sweden
Switzerland
Syria
Tanganyika (British Trust Territory)
•Thailand (Siaml
Togo (French Trust Territory)
Togoland (British Trust Territory)
Trieste, Free Territory of
Turkey
Union of South .Africa
Union of Soviet Scoialist Republics
•Vietnam
Yemen
Yugoslavia
wet Act I9U Act
308
865
100
too
100
100
100
17, 7.')6
100
5,645
185
100
100
100
235
100
100
too
too
384
100
100
100
100
100
100
3.136
100
100
2,364
100
100
100
100
6,488
438
too
289
100
100
too
100
100
250
3.295
1,698
100
100
100
100
100
too
225
100
2,697
100
100
933
•Asia-Pacific trianglei
236
Department of State Bulletin
(Continued from page 235)
A-2 (exempt from provisions of Section 212 (a) except
(26) (passport and visa) and (27) and (29) (cei-tain
subversive categories)
A-3 (exempt only from provisions of Section 212 (a)
(28) (membership or affiliation with certain pro-
scribed groups)
C-3 (exempt as A-2)
International organization aliens:
G-l (exempt as government official A-1)
G-2, G-3, G-4 (exempt as government official A-2)
G-5 (exempt as government official A-3)
C-2 (exempt as government official A-2)
Returning resident alien :
(exempt from provisions of Section 212 (a) except (26)
(passport and visa) and (27) (28) (29) (certain
subversive categories)
Parent, grandparent, spouse, son, daughter of
United States citizen or alien lawfully admitted
for permanent residence, exempt from provi-
sions of Section 212 (a) (25) (illiteracy) ;
Religious refugee exetnpt from illiteracy provi-
sion;
Person likely to become public charge under Sec-
tion 212 (a) (7) or (15) if bond or other imder-
taking furnished to Attorney General ;
Nonimmigrants exempt from provisions of Sec-
tion 212 (a) (11) (polygamy) and (25) (illit-
eracy).
The act provides in Section 215 (a) that when-
ever the United States is at war or during the
existence of any national emergency proclaimed
by the President, or whenever a state of war exists
between two or more states, the President may by
public proclamation impose additional restrictions
and prohibitions on the entry or departure of
aliens.
The act also provides in Section 212 that when-
ever the President finds that the entry of any
aliens or of any class of aliens into the United
States would be detrimental to the interests of the
United States, he may by proclamation, and for
such period as he shall deem necessary, suspend
the entry of all aliens or any class of aliens as
immigrants or nonimmigrants, or impose on the
entry of aliens any restrictions he may deem to
be appropriate.
according to the proportion which the inhabitants
of the continental United States in 1920 owing
their national origin to each quota area bore to
the total number of inhabitants of the continental
United States in that year, the minimmn quota
for any quota area being 100.
The 1952 Act provides in Section 201 (a) that:
The annual quota of any quota area shall be one-sixth
of 1 per centum of the number of inhabitants in the con-
tinental United States in 1920, which number, except for
the purpose of computing quotas for quota areas within
the Asia-Pacific triangle, shall be the same number here-
tofore determined under the provisions of section 11 of
the Immigration Act of 1924, attributable by national
origin to such quota area ; Provided, That the quota exist-
ing for Chinese persons prior to the date of enactment
of this Act shall be continued, and. except as otherwise
provided in section 202 (e), the minimum quota for any
quota area shall be one hundred.
In effect, the 1924 Act divided a basic total quota
of 150,000 among the various quota areas accord-
ing to the proportion which the inhabitants of the
United States in 1920 attributing their national
origins to eacli such quota area bore to the total
number of inhabitants of the United States in that
year.
The 1952 Act uses the same figure of the number
of inhabitants of the United States in 1920 as
divided among the various quota areas and estab-
lishes the quotas for each such quota area as \q of
1 percent of each portion of the total number of
inhabitants of the United States in 1920 attribu-
table by national origins to each such quota area.
The immigration quotas as calculated under the
provisions of the 1952 Act are not gi'eatly different
from those in force under the 1924 Act on Decem-
ber 23, 1952. The total quotas under the 1952 Act
will be 154,657, the quotas being in effect on Jan-
uary 1, 1953, as compared with a total of 154,277
under the 1924 Act.
The act provides that the annual immigration
quotas shall be determined jointly by the Secretary
of State, the Secretary of Commerce, and the At-
torney General. Provision is made for altering
the quotas in the light of changes, recognized by
the United States, in national boundaries affect-
ing quota areas, transfers of territories, or recog-
nition of new states.
Immigration Quota System
NATIONAL ORIGINS BASIS
The 1952 Act continues the principle inaugu-
rated in the 1924 Act of allocating the immigra-
tion quotas among the various quota areas on a
"national origins" basis.
The 1924 Act provided that a basic total of
150,000 immigration quota numbers annually
should be allocated among the various quota areas
into which the earth (outside of the nonquota
areas of the Western Hemisphere) was divided.
Determination of Quota
to Whicli an Immigrant is Chargeable
An immigi-ant who was born in a quota area is
chargeable to the quota for such area, unless he
is classifiable as a nonquota immigrant, or unless
he comes within a class to which a different rule
for determining quota chargeability is applied.
A quota-immigrant minor child accompanied by
his alien parent may be charged to the quota of the
accompanying parent or, if more advantageous to
the child, he may be charged to the quota for the
country of his own birth.
February 9, 1953
237
A quota-inimiprant hiisbiind or wife may be
charged to tlie. quota of the accompany in" spouse
if necessary to prevent their separation, if a quota
number is available.
A person born in the United States who is not
a U.S. citizen and is classified as a (juota im-
migi-ant is chargeable to the quota for the country
of which he is a citizen or subject, or if he is not
a citizen or subject of any country, then he is
chargeable to the (juota for the country in which
he last had his residence, as determined by the con-
sular officer.
An alien born in a quota area in which neither
of his parents was born and in which neither of
his parents had a residence at the time of the alien's
birth may be charged to the quota of either parent.
ASIA-PACIFIC TRIANGLE
The V.}^)'2 Act provides for the establishment of
an Asia-Pacific triangle for quota purposes and
tlie quota chargeability of aliens attributable by
as much as one-half of their ancestry to a people or
peoples indigenous to quota areas situate wholly
within such triangle.
The boundary line of the triangle runs from the
North Pole along meridian 60° east, placing Af-
ghanistan and Pakistan within the triangle, to a
point in the Indian Ocean where the meridian
meets latitude 25° south, thence in an easterly
direction through the center of Australia to a point
in the Pacific Ocean where the latitude meets
meridian 165° west, and thence northward along
the meridian to the North Pole.
SEPARATE ASIA-PACIFIC TRIANGLE QUOTA
The act provides that in addition to the quotas
for separate quota areas comprising independent
countries, self-governing dominions, and terri-
tories under the international trusteeship system
of the United Nations situate wholly within the
Asia-Pacific triangle, there shall be a separate
quota of 100 annually for the triangle.
An alien immigrant born witliin a separate-
quota area situate wholly within the triangle is
chargeable to the quota for such separate-quota
area.
For example, an alien who is attributable by as
much as one-half of his ancestry to a people or
peoples indigenous to the Asia-Pacific triangle
and was born in a country situate wholly within
the triangle, such as Japan, is chargeable to the
quota for Japan. Similarly, a Javanese born in
Korea is chargeable to the quota for Korea.
A Chinese person who is classifiable as a quota
immigrant is chargeable, regardless of the place of
his birth, to the quota for Chinese, except that a
child accompanying a parent, may be charged to
the quota of such parent.
An alien, otlicr than a Chinese j)erson, who was
born in China and who is classifiable as a quota im-
migrant, is chargeable to the quota for China
excei)t where a different i-ule applies.
A triangle alien classifiable as a quota immi-
gi'ant who was born in a colony or other dependent
area situate wholly witiiin the triangle, is charge-
able to the Asia-Pacific quota. For example, a tri-
angle alien born in Macau, a Portuguese colony
situate wholly within the triangle, is chargeable to
the Asia-Pacific quota.
A triangle alien classifiable as a quota inuni-
gi'ant who was born outside the triangle and who
is attributable by as much as one-half of his an-
cestry to a people or peoples indigenous to a sepa-
rate quota area situate wholly within the triangle
is chargeable to the quota for such separate quota
area. For example, a triangle alien who is at-
tributable by ancestry to a people indigenous to
Korea, and who was born outside the triangle, is
chargeable to the quota for Korea.
A triangle alien classifiable as a quota immigrant
who was born outside the triangle and is attribut-
able by as much as one-half of his ancestry to a
people or jjeoples indigenous to one or more colo-
nies or other dependent areas situate wholly within
the triangle, is chargeable to the Asia-Pacific
quota. For example, a triangle alien born outside
the triangle, who is attributable by ancestry to
peoples indigenous to New Caledonia and North
Borneo, is chargeable to the Asia-Pacific quota.
A triangle alien classifiable as a quota immi-
gi'ant who was born outside the triangle and is
attributable by as much as one-half of his ancestry
to a people or peoples indigenous to two or more
separate quota areas situate wholly within the tri-
angle, or to a quota area and one or more colonies
or other dependent areas situate wholly within the
triangle, is chargeable to the Asia-Pacific quota.
For example, a triangle alien born outside the tri-
angle who is attributable by ancestry to peoples
incligenous to Ceylon and Indonesia is chargeable
to the Asia-Pacific quota.
An alien classifiable as a quota immigrant who
is attributable by as much as one-half of his an-
cestry to a people or peoples indigenous to a quota
area or colony or other dependent area not situate
wholly within the triangle is not subject to the
provisions of the act relating to quota immigi'ants
attributable to quota areas situate wholly within
the triangle. Such alien is therefore subject to the
general I'ule applicable to nontriangle aliens. For
example, a quota immigrant attributable by an-
cestry to a people or peoples indigenous to Aus-
tralia or Eastern Siberia is chargeable to the quota
for Australia or the Soviet Union, respectively, if
born in such quota area.
An alien classifiable as a quota immigrant who
was born in a quota area wholly situate within the
triangle but who is not attributable by as much
as one-half of his ancestry to a people or peoples
indigenous to a quota area or colony or other de-
pendent area situate wliolly within the triangle is
not subject to the j^rovisions of the act relating to
236
Department of State Bulletin
triangle aliens. Such alien is subject to the gen-
eral rule relating to quota chargeability. For ex-
ample, a Portuguese who is not a triangle alien,
born in Macau, is chargeable to the quota for
Portugal, subquota for Macau.
NONQUOTA CLASSIFICATION FOR TRIANGLE ALIENS
Immigrants classifiable as triangle aliens may
be accorded nonquota immigi'ant status if coming
within any of the following categories :
(a) Spouse or child of U.S. citizen;
(b) Returnint; re.si(lent alien;
(c) Child accompanying a parent (other than a triangle
alien) who is cla.ssifiable as a nonquota native of a West-
ern Hemisphere country ;
(d) Person eligible for reacquisitlon of citizenship;
(e) Former citizen eligible for repatriation;
(f) Minister of religion;
(g) Employee of U.S. Government.
A triangle alien child may be charged to the
quota of an accompanying alien parent.
A triangle husband or wife may 7wt be charged
to the quota of the accompanying spouse under the
general rule for the chargeability of a husband
or wife to the quota of an accompanying spouse
provided for in Section 202 (a) (2).
A triangle alien born in the United States may
not have his quota chargeability determined ac-
cording to the general rule contained in Section
202 (a) (3) of the act. Such alien is subject to
the general rules relating to the quota chargeabil-
ity of triangle aliens.
A triangle alien born in a quota area other than
that of a parent's birth or residence may not have
his quota chargeability detei'mined according to
the general rule contained in Section 202 (a) (4)
of the act. Such alien is subject to the general
rules relating to the quota chargeability of tri-
angle aliens.
The provisions of Section 203 of the act relat-
ing to 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th j^reference-quota immi-
grant classification - apply in the case of triangle
aliens.
SUBQUOTAS
The act provides in Section 202 (c) that, ex-
cept in the case of a triangle alien, including a
Chinese person, a quota immigi-ant born in a col-
ony or other component or dependent area of a
governing country is chargeable to the quota of
the governing country, but that not more than 100
persons born in any one such colony or other com-
ponent or dependent area overseas from the gov-
erning country shall be chargeable to the quota of
the governing country in any one year.
Exceptions — A child born in a subquota area
may be charged to the quota of an accompanying
parent ; a husband or wife born in a subquota area
may be charged to the quota of an accompanying
= See Bulletin of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 202.
febroory 9, 1953
spouse; a Chinese person born in a subquota area
is chargeable to the quota for Chinese; a triangle
alien born in a subquota area is chargeable to the
quota determined according to the general rules
relating to triangle aliens.
The act provides that during the first 10 months
of each quota year quota immigration visas may
not be issued in excess of 10 percent per month
within each quota.
The act, in Section 202 (d) provides that:
The provision of an immigration quota for a quota area
shall not constitute recognition by the United States of
the political transfer of territory from one country to
another, or recognition of a government not recognized
by the United States.
*Mr. Coulter, author oj the above article, is
Assistant Director of the Visa Office.
Secretary Dulles Extends
Greeting to Department
Remarks hy Secretary Dulles ^
Press release 50 dated January 28
I will start my brief remarks right away. I
don't want to keep you out here any longer than
llGCGSSHl'V.
I had hoped to talk to you before today. We
waited till today because the Weather Bureau
forecast it would be a nice, warm, sunny day. So
we put it off Monday, when they said it was going
to rain, till today when they said it was going to
be sunny. It turned out the sun was out on Mon-
day. At any rate. President Eisenhower had
good luck on his weather and, if he can have good
luck, we can take tough luck now and then.
To you people, many of you at least,^ there is
nothing very novel about seeing a new Secretary
of State. Those of you who have served in the
State Department or Foreign Service for 8 years
have served under six Secretaries of State, so prob-
ably to you the novelty has worn off. It has not
worn off for me.
I could tell you that it is a wonderful thrill to
me to feel that I can be here with you as your
chief and Secretary of State. I don't suppose
that there is any family in the United States which
has been for so long identified with the Foreign
Service and the State Department as my own fam-
ily. I go back a long ways — I'd have to stop and
think of the date— when a great-great-uncle of
mine, Mr. Welsh, was one of our early Ministers
to the Court of St. James. In those days, you
know, they were Ministers and not Ambassadors.
' Made on Jan. 28 in an informal appearance before
Department employees at the West entrance of the new
Department of State Building.
239
My f^rarulfathpr, Jolin W. Foster, was for a
longtime in tJie diplomatic service and tlien ended
up as Secretary of State under President Harri-
son. His son-in-law, my uncle, Robert Lansing,
was Secretary of State under Woodrow Wilson.
Coming down to our own generation, my
brother, ^Vlien W. Dulles, was for many years in
the Foreign Service of tiie United States. My
sister, Eleanor Lansing Dulles, is today in the
State Department and has been for several years.
I, myself, have had at least sporadic association
with the Department of State and with the For-
eign Service throughout most of my life. So you
can see, from the standpoint of backgi-ound and
tradition, it is to me a very exciting and thrilling
thing to be one with you here today, as Secretary
of State. And I want you to know that I have
always felt that there was no service that one
could render to his country higher than, more
noble, more important than to be in the State De-
partment and the Foreign Service of the United
States.
That has always been the case, and it is today
the case more than ever before, because today we
are the "shock troops" in the cold war which is
being waged against us. Upon us depends, more
than upon any other group of men and women in
this country, the decision as to whether or not we
will meet this threat and whether we will meet it
peacefully. I cannot imagine a greater oppor-
tunity or a greater challenge that confronts any-
one than confronts us and our affiliates in the For-
eign Service in the Embassies all around the
■world. We have a tremendous task, a tremendous
responsibility, and a tremendous opportunity.
I don't think anybody wants in any such group
as this, or our Foreign Service, to have "yes men"
or "yes women" who just try to guess what their
superiors want to have done and then try to meet
their wishes. We have got to have people who are
upstanding Americans of integrity, who have
minds of their own, and who have the courage
to express their views. Only such a corps would
be worthy of our great tradition and worthy of the
great needs which confront our Nation today.
On the other hand, we must also recognize that
once the decisions are made and made finally by
the President and the Congress then we must all
turn in, loyally, to support those policies. They
won't be 100 percent what any of us like; they
won't be 100 percent what I like or what you like.
But they will become the policies of our Nation,
and then our job is to carry out those policies
and do our best to make them succeed, just as
in time of battle, the regiment may not agree
with the tactics or policy but when the decision
is made then they must put forward their best
effort to make them succeed.
And so I expect that you will on the one hand
help us make the best policies possible, and then
when those policies are made that you will carry
them out loyally. That is the great task that lies
before us.
As I say, to me this is a great moment in my life,
and the fact that it appears that I will be with
you and with this fine body of Americans dedi-
cated to this fjreat task is something that is thrill-
ing and exciting; I hope and believe that we shall
go ahead together to prove ourselves worthy of
the great responsibility that is entrusted to us.
That is all I have to say for myself. I would
like to take advantage of the opportunity to pre-
sent to you a few of the people whom so far Presi-
dent Eisenhower has indicated he will want to
have serve with me and with you in the Depart-
ment of State.
I would like, first, to ask General Bedell Smith
to come to the platform. He will be known as
General Smith until midnight, the Slst of January,
after which he will be just plain Mr. Smith.
Donold Lourie of Chicago. There is a bill
pending, which was passed in the Senate yester-
day and which I hope will be passed by the House
today, creating a new office. Under Secretary of
State for Administration. When that office is
created. President Eisenhower will nominate Don
Lourie for the post. All I can tell you about him
is that a few years ago, he was an ail-American
quarterback. And I think that that is the kind
of thinking and creative action we are going to
see in this job today. I present Don Lourie to
you.
Carl McCardle, of Philadelphia, was for a good
many years, head of the Washington Bureau of
the Philadelphia Bulletin, and who has been
through almost all of the major international con-
ferences which have been held, beginning with the
San Francisco Conference of 1945. In addition
to attending conferences, he was covering my trip
in June 1950 to Japan, so we practically saw there
the start of the Korean War. He is a veteran of
international affairs, and I know will help us
greatly as Assistant Secretary in charge of Public
Relations.
Herman Phleger of San Francisco. Mr.
Phleger is one of, and perhaps I should say the
outstanding lawyer of San Francisco and the West
coast. He has had lots of international experi-
ence. He was in Germany as adviser to our High
Commissioner there and in private practice has
had wide international experience. He has a
great reputation as a lawj^er not only in his home
community where he was a leader but throughout
the United States.
We have had some great lawyers in the Depart-
ment of State, John Basset Moore, Frank Polk,
and so forth, and I look forward with complete
confidence to Herman Phleger's carrying forward,
as my legal adviser, the great tradition of the
great lawyers of the Department of State, and
i am going to have a lot of comfort with him
around.
One other person, who has been indicated by
240
Deparfmenf of Stale Buf/efin
the President to be an Assistant Secretary of State
I am sorry is not here today, but he has ah'eady
started to woriv, although he is not drawing his
pay yet — Tliruston Morton, a former Member of
Congress, whom the President will designate to
be Assistant Secretary of State in charge of Con-
gi-essional Relations. He has a great measure of
good will in the Congress, is very highly regarded
there. He voluntarily retired a few years ago
and will, I know, be a great strength in the very
important business of maintaining close working
relations with the Congress. That is one thing
which we must do — Congress is a partner in mak-
ing of foreign policy, and I am very happy that
we will have Thruston Morton with us in con-
gressional relations.
That is all I have to introduce today. I thank
3'ou very much for your cordial and hearty wel-
come and look forward to dealing and woi'king
with you over the weeks to come. Thank you very
mucli.
Secretary Dulles To Examine
Case of John Carter Vincent
Following is the text of a letter to Secretary
Dulles from Judge Learned Hand, dated January
20, together with the text of the Secretary's reply
of January 29:
Press release 58 dated January 31
Judge Hand to Secretary Dulles
January 20, 1953
Dear Mr. Secretary :
As we think you know, Secretary Acheson at
the end of December sent to President Truman a
"memorandum" ^ asking "permission to seek the
advice"' of five persons whom he mentioned who
should "examine the record"' in the case of John
Carter Vincent, and "advise" him "as to what dis-
position in their judgment should be made in this
case." President Truman replied^ that he
thought "the suggestions . . . well taken"
and that he did ''authorize and direct you"' (the
Secretary) "to proceed in the manner which you
have outlined". Secretary Acheson asked John
J. McCloy, James Grafton Rogers, G. Howland
Shaw, Edwin C. "Wilson and me to act and we have
all accepted. However, it has proved impossible
to examine the very voluminous testimony and
documents and to make a report before the ex-
piration of Secretary Acheson's tei'm of office.
We have made some progress, and are prepared
to carry through the work and make a report ; but,
since it would in no event be more than an advisory
opinion, it is obviously possible that you may think
it unnecessary for us to proceed. For that reason
we are writing to ask whether you would like us
to continue and report to you.
Respectfully yours,
Learned Hand
Chairman.
Secretary Dulles to Judge Hand
January 29, 1953
My Dear Judge Hand:
I acknowledge and thank you for your letter of
January 20, 1953.
You ask whether I would like you and your four
associates to continue to examine the record in
the case of John Carter Vincent and advise me
as to what disposition you think I should make
of this case. This was a special mandate which
you received from my predecessor, the Secretary
of State, and you suggest that I "may think it un-
necessary" for you to proceed.
I have looked into this matter. The facts
briefly are that the procedures, established by
President Truman by Executive Order 9835 to
consider loyalty cases arising in the departments
of the Government, have been followed in this
case. The Loyalty Review Board, which under
the Executive Order is charged with the duty of
making a recommendation, after considering the
matter and hearing Mr. Vincent, transmitted its
conclusions.^ Thereupon, according to estab-
lished procedure, it becomes the responsibility of
the head of the Department, in this case the Sec-
retary of State, to determine whether or not to
follow the advice of the Loyalty Review Board.
The procedure for dealing with these matters
was determined after much consideration, and I
do not feel justified in departing from it, and em-
barking on procedures which could be endless.
Therefore, I do not think that it will be necessary
for you and your associates to act as a special re-
view group to consider this particular case.
Established procedures contemplate that at this
stage in the proceeding the responsibility should
be exercised by the Secretary of State and I be-
lieve that the record before, and the conclusions
reached by, the Loyalty Review Board are ade-
quate to give me guidance. These I shall examine
before I take action.
I greatly appreciate the public-spiritedness of
you and your associates in relation to this matter.
Sincerely yours,
John Foster Dulles
Confirmations
Carl W. McCardle
On January 29 the Senate confirmed the nomination of
Carl W. McCardle as Assistant Secretary of State for
Public Affairs.
^ Btjlletin of Jan. 19, 1953, p. 122.
^-Ibid.. p. 121.
February 9, 1953
241
Thruston B. Morton
On January 29 the Senate confirmed the nomination of
Thruston H. Morton as Assistant Secretary of State for
Congressional Relations.
Herman I'hlegcr
On January 30 the Senate confirmed the nomination of
Herman Plilef;er as Legal Adviser.
Mm. Osteoid B. Lord
On .January .'iO the Senate confirmed the nomination of
Mrs. Oswald I'.. Lord as U.S. representative on the Human
Rights Commission of Ecosoc for the remainder of the
term of 3 years expiring December 31, 1953.
Appointment of Officers
Roderic L. O'Connor as Special Assistant to the Secre-
tary, effective January 27.
John W. Hanes, Jr., as Special Assistant to the Secre-
tary, effective January 27.
Mrs. Burnita O'Day as Personal Assistant to the Sec-
retary, effective January 27.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Consular Office
The consulate at Georgetown, British Guiana, was
closed to the public on November 26, 1952, and oflicially
closed on December 14, 1952.
PUBLICATIONS
Release of U.S. Treaty Series
Volume 1, 1950
The Department of State announced on Janu-
ary 28 that United States Treaties and Other In-
ternational Agreements, Vokime 1, 1950, has been
released. This volume, the first of the series pro-
vided for by legislation supplementing Reorgani-
zation Plan No. 20 of 1950, will be produced on a
calendar year basis.
The series will, beginning as of January 1, 1950,
contain "all treaties to which the United States
is a 2)arty that have been proclaimed during each
calendar year, and all international agreements
other than treaties to which the United States is a
party that have been signed, proclaimed, or with
reference to which any other final formality has
been executed, during each calendar year."
Treaties and agreements were previously pub-
lished in the United States Statutes at Large.
Reorganization Plan No. 20 transferred responsi-
bility for publication of the Statutes at Large,
except with respect to treaties and other interna-
tional agreements, from the Department of State
to the Administrator of (Jeneral Services. Public
Law 821 of the 81st Congress, 2d session, gave the
Secretary of State responsibility for issuance of
treaties and other international agreements in a
separate publication.
The texts of the documents are literal prints of
the originals with sidenotes and footnotes supply-
ing the necessary references. Each volume con-
tains a list of the instruments and a comprehensive
index. The series has blue buckram binding with
gold lettering and is designed in a standard size.
Volume 2 covering 1951 will be released early
in 1953.
The volumes are compiled in the Office of the
Legal Adviser by the staff of the Assistant for
Treaty Affairs and are published by the Division
of Publications. Copies of this volume may be
purchased from the Superintendent of Documents,
Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C.
for $5.75 each.
Current Legislation on Foreign Policy
Providint: for an Under Secretary of State for Administra-
tion. S. Kept. 10, S3d Cong., 1st sess. 4 pp.
Convention and Recommendatum Concerning Migration
for Employment. Message from the President of the
United States Transmitting Recommendations for the
Enactment of Legislation or Such Other Action as the
Congress May Consider Appropriate, an Authentic
Text of a Convention (No. 97) Concerning Migration
for Employment (Revised 1949) and an Authentic
Text of a Recommendation (No. 86) Concerning Mi-
gration for Employment (Revisetl 1949), Both of
Which Were Adopted on July 1, 1949, by the Inter-
national Labor Conference at its Thirty-second Ses-
sion, Held at Geneva from June 8 to July 2, 1949. H.
doc. 65, S3d Cong., 1st sess. 35 pp.
Bills Relating to War Claims Act of 1948 and Trading with
the Enemy Act. Hearings Before the Committee on
Interstate and Foreign Commerce, House of Repre-
sentatives, Eighty-second Congress, First and Second
Sessions, on Bills Amending the War Claims Act of
1948 and the Trading with the Enemy Act. October
IS, 19, and 20, 1951, March 19, May 1, 2, and June 16,
19.52. 318 pp.
Activities of United States Citizens Employed by the
United Nations. Hearings Before the Subcommittee
To Investigate the Administration of the Internal Se-
curity Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the
Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate,
Eighty-second Congress, Second Session, on Activities
of United States Citizens Employed by the United
Nations. October 13, 14, 15. 23. 24, November 11, 12,
Deceml)er 1, 2. 10, 11, and 17, 1952. 434 pp.
Nomination of John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State-
Designate. Hearing Before the Committee on Foreign
Relations, United States Senate, Eighty-third Con-
gress, First Session, on the Nomination of ,Tohn Foster
Dulles, Secretary of State-Designate. January 15,
1953. 32 pp.
The State of the Union. Message from the President of
the United States Transmitting Report to Congress on
the State of the Union. H. doc. 1, 83d Cong., 1st
sess. 18 pp.
242
Department of State Bulletin
statement Relative to an Agreement Between United
States and Venezuela. Message from tlie President of
the United States Transmitting Statement Relative
to an Agreement Signed August 28, 1952, Between
the United States and Venezuela Which Amends and
Supplements the Trade Agreements of 1939 Between
the Two Countries. H. doc. 43, S3d Cong., 1st sess.
1.") pp.
The Katyn Forest Massacre. Final Report of the Select
Committee To Conduct an Investigation and Study of
the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn
Forest Massacre Pursuant to H. Res. 390 and H. Res.
539 (82d Cong.). A Resolution To Authorize the
Investigation of the Mass Murder of Polish Othcers
in the Katyn Forest Near Smolensk, Russia. H.
Rept. 2505, 82d Cong., 2d sess. 45 pp.
Yugoslav Emergency Relief. Letter from Acting Secre-
tary, Department of State, Transmitting the Sixth
Report Regarding the Yugoslav Emergency Relief
Assistance Program, as Required by Section 6 of
PulUie Law 897 ( the Yugoslav Emergency Relief As-
sistance Act of 1950), Covering the Period From
March 16, 1952, Through June 15, 1952. H. doc. 36,
S3d Cong., 1st sess. 4 pp.
Yugoslav Emergency Relief Assistance Program. Letter
from Under Secretary, Department of State, Trans-
mitting the Seventh Report Concerning the Yugoslav
Emergency Relief Assistance Program for the Period
June 16, 1952. Through September 15, 1952, Pursuant
to Section 6 of Public Law 897 (The Yugoslav Emer-
gency Relief Assistance Act of 1950). H. doc. 41,
83d Cong., 1st sess. 3 pp.
Inclusion of Escape Clauses in Existing Trade Agreements.
Message from the President of the United States
Transmitting a Report on the Inclusion of Escape
Clauses in Existing Trade Agreements, Pursuant to
Subsection (B) of Section 6 of the Trade Agreements
Extension Act 1951 (Public Law 50, 82d Cong.). H.
doc. 42, 83d Cong., 1st se-ss. 3 pp.
Report on Inclusion of Escape Clauses in Existing Trade
Agreements. Message from the President of the
United States Transmitting Report on the Inclusion
of Escape Clauses in Existing Trade Agreements,
Pursuant to Subsection (B) of Section 6 of the Trade
Agreements Extension Act of 1951 (Public Law ,50,
82d Cong. ) . H. doc. 54, S3d Cong., 1st sess. 3 pp.
Report on Condition of Foreign Service Retirement and
Disability Fund. Message from the President of the
United States Transmitting a Report by the Secretary
of State, Showing the Condition of the Foreign Serv-
ice Retirement and Disability Fund for the Fiscal
Years Ended June 30, 1951, and 1952, Pursuant to
Section 862, Foreign Service Act of 1946 (Public Law
724), Seventy-ninth Congress. H. doc. 56, 83d Cong.,
1st sess. 3 pp.
Supplementary Tax Convention with Belgium. Message
from the President of the United States Transmitting
the Convention Between the United States of Amer-
ica and Belgium, Signed at Washington on September
9, 1952, Modifying and Supplementing the Conven-
tion of October 28, 1948, for the Avoidance of Double
Taxation and the Prevention of Fiscal Evasion with
Respect to Taxes on Income. S. Exec. A, 83d Cong.,
1st sess. 7 pp.
Overseas Information Programs of the United States.
Hearings Before a Subcommittee of the Committee
on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Eighty-
second Congress, Second Session, on Overseas Infor-
mation Programs of the United States. November
20 and 21, 1952. 227 pp.
Thirty-sixth Annual Report of the United States Tariff
Commission, 1952. H. doc. 30, 83d Cong., 1st sess.
82 pp.
Annual Report, Office of Alien Property, Dei)artment of
Justice, Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1951. H. doc.
508, 82d Cong., 2d sess. 172 pp.
Second Report to Congress on the Mutual Security Pro-
gram (Supplement). Statistical Data Relating to
the Mutual Security Program, as of June 30, 1952.
H. doc. 561, Pt. II, 82d Cong., 2d sess. 32 pp.
The Mutual Security Program . . . for a strong and
free world. Third Report to Congress for the six
months ended December 31, 1952. H. doc. 44, 83d
Cong., 1st sess. 15 pp.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Jan. 26-31, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to Jan. 26 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 17 of
Jan. 12, 21 of Jan. 13, 22 of Jan. 14, 26 of Jan. 15, 30
of Jan. 16, 36 of Jan. 19, and 41 of Jan. 23.
No. Date Sabject
42 1/26 Areas affected by trade agreement act
t43 1/26 Industry and trade committee (Ecafe)
44 1/27 Dulles : Netherlands to forego aid
45 1/27 Dulles : Foreign policy address
*46 1/27 Dulles : Excerpts from address
47 1/27 Appointments to Secretary's staff
t4S 1/28 Rubber study group
*49 1/28 Dulles : Statement on Marti
.50 1/28 Dulles : Greeting to associates
*.51 1/28 Exchange of persons
.52 1/28 Vol. 1 — Treaty series released
t53 1/28 U.S.S.R. reply on Austrian treaty
t54 1/29 U.S. note to U.S.S.R. on Austrian treaty
55 1/30 Dulles : Trip to Europe
t50 1/30 TV interview with Dulles
t57 1/30 Compton : Information program
58 1/31 Dulles to examine Vincent case
t59 1/31 Note to Hungary on plane incident
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bullbiin.
February 9, 1953
243
February 9, 1953
INDEX
Vol. XXVm, No. 711
Africa
Construction of African railway 223
EGYPT: Point Povir mission to study Industry . . 223
American Principles
A survey of foreign policy problems (Dulles) . . . 212
The state of the Union (Elsenhower address) . . . 207
American Republics
COLOMBIA: Receives loan for Irrigation project . 222
VENEZUELA: U.S. Air Force agreement with
Venezuela 220
Asia
INDONESIA: Economic technical aid agreement . 220
KOREA:
Report of U.N. Command operations (54th re-
port) 224
United Nations Security Council : Communiques
re Korea 229
Aviation
Convention on aircraft damage 221
Congress
Current legislation on foreign policy 242
The state of the Union (Elsenhower address) . . . 207
Visa work of the Department of State and the
Foreign Service (Coulter) 232
Europe
GERMANY: Treatment of American property in
Soviet zone of Germany and Soviet sector of
Berlin (texts of notes) 218
NETHERLANDS: To forego U.S. defense support
aid (Dulles) 217
PORTUGAL: Construction of African railway . . . 223
Purpose of European trip (Dulles) 217
U.S.S.R.:
Fur Imports from U.S.S.R. and adjacent areas . . 219
Treatment of American property In Soviet zone
of Germany and Soviet sector of Berlin (texts
of notes) 218
Finance
Colombia to receive loan for irrigation project . . . 222
Construction of African railway 223
Summary of 1952 activities of Export-Import
Bank 222
Foreign Service
Consular offices 242
Secretary Dulles to examine case of John Carter
Vincent 241
Visa work of the Department of State and the
Foreign Service (Coulter) 232
Immigration and Naturalization
Immigration quotas (table) 236
Visa work of the Department of State and the
Foreign Service (Coulter) 232
Industry
Point Four mission to study Egyptian industry . . 223
International Information
International Information activities committee
appointed 217
Mutual Aid and Defense
Netherlands to forego U.S. defense support aid
(Dulles) 217
Presidential Documents
The state of the Union (Elsenhower address) . . . 207
Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property
Treatment of American property In Soviet zone of
Germany and Soviet sector of Berlin (texts
of notes) 218
Publications
Release of U.S. Treaty Series, Volume I, 1950 .... 242
Puerto Rico
U.S. to cease reporting to U.N. on Puerto Rico . . . 229
State, Department of
Appointment of officers 242
Confirmations 241
Purpose of European trip (Dulles) 217
Secretary Dulles extends greetings to Department . 239
Secretary Dulles to examine case of John Carter
Vincent 241
Survey of foreign policy problems (Dulles) 212
Visa work of the Department and the Foreign
Service (Coulter) 232
Technical Cooperation and Development
Economic technical aid agreement with Indonesia . 220
Point Four mission to study Egyptian industry . . 223
Trade
Fur imports from U.S.S.R. and adjacent areas . . . 219
Transportation
Construction of African railway 223
Treaty Information
Convention on aircraft damage 221
Economic technical aid agreement with Indonesia . 220
Release of U.S. Treaty Series. Volume I. 1950 .... 242
Revised regulations for preventing collisions at
sea 220
U.S. Air Force agreement with Venezuela 220
United Nations
Current U.N. Documents: a selected bibliography . 230
Investigation of employees at U.S. Mission to U.N. . 229
Report of U.N. Command operations in Korea
(54th report) 224
SECURITY COUNCIL: Communiques re Korea . . . 229
U.S. to cease reporting to U.N. on Puerto Rico . . . 229
Name Index
Acheson, Secretary 220
Cabot. Thomas D 223
Coulter, Eliot B 232
Dulles, Secretary 212,217,239.241
Elsenhower, President 207, 217
Gonzales. C6sar 220
Hand, Judge Learned 241
Jackson. William H 217
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 229
Lord, Mrs. Oswald B 241
McCardle, Carl W 241
Morton, Thruston 241
Munoz Marin. Luis 229
O'Connor, Roderick L 242
O'Day. Mrs. Burnita 242
Phleger. Herman 241
Truman, President 219, 229
Vincent, John Carter 241
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1953
tJAe/ ^eha/}^i77tenf/ xw Cnat&
Vol. XXVIII, No. 712
February 16, 1953
THE UNITED STATES, THE UNITED NATIONS, AND
AFRICA • by Vernon McKay 267
INFORMATION AND U.S. FOREIGN POLICY • by
WiUon Compton 252
THE ISSUE OF IDEAS • Anick by Francis H. Russell . . 247
For index see back cover
Doeton Public LTibraiy
Superintendent of Documents
MAR 1 1 1953
,jAe
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Vol. XXVIII, No. 712 • Publication 4920
February 16, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
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Washington 25, D.C.
Price;
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The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
IKote: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bui.i.etin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Deimrlnunt of State IWLLETIN,
a iverkly publication cotnftiled and
edited In tlie Division nf Piiltlirations.
Office of I'nhlic Affairs, procides the
[iiihlic and interested aflvncies itf
the Citverninent with information on
develo/nnents in the ficUl of (oreiun
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of Slate and the Foreinn
Service. The nULLETIM includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the ffTiite House and
the Department, and statements antl
addresses made by the President and
J>.y the Secretary of Stale and other
ofjicers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
internalioniil nffttirs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral internatii>nal interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of interruttioruit relations, are listed
currently.
The Issue of Ideas
hy Francis H. Russell
International aggressions in recent times have
been carried out on four fronts: political, eco-
nomic, military, and ideological. This is true of
the current Communist attack upon the free world.
In the -political area we have seen the Commu-
nist seizure of power in the Eastern European
countries through occupation by Soviet troops im-
mediately following World War II ; the pressures
against Turkey beginning in 1946; the coup in
Czechoslovakia in 1948; and the continuing eflorts
to render the United Nations impotent by the
misuse of the veto and by constant harangues for
propaganda purposes.
In the economic field we have witnessed Com-
munist efforts to disrupt Europe economically and
to frustrate the Marshall Plan by such things as
the calling of nation-wide strikes in 1947; the
attempt to strangle Berlin in 1948^9 through a
blockade; and the theft of properties in eastern
Austria.
In the military area there have been the Krem-
lin's effort to take over Iran in 1945; the Commu-
nist guerrilla warfare against Greece in 1947; the
Communist conquest of the mainland of China by
force of arms from 1945 to 1949; the guerrilla
warfare against Indochina; and the assault upon
the Republic of Korea that is going on at the
present.
In the psychological arena, the Kremlin has
made every effort to crack the unity of the free
world and the internal unity of each of its mem-
bers. It has sought on the one hand to fan the
legitimate aspirations of the underdeveloped and
colonial areas of the world into self-consuming
flames, and on the other to play upon the world-
wide hopes for peace.
What Is the "Hate America" Campaign?
Most recently we have the "Hate America"
move, the tempo of which steadily increased after
the 1951 speech of Pospelov on the anniversary of
Lenin's death, and which has now revealed itself
in all its full violence.
'WHiat is this "Hate America" campaign ? What
does it signify ? In the past, Soviet propaganda
refrained from attacking the American people and
their institutions as a whole. They lashed out at
Wall Street, at our free labor unions, our press,
and the State Department, and other groups of
Americans, but they concentrated on them one at
a time. And all the while they have insisted that
they have an affection for Americans in general.
But now, beginning with their propaganda
about germ warfare and atrocities, they have
loosed an unprecedented flood of lies, distortions,
and vituperation against the American Govern-
ment, our armed forces, our political system, busi-
ness, labor, journalism, art, youth — everything
Americans represent and respect. As a straw in
this gale, the magazine Young Bolshevik alleges
"the torture of Communists by Americans by
throwing them onto burning coals. Often their
skin had been cut to shreds and their wounds filled
with salt." In the face of such statements, what is
the value of the denial by Soviet propagandists
that they are engaging in a "Hate America" cam-
paign? The alleged distinction between "good"
and "bad" Americans, between "American im-
perialists," and "rank and file Americans" stands
exposed to the world as a sham. Anyone can see
that the Kremlin's propaganda specialists are in
effect engaged in all-out psychological aggression
against the entire American people and all of our
institutions.
The ideological front has thus, for the moment,
assumed the center of the stage. Not that the
economic, the political, and the military fronts
are any less important than they were 6 months
ago. But perhaps the Kremlin feels it has been
temporarily stalemated in its conquest of Korea
by the U.N. measures of collective security ; on the
political front by the emerging strength of Nato
in Western Europe and the progressive imple-
mentation of the San Francisco pacts in the Pacific
area ; and on the economic front by the production
of the free world — more than twice that of the
Iron Cui'tain countries.
FebruatY J 6, 7953
247
Even so, how are we to explain the "Hate
America" move?
The most obvious explanation is that the law
of diminishing returns has set in on the Soviet
hate propaganda and driven its authors to increase
its virulence to this ultimate in shrillness and
venom. Another possibility is that they are pre-
paring Soviet public opinion for some future ag-
gressive action.
Whatever its motivation, the principal byprod-
ucts of the "Hate America" campaign are clear.
It shows the hypocrisy of such things as the Com-
munists' "'peace campaigns,'" their "world economic
conference," and their protestations of the pos-
sibility of "amicable coexistence'" of Communist
ambitions and democratic freedom. As Sscretary
Acheson has said, it casts a bright light on "the
fundamental hostility which is the concrete reality
we must start with in thinking about foreign policy
today."
We Must Know the Nature of Our Problem
It is of the lirst importance for us to know
whether the struggle we are waging in this middle
of the twentieth century is against something in
the nature of another Fascist dictatorship, an old-
fashioned nationalist imperialism, a "new brand
of civilization," a personal dictator, or something
else. If we are faced, for instance, merely with
old-fashioned Russian imperialism or if we are up
against a Russian-speaking Mu.ssolini, much that
we are doing makes no sense.
We must know the nature of our problem in
order to make sure that all we do contributes to a
forward movement by the forces of democracy.
The penalty of an error in this respect is that our
whole strategy and effort will be misdirected and
wasted.
It has been a little over a century since Marx
and his fellow Communists launched the "religion
of hate" with the cr}', "A specter is haunting
Europe."
It was at almost exactly the same time that a
man of the American frontier was saying (if I
may shorten and paraphrase it slightly) :
By the best cultivation of the physical world around
us and the intellectual and moral world within us, we
shall secure an individual, social, and political prosperity,
a free society, constantly labored for, and, even though
never perfectly attained, constantly approximated, con-
stantly deepening its influence, augmenting the happiness
and value of life to all people everywhere.
Thus, a century ago, Marx and Lincoln were
defining the issue of the two ways of life which
today are in mortal conflict.
A generation has passed since communism first
seized the power of government in any coimtry.
It has been a decade since the Soviet Union came
into control of satellite countries in Eastern
Europe. It is fair at this time, therefore, for the
world to draw its conclusions about the theory
of communism and its practice.
248
A merely emotional revulsion is not enough.
Today, not only a respect for the opinion of man-
kind but the exigencies of our cause require us
to clarify, for all to see, the two competing con-
cepts of society. We must expose the exact nature
of connnunism while we make clear the nature
of democracy.
This task is more difficult than would at first
appear because the preservation and carrying for-
ward of democracy is not only a continuing
struggle — it is a continually changing struggle.
The threat each generation faces is a new threat.
We must, of course, read what Isaiah, Pericles,
Cicero, Milton, and Locke have to tell us. They
and the other framers of the democratic approach
have laid the foundations. But we shall not find
the precise answers to our problems even in their
writings.
Jefferson and Lincoln clarified the democratic
principle in terms of the task of their times. They
did not, because in the nature of the situation they
could not, marshal the case against democracy's
present enemies. The issues of their times are
only in the broadest way the issues of our times.
We shall have to be our own philosophers.
To Understand — Search for the Communists' Goal
To understand Communist theory, search first
for the Communists' goal, because Communist
theory is not the path which leads to the Commu-
nist goal. It is instead a cloak to provide an aura
of moral and intellectual respectability for the
goal.
The Marxists' goal is to destroy all existing
political societies as we have known them. This
ultimate in revolutionary objectives was the answer
of a group of neurotics to society's problems of
their time, or, more exactly, to the psychological
problems of the individuals who propounded and
took up the idea.
So it is no surprise to find that the Communist
creed has many of the characteristics of a Rube
Goldberg invention operating in a world without
gravity, substance, or time ; or, in the case of Com-
munist theory, without regard to the march of his-
tory, the present state of world society, or the
needs and wants of living human beings. World-
wide revolutionary action is justified by a theory
of class war; the class war is supported by an eco-
nomic theory of surplus value; this, by an eco-
nomic interpretation of history ; this, by the Hege-
lian dialectic; and the dialectic by a metaphysical
concept glorifying the social entity over the in-
dividual.
The Communists say the accumulation of cap-
ital, in the form of labor-saving devices, reduces
the use of human labor and thus increases the
profits of the capitalists. Capitalists will con-
tinue to exploit the workers by holding their wages
down to the subsistence level. The workers, how-
ever, who eventually will comprise more and more
Department of State Bulletin
of the population, will become increasingly miser-
able and will finally combine to destroy the whole
system.
The interest of mankind is equated with that of
the proletariat, which in turn is equated with that
of the Communist Party and this with the in-
terests of the Soviet Union — but all only as in-
terpreted by the Politburo.
The Communist Party has fashioned its propa-
ganda to appeal to a wide variety of disparate ele-
ments: the embittered and ruthlessly ambitious;
the victims of discrimination, injustice, and op-
pression; the desperately impoverished; the inse-
cure and uncertain ; the lonely, the fearful, and dis-
couraged; those who are tired of having to make
their own decisions and who yearn for easy an-
swers to complex problems; those who are dissatis-
fied with their lot because of monotony or lack of
opportunity or purpose in life; political adven-
turers looking for a vehicle to carry them to
power; the inadequately intellectual who are at-
tempting to bridge the gap between thought and
"real life" — all who, for one reason or another, are
prepared to desert reality and follow a mirage.
In an industrial world, where the individual is
in danger of becoming a constantly smaller and less
significant part of the whole, in a world of war and
the threat of war, freedom may seem to some at
times to be a burden, a symbol of the sense of inse-
curity. Communism provides a delusively easy
answer to the need to believe, to find a purpose in
life, to belong and feel integrated into a com-
munity, to act within a purposeful and efficient
framework. The net result is the creation of a
mass of robots and fanatics, totally dependent upon
the Party.
"We are indebted to the Communists for having
proved that a dictatorship even "of the prole-
tariat" is no different in its results from any other
dictatorship. The stream of thousands upon
thousands of Eastern Europeans, who can no
longer stand the strain upon their minds and souls,
who have left everything and fled to liberty, is elo-
quent testimony to this truth.
We were warned long ago that to put political
power in the hands of men embittered by what-
ever cause is "to tie firebrands to foxes and to turn
them loose amid the standing corn." The an-
swer to the problems of embittered men is not to
attempt to disembitter them by placing the world's
fate in their hands but to carry on with the age-
long task of removing sanely, and as far as pos-
sible, the conditions that were the cause.
"Wliat has happened when such men with such
theories have seized power in a country?
It would perhaps not be fair to compare what
the Communist movement has accomplished since
the 1840"s with what American democracy has
accomplished in the same time, although it might
be pertinent to point out that democracy has
succeeded in doing one thing that communism has
never succeeded in doing. It has convinced the
people of many nations of the worth of its prin-
ciples. No people has ever freely adopted the
Communist way of life.
Life in the U.S.S.R.
But what has happened untler communism^
The Constitution of the U.S.S.R. "guarantees"
to its citizens: "payment for work in accordance
with output"; "rest and leisure" and "education";
equality of rights "between women and men" and
"irrespective of nationality or race"; freedom "of
religious worship, of speech, of the press, and to
unite in public organizations"; "inviolability of
the person and of the homes of citizens."
What is the Soviet record on these "guaran-
tees"?
What, for instance, has happened to "the right
to payment for work"? Does the Soviet worker
get fair payment for his work ? Well, the average
city worker in the Soviet Union gets a pound of
butter for 5i/^ hours of work; it takes a half hour
of work in the United States. A cotton dress takes
421/2 hours of work in the Soviet Union, 2 hours
in the United States. A pair of men's shoes, 66
hours in the Soviet Union ; 4 hours in the United
States. A quart of milk, one hour in the Soviet
Union; 8 minutes in the United States. A six-
tube radio, 27& hours in the Soviet Union ; 181/^
hours in the United States. The average farmer
in the Soviet Union fares even worse.
In its early days, Soviet communism held out
the promise of narrowing the wide spread be-
tween incomes of high-paid and low-paid workers.
Not only has that promise not been kept, but the
spread is increasing each year; today the spread
in production woi'kers' wage rates is almost twice
as great in the Soviet Union as in America, due
in part to the existence of forced labor there.
Forced labor, of course, has a depressive effect on
the wages of other labor. As a result, the average
Soviet worker has to woi'k more hours for
the means to buy his food and other commodities
than workers in nearly any other industrialized
countrj^
What has happened to "rest and leisure" ? The
average Soviet family lives in a single room.
The average per capita dwelling space is little
more than 3.5 square meters, the size of an average
prison cell.
What has happened to "the right to educa-
tion"? Universal elementary education has long
been one of the most widely publicized features
of the Soviet .system. And yet, compared with
1939, when 34 million students attended school in
the Soviet Union, today, despite the fact that there
has been an increase of over 20 million in the total
Soviet population, there are only 33 million in
school. About 10 million youth of school age (24
percent of the total) are not in school.
What has happened to equality of rights of
women with men? Here the Communists have
February 16, 1953
249
passed their goal. They are more than "equal."
No work is considered too strenuous for the Soviet
woman. She works as a stevedore, on road gangs,
on construction crews, on railroad repair crews, in
coal mines; she digs subways, logs timber, chops
ice off the streets, stokes blast furnaces, puddles
steel, and acts as a porter. An advertisement in
one of the Communist countries recently stated
that day nurseries would be kept open until 11
p. m. so that working women could leave their
children until that hour.
What about equality of rights irrespective of
nationality or race? Many reports, which unfor-
tunately there are ample grounds for believing,
indicate that these "rights are no more observed
in the Soviet Union than they are under other
totalitarian regimes.
What about freedom of religious worship, of
speech, of the press, the inviolability of the person
and of the homes of citizens'? They exist only as
the butts of grim Iron Curtain humor. One Soviet
citizen in every six is an informer for the state.
Informers are recruited by suddenly bringing or-
dinary people before the police, charging them
with some infraction of the law, and giving them
a choice of disappearing from society or inform-
ing on their families, associates, and neighbors.
Citizens in a Communist state are afraid to speak
freely even in their own families; parents are in-
formers against their own children and vice versa.
What about the rights of labor? With a few
exceptions, the labor legislation of the satellites
has either provided for or resulted in the follow-
ing: (1) labor conscription ; (2) transfer of work-
ers against their will and freezing of workers to
their jobs; (3) prohibition of strikes; (4) pun-
ishment of absenteeism ; (5) rigid labor discipline;
(6) widespread use of speed-up devices; (7) sub-
ordination of trade-unions to the government and
the Communist Party; (8) elimination of genuine
collective bargaining; (9) forced labor; and (10)
the exploitation of youth.
Wliat have the Communists done to eliminate
class distinction? The answer is that the great
inequalities in Soviet incomes have created a privi-
leged class : privileges, for instance, in educational
preferences granted to children of Party and mili-
tai'y leaders.
A sales tax, the object of so much indignant
wrath in Communist writings in other countries,
constitutes the Soviet Government's primary
source of revenue. It is called a "turn-over tax."
It applies even to food. And, although the dif-
ferences in income in the U.S.S.R. today are
very great, the income tax is only slightly gradu-
ated. The maximum surtax is 13 percent, even for
the highest incomes.
What about "inviolability of the person"?
Forced labor, without preliminary formal trial,
takes place not only in the Soviet Union but in
the satellite countries as well.
What about "freedom to unite in organiza-
tions" ? There are no trade-unions in Llie U.S.S.R.
in anj' real sense of the word. The labor or-
ganizations which exist can do nothing toward
higher wages, shorter hours, or other improve-
ments in working conditions. They are instru-
ments of the government and therefore have no
recourse against the exploitation of the worker
by the government.
Someone may, of course, point out that the
Soviets would have been able to provide a higher
standard of living for their people if they had
not devoted so much of their industrial output
to preparation for war. This may be so. The
world will never know, but the essence of Soviet
policy seems to have been to give priority to
aggression rather than to a better life.
Some Communist Contradictions
In one of its products communism has excelled;
it has produced more contradictions than any other
way of life.
To summarize, here are some of them :
Soviet communism states that its goal is the
improvement of the condition of the masses; yet
economic and social conditions in the Soviet Union
are among the worst in the world.
It says that imperialism is an inevitable result
of the free way of life ; yet it has itself brought
more people under subservience in the last 10 years
than any other power has ever done in a similar
period of time in history, and all this took place
while the people of India, Pakistan, Burma, Indo-
china, Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea
have been attaining freedom.
It claims to have abolished group prejudices;
yet they are more rampant there than in any other
place in the world today.
It accuses other countries of being warlike; yet
Soviet-supported Communists committed the ag-
gression that brought on the present war in Korea.
It asserts the equality of all men; yet the differ-
entials in pay and privileges under the Soviet sys-
tem today are greater than in most other countries.
It condemns religion; yet it creates a "religion
of hate" more dogmatic than any real religion in
the world.
It proclaims a dictatorship of the proletariat;
but the dictatorship is that of a small clique en-
slaving all the people.
It regards nazism as its archenemy and attempts
in its propaganda to equate democracy with
nazism ; yet its own philosophic ancestry has much
in common with that of nazism and other totali-
tarian ideologies.
It predicts the "withering away of the state,"
while it is in fact creating a monolithic state.
What, then, is Soviet communism ?
Its goals are destruction of all existing non-
Communist societies and world domination by a
small band — not to cure the ills they inveigh
against but using them as a means to obtain power.
250
Deparfmenf of State BuHet'm
Its metaphysics — economic determinism — is a
glorification of all material things in life over the
tilings of the spirit.
Its philosophy, under the name of the dialectic,
forecasts inevitable and unending conflict and
strife.
Its instrument is a dictatorship sustained by the
rigors of a police state.
Its strategy consists of aggression, subversion,
planned chaos, and confusion.
Its morality is conspiratorial expediency.
Its destiny, if today's free men are equal to their
challenge, is merely that of a paragraph in his-
tory— a treacherous and costly eddy along the
edge of the main stream of civilization — a move-
ment that began as a shout of wrath at the in-
justices of the middle-nineteenth century and,
because of its twisted philosophy, wound up as
the creator of infinitely greater injustices in the
middle of the twentieth century.
Let us make note that in a very real sense there
is an element of hope in all this. Regardless of
what actual drives for power are at work in the
minds of the men in the Kremlin, their claims
have had to be on the score of providing a better
life for the world's people. That is a battleground
which we could not better have chosen. It is in
the main line of our steady advance. It is a field
in which we were operating long before Marx was
born.
Our Approach to Human Society
Look, for example, through our State Constitu-
tions. You find phrases like these again and
again :
All power is inherent in the people, and all free govern-
ments are founded on their authority.
All men are created equal and endowed by their Creator
with unalienable rights.
Among these are life, liberty, the enjoyment of the
fruits of their own labors, and the pursuit and obtaining
of happiness.
Our national life has been primarily devoted to
making a reality of these words.
The authors of these Constitutions had their
eyes, not upon creating some all-powerful entity,
but upon the individual and the kind of political
order that would best promote his good, because
they knew that the interests of society are the sum
of the interests of those who comprise its citizenry.
Therefore, it is not surprising that we can find
today an American business magazine telling of a
current constant approach toward these goals
which, be it noted, lie in the field of Marx' pur-
ported interest:
Every year we are adding to the store of knowledge
which enables us to progress further and further toward
these goals of democracy. We have found that the "hap-
piness" our Constitution writers talked about is, in part,
a matter of horizon. A worker must be an intelligent
factor in the process of which he is a part, must join the
enterprise system, become an enterpriser. The basic prin-
ciple in the industrial process must be the principle of
participation.
Our approach to human society is by no means
fully known abroad. Perhaps the misconception
about the United States that is most prevalent is
that we are crass, hard, despiritualized, material-
istic, irreligious. The Soviet Union, which glori-
fies materialism, has been most active in its devious
ways in promoting this misconception. So let us
be alert to deal with it.
The Religious Spirit of America
We might refer to de Tocqueville, most per-
ceptive of commentators upon American life (to
paraphrase again slightly) :
If any hold that the religious spirit is the very thing
most amiss in America, I can only reply that those who
hold this language have never been in America and that
they have never .seen a religious or a free nation.
The Americans profess their religion without shame
and without weakness. The head as well as the heart
brings them to the foot of the altar.
Religion in America takes no direct part in the govern-
ment of society, but it must be regarded as the first of
their institutions. The Americans combine religion and
liberty so intimately in their minds that it is impossible
to make them conceive the one without the other.
I do not know whether all Americans have a sincere
faith in their religion — for who can search the human
heart? — but I am certain that they hold it to be indis-
pensable to the maintenance of republican institutions.
This opinion belongs to the whole nation, to every rank
of society.
They know that when religion is destroyed, doubt gets
hold of the higher powers of the Intellect and half
paralyzes all others. Men cannot abandon their religious
faith without a kind of aberration of intellect and a sort
of violent distortion of their true nature. Such a condi-
tion cannot but enervate the soul, relax the springs of the
will, and prepare the people for servitude.
That was a century ago. "What about religion
in current American life ? The two candidates for
the highest office in our land recently gave their
views.
One said :
You can't explain free government in any other terms
than religious. The founding fathers had to refer to the
Creator in order to make their revolutionary experiment
make sense ; it was because "all men are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable rights" that men could
dare to be free.
Said the other :
While a man's personal religious beliefs have no proper
place in our political life . . . Christian faith has been
the most significant single element in our history and our
tradition. From the beginning it has been the most power-
ful influence in our national life . . . Religious faith re-
mains our greatest national resource . . . though there
are many who find it difficult to give formal expression
to that faith.
We hear sometimes about the need of a modern
"dynamic." If there is any force from the begin-
ning of recorded time to the present moment that
is entitled to be characterized as "dynamic," it is
februatY 16, 1953
251
man's age-long progress toward a society that will
be just, free, and peaceful— enabling every in-
dividual to fulfill his innermost needs. The "dy-
namics" today are on countless fronts where the
democratic process is at work, not in the slave
camps of Siberia.
Back of the "Hate America" campaign are fears
and resentments arising out of an awareness tliat
American democracy has surged far forward in
achieving the better life which the Communists
can only promise, and also out of the fact that our
Government has become the free world's center of
resistance against the encroachments of the Krem-
lin's aggressive imperialism.
We are a living, dynamic refutation of Com-
munist theories. No wonder they hate us! Few
furies equal those of fanatical theorists whose
theories have been proved false.
It was at one time held that progress was
inevitable. In recent times that idea has been dis-
credited. But in a basic sense it is true, true be-
cause man's basic nature embodies a drive for
growth, for movement forward.
There have been heartbreaking set-backs dur-
ing the past decade, but in spite of them there are
more people in the world today living in inde-
pendent countries, with higher standards of living
and a better hope of achieving the blessings of
life, than ever before in the history of the world.
The fight for democracy, however, is never
finally won, just as it can never be wholly lost, be-
cause it is, in the end, nothing more nor less than
a constant striving toward a fuller life for all.
The preservation of this way of life, the providing
of an opportunity for it to demonstrate its woi-th,
is the basic objective of American foreign policy.
• M7\ Russell, author of the above article, is
noio Cou7}selor of the V. S. Emhassy at Tel Aviv,
Israel. Ilis article is based on an address which he
made in his former capacity as Director of the
Office of Public Affairs before the Eastern States
Conference on Religion and the Nation's Problems
at Washington on Oct. 17, 1952.
Information and U.S. Foreign Policy
by Wilson Compton
Administrator, International Information Administration
I am asked to talk with you this afternoon about
a public information service which you never see,
and seldom hear, in the United States. It is
America's most significant single undertaking in
public education. You never see it or hear it be-
cause what it says, is said overseas, and what it
does, it does overseas. But it is "talking" every
day to millions of men and women in 100 countries
around the world. Those of you who know it at
all know it perhaps as the Voice of America. Lit-
erallj', it includes an international broadcasting
service daily in 46 languages with potential listen-
ing audiences in 100 countries; a press service
reaching nearly 10,000 foreign newspapers each
day; a motion-picture service which last year had
a total audience of over 300 million people; an
exchange-of-persons program which each year
brings thousands of .selected foreign students,
teachers, scientists, writers, artists, journalists,
farmers, labor leaders, and specialists to the
United States and sends half as many selected
' Address made before the Confires.sional Club. Wash-
ington, D. C, on Jan. :?0 (pre.ss release liT).
Americans overseas; and U. S. information centers
in more than 190 cities in over 60 countries. As a
part of the American "Crusade of Ideas," the In-
ternational Information and Educational Ex-
change Program, as it is called in the Act of Con-
gress, is around the world one of the most potent
barriers between "cold war" and "hot war."
Information in other countries is accepted as a
function of government in its foreign relations.
Yet it has no firm place in the tradition of Amer-
ica or in the thinking of Americans. The historic
Voice of America, which over the years had built
abroad great reservoirs of respect and good will
for the United States, has been normal trade,
travel, immigration, emigration, ordinary com-
munications, and our great missionary enterprises
of the last century. Some of these voices have
been quieted. Some have been interrupted by the
events of two world wars. In some places these
reservoirs of good will have been largely drained
and supplanted by suspicions, mistrusts, and now
even "hates" fostered by the propaganda of an in-
ternational communism, lusty for aggression and
subversion, which shrinks from no political im-
252
Deparfment of State Bulletin
morality. Yet America is still the world's greatest
symbol of faith and hope, and around the world
tiicre are millions of men and women wlio every
day are lookinf; anxiously, but hopefully, for the
signs of what Winston Churchill, during the dark
days of Britain, referi-ed to as the "light in the
West."
We do, of course, regard the hateful and im-
moral propaganda of international communism as
a diabolical menace to democratic political institu-
tions and free society the world over. But I doubt
that we, as a nation, are taking seriously the "cold
war" as a potential means of averting a "hot
war," or that as a people we are as yet really try-
ing to win the "cold war." We are, to be sure,
relying on armaments and armies to win a hot
war if a hot war comes. But winning a hot war,
which leaves a cold war unwon, will not win very
much for very long.
The USIS and VOA Around the World
Our present facilities for the "war of ideas"
should enable us to retard the advance of interna-
tional comnumism, dull the edge of its propaganda,
and help to give the free world a breathing space.
This itself is impoi'tant. But it will not win the
cold war. Nor will even larger facilities, and
larger funds, enable us to win it until as a nation,
or mutually with other nations, we can couple what
we say more effectively with what we are able to
do overseas. All information service overseas, or
"propaganda" if you prefer that term, however
skillful it may be, will not be effective by itself
alone. But it can be made a mighty fortress of
foreign policy.
The job of what often is called "public informa-
tion" or "public education" is difficult everywhere.
You and I know how difficult it is for any of us
to keep informed about what is going on in the
world or, for that matter, even here at home. Yet
there are available to us everywhere in the United
States everyday extensive means of information —
books, newspapers, radio, television, motion pic-
tures, libraries. These are not provided by our
Government. They are provided by the enterprise
of our people. But no comparable facilities are
available to us overseas. So if we want to carry
the Voice of America around the world, we must
to a large extent provide the facilities ourselves.
That is what we are doing through the Interna-
tional Information Administration, and in certain
crucial areas by the Mutual Security Agency, the
Department of Defense, and other agencies. But
we should never cease the effort to restore the nor-
mal Voice of America through ordinary trade,
travel, communications, and intercourse between
nations and peoples which nowadays is so sadly
interrupted by the conflicts of ideologies which
plague the world.
Consider for a moment the job of reaching peo-
ple around the world, reaching not 160 million
Americans who speak one language, but some 2
billion people who in the aggregate speak over
200 languages, half of them unaole to read any
language. This is a rather formidable educational
enterprise. It takes trained men, and there are not
enough of them. It takes money, but not as much
as some enthusiasts say. It takes time and plan-
ning; and it will take a lot of patience on the part
of Americans who are accustomed to tackling a job
and getting it over with quickly. The world-wide
war of ideas is not that kind of a job. And yet
it is the most potent single barrier between "cold
war" and "hot war."
In the overseas information program, we must
overcome not only the problems of distance and
the perplexities of diverse languages, but the un-
familiar customs, strange traditions, and innumer-
able creeds which so dominate the lives of peoples
throughout the world. Some people, for example,
hold the cow to be sacred. We use the cow to pro-
vide us with meat. Some people prepare their en-
tire lives for a single journey to Mecca. We go
to church on Sundays. Others till the soil by
scratching it with a pointed stick. We do it with
mighty machines. In most countries of the world,
for us to be understood at all, we must speak to
their peoples in their own terms, in their own
images, and, so far as possible, through their own
voices. This is not a simple enterprise.
To get the context of this complex job of tell-
ing abroad the story of America's purposes, poli-
cies, hopes, and motives and especially its interest
as a "good neighbor" in promoting peace, freedom,
and the sense of mutual security, one must go
into other countries and talk with their people.
This I have just done in a 21,000-mile trip of in-
spections and conferences around the world.
These consultations have covered more than 50
countries. Our overseas information program,
I might say, is not as good as its most enthusias-
tic supporters claim ; it is not as bad as its princi-
pal critics say, and it is making steady progress.
If we are not winning the "cold war," we are at
least not losing it, and time and the truth are on
our side.
I have been looking into the nooks and crannies
of the U.S. Information Service and the Voice of
America around the world. We now have an in-
formation service on the spot in 88 countries,
great and small. In the countries behind the
Iron Curtain, we have no dependable means of
reaching their peoples except by radio — the "Voice
of America" — or at the fringes occasionally by
printed information which, so to speak, "leaks"
across the border. Elsewhere, we are relying on
the printed page, motion pictures, information
centers, exchanges of persons, or radio — what-
ever means of communication in each country are
the best suited.
It is of no value to rely on books and pamphlets
to reach peoples who cannot read, or on American
books in English to persons who do not know
February 16, 1953
253
English, or on radio programs, however excellent,
to people who have no radios or who cannot hear
our signal. The means of reaching the minds of
the literate French, confident of their own long
history and proud of their own culture, are quite
different from the means of reachino; the people of
Indonesia, struggling with the proolems and op-
Eortunities of a new independent and determined,
ut inexperienced and suspicious nationalism.
Establishing a More Positive Program for VOA
We are now in the midst of a formidable world-
wide effort to establish a more positive program
of the Voice of America overseas — in short, to
take the oijfenm in the "war of ideas." No base-
ball game is ever won merely by good fielding.
Nor is any wai", hot or cold, won merely by a good
defense. Country by country, throughout the
world, we are now setting up individual informa-
tion i)rogi-ams related to local facts, local con-
ditions, and local opportunities. These programs
are initiated by our own missions in each coun-
try— ^subject to review by Washington- — to assure
that what we do overseas is properly within the
framework of U.S. policy. But the initiative is
overseas, the country planning is overseas, the
tactics and strategy are determmed overseas.
This is the most formidable undertaking in the
short history of our foreign information pro-
gram— to put responsibility and authority where
it will count for the most, namely, on the "firing
line" overseas. I am confident that it will double
the effectiveness of our national investment in this
world-wide progi\am, whatever that investment
may be. To do this, we must have public-affairs
officers in each country competent and willing to
accept responsibility and to take an initiative, who
see in this "crusade of ideas" not a job but a mis-
sion, not a chore but a challenge, not a duty, only,
but an opportunity to help find the way to la.sting
peace in the only way it can be found — through
attitudes and ideas, not through armies and guns.
In this foreign information service we have
men and women like that overseas. No one of
you could have gone with me during these recent
weeks and talked with our public-affaii-s officers
and their staffs, literally around the world, with-
out a sense of pride in the competence, the zeal, and
the devotion of these public servants. Some are
living in places where it is easy to live and are
working in congenial surroundings. But some
are living in places where it is difficult for Ameri-
cans to live — sometimes even dangerous. Some
are working in indifferent, suspicious, or even
hostile surroundings. There are some weak spots
in the program which must be fortified. But we
know where they are and we are doing something
to correct them.
Our motion-picture service is especially useful
in countries with a high degree of illiteracy.
We are showing motion pictures in 43 languages.
We are using hundreds of mobile units. In Thai-
land, in company with Siamese officials, I visited
a mobile library and small motion-picture room
mounted on a riverboat which goes hundreds of
miles up the river to comnumities whose people
have never seen a movie and never touched a book.
This year we will have distributed overseas 2 bil-
lion pieces of printed materials, most of it adapted
to the individual countries where they are to be
used. More and more in this enterprise we are, so-
to-speak, using the "rifle" instead of the "shotgun."
Our information centers, translations of good
American books into local languages, and the
exchange-of-persons program are, in general, the
least controversial of our overseas activities.
Last month, just before Christmas, I visited our
modest information center on a prominent corner
in Vienna. It was crowded — overcrowded. I
saw two young men, who couldn't find a place to
sit down, using the wall as a "table" on which
to copy from some well-thumbed magazines.
During that day, 3,851 persons used that U.S.
Information Center. A few blocks distant, the
Soviet Union had a large building housing the
Soviet Information Service in Vienna. At the
top of the building was a huge electric-lighted
sign with a slogan in German : "How the So\'iet
Union is remaking the world." Its library and
exhibits were attractive; the attendants were
courteous. But there were fewer than 40 in the
library. Strangely, the wide street in front of
the Soviet Information Center that very day was
being taken over as a market for the sale of
Christmas trees — a curious paradox.
The "Poster War" in Vienna
Incidentally, that sense of humor is getting
quite a play in the "poster war" now going on
in Vienna. The Communists will put up a large
poster ; the typical Austrian technique is to "slap
on" two or three pieces of paper which will com-
pletely change the meaning of the poster.
For example, a Soviet poster will show an
American tank crushing the Austrian people.
The slogan reads, "Today Salzburg, Tomorrow
All of Austria." (Salzburg, as you know, is an
American center in Austria.) Shortly after such
a Soviet poster appears in the streets of Vienna,
the Austrians will make it look like this. A
hammer and sickle will change the tank to a
Soviet tank crushing the Austrian people. The
American center of Salzburg will be changed to
the Soviet center of Zistersdorf — the oil town now
being exploited by the Soviets.
Now, the poster reads, "Today Zistersdorf, To-
morrow All of Austria."
I can show you another example of the Austrian
technique used in this "poster war" with a Soviet
poster showing a red train. The slogan says,
"For Lasting Peace, Communism." It shows
communism breaking up atomic diplomacy, the
North Atlantic Treaty, et cetera.
254
Deparfmenf of S/afe Bulletin
With just two pieces of paper, tlxe Austrians
can turn this Soviet poster into anti-Communist
propaganda. Slap on a white piece of paper to
cover the bottom and put the word "Slaveky" over
the word "Peace." Now the poster reads, "For
Lasting Slavery, Communism."
However, this slap-on technique is not limited
to anti-Communists in the "poster war." Our
posters get hit, too. One such poster, put up by
our U.S. Information Service, shows the large
Soviet-owned combine called "U-SEE-A" graz-
ing on Austria — and being milked by Moscow. A
very effective poster. Shortly after this appeared
in the streets of Vienna, a large piece of white
paper was plastered over the top to completely
blot out the meaning.
We need more book translations in Europe.
Even more, we need them in Southeast Asia.
Burma is a good illustration. Burma has about
20 million people. It was heavily ravaged dur-
ing the war. The British left the Burmese a valu-
able tradition of trained civil service. Rangoon
is still filled with pitiful hordes of wartime refu-
gees. Burma has high "sights" for itself, and a
spirit of determination. Its government services
are dominated by about 40 young men, mostly of
ages between 30 and 50 years. Most of them are
well-educated — many from the University of Ran-
goon, whose faculty includes Americans and Bur-
mese of American training. These young men
fundamentally like and trust America. They
want America's help; but they are next door to
the Iron Curtain.
In Rangoon a few weeks ago, I visited two native
book shops. One was in a select market area. The
other was patronized by the Burmese "man in the
street." In both were scores of Communist books
and pamphlets — many featuring either Marx, or
Lenin, or Stalin — a few featuring Mao Tse-tung.
In the first shop, I found on display two American
books — both mediocre. In the second shoyi I found
one, and it was not a good one. The Burmese,
although timid about us and sometimes a bit skep-
tical, are basically friendly to the United States.
We should do more to keep them so. Good books
in their own language, which they can buy at
small cost, will help. In the Middle East is an-
other great opportunity for book translations.
The newly established Franklin Publications,
Inc., a cooperative nonprofit undertaking of patri-
otic American book publishers, has this year made
a start toward meeting the urgent need for inex-
pensive good American books in the Arab coun-
tries. But it is only a start and its enterprise
should be extended to Southeast Asia where the
need is equally urgent.
The Voice of America, the voice of our Inter-
national Broadcasting Service, is still our most
controversial activity. Yet it is perhaps our most
important single service because it is not only the
best, but the only dependable means available to
us to reach behind the Iron Curtain. Rias, our
potent radio service in Berlin, is coming close to
blanketing Germany, including Communist-con-
trolled East Germany. It is having a powerful
political effect. Many hundreds of East Germans
daily are escaping to West Germany through
Berlin. In December, the rate averaged about
500 a day. On Monday of this week it was over
2,500 — another indication of great ferment in
Eastern Europe.
During the day that I visited Rias, 75 East
Germans came voluntarily to our station to tell
the Rias staff about the true conditions in East
Berlin and in Eastern Germany. This they did
at considerable risk. An interesting side light is
this: Rias is officially an activity of the United
States. But it is almost universally accepted
also as the voice of Free Berlin. There are 600
German employees of the station, but only 8 Amer-
icans. I talked to a large number of our staff of
Ciermans. They were almost more resentful than
the Americans, themselves, of the "Hate America"
propaganda of the East German radio.
The same, on a smaller scale, may be said of
our radio enterprise "Red, White, Red" in Vienna,
and of the two daily newspapers which we are
publishing in Berlin and Vienna, which are gen-
erally regarded as among the most influential in
Western Europe — influential, I might add, largely
because they are detached from local political
partisanship. It is a striking commentary on
our opportunities in Europe that it is the Germans
and the Austrians, and not ourselves, who are the
most anxious that we continue these radio and
newspaper voices to their own people.
Making Truth a Rule of International Life
The American people I think should, on the
whole, be encouraged over our gradual progress
in the war of ideas. During the past 2 years, the
International Information and Educational Ex-
change Program has often been referred to popu-
larly as the "Campaign of Truth." That is a
significant description. It means a great deal to
Americans; and after having talked recently with
hundreds of people, official and nonofficial, of
other countries around the world, I am persuaded
that it means a great deal to them, too. The in-
ternational Communists are investing in their
campaigns of deception and hate more than 10
times as much as we are investing in our Cam-
paign of Truth. If we ourselves have faith and
patience we, in cooperation with other free na-
tions, can eventually establish the truth not
merely as a symbol, but as a rule of international
life. We have a great opportunity and an equal
responsibility to provide a leadership, a guidance,
and an encouragement to the rest of the world.
The President has boldly blazed the way.
Last month with Mrs. Compton. I went to
church with the oldest American congregation
ever established on foreign soil — the American
February 16, 1953
255
C'liurch in Paris. It dates back 100 years. It now
occupies a new mominiental structure built 20
years ago, of Medieval Gothic — one of the finest
products of the genius of the late noted architect,
Ralph Adams Cram. On the wall of the chancel,
under the beautiful rose window, is painted a
ligure of the "(ireat I'eacher." (Carved under it
is this inscription: "And ye shall know the Truth
and the Truth shall make"you free." As we stood
there in those historic surroundings, we sang that
familiar old hymn, "'J'each us the struggles of the
soul to bear" — a solemn reminder of the uneasi-
ness, the insecurity, the anxiety, the "struggles of
the soul" of the millions of our fellowmen around
the world who like ourselves want freedom and
want peace.
Whatever the organization, whatever the vehicle,
and whatever the auspices of the Voice of Amer-
ica, I hope that it will always be grounded in the
truth. In the long run, the truth will be more
powerful than any gun.
U.S. Extends Sympathy
To Flood Victims
On February S President E'isenhoiver sent cable-
grams to the Queen of England, the Queen of the
Netherlands, and the King of Belgium expressing
U.S. sympathy for suffering caused in their coun-
tries by recent floods and hurricanes. On Feb-
ruary 6 the White House announced that the Presi-
dent had appointed a special committee to gather
facts on the disaster and make appropriate recom-
mendations as to the hind of help> to be offered by
the United States for relief of the flood victims.
Following are texts of the White House an-
nouncement, the President's cablegrams, and the
messages sent in reply by Queen Elizabeth of
England and Queen Juliana of the Netherlands:
White House Announcement of February 6
At its meeting today the Cabinet expressed a
unanimous conviction that the people of the
L'nited States want to help the people in the storm-
stricken areas in the British Isles and Western
Europe.
The President appointed a committee composed
of the Secretary of State as chairman, the Secre-
tary of Defense, the Secretary of Agriculture, and
the Director for Mutual Sec\U'ity, to get together
the facts on the storm disaster and make ai^propri-
ate recommendations as to the kind of U.S. help
to relieve the sufl'erings of the victims. The com-
mittee will examine tlie extent to which congres-
sional action may be needed and will fully
cooperate with the American Red Cross.
The Secretary of Defense, at the President's
direction, has already instructed our Armed
Forces in the British Isles and Western Europe
to cooperate with the local authorities in giving
256
all possible assistance to people in the devastated
areas. The Secretary of State and the Director
for Mutual Security are in Holland today and
will send back to the President further reports
on the storm damages.
Text of the President's Cablegrams
White HouBe press release dated February 2
To The Queen of England
My fellow Americans join me in extending to
Your Majesty and to the British people heartfelt
sympathy for the tragic deaths and sufferings
caused by the floods and hurricanes.
To The Queen of The Netherlands
My countrymen and I are deeply shocked at the
news of the devastation your people have sustained
through the recent storms and floods. They and I
wish to extend to Your Majesty our deepest sym-
pathy in these tragic circumstances.
To The King of Belgium
The American people join me in extending to
Your Majesty heartfelt sympathy for the tragic
suffering your people have sustained in the recent
violent storms.
Messages Sent in Reply
From The Queen of England
Wbite House press release dated February 4
PifESIDF.XT DwiGHT D. ElSENHOWER,
White House
Washington. D. C .
I thank you Mr. President for your message of
synii)athy for the tragic losses which the recent
floods have brought to my country. My very deep
svmpathy is with the relatives and friends of the
American servicemen and their families who have
lost their lives. We shall remember with gratitude
the selfless cooperation of their comrades in the
work of rescue and comfort.
Elizabeth R
From The Queen of The Netherlands
White House press release dated February 5
Thk Pkf.sident
TJif White House
Washington. D. C.
1 thank you and your countrymen most sincerely
for your message and many tokens of sympathy.
The quick and efficient American help is of very
great value and will never be forgotten.
Juliana
Department of State Bulletin
U.S. Again Asks Hungary To Return Property
Seized in 1951 Plane incident
BACKGROUND FOR CORRESPONDENCE
Press release 59 dated January 31
The U.S. Minister at Budapest, Christian M.
Ravndal, on January 30 transmitted a further note
to tlie Hungarian Government concerning the
matter of the four American airmen, Capt. Dave
H. Henderson, Capt. John J. Swift, Sgt. Jess A.
Dull', and Sgt. James A. Elam, who were seized
in Hungary in November 1951. Earlier U.S.
notes on tliis subject were delivered to the Soviet
and Hungarian Foreign Offices on December 10,
1952,' and a further note was delivered on Decem-
ber 17, 1952 to the Soviet Foreign Office.^
The Soviet Government, which had seized the
U.S. Air Force C-47 plane 6026 and all its con-
tents when the plane was brought down in Hun-
gary on November 19, 1951, failed to reply to the
questions put to it in the U.S. note of December
10, 1952. Instead the Soviet Government referred
to the confiscation of the aircraft by the Hun-
garian authorities in accordance with the judg-
ment of the Budapest military tribunal and
returned the note to the American Embassy at
Moscow on the ground that it was "incorrectly
addressed." ' In order to avoid any possibility
that the Soviet Government had not made itself
fully aware of the contents of the U.S. note of
December 10, that note was again transmitted to
the Soviet Government on December 17, the
United States specifically pointing out that the
December 10 note referred "clearly to instrumen-
talities of the Soviet Government which were in-
volved in the detention of the United States plane
and crew and concerns actions, material, and in-
formation which only the Soviet Government can
explain or provide." The United States requested
that due consideration be given to the December
10 note and that an appropriate reply be trans-
mitted.
On December 20, 1952, the note of December 10
was again sent back by the Soviet Government to
' Bulletin of Dec. 22, 1952, p. 981.
'Ibid., .Tan. 12, 1953, p. 51.
' IMd.
tlie American Embassy in Moscow with the follow-
ing statement:*
Inasmuch as the Embassy's note of December 17, 1952
touches upon the same question as the note of the Charg6
d'Affaires ad interim in the U.S.S.R. of December 10,
1952, which was returned to the Embassy for reasons set
forth in the letter of the Deputy Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the U.S.S.R., Y. A. Malili of December 11,
1952, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not see any
reason for new consideration of this question and returns
herewith the Embassy's note of December 17 and the
Embassy's note of December 10 which was attached to it.
The note delivered to the Hungarian Govern-
ment on January 30 gives the Hungarian Govern-
ment an opportunity to return to the United States
the airplane and its contents, including the docu-
mentary evidence on board, originally seized by
the Soviet authorities and indicated by the Soviet
Government to have been turned over to the Hun-
garian Government. At the same time the new
note to the Hungarian Government makes it clear,
as did the note of December 17 to the Soviet
Government, that the liability of the Soviet Gov-
ernment to the United States in connection with
this matter will be in no way discharged or
diminished by any Soviet action in turning the
U.S. property over to Hungarian authorities or
by the fact that the United States may seek to
recover the property from the Hungarian Govern-
ment to the extent that that Government may have
possession of it.
On January 23, 1953, after the Department's
instruction to Minister Ravndal concerning yester-
day's note was transmitted to him, but before the
note could be communicated to the Hungarian
Government, the Hungarian Government de-
livered to Minister Ravndal a reply to the U.S.
note of December 10, 1952. An examination of
this Hungarian reply showed that it was not only
not responsive to the U.S. note of December 10 but
that it contained nothing that would call for any
reconsideration of yesterday's note. The Decem-
ber 10 note requested the Hungarian Government
to provide the United States with information
and other material concerning the detention, ar-
rest, and trial of the four airmen, while the note
• Ibid., p. 52.
February 16, 1953
257
delivered yesterday demands the return of the
C— i7 airplane and its contents to tlie extent that
they may liave been turned over to the Hungarian
Government by the Soviet Government.
TEXT OF U.S. NOTE OF JANUARY 30
On January 23, 1953, I liad the honor to re-
ceive from the Deputy Foreign Minister Your
Excellency's note 2123/1953 with regard to the
continuing interest of the United States Govern-
ment in the case of the four American airmen
■who were forced to land in Hungary November
19. 1951. As I orally informed Your "Excellency's
Deputy at the time, I immediately telegraphed this
note to my government. My government does not
consider the reply of the Hungarian Government
responsive. In the interim I have received in-
structions to transmit to Your Excellency the fol-
lowing additional communication with reference
to my note of December 3, 1952 which I handed to
Your Excellency's Deputy on December 10, 1952 :
From notes to the Government of the United
States of America from the Government of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics under the
respective dates of December 11 and December
20. 1952, the United States Government infers that
some time after November 19, 1951, the Soviet
Government turned over to the Government of the
Hungarian People's Republic the C-47 type air-
plane USAF 6026, bearing the identification sym-
bol 43-16026, together with the equipment, cargo,
and other contents thereof, to which reference
was made in the United States note to the Hungar-
ian Government of December 10, 1952.
1. The Hungarian Government is informed that
the aircraft, its equipment, cargo and other con-
tents were at the time of the alleged turning over
of them to the Hungarian Government by the
Soviet Government, and were at all times there-
tofore and thereafter, and still are, exclusively
the property of the United States Government;
that neither the Soviet Government nor the Hun-
garian Government had any lawful interest
therein; that the seizure, detention and disposi-
tion thereof by the Soviet Government were en-
tirely without the consent or approval of the
United States Government and were, therefore,
unlawful ; and that the receipt, detention and dis-
position or use thereof by the Hungarian Gov-
ernment were without the consent or approval of
the United States Government and therefore
were and are now unlawful. The Hungarian
Government is, therefore, requested to make
prompt return of all the property to which refer-
ence is made or to make prompt provision for
the payment of the value thereof, with interest
at 6 percent from the date of the acceptance thereof
by the Hungarian Government from the Soviet
Government, in the event that the return should
not for any valid reason be po&sible. The prop-
erty consists of the following:
(1) The United States Air Force airplane 6026, C-47
type and its equipment, value $96,436.40.
(2) Cargo thereof, itemized in the manifests on
l)oard the airplane when seized by the Soviet authorities,
value $2,;{42.8'.).
Total value $98,779.29.
2. In particular and apart from the foregoing
itemization the United States requests the Hun-
garian Government to return to it specifically
certain articles, property of the United States,
which were on board the airplane when it was
seized by the Soviet authorities on November 19,
1951, in the event and to the extent that these
articles liave since come into the possession of
the Hungarian Government. These articles are:
(1) Aeronautical charts entitled "World Aeronautical
Charts" published bv the United States Government,
Forms Nos. WAF 230, 231, 252, 253, 320, 321, 343, 423,
424, 425 ; and two aeronautical planning charts, Nos. 11
and 12.
(2) A Radio Facilities Chart of Europe, published by
the United States.
(3) The flight plan, bearing the signatures of the
pilot. Captain Dave Henderson, and other United States
Air Force personnel.
(4) The navigation log, as filled out by United States
Air Force personnel, showing the details of the antici-
pated flight from Erding, Germany, to Belgrade, Yugo-
slavia.
(5) AF Form No. 1, being the log of aircraft 6026,
showing number of passengers carried, place and time
of take-off, landings et cetera, kept by the engineer and
the pilot.
(6) AF Form 35, being the log kept by the radio oper-
ator. Sergeant James A. Elam, and all notes of the same
radio operator, whether or not in the log.
(7) AF Form 75, being the retained copy of the pilot.
Captain Henderson, of the clearance form issued by
American authorities at Erding, Germany, on the air-
craft's leaving that place November 19, 1951, showing
the persons carried, the weather briefing, the route to be
flown, the estimated time of flight, the amount of fuel
carried by the plane and other flight information.
(8) Navigation computer, described as Form E6B.
(9) Pilot's Handbook, published by the United States.
(10) AF Form 15 and pad, showing the condition of
the plane on departure.
(11) Leather brief case, called a navigator's kit, and
all other contents thereof in addition to those described
above.
(12) One portable United States Air Force emergency
radio transmitter.
( 13 ) Twent.v-one blankets.
3. The Hungarian Government is further in-
formed that should it fail proiuptly to eflFect the
return of the property requested the United States
Government will consider itself entitled to take
such substantive action on account of such failure
as it may then find appropriate, and also to rely
on and ]-)roduce secondary evidence, to the extent
available to the United States, in any proceedings
hereafter in which the property, the documents,
or the information, as original or best legal evi-
dence, may be relevant. The United States Gov-
ernment reserves the right to proceed upon the
preiuise that return of the articles, so requested
and not made, would be unfavorable to the Hun-
garian Government and the United States Gov-
ernment will consider and contend whenever and
258
Department of Stale Bulletin
wherever appropriate that the Hungarian Govern-
ment should be estopped from producing as evi-
dence in its behalf the original or best legal
evidence thus concealed from the United States
or from contesting the admissibility or value of
the secondary evidence.
4. The United States wishes to make clear that
the requests made herein of the Hungarian Gov-
ernment are not intended to condone the illegality
of the Soviet Government's conduct with respect
to the seizure, detention and disposition of the
property in question or to relieve that govern-
ment from legal liability with respect thereto.
The United States wishes also to make clear that
the return of the airplane, its equipment and its
cargo, or their value, and the documents and other
property taken by the Soviet Government in con-
nection therewith, will not be considered by the
United States to relieve the Soviet Government or
the Hungarian Government in any way of liability
for damages caused by either government to the
United States or its nationals in this matter and
remaining unsatisfied.
5. For the information of the Hungarian Gov-
ernment there are transmitted herewith copies of
the United States Government's notes to the So-
viet Government of December 10 and December
17, 1952, and copies of the Soviet Government's
replies dated December 11 and December 20, 1952,
respectively.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance of
my high consideration.
TEXT OF HUNGARIAN NOTE OF JANUARY 23
Following is the siihstantive portion of the note
delivered hy the Hungarian Government to Min-
ister Ravndal on January 23:
It is a generally accepted principle of interna-
tional law that each sovereign state has exclusive
jurisdiction by way of its own courts, in cases of
criminal actions committed within its own terri-
tory, be the perpetrators nationals of the respec-
tive or of a foreign country. In accordance with
this principle paragraph 3 of Law Number 2 of
1950 provides: "Hungarian law is to be applied
in case a crime is committed either by a Hungarian
or a foreign national within the territory of Hun-
gary." As a consequence of this basic manifesta-
tion of sovereignty, the Government of the United
States shall not form a right — as it attempts to
do in the note referred to above ' — to exercise con-
trol on proceedings carried out by a court of the
Hungarian Peoples Republic and concluded by a
final sentence.
The right of appeal for convicted persons of
whatever nationality is guaranteed by the Hun-
garian laws in force. The convicted American
flj'ers, however, did not avail themselves of the
right of appeal in spite of the fact that the court
had drawn their attention to this right, whereby
the sentence became final. Consequently it is in-
comprehensible why the note has asked for the
circumstances of the appeal. In this connection
I have the honor to invite your attention to para-
graph 326 of Law Number 33, of 1912 providing
that waiving of the I'ight to appeal means that
"no possibilities whatever exist to revoke" this
statement.
As Your Excellency's note fails to put forward
but a single fact which could in any way challenge
the legality of the court's proceedings and as the
claims contained in the note are void of any legal
basis either of Hungarian or of international law, I
on behalf of my government most categorically re-
ject them as an attempt of interference into the
sovereignty of Hungary.
U.S. Again Invites U.S.S.R.
To Discuss Austrian Treaty
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT OF JANUARY 28
Press release 53 dated January 28
The U.S. Government through its Embassy in
Moscow received a reply on January 27 to its note
of January 12.^ The U.S. note had urged that,
in compliance with the U.N. General Assembly
resolution of December 20 calling upon the Four
Occupying Powers to conclude an Austrian treaty
as soon as possible, a meeting of the treaty deputies
be held at an early date. Subsequently invita-
tions were issued for such a meeting to be held at
London on January 30.
While the text of the Soviet reply was partly
garbled in transmission to the Department,- it
nevertheless makes clear that Soviet attendance at
this meeting is conditional upon the withdrawal
of the Western proposal for an abbreviated treaty.
Any such proposal should properly be discussed
at the meeting. The United States does not feel
that any limitation should be placed on the possible
means of arriving at a treaty before a meeting is
held. As Benjamin V. Cohen, U.S. alternate rep-
resentative in Committee I of the U.N. General
Assembly said in the discussion on the Austrian
treaty on December 18, 1952, the United States re-
mains ". . . willing to accept any treaty in terms
adequate to insure the restoration of Austria's
independence and its freedom from foreign
domination." °
There has been no meeting of the treaty deputies
since December 1950. The United Nations has
called for a "renewed and urgent effort" to con-
• I. e., the U.S. note of Dec. 10, 1952.
February 16, J 953
■ Bulletin of Jan. 26, 1953, p. 135.
' A corrected copy was received Jan. 28 ; see below.
' For text of Ambassador Cohen's statement and of the
U.N. resolution on the Austrian treaty, see Bttixetin of
Jan. 12, 1953, p. 67.
259
dude an Austrian treaty. The U.S. deputy will
be present in London and this Government con-
tinues to maintain its position that it is prepared
to discuss any relevant proposal which may lead
to a Four Power agreement and thus to a speedy
conclusion of an Austrian treaty.
U.S. NOTE OF JANUARY 29
The Department announced on January 29
{press release 6i) that on that date the Ameri-
can, British, and French Embassies in Moscow
delivered to the Soviet Government similar notes
indicating that they do not consider it appropriate
to impose prior conditions as proposed iy the
Soviet Government as to the scope of these dis-
cussions. The Governments reiterate their readi-
ness to discuss, loithout prior conditions, any and
all matters relevant to the speedy conclusion of a
treaty, and to that end the U.S. Government, as
chairman, repeats the invitation to the Soviet^ dep-
uty to attend a meeting on January 30, or if the
Soviet Government prefers, loHl postpone the
Tueeting until February G. The text of the U.S.
note foliates:
The United States Government acknowledges
the receipt of the Soviet note of January 27 and
wishes to reaffirm its desire to comply with the
United Nations General Assembly resolution of
December 20, 1952 which called upon the Four
Powers to make a renewed and urgent effort to
reach agreement on the terms of an Austrian
treaty with a view to an early termination of the
occupation of Austria and the full exercise by
Austria of the powers inherent in her sovereignty.
With this purpose in mind, the United States
Government called a meeting of the treaty depu-
ties for January 30 in London in order to con-
clude an Austrian treaty. The United States
Government notes that the Soviet Government
declares its readiness subject, however, to certain
conditions, to take part in a meeting to discuss
the Austrian problem. The United States Gov-
ernment for its part does not consider it appro-
priate to impose prior conditions, as proposed by
the Soviet Government, as to the scope of these
discussions. It reiterates its readiness to discuss,
without prior conditions, any and all matters rel-
evant to the speedy conclusion of a treaty. To
that end, it repeats the invitation to the Soviet
deputy to attend a meeting on January 30, but is
prepared if the Soviet Government should pre-
fer, to postpone the meeting until February 6.
SOVIET NOTE OF JANUARY 27
[Unofficial translation]
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R..
acknowledging receipt of the note of the Govern-
ment of the U.S.A. of January 12 * of this year on
* Bulletin of Jan. 26, 1953, p. IZa.
the Austrian question, has the honor to state the
following:
In its note the Government of the U.S.A. refers
to the resolution of the U.N. (Jeneral Assembly
of December 20, 1952, regarding the Austrian
question and to obligations allegedly resulting
from this resolution with regard to Austria for
each of the Four Powers, the U.S.S.R., U.S.A.,
England, and France. In connection with this,
the Soviet Government considers it necessary to
call attention to the fact that both raising the
question in the United Nations and the resolu-
tion adopted on this question are illegal, inas-
much as the Austrian question, in accordance with
article 107 of the U.N. Charter does not fall within
the competence of the United Nations, but lies
exclusively within the competence of the Four
Powers— the U.S.S.R., U.S.A., England, and
France, which took upon themselves the obliga-
tions with regard to Austria provided for in agree-
ments concluded among themselves.
As concerns the proposal contained in the U.S.
Government's note regarding calling a meeting
of the Foreign Ministers' deputies on the Aus-
trian question, the Soviet Government, as is known,
has already more than once approached the Gov-
ernments of the U.S.A., England, and France with
the proposal to hasten the conclusion of the prep-
aration of a state treaty with Austria on the basis
of principles earlier agreed to between the Gov-
ernments of the Four Powers. In its notes on
tliis question of August 14 ° and September 27,
1952, the Soviet Government proceeded from the
fact that the above-mentioned draft state treaty
with Austria rests on the Moscow Declaration of
1943 which provides for the reestablishment of a
free and independent Austria, and on the Potsdam
Agreement of the Four Powers which defined the
principles of their general policy with relation to
Austria, as well as on decisions concerning Aus-
tria on important political and economic ((ues-
tions which were adopted in the meeting of the
Foreign Ministers of the IT.S.S.R., U.S.A., Eng-
land, and France in June 1949.
However, the Government of the U.S.A., as well
as the Governments of England and France,
evaded the acceptance of the proposal indicated
by the Soviet Government, trying to substitute
for a state treaty with Austria a so-called "abbre-
viated treaty" and thus continuing its policy of
disruj^ting the conclusion of a state treaty with
Austria.
Meanwhile, the "abbreviated treaty" does not
agree with the decisions of the Potsdam Confer-
ence and with other agreements of the U.S.S.R.,
U.S.A., England, and France regarding Austria.
The "abbreviated treaty" does not provide for any
decisions wliatsoever which could promote re-
establishment of a really independent and demo-
cratic Austrian state. The "abbreviated treaty'"
' lUd., Sept. 1, 1952, p. .322.
260
Department of State Bulletin
also docs not assure the Austrian people of demo-
cratic rights and freedoms and opens wide scope
for restoration of the Fascist regime in Austria
and for use of her for purposes of implementation
of the aggressive plans of the North Atlantic
Organization. In the "abbreviated treaty" the
Governments of the U.S.A., Great Britain, and
France completely disregard the obligations re-
garding German assets in eastern Austria which
they took upon themselves in accordance with the
Potsdam Agreement.
In this connection, one must also not overlook
the fact that the Austrian Government, as is evi-
dent from its memorandum of July 31, 1952 " and
also from official statements of its representa-
tives, opposes the draft state treaty with Austria
and fights for the so-called "abbreviated treaty,"
which, however, can not assist the matter of set-
tling the Austrian question and in no measure
whatsoever answers the national interests of the
Austrian people.
For the purpose of hastening the conclusion of
the treaty with Austria, the Soviet Government
has twice — in a note of Augiist 14 and a note of
September 17, 1952 — expressed its readiness to take
part in a meeting of representatives of the Four
Powers on the Austrian question. At the same
time the Soviet Government considered it neces-
sary to clarify in a preliminary manner whether
the Government of the U.S.A., as well as the
Governments of England and France, agrees to
withdraw its proposal regarding the "abbreviated
treaty" for Austria and to affirm its readiness to
conclude consideration of the state treaty with
Austria.
Up to this time the Soviet Government has not
received an answer to this question from the
Government of the U.S.A., or from the Govern-
ments of England and France. In their notes
of January 25 {January 12], the Govermnents of
the U.S.A., England, and France again pass over
in silence the above-mentioned question raised by
the Soviet Government.
The Soviet Government, reaffirming its position
set forth in notes of January 18,' August 14, and
September 27, 1952, again states its readiness to
take part in meeting with representatives of the
Four Powers on the Austrian question. More-
over, the Soviet Government considers it necessary
in a preliminary manner to receive an answer from
the Government of the U.S.A., and from the Gov-
ernments of England and France, to the above-
mentioned question regarding their readiness to
withdraw the proposal of the "abbreviated treaty"
and to conclude consideration of the state treaty
with Austria, thus fulfilling obligations taken upon
themselves to promote the reestablisliment of a
free and independent Austria.
Similar notes have also been sent to the Govern-
ments of England and France.
' IMd., Aug. 11, 1952, p. 221.
' Ibid., Mar. 3. 1952, p. 326.
North Korean Broadcasts
At a news conference on January £8, Michael J.
McDermott, Special Assistant for Press Relations,
in reply to questions concerning a North Korean
radio broadcast offering land, money, education,
and citizenship to deserters from the Republic of
Korea Army, made the following statement :
I have been getting queries concerning some
broadcasts from the Korean Communist radio sta-
tion at Pyongyang. I think their first broadcast
on this subject was about January 19 and there
have been any number since. That broadcast pur-
ported to give the text of a "decision" of the "Mili-
tary Committee." The broadcast was aimed at
persuading the U.N. soldiers, particularly soldiers
of the Republic of Korea, to desert. The decision
formally promises land, monetary rewards, educa-
tion, and even citizenship to all who will surrender.
Unable to crack the magnificent Republic of
Korea Army by military means, the Communists
are attempting to achieve the same end with
honeyed words and promises which will certainly
not deceive the free men resisting Communist ag-
gression in Korea. This propaganda device offers
to prisoners of war treatment that is in glaring
contrast to the stand taken formerly by the Com-
munist authorities in Moscow and their mouth-
pieces in Peiping and Pyongyang. This stand, of
course, has been that all prisoners must be repatri-
ated, by force if necessary. In effect, the broadcast
says clearly that those who surrender will not be
repatriated, that they will be welcomed into "citi-
zenship" in the Communist areas and, significantly,
into the Communist army if they so desire.
It is well known that the warfare in Korea is
being prolonged by the Communists, who have
repeatedly rejected the principle of nonforcible
repatriation of prisoners of war. The world can-
not forget the vicious and illogical Communist
attack on the recent U.N. resolution which em-
bodied this principle and which represented an
earnest effort by 54 nations to bring about an
armistice on just and reasonable terms.^
Dr. Conant Takes Oath of Office
statement by James B. Conant ^
Press release 73 dated February 7
I have just taken the oath of office as U.S. High
Commissioner for Germany. I had a conference
with President Eisenhower yesterday. I have been
asked to proceed to Bonn as soon as possible.
Therefore, I plan to fly to Frankfort via London
Monday afternoon. The news from Europe of the
' For excerpts from the Chinese Communists' reply to
U.N. proposals on prisoners of war, see Bulletin of
Jan. 12, 1953, p. 75.
' Made on Feb. 7 on taking the oath of office as U.S.
High Commissioner for Germany.
February 76, 1953
24164« — 58-
261
last few weeks makes evident the urgency of my
mission.
I enter upon my new duties with a sense of hu-
mility and a feeling of the heavy responsibilities
that rest upon one who represents the President
of the United States in Germany in this crucial
period of history. The tasks awaiting me in Ger-
many have world-wide implications. The security
of all free nations is closely linked to the continued
development of the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization, which in turn requires the formation
of a European defense force as provided in the
Edc [European Defense Community] treaties.
There mu.st be a continual progress in bringing to
fruition the plans already laid, and I trust that
progi'ess will be made in the coming months.
Within the near future, the German people and
their representatives will be called upon to make a
number of significant decisions — decisions which
will affect their future political status and their
membership in the council of free nations. The
outcome of these decisions will also have direct
bearing on the nature of the relationship between
the United States and Germany. It is not for me
to suggest, or to predict, the course of action
which Germany will decide to take. But I am
anxious to be in Germany to represent the U.S.
Government during the coming critical weeks. I
shall meet with leaders of the major political par-
ties and offer such assistance to the Federal Gov-
ernment as may be desired by the Chancellor and
his associates, and as is warranted by the general
purposes of my mission.
My predecessors as U.S. High Commissioners
for Germany have laid the sure foundations on
which we must build as rapidly as we can. They
established the basis for that happy relation which
now exists between the peoples of the free, demo-
cratic Federal Republic of Germany and the
United States. It is my hope that my efforts may
be of some avail in strengthening still further the
cultural and political ties between the two nations.
German Public Service
Employee Claims
Press release 64 dated February 3
As a matter of particular interest to residents
of the United States, who were formerly in the
German public service, the Department of State
invites attention to a "Law Concerning the Re-
dress of National Socialist Wrongs to Former
Employees of the Public Service Residing Abroad"
which has been enacted by the Bundestag (lower
house of the German Parliament).
The significance of this law is that it gives legal
recognition to claims for pensions payments by
former employees of the German public service
now residing outside Germany and establishes the
machinery and conditions under which such claims
may be entered and satisfied. In brief, it provides
that former employees of the German public serv-
ice with legal or permanent residence abroad, pre-
dating May 23, 1949, may file their claims for
pensions through the Diplomatic Mission of the
Federal Republic of Germany in the country of
residence. Claimants in the United States may
submit their applications for redress to the Diplo-
matic Mission of the Federal Republic of Ger-
many, 1742 R Street, NW., Washincrton, D. C,
prior to March 31, 1953. In view of the imminent
deadline, claimants are urged to communicate with
the Diplomatic Mission without delay.
The law only makes provision for payment of
benefits into blocked accounts in the Federal Re-
public. The transfer of such benefits abroad is
subject to existing foreign exchange control regu-
lations. However, an administrative regulation
issued recently by the Federal Ministry of Eco-
nomics establishes regulations for the transfer of
such benefits out of (jermany. The Department
suggests that claimants to such pensions payments
inquire of the Diplomatic Mission of the Federal
Republic of Germany the possibility of transfer-
ring their funds to the United States and the pro-
cedure to be followed in effecting such transfers.
New Investment Program
For West Berlin
The following annowneement was issued jointly
at Berlin, on January 19, by the Mutual Security
Agency, Office of the Special Mission to Western
Germany, and the Federal Ministry for the Mar-
shall Plan:
West Berlin will receive DM 200,000,000 in in-
vestment funds under a new long-range program
aimed, amon^ other things, at creating additional
permanent jobs.
The money will come from counterpart fvmds
derived from U.S. dollar aid by agreement between
the Mutual Security Agency (Msa) Special Mis-
sion to Western Germany and the Govenmient of
the Federal Republic. At the same time, the pro-
cedure for approving Berlin investment projects
has been simplified so that the new funds will find
their way into the economy rapidly.
The new program brings to DM 874,000,000 the
total amount of investment funds made available
to Berlin out of counterpart derived from U.S.
aid.
The new program is part of a Berlin long-term
investment progi-am, and sectors and projects are
to be allocated funds in accordance with the ex-
tent to which they can be expected to provide
additional permanent working places in Berlin,
and the extent to which they will help Berlin to
overcome its adverse payments position and its
requirements for external assistance.
Loans will not be limited to enterprises already
in existence but may be used to assist in the estab-
lishment of new firms.
262
Department of State Bulletin
Furthermore, insofar as possible, funds are to
be allocated in such a manner as to further the
objectives of the Benton amendment.' Thus, con-
sideration will be given to the encouragement of
free private enterprise, competition, and produc-
tivity.
Under the simplified procedure for acting
promptly on investment projects, a new committee
operating in Berlin will have full power to ap-
prove applications on behalf of the Berlin Senat,
the Federal Republic, and the Msa Mission. The
establishment of this committee, which will meet
in Berlin every 2 weeks, eliminates the old pro-
cedure. The Berlin Industriebank will be repre-
sented on the committee ex-ofEcio.
Applications for loans under the new program
should be submitted in accordance with the direc-
tions issued by the Berlin Senat.
In determining the extent to which a project
will help overcome Berlin's unfavorable trade
balance, consideration will be given to the degree
to which an enterprise will supply items export-
able to the Federal Republic, or foreign countries
at competitive prices, and the degree to which it
will supply items for Berlin consumption which
are now being imported.
Supplemental Agreement
on German Industrial Controls
The following was released to the press at Bonn
on January 12 iy the Allied High Commission for
Germany:
The High Commissioners of the United King-
dom, the United States of America, and France, on
behalf of their respective Governments, have con-
cluded an agi-eement on limitations on industry
which supplements the Agreement on Industrial
Controls concluded by them on April 3, 1951.-
The 1951 agreement continued certain of the
prohibitions and limitations on industry. After
the restrictions on steel-production capacity and
steel production were lifted on July 25, 1952, the
remaming limitations related solely to the pro-
duction capacity of the shipbuilding, synthetic
rubber, synthetic oil, and precision ball-and-roller
bearings industries.
Under the new agreement, which does not affect
existing controls related to items of a militaiy
nature, these few limitations will remain in ef-
fect, but only until the Parliaments of the Repub-
lic of France and the Federal Republic of Ger-
many have finally voted on the laws for the ap-
proval of the Bonn conventions and of the Euro-
pean Defense Community.
' See Public Law 400, 82d Cong., ch. 449, 2d sess., H. R.
7005.
= For texts of the agreement of Apr. .3. and of a letter
from the Allied High Commission to Chancellor Adenauer
of West Germany summarizing provisions of the agree-
ment, see BtjLLETiN of Apr. 16, 1951, pp. 621-623.
During the remaining period of validity of these
limitations, the High Commissioners will take ac-
count of the increased needs of industry in the
Federal Republic when considering applications
for exemptions.
The text of the new "Agi-eement Supjalemental
to the Agreement on Industrial Controls" is
attached.
Agreement Supplemental to the Agreement
on Industrial Controls
The High Commissioners of France and of the United
Kingdom and the Acting High Commissioner of the United
States of America, duly authorized thereto by their re-
spective Governments, hereby conclude on behalf of those
Governments the following Agreement pursuant to para-
graph 3 of Article I of the Agreement concerning Indus-
trial Controls signed at Bonn-Petersberg on the 3rd April,
1951.
Article 1
Except as may subsequently be agreed among the Gov-
ernments parties to the present Agreement, the limitations
laid down in the Agreement concerning Industrial Controls
signed on the 3rd April, 1951, (as amended by the Agree-
ment signed on the 25th July, 1952) shall continue in force
after the 31st December, 1952, and until 21 days after the
later of the following two dates, whereupon they shall
cease to have effect :
(a) the date on which the Parliament of the Federal
Republic of Germany shall finally vote on the Laws
for the approval of the Conventions signed at Bonn
on the 26th May, 19.52, and of the Treaty establish-
ing the European Defence Community signed at
Paris on the 27th May, 1052. ;
(')) the date on which the Parliament of the French
Republic shall finally vote on the Laws for the ap-
proval of the .said Conventions and of the said
Treaty.
Article 2
This Agreement shall enter into effect on the 1st Janu-
ary-, 1953.
Done at Bonn-Mehlem on this thirty-first day of De-
cember, 1952, in the English and French languages, both
texts being equally authentic.
For the Government
of the French
Republic
ANDBfi
FEANgOlS-PONCET
For the Government For the Govern-
of the United Kingdom ment of the United
of Great Britain and States of America
Northern Ireland
IVONE KiBKPATEICK
Samuel Rebeb
Completion of Credit to
Austria for U.S. Cotton
Arrangements have now been completed for the
operation of a credit of 6 million dollars for the
purchase and export of cotton to Austria recently
authorized by the Export-Import Bank,^ it was
announced on February 9.
The credit bearing interest at 2% percent per
annum and repayable in 18 months is extended
to the Republic of Austria, which has authorized
the Creditanstalt-Bankverein and the Oester-
reichische Laenderbank A. G. to operate this line
of credit. These Banks will in turn utilize the
' BuiXETiN of Dec. 8, 1952, p. 900.
February 16, 7953
263
services of 14 U.S. commercial banks which they
have designated for tiiis purpose.
Tlie credit is to be used to finance the purchase
of raw cotton, including spinnable waste, which
has been purchased under contract entered into
subsequent to November 28, 1952, and shipped
subsequent to the date of the contract. The pur-
chases and shipments are to be made in the custom-
ary manner with the order being placed directly
by the textile mills in Austria or their agents with
U.S. shippers. Financing of purchases will be
effected through letters of credit under which 18-
month drafts will be drawn on the Austrian Com-
mercial Bank at whose request the letters of credit
were issued and shall not exceed the C.I.F. cost
of the cotton foreign-ocean port, plus insurance
to destination in Austria. The letters of credit
issued for this purpose are to expire not later than
June 30, 1953.
U. S.f U. K. To Exchange Views
on Economic Matters
Press release 67 dated February 6
The foUoiviny announcement was inade in Lon-
don and Washington simultaneously on February
5:
During his visit to London the Secretary of
State extended on behalf of himself and the
Secretary of the Treasury a cordial invitation to
the Foreign Secretary and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer to visit Washington for an informal
and exploratory exchange of views with members
of the new administration on the matters dis-
cussed at the recent Commonwealth Economic
Conference.
Mr. Eden and Mr. Butler will accordingly visit
"Washington for a few days at the beginning of
March for the purpose of this exchange of views.
There is no intention at this stage to negotiate
any agreement with the U.S. Government.
Mr. Eden will combine this visit with the visit
he will be making to the forthcoming Assembly of
the United Nations.
Sterling Available to
Commonwealth Countries
The International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development on February 6 made the following
announ cement :
The Chancellor of the Exchequer of the United
Kingdom (R. A. Butler) has informed the House
of Commons that the Government of the United
Kingdom has agreed to make a substantial amount
of sterling available for lending by the Bank on
suitable projects in the Commonwealth countries
of the sterling area. The Chancellor stated that
it was the intention that the sterling should come
from the U.K. subscription to the capital stock
of the Bank.
Eugene R. Black, president of the Bank, stated
that the arrangements which had been discussed
between the United Kingdom and the Bank en-
visaged funds of the order of £60,000,000 (equiva-
lent to $168 million) as suitable projects were
forthcoming. Such funds would be disbursed
by the Bank over a period of at least 6 j'ears.
"Actual disbursement of loan funds," explained
Mr. Black, "takes place as the execution of the
Project progresses, and normally a loan is not
ully disbursed until several years after the actual
loan commitment is made."
Mr. Black added :
These arrangements are a demonstration of the part
that can be played by nondollar capital in world economic
development. The availability of nondollar capital to the
Bank can enlarge the Bank's lending operations, espe-
cially in countries whose foreign exchange earnings and
capacity to repay external debt are mainly in currencies
other than dollars.
The Bank obtains its lendable funds from two
main sources: from the capital subscriptions of
its member governments, and from the sale of
Bank securities in the capital markets of the
world. The consent of a member government is,
however, necessary before the Bank can use that
part of a member's capital subscription paid up
in domestic currency, or before the Bank can
raise funds by a sale of its own securities in a
member's capital market.
Previously, the United Kingdom lias released
to the Bank approximately £4.1 million from its
sterling subscription of about £83.6 million. In
addition, with the consent of the U.K. Treasury,
the Bank raised sterling from the sale of £5 million
of its securities in the London market in May 1951.
Agreement With British Guiana
on Atkinson Field
After a series of consultations at Georgetown,
British Guiana, representatives of the U.S. and
British Guiana Governments on December 12,
1952, signed a Memorandum of Agreement settling
outstanding matters arising from agreements con-
cluded in 1949 on the use and disposition by Brit-
ish Guiana of certain buildings and installa-
tions at the Atkinson Field leased area. The
memorandum also dealt with the provision of sig-
nal and radio navigation services to American
military aircraft using the field. William P.
Maddox, American Consul General at Port-of-
Spain, Trinidad, B. W. I., signed the memoran-
dum for the United States.
Following is a summary of the provisions of the
Memorandum of Agreement :
1. The British Guiana Government, disclaiming any
264
DeparlmenI of Stale Bulletin
further need from a civil aviation standpoint for certain
items of real and personal property loaned for use under
the Interim Transfer Document of August 1, 1949, was
relieved of responsibility for maintenance thereof. Since
the items in question, with two exceptions, were not
deemed potentially useful to the United States, nor of
guflScient scrap value to warrant salvage operations, they
were declared abandoned, under authority inherent in the
Secretary of the Air Force, and turned over for the dis-
position of the British Guiana authorities. The two ex-
ceptions were the control tower and a generator set, both
of which will be retained for such disposition as the Air
Force may choose to make.
2. All other items of real and personal property, held
by the British Guiana Government under the Interim
Transfer Documents, are to be incorporated in the Sched-
ules to the proposed Civil Aviation Agreement on the
understanding that the maintenance obligation with re-
spect thereto shall be modified as indicated in the present
Agreement.
3. It was agreed that, with respect to the Contract of
Sale of August 24, 1949, there should lie an interchange
of certain items of property between Schedule A (pur-
chased by British Guiana for use in place) and Schedule
B (purchased for salvage). These items are listed, re-
spectively, in Schedule.s II and III of the present Memo-
randum of Agreement. Special conditions were attached
to the disposition of the Station Dispensary, now trans-
ferred from Schedule A to B.
4. Signal and radionavigational services at Atkinson
Field shall be provided to American military aircraft free
of charge, so long as the traffic continues to be of an
occasional nature. If the traffic increases substantially,
a further agreement between the two Governments shall
be concluded.
Mission To Survey
Britisli Guiana's Economy
The International Bank for Eeconstruqtion and
Development announced on January 30 that a gen-
eral economic survey mission would leave on Janu-
ary 31 for British Guiana. It will undertake a
study of the territory's economic potentialities,
and will make recommendations designed to help
the Government formulate and carry out a long-
term development program. The mission was or-
ganized by the Bank at the request of the Governor
of British Guiana. It will arrive in Georgetown
on February 1 and is expected to stay in British
Guiana about 6 weeks.
Three of the mission members are American,
two are British, two are Dutch, and one is French.
E. Harrison Clark, of the Bank's Department of
Operations for the Western Hemisphere, will be
the mission chief.
The mission also includes two other members
of the Bank's staff, Cyril H. Davies (U.K.), as-
sistant to the mission chief, and Kenneth A. Bohr
(U.S.), an economist; W. F. Eysvoogel (Nether-
lands), an expert on water resources; E. R. Hon-
delink (U.K.), a transportation expert; and three
agricultural specialists — Maurice Guillaume
(France), an expert on agricultural production;
Johannes H. L. Joosten (Netherlands), an agri-
cultural economist; and Eugene C. Reichard
(U.S.), an expert on forest products. The Food
and Agriculture Organization nominated the agri-
cultural specialists and is sharing the cost of their
services.
Semiannual Report of
International Bank
The International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development reported a net income of $7,639,743
for the 6-month period ended December 31, 1952,
compared with $8,071,486 for a similar period in
1951.' Gross income, exclusive of loan commis-
sions, was $20,696,715 compared with $16,637,921
in 1951.
The net income was placed in the Supplemental
Reserve Against Losses on Loans and Guarantees,
increasing this reserve to $65,667,843. Loan com-
missions, which amounted to $4,536,682, were cred-
ited to the Bank's special reserve, as required by
the articles of agreement, increasing this reserve
to $32,221,336. Total reserves on December 31,
1952, were $97,889,179.
During the second quarter of the fiscal j'ear, the
3 months ended December 31, 1952, the Bank floated
two bond issues: 60 million dollar 19-year 3%
percent bonds due October 15, 1971, and Swiss
franc 50,000,000 3i/i percent 10-year bonds due
December 1, 1962. Expenses for the 3-month pe-
riod, totaling $7,885,582, included bond issuance
and other financial expenses of $2,331,480 in con-
nection with the two issues. In the comparable
period of 1951 such charges were nominal.
During the 6-month period ended December 31,
the Bank made six loans totaling $112,133,464 in
Australia, Colombia, Finland, Iceland, India, and
Peru. These loans increased total loans signed by
the Bank to $1,524,266,464. Disbursements on
loans were $120,004,529, bringing total disburse-
ments to $996,508,662 on December 31, 1952.
Repayments of principal were received from
borrowers as due ; they totaled $514,432. During
the 6-month period, the Bank also sold to private
investors $9,293,220 of securities from its loan
portfolio: $4,978,400 with its guarantee and $4,-
314,820 without. These transactions brought
total portfolio sales to $65,669,908: $46,477,401
with the Bank's guarantee, and $19,192,507 with-
out.
France gave the Bank permission to use French
francs equivalent to $18(),000 from its paid-in
franc subscription to the Bank's capital for any
loan the Bank has made to Iceland. Italy gave
similar permission for the use of its lire subscrip-
tion in an amount equivalent to $519,000 for any
loans made to Turkey. Sweden approved tlie use
of 18,000,000 Swedish kronor ($3,479,464) from its
paid-in subscription for the supplemental loan to
Finland for the wood-products industries, signed
in November 1952.
' For memorandum relating to the financial statements,
see International Bank release of Feb. 6.
February 16, 1953
265
755 More Tube Wells
To Be Drilled in India
Press release 70 dated February 6
The Department of State announced on Feb-
I'uary 6 that contracts have just been signed in
Xew Delhi and Lucknow, with Harold T. Smith,
Inc., of Washington, D.C., for drilling 300 tube
wells in the State of Pepsu, 255 in Punjab and
200 in the State of Uttar Pradesh. The contracts
are between the states and the Smith Company.
The wells involved in these contracts are part
of the 2,000 provided for under the Indo-Ameri-
can Point Four Program. A contract for 500
tubwells, as they are called in India, was made
in November 1952 with the German Water De-
velopment Corporation. All these are to be drilled
in the State of Uttar Pradesh. The other 745
wells will be drilled by other agencies of the state
goveriunent or by private companies under con-
tracts with the states.
The Point Four tube-well program, for whicli
$13,700,000 of American funds and Es. 44,450,000
(about $9,300,000) have been set aside, is designed
to achieve an immediate increase in India's food
production and help to overcome the food deficit
of the nation.
The three states of Northern India — Punjab,
Uttar Pradesh, and Pepsu — already have thou-
sands of tube wells in operation, a type of devel-
opment that has been going on for years,
particularly since the early 1930's.
A tube well is what is known in this country
as the ''bored well," used in irrigation throughout
the southwestern United States. The rich agri-
cultural area of Madera County, Calif., alone has
more than 2,000 now in use.
The Gangetic Plain of northern India is an
especially favorable location, since it has a 12-
month growing season and since the water table
is replenished from snows on the Himalaya moun-
tains, highest mountain range in the world. The
Indian climate permits two crops a year, but parts
of the area, depending only on rainfall, can raise
only one crop at the time of the summer monsoon.
Canal water from rivers also is used for irrigation
in the dry season from September to June but even
this tapers off during the di-y season. Tube wells,
therefore, serve a supplementary role in this case.
Crops in the area are chiefly wheat, millet, sugar
cane, and rice.
Each individual tube well is capable of deliv-
ering 750 gallons of water per minute and will
irrigate from 300 to 400 acres of land. Depth
ranges from 200 to 400 feet and due to the good
water table, there is a low pump lift. Electric
motors and some individual Diesel units will be
used to pump water.
Under the Indo- American agreement, the wells
become the property of the states, which will op-
erate and maintain them and collect water charges.
Construction costs of the wells are treated as a
loan to the states and return payments will go
into a special fund for further development
purposes.
The 2000-well program is one of the 11 projects
agreed on by India and the United States under
the 1951-52 Point Four Program. Additional
wells are planned in another project agreement
under the 1952-53 program and a separate project
is planned for exploratory wells in untested areas,
where good possibilities are known to exist and
where irrigation should be greatly aided.
Rubber Working Party
Prepares Draft Agreement
Press release 48 dated January 28
At its meeting in Ottawa May 5-9, 1952, the
International Rubber Study Group established a
Working Party ^ wliose terms of reference were :
To consider whether measures designed to prevent burden-
some surpluses or serious shortages of rubber are neces-
sary and practicable ; to prepare drafts of any agreements
required to implement such measures ; and to report bacl£
to the Study Group as soon as possible.
The Working Party has concluded its second
session in London, at which it continued the work,
begun at its first session held last summer, July
30-August 15, 1952, in London, of examining the
various types of international arrangements
which, within its terms of reference, might be ap-
plicable to natural rubber. It decided to concen-
trate on the buffer stock tyjie of agreement, and
has prepared a draft of such an agreement for the
consideration of the International Rubber Study
Group at its meeting in May 1953 in Copenhagen.
The delegates to the Working Party, represent-
ing both consuming and producing countries, were
of the opinion that, subject to final agreement on
a number of points, a buffer stock agreement on
the lines of the draft would be practicable.
The Working Party considered that tlie ques-
tion of necessity for such an agreement could best
be discussed at the next meeting of the Interna-
tional Rubber Study Group.
The preparation of the draft does not in any
way imply acceptance in principle, or otherwise,
by any member government.
' BurxETiN of June 9, 1952, p. 913.
266
Department of State Bulletin
The United States, the United Nations, and Africa
by Vernon McKay '
The choice of Africa as a subject for this session
of the Cleveland Institute is a source of real satis-
faction to those of us in the Department of State
who work on African problems. As public serv-
ants we are anxious to learn what the public is
thinking about Africa, and we are confident that
meetings such as this will lead to the development
of a broader public interest and knowledge. The
United States also needs a larger number of
trained experts who specialize on African affairs.
American universities have many area-studies pro-
grams on Europe, Latin America, the Far East,
and the Near East, but African studies are only
just beginning, and we have no journals, either
academic or popular, devoted to this rapidly
emerging continent. Your participation in this
Institute shows that public awareness of tliese
needs is growing, and leads us to hope that they
will soon be filled.
Those of you who have made even a cursory
study of Africa realize its enormity and diversity,
and you therefore appreciate the fact that it is
dangerously misleading to generalize about a con-
tinent so complex and varied. This is a point
which also constantly impresses us in the Depart-
ment of State. We operate on the basis of certain
general principles and objectives which are diffi-
cult enough to formulate, but our task becomes
immeasurably more complicated when we try to
apply these general principles to specific problems.
You can readily understand the difficulties in
formulating a U.S. policy for Africa if you stop
to think for a moment. North of the Sahara is a
Mediterranean world where nearly two million
Europeans live alongside Hamitic and Semitic
peoples, the Berbers and the Arabs, who outniun-
ber them ten to one, and I do not include the popu-
lation of Egypt in this total. At the southern
end of the continent in the Union of South Africa
' Address made before the 27th Annual Institute of the
Council on World Affairs at Cleveland on Jan. 31. Mr.
McKay is the acting officer in charge of Trusteeship
Affairs, Office of Dependent Area Affairs.
live another two and a half million Europeans and
a third of a million Asians, who are outnumbered
about four to one by Negro peoples. A significant
fact about this area was once called to my atten-
tion by a South African who pointed out to me
that his ancestors went from Europe to his home
in the Union several generations before my an-
cestors came to the United States.
A third great area of Africa is the East-Central
belt lying between the Sahara and the Union ; here
Europeans and Asians in much smaller nimibers
are trying to make their homes in territories where
the ratio of African to European varies from well
over 1,000 to 1 in Uganda, to perhaps 175 to 1
in Kenya, and only 14 or 15 to 1 in Southern
Rhodesia. Finally, on the western side of the con-
tinent is an overwhelmingly African world where
Europeans and Asians are for the most part a
tiny minority of officials, traders, and missionaries.
These four Af ricas together cover an area nearly
four times as large as the United States and have
different climates and topographies as well as
different racial and cultural patterns. As a matter
of fact, the variety within each of these four areas
is so great that it is not even practicable to have
a single policy for each of them. In any case,
whether one policy or many policies are needed,
I have said enough to emphasize Africa's com-
plexity.
Despite this great variety, however, the different
parts of Africa do have certain similarities, and
the Department of State has been able to work out
certain general principles or objectives which
guide our handling of African problems. It will
help you to understand these olbjectives if I first
explain the factors and interests which we took
into account in formulating them.
Let me begin with what is possibly the longest
standing of these factors, namely, the traditional
htimanitarianism of the American people — an in-
terest which takes many forms. One powerful
factor in our ideals has always been our traditional
sympathy toward the aspirations of all peoples to
febrvaty 76, 1953
267
determine their own destinies. Another is the
idealism of the members of our churches, whose
humanitarian motives are fortified by deep reli-
gious convictions, and who are now supporting
more than five thousand American missionaries
throughout the continent. These missionaries not
only bring the Christian religion to Africa but are
doing outstanding medical and educational work.
Many of our great churches are at this moment
engaged in a national study program to educate
their membership on Africa's problems and needs.
Still another factor is the generosity with which
Americans have responded to appeals for assist-
ance in raising African health and educational
standards. A striking example of the contribu-
tion made by our great philanthropic organiza-
tions is the participation of the Rockefeller
Foundation in the fight against yellow fever in
Africa. Our Negro leaders and organizations are
another group who are playing an increasingly
significant part in these efforts. These many hu-
manitarian interests, combined with our faith in
the application of technology as a means of pro-
moting progress, have been in part responsible for
our inauguration of the Point Four Program,
which has raised to the level of a national policy
the traditional efforts of the American people to
share their benefits and skills with less foilunate
peoples. This is the kind of "enlightened self-
interest" which Mr. Dulles described as the guide
to our foreign policy in his first major statement
as Secretary of State a few days ago.^
A second major interest of the United States is
what I shall call, for want of a better term, a
political interest. We do not have and do not want
any territory in Africa, but we do have a vital con-
cern in its political future. It is imperative that
we do all we can to help insure that the continent
does not fall under Soviet domination or influence.
As Secretary Dulles pointed out Tuesday night,
the Communists are trying to arouse Africans to
revolt.
Forestalling Communist Penetration
The direct responsibility for Africa belongs to
other governments, but our position among the
leading nations of the world makes it impossible
for us to neglect an area of such importance. It is
our hope that Africa's emerging peoples will
choose of their own free will to remain associated
with the democratic nations of the free world.
Thus far the best information available indicates
that the inroads commmiism has made in Africa
are not of major proportions. We feel it impera-
tive, therefore, to forestall further Communist
penetration by doing what we can to help in the
development of healthy political, economic, social,
and educational institutions in Africa.
' For test of Secretary Dulles' address of Jan. 27, see
Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 212.
Of the two most popular theories on how to
check communism, one maintains that Africans
will turn to the Soviet Union for aid unless they
are given self-government quickly, while the other
contends that Africans will fall easy prey to Soviet
domination if they are given self-government too
quickly. Possibly there is an element of truth
in both views. The disagreement centers around
the word quickly, that is, on the element of timing.
Most peoi^le have now accepted the idea that the
goal for all the peoples of Africa should be self-
government in one form or another. What we
need today is steady progress toward that goal.
I do not need to say much about our strategic
interest in Africa because it was revealed to all the
world by our experience in World War II when
we not only had to undertake military campaigns
in North Africa but also had to develop a vitally
important supply line across West, Central, and
East Africa. This strategic interest, of course,
also encompasses Africa's supply of strategic ma-
terials. If we are to play our necessary role in
safeguarding the freedom of the democratic na-
tions of the world, it is vital for us to stockpile
and to have access to African sources of such criti-
cal materials as uranium, manganese, bauxite,
copper, chrome, tin, columbite, and industrial dia-
monds, to mention only a few of the 95 now listed
by our Munitions Board.
U.S. Economic Stake
Finally, what is our economic stake in Africa?
Our trade with Africa has always been relatively
small, although it is an interesting fact that in
the heyday of sailing vessels our Yankee clippers
were carrying about a million dollars worth of
Massachusetts .sheeting to East Africa every year.
As late as the 1850's about half the vessels calling
at Zanzibar were American, chiefly from Salem.
The word "Amerikani" or "Merikani" became a
Swahili word for calico, and one of the clipper
captains relates — how accurately I do not know —
that the trademark "Massachusetts sheeting" was
especially prized in the interior of the continent
and was always conspicuously displayed on cotton
dotis or loincloths.
Today our trade with Africa is still less than
5 percent of our total world trade but is nonethe-
less important. Our exports to Africa totaled
$580,000,000 in 1951 and our imports from Africa
$589,000,000, with the Union of South Africa
accounting for more than half the total. Prac-
tically all of our industrial diamonds, vital for our
machine-tool industry, come from Africa, and I
have already called your attention to our needs
for many other African minerals.
You would also find some surprising changes in
your everyday life if we were suddenly cut off
from Africa's vegetable products. The loss of our
palm-oil supplies, 90 percent or more of which
come from Africa, would make soap scarce and
268
Deporfmenf of State BuUetin
would handicap our steel and tin-plating industry.
Without African sisal, our cordage antl twine sup-
plies would be reduced by at least 25 percent. Our
great chocolate manufacturers who import thou-
sands of tons of cocoa beans from West Africa
every year would have to cut j'our chocolate candy
in half. Spices and wool would be greatly re-
duced, and even your shoes and leather goods
would be affected, for we buy over 90 percent of
our wattle bai'k and extract for tanning purposes
from Africa, as well as a considerable proportion
of our hides and skins.
To conclude this brief description of our eco-
nomic stake, it should be noted that our business-
men have direct investments of nearly 300 million
dollars in Africa, almost half of which is in the
Union of South Africa in such enterprises as auto-
mobile assembly plants, tire factories, and the
mining industry. In relation to our total overseas
direct investments of nearly 12 billion dollars, this
is a small figure. Opportunities in other areas
have heretofore been more attractive to our in-
vestors.
Our Major Objectives
From this survey of the factors and interests
which affect our policy toward Africa, it is clear
that our intei'ests, like Africa itself, are quite
varied and full of dilemmas. Some of our critics
contend that we use these dilemmas as an excuse
for inaction. One of them has recently written:
"Wliile our policy-makers still talk about not
crossing bridges until we get to them, we are
actually crossing bridges without knowing it."
The question raised b}' this criticism is an im-
portant one, but I can assure you that the Depart-
ment of State is fully aware of its importance. In
order to insure that our policy is planned in ad-
vance and that we do not take a series of isolated
steps which commit us to a policy without our
realizing what has happened, we have developed
departmental and interdepartmental machinei-y to
bring our African specialists into constant com-
munication in order to concentrate their combined
knowledge and skills. Through this process we
not only keep our African policy under continual
review, but we have succeeded in hammering out
certain guiding principles or objectives which are
sufficiently precise yet sufficiently flexible to meet
our needs. These objectives were stated by the
Assistant Secretary of State responsible for
African affairs [George C. McGhee] on May 8,
1950.=^^
First, it is one of our major objectives to see tliat the
peoples of Africa, in their own interests, advance in the
riglit direction and in accordance \Yith the principles of
the United Nations Charter. We favor the progressive
development of the dependent peoples of Africa toward
the goal of self-government or, where conditions are suit-
able, toward independence. The attainment of this ob-
jective, in which we can play only a cooperative role witli
the administering powers, imposes upon all concerned a
heavy bnrdsn of self-discipline and the need to undertake
voluntary long-term planning of the highest order.
A second major objective, which arises out of our rela-
tions both witli the metropolitan powers and with the
peoples of Africa, is our desire to assure the development
of mutually advantageous economic relations between
them, in the interests of contributing to restoration of a
sound European economy and in the interests of further-
ing the aspirations of the African peoples. . . .
Third, the United States wishes to preserve its rights
of equal economic treatment in the territories of Africa
and to participate itself, both commercially and financially,
in the development of this great continent along with
other nations of the world. . . .
Finally, it is a major objective of United States policy
to assist in providing an environment in which the African
peoples will feel that their aspirations can best be served
by continued association and cooperation with the nations
of the free world, both in their present status and as they
advance toward self-government or independence in ac-
cordance with the United Nations Charter.
It now remains for me to describe what we are
doing to achieve these objectives. Through our
diplomatic channels we try to carry on a full and
frank exchange of views with other governments
to a.ssure ourselves that Africa is moving toward
these goals. These diplomatic channels include
our embassies in the capitals of the 6 European
states which have territory in Africa, as well as 4
embassies, 2 legations, 12 consulates-general and 10
consulates in the Continent of Africa. In addi-
tion, and very important indeed, is our representa-
tion in many U.N. organs, commissions, and agen-
cies where we join with other nations in a con-
structive interchange of views which focus world
attention on Africa's needs. Because my own
work in the Department of State is particularly
concerned with African issues which arise in the
United Nations, I am going to devote special at-
tention to this part of our program.
Before turning to our U.N. activities, however, I
wish to call your attention to the extent and char-
acter of two other programs through which we are
trying to achieve our objectives. These are our
program of economic aid and our information and
educational exchange program.
Until 1948 our economic and financial assistance
to Africa was small. Greater assistance was made
possible by the inauguration of the European
Recovery Program and the subsequent develop-
ment of the Point Four Program.^ An agreement
signed in Paris in 1947 provided that the Eco-
nomic Cooperation Administration [Eca] would
furnish material and financial assistance, both
loans and grants, to those European countries dev-
astated by war "together with dependent areas
under their administration." Eca and its succes-
sor, the Mutual Security Agency [Msa], have
undertaken many projects for technical assistance.
'-' Ihii!. .Tune IS. 19.")0. p. 1002.
February 16, 1953
' For additional information on assistance programs in
Africa, see article by Harry N. Howard, ibid., Dec. 1.5,
19.52, p. 936.
269
for economic development, and for the procure-
ment of strategic materials and other defense sup-
porting activities in Africa. Similar assistance
is being provided on a smaller scale by the Techni-
cal Cooperation Administration of the Department
of State which handles our Point Four technical
assistance programs for the independent states of
Ethioi)ia, Liberia, and Libya; by the Defense
Materials Procurement Agency; and by the Ex-
port-Import Bank. The United States has also
supplied almost 40 percent of the funds which the
United Nations and the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development have allocated to
Africa. According to the latest estimate prepared
in the Department of State, the grand total of post-
war economic aid to Africa by these four U.S.
agencies and by the United Nations and the Inter-
national Bank, through June 30, 1952, was $63.5,-
986,000. Of this total, $296,222,700 was in the
form of loans, $156,500,000 of which came from
the International Bank. It should also be men-
tioned that France has allocated for its African
territories the equivalent of $202,486,000 of what
are called counterpart funds in our Mutual Secu-
rity Program; these are funds which France pro-
vides in its own currency to match dollar grants
from the United States. You should not overlook
the fact that the total amount of this American
aid is relatively small in comparison with the
several billion dollars the European powers are
putting into African development programs of
their own. Msa aid is designed to supplement
these European efforts.
For what is this money being spent? In a
booklet published by the Mutual Security Agency ■*
you will find two maps of Africa indicating the
territories in which it operates and the projects it
is undertaking. These include strategic-nuiterials
development, road and bridge construction, rail-
way development, surveys of land and water re-
sources and other much-needed projects which will
stimulate economic development and raise African
standards of living as well as contribute to the
security of the United States, Africa, and Europe.
One "of the most interesting examples of what
can be done with a limited amount of economic
assistance is the remarkable development of Li-
beria in the past 10 years. Until World War II
the Liberian Government ojjerated on a very small
budget, most of which was derived from revenues
from the rubber exports of the Firestone Com-
pany, which has a $28,000,000 capital investment
in the country. During the war an American aii'
base was built at Roberts Field; a good harboi'
was begun at the capital city of Monrovia: and
the United States sent economic and public-health
missions to Liberia. The Technical Cooperation
Administration of the Department of State has
now taken over the economic and public-health
missions.
* The Overseas Territories in the Mutual Seeurity Pro-
f/niw. Mar. 31, 10.^2.
In 1950 the Government of Liberia, with the
assistance of our Teclmical Cooperation Adminis-
tration, produced a notable 5-year economic de-
velopment program to cost more than $32,(X)0,000,
most of which is to be paid for by the Liberians.
The port of Monrovia was completed in 1948 and is
now earning substantial profits, and U.S. nationals
liave invested another 15 million dollars in Liberia
since the end of World AVar II. In 1950 our Ex-
port-Import Bank extended a credit of $5,000,000
to Liberia for roads and $1,300,000 for sanitary
facilities in Monrovia. Four of the specialized
agencies of the United Nations — Unesco, Ilo, Fag,
and Who — have also joined in this cooperative
venture in technical assistance, the most important
objectives of which are road construction, a na-
tional system of elementary education, a national
system of agricultural research and extension, a
national program of public health, and improve-
ments in public administration.
Information Program Activities
A second important means of achieving our ob-
jectives is our Information and Educational Ex-
change Program. This campaign in the struggle
for the minds of men is trying to fill an important
need in Africa, where Europeans and Asians as
well as Africans have mixed feelings toward us,
at times friendly and sympathetic, at other times
suspicious and critical. Europeans sometimes
protest over what they regard as an American
tendency to give indiscriminate support to na-
tionalists who demand innnediate independence
without adequate preparation, and at otlier times
they express the fear that our economic-aid pro-
grams conceal ulterior motives to supplant Euro-
pean business interests. Among the Africans
there are many who are deeply interested in the
United States and who much appreciate the sym-
pathy which Americans have for African aspira-
tions. At the same time racial discrimination in
the United States is often publicized in Africa with
unfortunate results. There is nothing more im-
portant to many Africans than this matter of race
relations, and some of them have the false idea that
the Russians do better than we do in this field.
Perhaps I can best emphasize the importance of
this racial factor by briefly recounting two of many
incidents which have given the United States ad-
verse publicity in Africa. Please bear in mind
that I mention them not to pass judgment on our
own very complex racial problems, but only to em-
phasize the importance of their repercussions in
Africa. One of these incidents was the conviction
and execution of seven Negroes for rape of a
white woman. West Africa's best known news-
paper on February 20, 1951, made the following
editorial comment on the "Martinsville Seven":
By killing these men for a crime in which no white
person had ever been condemned, America has lowered
270
Department of State Bulletin
its prestige in tlie world more effectively than any Com-
munist propaganda.
Perhaps even more remarkable in some ways
is an episode which occurred in Pai-is in 1951 in
the Assembly of the P'rench Union. This parlia-
mentary body— composed of 102 representatives
of metropolitan France and 102 representatives of
French territories overseas, mostly from Africa —
is reported to have observed one minute of silence
in memory of Willie McGee, another American
Negro who was convicted and executed for rape
of a white woman. Perhaps you will want to keep
the African attitude on such incidents in mind this
afternoon during your discussion of what the
United States should do about its relations with
Africa.
In any event it is clear that we need to give the
peoples of Africa a balanced picture of American
life. Our public affairs officers in Africa, some of
whom are Negroes, are doing just that through
press, radio, film, library, and public-speaking
progi-ams ; and they include as an important part
of their story the continuing forward steps made
by Negro Americans. You will recall that Presi-
dent Eisenhower said in his inaugural address : ^
We reject any insinuation that one race or another, one
people or another, is in any sense inferior or expendable.
We must make this point clear to the Africans.
To give Africa a true picture of America it is
also valuable to bring students and leaders from
Africa to see for themselves, and we do this on a
very small scale through our educational exchange
program. Most Africans here, however, do not
receive U.S. Government aid. Some pay their own
way, and others come with the help of scholar-
ships from our universities or their own govern-
ments. You will be interested to know that more
than 650 of them are today studying in American
colleges and universities. Their importance is
greater than their numbers, for they will be lead-
ers in their countries when they retuni, a fact that
is well illustrated by the outstanding example of
the new Prime Minister of the Gold Coast, Mr.
Kwame Nkrumah. The Department of State is
anxious for these Africans to enjoy and profit
from their stay in the United States, and you can
help by doing all you can to make their visit a
pleasant one.
Importance of United Nations
I now turn to my final subject, the wide-ranging
program of activities affecting Africa which the
United States carries on in the United Nations.
For this important work we assumed certain direct
obligations and responsibilities when the U.S.
Senate approved the Charter of the United Na-
tions, three chapters of which are devoted to the
needs and aspirations of those African and other
peoples throughout the world who do not yet gov-
ern themselves. Our vital concern over this prob-
' Bulletin of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 167.
lem was indicated by the Secretary of State last
October at the seventh session of the General
Assembly, when he devoted a major portion of his
opening address to those issues arising out of the
legitimate aspiration of dependent peoples for a
determining voice in their own affairs.^
The attention which members of the United
Nations have devoted to Africa has steadily
grown. When the Charter was signed at San
Francisco in 1945, many people thought that inso-
far as African issues were discussed in the United
Nations they would be largely dealt with in the
Trusteeship Council which supervises the admin-
istration of seven trust territories in Africa and
four in the Pacific. Today, however, the prolifer-
ation of U.N. activities affecting Africa has ex-
tended throughout the organization. One step of
major significance has been the creation of a com-
mittee of sixteen members which examines infor-
mation transmitted on more than 60 non-self-
governing or colonial territories which are not
under international trusteeship, a committee
which is not provided for in the Charter and
which is regarded as extra-constitutional if not
unconstitutional by the principal colonial powers.
The Economic and Social Council discusses
many other African problems, including pro-
posals for an Economic Commission for Africa
and recommendations to promote the right of self-
determination for dependent peoples. The Secu-
rity Council has discussed the Anglo-Egyptian
Sudan. The International Court of Justice has
considered the South- West African question and
the Moroccan claims issue. The African activities
of the specialized agencies in the fields of agri-
culture, education, health, and labor are also
mounting. Most important of all, as those of you
know who followed its meetings last fall, the Gen-
eral Assembly made African problems one of its
main concerns. Its discussions and resolutions
have touched upon nearly all of the continent's
main areas and problems — the disposition of the
former Italian colonies, the Tunisian and Moroc-
can questions, the Ewe and Togoland unification
movements in West Africa, the eviction of Wa-
Maru tribesmen from certain lands in Tanganyika
in East Africa, the international status of South-
West Africa, the problems of the Indians in South
Africa and of racial conflict in South Africa, the
general problem of African economic develop-
ment, and many other questions.
On all of these complicated issues the representa-
tives of the United States must vote and frequently
must explain the position of their Government.
Because our great power has thrust us into a posi-
tion of world leadership, our vote on these ques-
tions is watched with unusual interest by the other
59 members of the United Nations, and by the
many people throughout the world who take an
interest in these issues. Our sense of responsibil-
ity is therefore very great.
'Hid.. Oct. 2T, 1052, p. 639.
February 16, 1953
271
Our task miglit not be so difficult if it were not
for tlie fact that our friends who join us on such
crucial U.N. issues as the Korean conflict are
sharply divided in their views on many African
questions. This cleavage was so sharp last montli
in New York that the United Kingdom, France,
and Belgium informed the General Assembly that
they would no longer participate in the Assembly's
important Committee on Non-Self-Governing Ter-
ritories if the Assembly adopted a proposal to
make this committee in effect a permanent organ —
a stef) which in their view would be contrary to
the Charter of the United Nations. The Assembly
in plenary session averted this crisis by accepting
a proposal originally made by the United States to
review the committee for 3 years; the Assembly
thus reversed a decision taken earlier by its fourth
committee which would have renewed the commit-
tee indefinitely.
Conflicting Opinions
From conflicts such as these the United States
has learned how very deeply our friends feel. On
one side is the view of such members as the great
new nations of India and Pakistan; in a notable
statement at the sixth session of tlie General As-
sembly in Paris on November 14, 19.51, Sir Moham-
med Zafrullah Klian of Pakistan, describing "the
fierce passion" with wliich subject peoples resent
alien domination, termed the colonial question "the
biggest political problem of the day." On the
other sicle is the view expressed in the Assembly
on October 21, 1952, by the Right Honorable
Henry Hopkinson, British Minister of State for
Colonial Affairs, when he said, "My own feeling in
this matter is one of intense pride in our achieve-
ments in what may be described as the colonial
field over several hundreds of j'ears." The emo-
tion which underlies both these views is readily
understandable. In the one instance it is the
natural pride of new nations, recently emerged
from colonial status and anxious to help others
toward the same goal. In the other it is the nat-
ural pride of old nations, our European friends,
who have made real contributions to their African
territories, particularly since the end of AVorld
War II, by constitutional reform and by the out-
lay of several billion dollars for economic, social,
and educational development.
With this knowledge of the emotional atmos-
phere in which certain African issues are some-
times discussed in the United Nations, you can
better understand the general position which our
representatives take on such issues. First of all.
we firmly believe in the principles of the Charter
and in the machinery which has been set up to
implement them. We believe that this machinery
cannot function as effectively as possible without
the cooperation of all members, and, in particular,
it seems to us self-evident that the recommenda-
tions of the United Nations cannot be implemented
without the cooperation of the colonial powers.
Whether or not one agrees witJi him, Walter Lipp-
mann, in his daily column on January 12, posed a
problem which deserves thought. He wrote:
The U. N. is being torn apart by the fiirnnila that almost
any one can put almost any claim before . . . [it], and
then can comiK?! all the nations to ali^n themselves pro
and con, black or white. This is a perfect formula for
failing to make peace, for dividing mankind, and for
fomenting bad will.
Mr. Lippmann has oversimplified the problem but
he does have a point.
In any case we feel it essential for the United
States to conduct itself with moderation, restraint,
and a high sense of responsibility if the United
Nations is to be effective in helping the peoples of
Africa. Some of our critics have likened this
policy to the act of a tightrope walker who spends
all of his time doing nothing but keeping from
falling off on one side or the other. We do not
regard this as a fair criticism. We do not deny
that we sometimes walk a tightrope, but we do so
because we consider that statesmanship requires us
to steer a steady course between the views of those
impatient people who demand faster progress and
those intransigent people who complain that every
forward step is taken too soon and goes too far.
Tlie Ewe Problem
To give you an example of how this policy works
in practice, let me describe the position of the
United States on an important question which has
been before the United Nations for nearly 6 years.
This is a problem raised in many petitions by the
Ewe people who live in British and French West
Africa. More than 800,000 of these alert and able
Africans live in the two neigliboring trust terri-
tories of British and French Togoland, and in the
British colony of the Gold Coast. A majority of
them desire to be placed under one administration
in order to put an end to the political, economic,
financial and cultural barriers which keep them
apart. We have lu'ged that they be given the full-
est i)ossible hearing. They have sent numerous
petitioners to United Nations meetings in New
York, Paris, and Geneva to present their claims
in person, and the Trusteeship Council has asked
two of its Visiting Missions to West Africa to go
into the Ewe area and make special studies of the
problem.
Out of this thorough investigation, one of the
most important facts that has come to light is that
other peoples in the two trust territories outnum-
ber the Ewe people and disagree with them as to
the political future. In this situation the De-
partment of State has felt that the most construc-
tive contribution it could make was to take the
lead in proposing U.N. recommendations asking
the British and French to take steps to minimize
the economic, fiscal, and cultural barriers which
restrict Ewe movements across the frontiers, and
272
Department of State Bulletin
to establish elected organs to bring together the
peoples concerned for regular consultation and
mutual exchange of views. Because of the divi-
sion of opinion among the Africans themselves on
the political problem, as well as the fact that their
opinions seem to be in a stage of evolution, we
have felt it would be unwise for the United Na-
tions to make any definite recommendations ask-
ing the British and French to modify the inter-
national frontiers.
This case study illustrates our difficulty in de-
veloping a policy wliich will be reasonable and at
the same time widely acceptable. Although the
British and French have responded to United Na-
tions recommendations by minimizing the frontier
barriers, the Ewe people are not satisfied because
they still want political unification. Moreover,
our position has not pleased many of our friends in
the United Nations because we have been unable
to support either certain proposals of the British
and French or certain proposals of noncolonial
powers who have advocated the immediate unifica-
tion of the two Togolands.
Our search for a solution of the Ewe problem is
a part of our continual inquiry into the larger
question of the future of Africa. In this age of
clash between the ideals of political independence
and economic interdependence, it seems essential
to develop ways and means of enabling Africans
to achieve their aspirations for self-government
without losing the economic support which makes
the full enjoyment of freedom possible. TJie late
Dr. James Aggi-ey, a distinguished Gold Coast
African, once said :
In the harmony of the world, as in the harmony of an
organ or a piano, the black and white keys are both
essential.
^Vliether such harmony can be achieved in Af-
rica no one can be certain, but we in the Depart-
ment of State hope that Africans, Europeans,
Asians, and Americans will continue their best
efforts both inside and outside the United Nations
to look for new approaches to the problem.
The postwar evolution of the British Common-
wealth of Nations from a white commonwealth
into a multiracial commonwealth with three new
Asian members, Ceylon, Pakistan and India, is
one of the most promising developments in many
years. It now looks as if a fully self-governing
Gold Coast will soon be entering this multiracial
family of nations. Another new concept, closer
to home, is the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico
established on July 25. 1952, by a constitution
drawn up and overwhelmingly approved by the
Puerto Ricans themselves. Although control over
The United States in the United Nations
A regular feature, will be resumed in a subsequent
issue.
such matters as Puerto Rico's defense and foreign
relations has been left to the United States, the
final declaration adopted by the Constitutional
Convention of Puerto Kico terms the new constitu-
tion a "compact entered into by mutual consent,"
and concludes :
Thus we attain the goal of complete self-government,
the last vestiges of colonialism having disappeared in the
principle of Compact, and we enter into an era of new de-
velopments in democratic civilization.
These bold new concepts are promising examples
and challenging opportunities for the future of
Africa and the free world. If such patterns of
cooperation and good will prevail, the emerging
nationalisms of the peoples of Africa not only will
profit from their contacts with other civilizations
but will make a great contribution to the future of
all men everywhere.
The Communist War in POW Camps
The following summary of an intelligence study
entitled "-The Communist War in POW Camps"
was released to the press at Tokyo by the United
Nations Command [UNC) on January 28:
Direct responsibility for conduct of the Com-
munist campaign on the second front of the Ko-
rean war — the Uxc prisoner-of-war camps — is
charged to Communist Generals Nam II and Lee
Sang Jo in an intelligence study released today
by Headquarters, U.N. Command. According to
the study, the mutinies by the Communist prison-
ers at Koje Do and Cheju-Do were deliberately
planned aiid masterminded by the Communist del-
egates at Panmunjom.
The study, which appraises the organization of
Communist control and the planning and conduct
of incidents in UNC-controlled prison camps, is
iDased on hitherto secret military reports which
reveal beyond a doubt that the Communist dele-
gates at Panmunjom have dual functions. The
study states that ostensibly the two Communist
generals are present to represent the Communists
m the armistice negotiations. Covertly, and more
important, they are assigned to mastermind the
incidents within Unc prisoner-of-war camps.
General Nam II, in his capacity as Cultural
Chief of Staff of the Security Agency for the
North Korean Army, is responsible for insuring
the loyalty of the army to the state by controlling
all personnel through political officers or commis-
sars. Nam U is a former Soviet officer and a
U.S.S.R. citizen of Korean extraction. General
Lee Sang Jo, Nam Il's deputy at Panmunjom, is
chief of the Collection of Military Intelligence
Section for the North Korean Army.
These two generals and their fanatical followers
have exploited a new area of total war, the study
febtuary 16, 1953
273
shows. No Communist soldier, even though a
prisoner of the otlier side, may be permitted to
withdraw liis support of communism. Tlie Com-
munists consider all prisoners held in Unc camps
to be soldiers still under their control but physi-
cally detained temporarily by the Unc.
The Communist concept of prisoners of war as
"fighters" continuing the war within Unc camps
is well illustrated by a hand-written Communist
summary of the results of the attempted mass
breakout at Pongam-Do on December 14, 1952, in
the course of which 85 prisoners lost their lives
and 113 were wounded. The summary recognized
that heavy casualties had been expected but that
"our fighting comrades . . . were determined to
die a glorious death." Although the "task im-
posed on us by the party and the fatherland" —
which was to break out— could not be fulfilled, the
"main purpose" was to "develop a class fight to
give the enemy a crushing defeat." The party
leadership was satisfied that this had been done,
sunnnarizing that in the "magnificent effort" the
prisoners "lost nothing but their lives in the fight,
and these were for liberation and glorious victory."
The document labeled the uprising as a "lethal
fight . . . connected with the fatherland war,"
claiming "a great victory" because the U.N. Com-
mand "had no other alternative but to broadcast
the Pongani-Do incident of December 14, 1952, by
radio, without concealment, to the whole world,"
and "the press of the whole world devoted its at-
tention to Compound F and the investigation of
the incident."
The Geneva Convention pertaining to the treat-
ment of prisoners of war defines certain privileges
and responsibilities for both the prisoner and the
detaining power. The U.N. Command's respect
for this convention is not matched by the Com-
munists whose prisoners in Unc camps and whose
delegates at Panmunjom demand the privileges
but shun the responsilailities. To them tlie Con-
vention is applicable only when it is to their ad-
vantage to quote it.
In 1951, the study points out, the Communists
began to plan action in support of this concept.
Adliering to their axiom that the end justifies the
means, the Communists in mid-1951 plotted to
control and utilize their soldiers held prisoner by
the Unc — regardless of the outcome for the par-
ticipants and in complete disregard of the Geneva
Convention. Their methodical and thorough
planning was two-fold: (1) mass mutinies, riots,
and breakouts which had as their goal an eventual
link-up with tlie Communist guerrillas and bandits
in South Korea, and (2) direct violence designed
to produce propaganda which miglit influence the
armistice negotiations at Panmunjom.
Once the plan was ready the Conmiunists turned
to reorganization. During the latter half of 1951
item 4 of the armistice conference agenda brought
to the forefront the problem of prisoner-of-war
repatriation. To meet the problems which they
expected to arise from this item the Communists
organized a special unit to train prison camp
agents and furnish intelligence to the Communists
at Panmunjom. The unit was attached to the
headquarters of the North Korean Army and was
under the supervision of General Nam II, senior
Communist delegate at Panmunjom.
In order to establish contact with prisoners in
the Unc camps and to insure coordination, the
Communist high command utilized the guerrilla
guidance bureau which is responsible for infiltra-
tion of agents into South Korea and control of
guerrilla operations. This activity is under Gen-
eral Pae Choi, who also is a Soviet Army officer.
Major General Lee Sang Jo, Chief of the Col-
lection of Military Intelligence Section of the
North Korean Army, was appointed deputy to
Nam II. In this capacity he could furnish timely
and accurate intelligence to the Communist dele-
gates. Nam Il's liaison officer between Panmun-
jom and his command at the North Korean Army
Headquarters is General Kim Pa, a former Soviet
MvD agent who holds a high position in the North
Korean political security department. He was re-
ported on various occasions to be present at the
armistice negotiations disguised variously as a ser-
geant or lieutenant.
Many prisoners captured by the U.N. Forces
have admitted they were deliberate plants, dis-
patched to ])enetrate the ]irison camps at Koje Do
where they were to establish "cell organization
committees" in each camp. The cells were to carry
out strikes, protests and demonstrations.
The first step in the formation of a Communist
apparatus is establishment of the Communist party
structure. According to the study, in May of
1951 the Koje-Do branch of the Korean Labor
Party (Klp-Basii Communist Party), known as
the Liberation Fighting Association, was organ-
ized in compound 92. Similar organizations with
subordinate political, agitation and youth asso-
ciation (military) sections, were formed in most
of the other compounds. Among the objectives
adopted by the Klp organization in the PW camps
was the following: "We nuist consider the possible
rupture of the cease-fire talks which are now under
way and be ready to liberate ourselves in accord-
ance with orders from Kim II Sung. All types of
units' must be organized to rise in revolt, simul-
taneously, in order to liberate all the prisoners of
war and attack the Republic of Korea and Ameri-
can Forces that now occupy Koje-Do."
Later, compound leaders advised prisoners of
war not to submit to screening. They instructed
their followers that the armistice negotiations were
nearly completed and that all prisoners of war
would be repatriated. Still later, according to the
report, they spread the allegation that the Unc
wanted to move all faithful Communists into
compounds away from the other prisoners so that
the true Conmiunists could be killed. The prison-
ers were further advised that if U.N. soldiers were
274
Department of Slate Butletin
to enter the compounds they would not be allowed
to fire their weapons because it was against the
Geneva Convention. All prisoners were told to
concentrate in one place and fight the U.N. sol-
diers. "Each man kill one soldier before he is
subdued." Any prisoners of war who might re-
veal information were to be killed and the blame
was to be placed on the U.N. authorities.
Military administrative committees were estab-
lished in all compounds under Communist con-
trol. These committees organized military units
to enforce the plans and directives of the commit-
tees. "Peoples courts" were established to punish
offenders who deviated from the party's policies
or refused to join its militant organizations.
The leader of the political committee, or general
leading headquarters, was Jeon Moon II. Listed
as a private in the Nka, he had been identified by
his fellow prisoners as Pak Sang Hyon, one of the
original 36 Soviet-Koreans, among whom were
Kim U Sung. Ho Kai, and Nam II. These 36
were brought into North Korea by the Soviets in
1945 to organize the North Korean satellite state.
AVithin the compounds Pak went by the code name
of Ro Sun Saeng. Prisoners have stated he con-
trolled all the compounds and personally ordered
the capture of General Dodd. He also allegedly
was responsible for instigating the riots against
the screening for voluntary repatriation in com-
pound 77 on 27 May 51 and 18 March 52. He
issued instructions, directives and propaganda and
sentenced to death many of the prisoners who
dared to defy the party directives.
General leading headquarters issued all direc-
tives through the leading committee for party
members. This committee was organized into po-
litical, organizational, military, and agitation sec-
tions. It was the special activity subsection of
the military section which was responsible for
punishing "by physical or other means all reac-
tionary, destructive elements and spies who act in
defiance of advice of party members, and who vio-
late the party regulations and rebel against the
fatherland and people." The members of this
subsection were instructed to "perform their du-
ties at the risk of their lives." They were the
executioners or the strong-arm squads who pun-
ished, beat, and executed violators condemned by
the clandestine "peoples courts." The study de-
scribes a number of the typically brutal activities
of the "peoples courts."
The study points out that once the breadth and
detail of the Communist prisoner-of-war plot were
recognized, the U.N. Command moved to gain
complete and uncontested control, dealing swiftly
but fairly with all who would challenge the proper
authority of the detaining power.
Once established, control was maintained by
quick counteraction when required and supported
by such additional measures as dispersion of
prisoners into smaller and more manageable
groups, provision of additional physical security
around compounds, expansion of intelligence sys-
tems covering the various compounds, and insti-
tution of a stricter regiment, more frequent
inspections and searches as required.
It is realized, the study concludes, that neither
these present measures nor any others permissible
under the Geneva Convention will cause Pow lead-
ers to abandon their fanatical devotion to com-
munism or completely destroy the Communist
organization within the compounds.
With communications reduced, coordination of
incidents may be difficult, but leaders among the
prisoners are well enough acquainted with the pur-
poses and methods of the party and Communist
army command to know without further instruc-
tions that incidents at any time can be exploited.
Constant and close surveillance may deprive the
prisoners of the advantage of surprise, but there
can be no guarantee that control measures now in
force will prevent the fanatical Communist lead-
ers from throwing away the lives of those they
dominate.
Current United Nations Documents:
A Selected Bibliography^
International Labor Organization
Third Progress Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on
Forced Labour to the Economic and Social Council
and to the Governing Body of the International La-
bour Office. E/2341, E/AC.36/15, Nov. 22, 1952. 12
pp. mimeo.
Draft Third Progress Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on
Forced Labour to the Economic and Social Council and
to the Governing Body of the International Labour
Office. E/AC.36/L.3, Nov. 22, 1952. 12 pp. mimeo.
Trusteeship Council
The Ewe and Togoland Unification Problem. Special re-
port of the United Nations Visiting Mission to Trust
Territories in West Africa, 1952 (T/1034) : observa-
tions of the United Kingdom Government as Admin-
istering Authority for Togoland under British ad-
ministration. T/1039, Dec. 9, 1952. 12 pp. mimeo.
Petitions Concerning Somaliland Under Italian Adminis-
tration. Observations of the Government of Italy as
Administering Authority. T/OBS.11/4, Dec. 5, 1952.
19 pp. mimeo.
Petitions Concerning Somaliland Under Italian Adminis-
tration. Observations of the Government of Italy as
Administering Authority. T/OBS.11/6, Dec. 30, 1952.
12 pp. mimeo.
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service. Columbia Uni-
versity Press. 2960 Broadway, New Yorlj 27, N. Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.
The United Nations Secretariat has established an Offi-
cial Records series for the General Assembly, the Security
Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Trustee-
ship Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission, which
includes summaries of proceedings, resolutions, and re-
ports of the various commissions and committees. Infor-
mation on securing subscriptions to the series may be
obtained from the International Documents Service.
February 76, J 953
275
Report of U.N. Command Operations in Korea
FIFTY-FIFTH REPORT: FOR THE PERIOD OCTOBER 1-15, 1952>
U.N. doc. S/28nS [Excerpts]
Transmitted January 6, 1953
I herewith submit report number 55 of the United Na-
tions Command Operations in Korea for the period 1-15
October 1U52, inclusive. United Nations Command com-
muniques numbers 1389-1403 provide detailed accounts of
these operations.
The Armistice Negotiations continued in recess until <S
October in order to give the Communists ample time in
v?hich to study the new proposals for resolving the pris-
oner of war issue put forward by the United Nations
Command on 28 September. The three alternative United
Nations Command proposals submitted at that time had
established beyond any possibility of refutation the fact
that the United Nations Command would willingly re-
patriate every war prisoner who desired to return to
Communist control, and provided absolute safeguards
against the forcible retention of any prisoner. When the
main delegations met on 8 October the Communists im-
mediately stated that after careful study they found the
new proposals unacceptable, and demanded total repatri-
ation of all war prisoners. Simultaneously, with com-
plete illogic, they repeated time after time the obviously
false charge that the United Nations Command was at-
tempting to forcibly retain prisoners of war.
The Senior United Nations Command Delegate then
questioned tlie Communist spokesman to determine un-
equivocally if the Communists definitely rejected the
United Nations Command proposals, and still insisted
on total repatriation of all prisoners of war. In reply
' Transmitted to the Security Council by the representa-
tive of the U.S. to the U.N. on Jan. 6. Texts of the 30th,
31st, and 32d reports appear in the Bulletin of Feb. 18,
19.52, p. 2C6 ; the 33d report. Mar. 10, 1952, p. 395 ; the 34th
report. Mar. 17, 1952, p. 430; the 35th report. Mar. 31,
19.52, p. 512; the StJth and 37th reports. Apr. 14, 1052, p.
594; the 38th report. May 5. 1952, p. 715; the 39th report
May 19, 1952, p. 788; the 40th report, June 23, 1052, p.
908 ; the 41st report, June 30, 1952, p. 1038 ; the 42d report,
July 21. 1052, p. 114; the 43d report, Aug. 4, 1052, p. 194;
the 44th report, Aug. 11, 1952, p. 231 ; the 45th report,
Aug. IS, 19.52, p. 272 ; the 46th report, Sept. 29, 1952, p.
495 ; the 47th report, Oct. 27, 1952, p. 668 ; the 48th report.
Nov. 17, 19.52, p. 795 ; the 49th report, Dec. 1, 1052, p. 883 ;
the noth report, Dec. 15, 1952, p. 9.58; the 51st and 52d
reports, Dec. 29, 1952, p. 1034; the 53d report, Jan. 26,
1953, p. 155; and the .54th report, Feb. 9, 1053, p. 224.
the Communists stated that the United Nations Command
proposals presented no new content, and that the prin-
ciples represented had been rejected long ago. They
maintained, as before, that international conventions and
the present draft of the Armistice Agreement required the
repatriation of all war prisoners, and must be adhered to.
The Communist Senior Delegate then urged the United
Nations Command to carefully consider a proposal of the
Communists which is repeated here as delivered by the
Communists.
. . . with regard to the changes in form as suggested
in your proposal, we are willing to give them serious
consideration on the basis of the principle of total re-
patriation of war prisoners on both sides. We consider
that when the Armistice Agreement becomes effective, all
of the war prisoners of each side may be sent to the
agreed exchange point in the Demilitarized Zone to be
delivered to and received by the other side. Thereafter,
through visits by the joint teams of the I£ed Cross
Societies of both sides, the war prisoners will be insured
to return home to lead a peaceful life and not to par-
ticipate again in active hostilities in Korea. Classifica-
tion of the war prisoners will be carried out thereafter
in accordance with our July ISth principle of reclassifica-
tion according to nationality and area. The captured
personnel of the Chinese I'eople's Volunteers and the
United Nations Forces must all be repatriated home. Of
the captured personnel of the Korean People's Army,
those whose homes are in North Korea must all be re-
patriated home while those others whose homes are in
South Korea may return to South Korea. Of the cap-
tured personnel of the South Korean Army, those whose
homes are in South Korea must all be repatriated home,
while the others whose homes are in North Korea may
return to North Korea. These tasks of visits, classifica-
tion, and repatriation can be accomplished under the
observance of inspection teams of neutral nations.
Since the Communist proposal obviously constituted no
real change in the enemy position the United Nations
Command Senior Delegate stated that it was clear that
the Communists categorically rejected all United Nations
Command proposals.'
After the recess commenced the liaiwrn officers of both
sides continued to meet for consultati(in and transaction
'The report here summarizes Gen. Harrison's Oct. 8
statement and quotes the last 4 paragraphs. For text, see
BlTLLETl.N- of Oct. 20, 19.52. p. (!(»!.
276
Department of State Bulletin
of their customary duties. The Communist Senior Dele-
gate promptly employed their services to transmit a letter
of protest to the United Nations Command Senior Dele-
gate regarding the recess. This letter, delivered on 11
October 1952, recognized in its opening sentence that a
recess had been declared, but ended with a contradictory
allegation that the United Nations Command was respon-
sible for disrupting and breaking off the negotiations.
The United Nations Command Senior Delegate has pre-
pared a reply refuting this unwarranted charge by the
Communists and restating the United Nations Command
position with regard to the recess. This letter will be
delivered through the liaison officers in the near future.
In a meeting of the liaison officers on 6 October a letter
from the United Nations Command Senior Delegate to
the Communist Senior Delegate was delivered. The text
of this letter is quoted.
On 5 August I addressed a letter to you requesting
that your side permit tlie receipt by our captured personnel
in yotir custody of individual parcels or collective ship-
ments of relief supplies. You will recall that we have
offered to make similar arrangements for those members
of your forces we now hold as prisoners of war.
On 27 August in the course of a plenary session of the
delegation I again requested your agreement to this pro-
posal, to which you replied that the matter was under
study by your side.
With the approach of winter and the increase in hard-
ships which colder weather will bring, we particularly
desire to make available to our personnel some comforts
which will assist them. I propose a specific plan for the
shipment and exchange of individual parcels by both sides
to be initiated as soon as possible, leaving for future
consideration the shipment of collective supplies :
Parcels will be limited to four pounds in weight, with
a maximum length of eighteen inches and with thirty-six
inch maximum length and girth combined.
Each parcel will be addressed to an individual whose
name has been included in lists exchanged by both sides
or in subsequent lists submitted by each side for additional
accounting.
Each prisoner of war will be permitted to receive a
maximum of two parcels per month.
Contents of packages will be limited to articles
described in Article 72 of the Geneva Convention.
Packages will be delivered to the representatives of
both sides at Panmunjom in the same manner as prisoner
of war mail.
I hope for an early and favorable reply to this request
which has as its only objective some measure of relief
for those unfortunate victims of war.
At the end of the period no reply of any kind to this
request had been received from the Communists.
The series of open acts of defiance which occurred
during the latter part of September at United Nations
Prisoner of War Camp Number Three, Cheju City, housing
fanatical pro-Communist Chinese prisoners of war, were
culminated on 1 October '.52 by a carefully planned attempt
at open rebellion.
In an attempt to restore order, two platoons forced their
way into the compound at approximately 082.5 hours and
were immediately attacked by prisoners armed with rocks,
spears, barbed wire flails and other hand-fashioned mis-
siles. Divided into three groups the prisoners were forti-
fied behind a partially constructed rock wall being built
as part of a shower house. Firing ceased at 0835. Total
casualties resulting from this incident were: fifty-six
Prisoners of War dead, ninety-one injured and evacuated
to the Prisoner of War hospital at Pusan, and nine addi-
tional slightly injured. Nine United States troops were
bruised by rocks or clubs.
As soon as a report of this incident was received, im-
mediate steps were taken to provide transportation facili-
ties for the press to Cheju City. Correspondents and
photographers who arrived shortly after noon on 2 Octo-
ber were given factual information during a conference
with the camp commander, and were given permission to
question United States personnel involved. They took a
number of photographs of crude weapons and prisoners of
war in formation who were undergoing inspection. It is
of particular Interest to note that the inmates of this camp
had been specifically warned the day previously that
demonstrations celebrating Chinese Communist holidays
during the period 1-3 October would not be permitted.
In the remainder of the camps under United Nations
Command control no unusual incidents occurred during
this period. New construction and improvement in exist-
ing facilities. Including the furtherance of the winteriza-
tion program went along well. With the implementation
of Operation THANKSGIVING, In which some 11,000
South Korean civilian internees will be released during
the month of October, by 13 October over 2,300 had been re-
leased to civilian authorities, and with the assistance of
relief agencies of the United Nations Command, were being
settled rapidly into the civilian economy.
The period opened with the enemy displaying the same
degree of aggre.ssiveness in ground operations which he
had shown during September. During the second half of
this period, however, the entire western and central por-
tions of the battle line were the scene of some of the
heaviest fighting in many months. This increased battle
action was precipitated by the enemy during the night G/7
October when hostile units of up to regimental strength
struck a total of forty United Nations Command positions
on the western and central fronts in what was the largest
series of co-ordinated limited objective attacks attempted
by the Communists in more than a year. Many positions
changed hands, some repeatedly, as a result of this in-
creased action. When the period closed the enemy at
great cost had taken and still retained five of these posi-
tions, all of which were outpost positions. To herald the
opening of this series of limited objective attacks the
Communists unleashed the largest volume of artillery and
mortar fire received by United Nations Command forces
since the initiation of hostilities. Over 93,000 rounds of
artillery and mortar fire fell on friendly positions on 7
October. The daily average for this period increased to
24,000 rounds per day, or more than twice that of the
previous period. United Nations Command forces, in
addition to defeating the enemy's vigorous limited objec-
tive at all but several minor points, continued to employ
groups up to company size to provide patrols and raiding
parties for combat intelligence and reconnaissance activ-
ities against the enemy. No major change in enemy dis-
positions took place. However, because of the extremely
intense action at one point on the central front east of
Mabang the enemy was forced to commit, unsuccessfully,
the reserve division of one Chinese Communist Army.
Along the western front enemy activity centered in the
area south and east of Punji and in the area south and east
February 16, 1953
277
of Sanguyong. Outpost positions and hill masses were
tlie objectives of the attacking Red forces. In the Punjl
area on the night of 2 October six outposts were attacked
by enemy forces up to two companies in strength. Action
in one Instance lasted for nine hours. Five of these posi-
tions were lost to the Communists but two of them were
reoccupied the following day. During the night of 6/7
October the Communists initiated a total of thirty-one
actions across the western front, ranging from squad size
probes to a regimental strength attack against a terrain
feature four miles east and .south of Mabang. As a result
of these various actions five positions were lost to the
enemy. Activity, although diminishing in intensity, con-
tinued sporadically for the ensuing several days with
counterattacks being made by both friendly and Commu-
nist forces in an effort to gain and hold outposts in the
Sanguyong area. As the period drew to a close Commu-
nist action had dwindled to brief, ineffective probes by
small hostile elements. As of the end of the period four
outpost positions which had been lost to the enemy attacks
of <3/7 October remained under hostile control.
Along the central portion of the battle line, Communist
interest was focused on only one area as the period
opened. In a continuation of action which had com-
menced on 29 September the Communists made two com-
pany strength attacks against an outpost position one
and a half miles southeast of Kumsong. The tirst at-
tack, which was launched during the early morning hours
of 1 October, was repulsed after a two and one-half hour
engagement which included hand-to-hand fighting. The
same evening the enemy was again forced to withdraw
after an unsuccessful attack of one-hour duration. With
the exception of a few brief scattered probes the enemy
was inactive until the night of 6/7 October. The central
front then received its share of the series of co-ordinated
attacks made by the Communist forces. Thirteen sep-
arate actions were initiated including one in regimental
strength and six by hostile battalions. During this
series of actions an outpost six miles south and west of
Pyonggang was lost to the Reds. This position was re-
taken, lost again and finally regained and held by friendly
elements at noon of 8 October. Also during the night of
6/7 October the Communists occupied a hill mass one and
a half miles southeast of Tulsa and a portion of another
ridge located three thousand yards to the east. These
same positions had been the targets for enemy attacks at
various times during the month of September. United
Nations Command units later retook the ridge position re-
ferred to above on 13 October. The heaviest fighting took
place at the western end of the central front where a
bitterly fought contest still continues over a hill mass
seven miles east of Mabang. This action opened, as did
many others, during the night of 6/7 October. The hill,
dubbed "Whitehorse", has been taken and lost by botli
sides almost daily as United Nations Command and Com-
munist battalions stormed up the slopes to gain and hold
the position. The Communists employed, in succession,
major elements of five separate regiments in their de-
termined bid for control of the hill mass. Three of these
hostile regiments were drawn from a reserve Chinese Com-
munist Division. Employing human-sea tactics the Com-
munist Commanders, as one attacking regiment became
depleted, committed regiment after regiment into the ac-
tion. Prisoners of war and battlefield reports clearly
reveal the unusually heavy punishment inflicted on the
attacking units by the gallant Republic of Korea de-
fenders. Prisoners also reflect a continued determination
to seize this hill mass ; however, at last reports. United
Nations Command elements remained on the position. On
14 October United Nations Command forces, in a co-ordi-
nated attack to secure more advantageous positions, com-
pelled two enemy battalions to relinquish their hold on two
hill positions three miles northeast of Kumhwa. After
dark on the same date a Communist counterattack carried
the positions and necessitated a friendly withdrawal.
On 15 October a renewed offensive by United Nations Com-
mand elements succeeded in retaking and securing the hills
after initial stubborn resistance. All subsequent Com-
munist assaults against these positions were successfully
contained as United Nations Command defenders re-
mained in firm possession at the close of the period.
Along the eastern portion of the front enemy action
was relatively insignificant. Only one position, a United
Nations Command outpost approximately three miles
south and east of Mulguji, was the focal point of Com-
munist activity. Here numerous attacks and counter-
attacks by platoon .size elements of both sides took place as
ownership of the position changed almost daily. At last
report the outpost was in friendly hands. Elsewhere
across the eastern front activity consisted of brief Com-
munist probes, mostly in squad strength, all of which were
repulsed.
A study of enemy activity before, during, and imme-
diately following the series of co-ordinated attacks re-
vealed few general offensive indications and a predomi-
nance of basic defensive indications. Therefore, it is
concluded that this series of attacks were limited ob-
jective attacks. Some of the reasons for launching these
attacks, as indicated by several prisoner of war reports,
were believed to be : ( 1 ) a display of Communist strength
and firepower motivated by a fear of a United Nations
Command offensive; (2) spoiling attacks designed to keep
United Nations Command forces off balance and in a de-
fensive attitude in case the United Nations Command
should be preparing for large-scale offensive action ; and
(3) an effort to seize certain terrain features considered
important from a tactical viewpoint and for negotiatory
advantage at the Panmunjon Conference. Whether one or
all of these considerations motivated the hostile limited
offensive, it must certainly now be clear, even to the low-
est rank and file enemy soldier, that the Communist ef-
fort was not only costly but a complete failure. This fail-
ure should vividly illustrate to the Communist hierarchy
the price that they must pay in any contemplated gen-
eral offensive.
United Nations Command naval jet and propeller driven
aircraft operating from fast carriers in the Sea of Japan
struck pre-briefed targets and targets of opportunity
throughout central and north Korea. Enemy troop con-
centrations and supply areas received the major atten-
tion of naval aircraft during this period. Strikes were
launched almost daily against enemy transportation fa-
cilities, buildings and warehouses of military significance.
Four major effort strikes were launched. First, sixty-nine
278
Department of State Bulletin
United Nations Command Navy planes hit a North Korean
troop concentration and supply area. Second, a joint
United Nations Command Navy-Air Force strilie was con-
ducted against an enemy troop concentration and supply
area at Hoeryang. Third, a joint United Nations Com-
mand Navy-Air Force strike was made against an enemy
supply area at Yongpyong-ni. Fourth, a joint United
Nations Command Navy-Air Force strike attacked Kowon,
a major railway and road hub, and supply center. Other
heavy strikes were also launched against enemy supply
areas and troop concentrations in the Wonsan area.
United Nations Command naval aircraft close air sup-
port sorties for front line troops destroyed many bunkers
and gun positions, and inflicted numerous casualties
among enemy troops. The highlight of the close support
work occurred on 9 October when ninety-one Navy planes
supported United Nations Command front line troops,
using a newly developed ground-air co-ordinated strike
technique against dug-in enemy troops. Observed results
consisted of one troop shelter, six buildings, and 100 yards
of trenches destroyed, and direct hits on ten bunkers.
Attacks on interdiction targets resulted in many railcuts,
destruction or damage to railroad and highway bridges,
locomotives, railroad cars, trucks and boats. A number
of MIG-lSs were encountered in the Wonsan area during
this period and two Navy fighters were shot down as a
result of MIG encounters.
Off the west coast of Korea, Marine Corps and Navy
carrier-based aircraft continued air strikes on enemy
military targets south and west of a line between Hanchon
and Kaesong. Close air support missions for United Na-
tions Command troops were also flown. The interdiction
planes concentrated on troop dispositions threatening
friendly-held islands, supply areas, road traffic, boats,
and rail and road cuts. The prolonged effort to cut the
enemy main supply routes has borne fruit and the West
Coast Task Element Commander stated on 6 October that
the enemy's past policy of rebuilding destroyed rail
bridges has almost ceased, but that oxcart and sampan
traffic has increased in the area. Aircraft sighted four
groups of MIG-15 aircraft near Chirmampo on 6 October
but no engagement ensued. One fighter plane crashed
in the Yellow Sea, probably as a result of enemy ground
fire, and the pilot is listed as missing in action.
Marine Corps aircraft based ashore in Korea continued
to support United Nations Command front line troops
and fly strike and reconnaissance missions over North
Korea.
Naval patrol planes supported the United Nations
effort in Korea by daily flights which included recon-
naissance, anti-submarine, and weather data missions
conducted over the waters adjoining Korea.
On the east coast of Korea the naval blockade units,
led by the United Nations Command flagship with United
Nations Command cruisers and destroyers assigned, be-
sieged key enemy strong points at Songjin, Hungnam,
and Wonsan, and interdicted the coastal road and rail
lines. Minesweepers worked daily within range of enemy
coastal guns to keep mines clear of the ships on blockade
and patrol duties. In the East Coast bombline vicinity.
United Nations Command vessels supported the friendly
troops ashore on a round the clock basis.
Enemy shore batteries along the east coast of Korea
continued to harass United Nations Command ships.
During the first thirteen days of October over 250 rounds
of 76mni and 105mm ammunition were expended by North
Korean shore batteries and two United Nations Copi-
maud ships suffered damage. Near Songjin a 7(imm
shore battery scored an airburst on a Canadian de-
stroyer. Two personnel were killed, eight were wounded,
and the ship suffered superficial superstructure damage
but continued her blockade duties. A minesweeper op-
erating off Kojo received minor shrapnel damage from
near mis(ses made by a 76mm l>attery, and four of
her crew were wounded.
On the Korean west coast United Nations Command
surface craft blockaded the Korean coastline around the
perimeter of the Hwanghae Province. The ves.sels suc-
cessfully defended the friendly-held islands north of the
38th Parallel by maintaining constant watch and ha-
rassing troop positions on the mainland.
Small United Nations Command vessels conducted
close inshore patrols, blockaded, and swept mines in waters
off enemy shores. A new patrol was established by the
United Nations Command Blockading and Escort Force
Commander to warn unauthorized vessels out of waters
adjacent to South Korea.
United Nations Command Naval auxiliary vessels, Mil-
itary Sea Transportation Service, and merchant vessels
under contract, provided personnel lift and logistic sup-
port for the United Nations Command naval, air and
ground forces in Korea.
United Nations Command aircraft continued to attack
enemy supply targets to destroy the enemy's war-making
potential. An intensified operation, which was made pos-
sible by the availability of additional aircraft and favor-
able maintenance cimditions, was begun during the
period. Approximately 250 sorties per day were sched-
uled over the normal rate to increase the destruction of
enemy material. Fighter bombers concentrated on the
area south of a line between Pyongyang and Wonsan where
supply targets, fuel dumps and troop concentrations were
attacked daily by large formations of Air Force and
Marine aircraft. Returning pilots reported destruction of
warehouses, supply stacks, and other lucrative targets.
On 12 October United Nations Command aircraft flew
a total of 1,428 sorties, the second highest mark reached
during any twenty-four-hour period since the beginning
of the war. On this date and the day following, 590 close
support sorties were flown by fighter bombers and light
bombers. Increased ground activity necessitated addi-
tional close support missions, particularly in the central
sector. Destruction claims from these and other sorties
during the period, included many bunkers and gun posi-
tions, and numerous casualties inflicted on enemy troops.
Counter-air sorties by United Nations Command jet
interceptors continued to take a terrific toll of Communist
MIG aircraft but the destruction claims fell far short of
the record set during the first part of September. United
Nations Command fighters shot down eighteen Red MIGs
during the reporting period and damaged an additional
twenty. Pilots reported that the enemy pilots were not
aggressive unless the odds were decidedly in their favor.
February 16, 1953
279
The MIG pilots took advantage of cloud cover and the
Manchurian border to escape from United Nations Com-
mand planes. Tlie enemy still used his hit and run tactics
against United Nations Command interceptdrs and slower
fighter bombers but was unwilling to fight prolon;;ed bat-
tles with the faster jet types.
On three occasions during the period, MIGs made at-
taclcs on propeller-driven United Nations Command air-
craft operating in the Wonsan-Hamhung area. On 12
October, an Air Force aircraft on an armed reconnaissance
mission west of Wonsan was destroyed by MIGs and
the United Nations Command pilot was listed as missing
in action.
These attacks by MIGs, in the eastern sector of Korea,
broiiglit about a change in the use of United Nation.s ('oni-
mand interceptor aircraft. United Nations Command jet
fighters were scheduled on airborne patrol missions be-
tween the Chongcbon River and the Wonsan area. These
missions were flown throughout the daylight hours with
four aircraft constantly in the area.
Air Intelligence was unable to draw any unusual
conclusions from the operation of the enemy jets but
indications are that the sporadic raids by MIGs represent
only a token force and do not in any way reflect the total
capaliility.
The medium bombers contributed to the program of
increased destruction of supplies and equipment by at-
tacking supply areas at Sopo-ri, Naewonsan-ni, Haechong,
Ponchongol, Yonpo and other areas where supply build-
ings were destroyed, fuel and ammunition dumps blown
up, and storage areas destroyed.
The largest medium bomber strike of the period was
accomplished in a night attack on targets on the Haeju
Peninsula. The primary target was a headquarters area
for guerrilla training units operating from Haeju and
the surrounding area. The day after the bomber attack,
fighter bomber aircraft attacked the same area to destroy
smaller targets not hit by the medium bombers.
The medium bombers flew frequent sorties in close
support of United Nations Command ground units and
bombed targets with the aid of radar equipment. They
also flew regular leaflet missions, dropping millions of
leaflets.
Light bombers were utilized primarily on night intruder
missions and night attacks on supply target.?. The num-
ber of vehicles sighted during the period decreased from
the previous period although on the night of 12/13 October,
3,000 vehicles were sighted. A large percentage of these
vehicles were attacked and a good number were destroyed
by the night intruders and Marine night fighters. Several
trains were destroyed during the period with the majority
of the sightings in the Wonsan-Hamhung area. As a
result additional night intruder aircraft patrolled the
main routes on the east coast searching for rail traffic.
Combat cargo aircraft performed normal logistical
missions transporting troops and equipment in support
of combat operations. Meanwhile, rescue units accom-
plished recovery of three United Nations Command pilots
who had parachuted from disabled aircraft behind enemy
lines. These rescue missions were all flown within range
of enemy MIG fighters, but the recovery operations were
not subjected to enemy air attacks.
All United Nations Command Air Force units par-
ticipated in a joint operation which was begun on the
final day of the reporting period but details of the
operation were not available for this report.
Employing radio, leaflets, and loudspeakers, maximum
dissemination was given the 28 September proposal of
the Senior United Nations Command Delegate to the
armistice negotiation.?. The signiflcance of this and other
United Nations Command efforts to achieve a realistic
peace in Korea had been seriously distorted by Commu-
nist leaders in their rigidly controlled indoctrination of
troops and civilians. Radio broadcasts of recorded state-
ments by ('onimunist prisoners of war presented dramatic
testimony to the terror which repatriation holds for many
prisoners. Communist obstruction of peace in an effurf
to obtain forcible repatriation of the.se men was stressed.
Psychological warfare media continued the extensive
program of warnings to civilians in areas where targets
of United Nations Command bombings are located.
Wage scales have been adjusted for direct-hire Korean
workers employed by the United Nations forces to com-
pensate for the increased cost of living. The Commanding
General, Korean Communications Zone, has been author-
ized to take certain actions to provide wages at levels pre-
vailing in private industry for the same classifications of
work and to insure co-ordinated and uniform treatment of
all direct-hire employees of the several military commands.
United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency and the
American Embassy. In conformance with the common
practice in Korea, wages will be paid in won, issues-in-kind
and services.
A preliminary survey of crop growing conditions and
areas planted to rice and supplemental crops was con-
ducted by a joint United Nations Command-Republic of
Korea survey team during the period 29 August to 11
September. This was the first of two surveys to be con-
ducted to determine the extent of presently planted areas
and to estimate the probable yield of these areas at fall
harvest time. The results of the second survey, scheduled
for mid-October, will be used as a basis for determining
the total food and grain import requirements for the
Korean food year 1 November 1952 to 31 October 1953.
Definite steps are being taken by the United Nations
Command to assist in improving the facilities for medical
education in the Republic of Korea. Following the com-
pletion of a recent survey of Republic of Korea medical
educational facilities by United Nations Command medical
and educational advisors, certain recommendations were
presented to President Rhee. To this end the United Na-
tions Command has suggested and agreed to the relocation
of certain United Nations Command advisory groups and
medical units in order to free the space now occupied by
the 1st Republic of Korea Hospital in Taegu Medical Col-
lege. This particular change is considered to be of pri-
mary importance since it will not only return the build-
ings to the college but it will provide for the transfer of
faculty members, nurses and students from Pusan, thus
relieving the overcrowded conditions of the combined
medical schools located here. In addition it will be the
first step toward establishing a valuable medical center.
280
Department of Slate Bulletin
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Inter-American Economic and Social Council COAS)
The Department of State announced on Feb-
ruary 6 (press release 69) that John M. Cabot,
personal representative of the Secretary of State,
will be the delegate of the U.S. Government at
the third extraordinary meeting of the Inter-
Ajnerican Economic and Social Counbil ot the
Organization of American States, which will cou-
vene at Caracas on February 9, 1953.
The other members of the U.S. delegation are
as follows :
Alternate Delegates
Merwin L. Bohan, U.S. Kepresentative on the Inter-Amer-
ican Economic and Social Council
Julian C. Gieenup, Acting U.S. Representative on the
Inter-American Economic and Social Council
Advisers
Willis C. Armstrong, Deputy Director, Office of Interna-
tional Materials Policy, Department of State
Edward G. Cale, Director, Office of Regional American
Affairs, Department of State
James C. Corliss, Adviser, Office of Regional American
Affairs, Department of State .
Mrs Elizabeth S. Enochs, Chief, International Technical
Mission, Social Security Administration, Federal
Security Agency .
Charles P. Nolan, Officer in Charge, Transportation and
Communications. Office of Regional American Af-
fairs, Department of State
Rafael Pico, Chairman, Puerto Rico Development Board,
Santurce, Puerto Rico
William H. Wynne, Financial Adviser, Office of Inter-
national Finance, Department of the Treasury
George Wythe, Director, American Republics Division,
Office of International Trade, Department of Com-
merce
Executive Secretary
Henry E. Allen, Division of International Conferences,
Department of State
Press Officer
Joseph F. McEvoy, First Secretary of Embassy, Caracas
The purpose of each extraordinary meeting is
to enable the Inter- American Economic and Social
Council to review the work it accomplished during
the preceding year; to examine the plans for
future action; and. in general, to consider any
other topic of common interest to the member
states, within the jurisdiction of the Council. In
the light of the latest information on the most
characteristic problems and on the economic, finan-
cial, and social conditions of the American coun-
tries, delegates to the third extraordinary meeting
will review the Council's work program and the
priorities to be assigned to various activities dur-
ing 1953-54.
Among other subjects to be considered during
the forthcoming meeting by delegations from the
•21 American Republics are topics concerning cur-
rent economic problems, including coordination
February 16, 7953
of transportation and materials in short supply ;
economic policy and development and monetary
stability ; and social problems, such as population
movements, community organization, workers edu-
cation, social insurance, and low-cost housing.
The meeting will also examine the program of
technical cooperation of the Organization of
American States (Oas), under which projects are
now being carried out in the fields of housing
research, hoof-and-mouth disease, the administra-
tion of children's services, economic and financial
statistics, cooperatives, and technical education
for the improvement of agricultural and rural life.
Economic Commission for Asia (ECOSOC)
The Department of State announced on Febru-
ary 6 (press release 72) that the U.S. Government
is represented at the ninth session of the Economic
Commission for Asia and the Far East (Ecafe)
of the U.N. Economic and Social Council, which
convened at Bandung, Indonesia on February 6
by the following delegation :
U.S. Representative
Merrill C. Gay, Minister, Economic Adviser, Office of
the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern
Affairs
Advisers
Eugene M. Braderman, Director, Far Eastern Division,
Office of International Trade, Department of
Commerce
Augustus S. Chase, Chief, Division of Research for Far
East, Department of State
William W. Diehl, Financial Attach^, American Embassy,
Tokyo
Howard L. Parsons, Economic Officer and Attach^,
American Embassy, Bangkok
Rufus Burr Smith, Economic Counselor, American Em-
bassy, Karachi
Kenneth T. Young, Director, Office of North Asian Affairs,
Department of State
Secretary of Delegation
Frederick D. Hunt, Second Secretary and Consul, Ameri-
can Embassy, Djakarta
The principal purposes of Ecafe are to initiate
and participate in measures for facilitating con-
certed action for economic reconstruction in the
countries of Asia and the Far East, for raising
the level of economic activity in those countries,
and for maintaining and strengthening their eco-
nomic relations, both among themselves and with
other countries of the world; to make or sponsor
investigations and studies of economic and techno-
logical problems and developments within terri-
tories of Asia and the Far East; and to undertake
or sponsor the collection, evaluation, and dis-
semination of economic, technological, and sta-
tistical information.
Statistical Commission (ECOSOC)
The Department of State announced on Feb-
ruary 3 (press release 63) that Stuart A. Rice,
U.S.' representative on the Statistical Commission
281
of the U.N. Economic and Social Council, is at-
tending the seventii session of the Commission,
which convened at New Yorii on February 2, 1953.
Mr. Rice is assistant director in charge of statis-
tical standards, Bureau of the Budget. He is
being assisted by the following advisers :
Harry Veiineman, Principal Adviser, Economist, Office of
Statistical Standards, Bureau of the Budget
Maxwell R. Conklin, Chief, Industry Division, Bureau of
the Census
J. Edward Ely, Chief, Foreign Trade Division, Bureau
of the Census
Payton Stapp, Assistant Chief, Office of Statistical Stand-
ards, Bureau of the Budget
During the seventh session the participants will
discuss a number of questions basic to the improve-
raent of the international comparability of statis-
tics, including the principles for statistics of
external trade, definitions for industrial statistics,
concepts and definitions of statistics, principles
for a vital statistics system, a system of wholesale
price statistics, and standards to be used in the
development and reporting of national income
statistics. A review will be made during this ses-
sion of recommendations for the improvement of
international migration statistics, a Secretariat
paper on the development of various branches of
social statistics, and the report of the Subcom-
mission on Statistical Sampling. Participants in
the seventh session will also study a general survey
of developments in national and international
statistics, prepared in response to a request made
by the Commission at its sixth session for an over-
all report on the status of international statistical
activities, in connection with the assignment of
priorities to the work programs of the Commission.
Among other subjects referred to in the provi-
sional agenda are balance-of-payments statistics,
manual on money and banljing statistics, censuses
of distribution, construction statistics, living
standards, transport statistics, customs areas, con-
struction of price and quantity indices in national
accounting, and insurance statistics.
Committee on Industry and Trade (ECAFE)
The Department of State announced on Jan-
uary 26 (press release 43) that at the fifth ses-
sion of the Committee on Industry and Trade of
the U.N. Economic Commission for Asia and the
Far East (Ecafe), which will convene at
Bandung, Indonesia, on January 26, the U.S.
Government will be represented by the following
delegation:
Chairman
Merrill C. Gay, Minister, Economic Adviser, Office of the
Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs
Advisers
Eugene M. Braderman, Director, Far Eastern Division,
Office of International Trade, Department of Com-
merce
William W. Diehl, Financial Attacht\ American Embassy
Tokyo
Howard L. Parsons, Economic Officer and Attach^, Amer-
ican Kmliassy, Bangkok
Kufus Burr Smith, Economic Counselor, American Em-
bas.sy, Karachi
Secretary o/ Delegation
Frederick D. Hunt, Second Secretary and Consul, Ameri-
can Embassy, Djakarta
To be considered by the Committee at its forth-
coming session are agenda items relating to activi-
ties in the field of mineral-resources development
in the area; the present and potential volume of
trade between the Ecafe countries and the coun-
ti-ies of Europe ; trade promotion activities of the
Committee secretariat; and financial aspects of
economic-development programing. The Com-
mittee will review reports on the electric-power
resources and needs of the area; shortages of
trained personnel which are handicapping certain
fields of economic development; improved meth-
ods of using indigenous regional materials in
housing and building; cottage and small-scale in-
dustries, particularly in textiles, and handicraft
marketing; and the mobilization of domestic cap-
ital for the economic development of the region.
A detailed summary of the Committee's discus-
sions of tliese matters, together with its recom-
inendations for future activities in the field of
industry and trade in the region, will be submitted
to the ninth session of Ecafe, which is scheduled
to convene in Bandung on February 6.
Transport and Communications Commission
(ECOSOC)
The Department of State announced on Febru-
ary 2 (press release 61) that at the sixth session
of the Transport and Communications Commis-
sion of the U.N. Economic and Social Council,
which convened at New York on that date, George
P. Baker, professor of transportation. Graduate
School of Business Administration, Harvard Uni-
versity, Cambridge, Mass., will head the U.S.
delegation in his capacity of U.S. representative
on the Commission. He will be assisted by the
following advisers :
Adviser
Henry H. Kelly, Chief, Inland Transport Policy Staff,
Department of State
Ad Hoc Advisers
Herbert Ashton, Transport and Communications Division,
Office of Transportation, Department of Commerce
Edmund H. Kellogg, Officer in Charge, U.N. Economic
Affairs, Bureau of United Nations Affairs, Depart-
ment of State
Robert T. Merrill, Capt. U.S.C.G. (retired). Executive
Secretary, Shipping Coordinating Committee, Depart-
ment of State
.Jerome S.irhs, Chief, Insurance Staff, Office of Interna-
tional Trade, Department of Commerce
The Transport and Communications Commis-
sion assists the Economic and Social Council in
all matters concerned with the international trans-
282
Department of State Bulletin
portation of goods and persons. At its forth-
coming session, participants will consider items
relating to the question of a uniform system of
road signs and signals, the report of a U.N. Com-
mittee of Experts on Licensing of Motor Vehicle
Drivers, and customs formalities for the temporary
importation of private vehicles and for tourism.
They will also review a report on various aspects
of the transport of dangerous goods, especially
those which are considered suitable for uniform
international attention at this time; consider cer-
tain maritime matters, including the ratifications
of the Convention on the Inter-Governmental
Maritime Consultative Organization, the uniKca-
tion of maritime tonnage measurement, and the
pollution of sea water by oil ; and review a number
of Secretariat reports on matters in the field of
international transport and communications. The
Commission will transmit to the Economic and
Social Council a report containing a summary of
the discussion on the various agenda items, a re-
view of the Commission's past activities and ac-
complishments, the problems which are expected
to continue in the future, and the texts of the reso-
lutions adopted at this session of the Commission.
by the International Labor Office, covering (1)
action taken in the various countries in the light
of the conclusions of the previous sessions of tlie
Committee ; (2) steps taken by the Office to follow
up the studies and inquiries proposed by the Com-
mittee; and (3) recent trends and developments in
the textile industry.
THE DEPARTMENT
Confirmations
Walter li. Siiiitli
The Senate on February 6 confirmed Walter Bedell
Smith as Under Secretary of State.
THEIFOREIGN SERVICE
Textiles Committee (ILO)
The Department of State announced on Feb-
ruary 2 (press release 62) that the U.S. delegation
at tlie fourth session of the Textiles Committee of
the International Labor Organization (Ilo) , which
meets at Geneva February 2-14, 1953, is as follows :
Repkesenting the Government of the United States
Delcyutcs
Mrs. Mary Hilton, Chief, Research Division, Women's
Bureau, Department of Labor, Washington, D. C.
A. Henry Thurston, Director, Textiles Division, National
Production Authority, Washington, D. C.
Representing the Employers of the United States
Delef/ates
William F. Sullivan, President, National Association of
Cotton Manufacturers, Boston, JIass.
Edwin Wilkinson, Executive Vice President, National As-
sociation of Wool Manufacturers, New York, N. Y.
Representing the Workers of the United States
Delegate
Louis Stulberg, Vice President, International Ladies Gar-
ment Workers Union, New York, N. Y.
Delegates at this session of the Textiles Commit-
tee will discuss special problems affecting the em-
ployment of women in the textile industry, includ-
ing («) recruitment, vocational training, and
opportunities for the promotion of women in the
textile industry; and (6) problems relating to
equal remuneration for men and women workers
for work of equal value. Various aspects of the
question of a guaranteed wage for workers in the
textile industry will be considered. In addition,
the delegates will review a general report, prepared
Confirmations
Wiiithrop W. Aldrich
The Senate on February 2 confirmed Winthrop W.
Aldrich as Ambassador to Great Britain.
James B. Conant
The Senate on February 6 confirmed James B. Conant
as U. S. High Comml-ssioner for Germany.
Ciieck List of Department of State
Press Releases: Feb. 2-Feb. 7, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to Jan. 31 which ap-
pear iu this issue of the But.letin are Nos. 43 of
Jan. 26, 48 of Jan. 28, 53 of Jan. 28, 54 of Jan. 29, 57
of Jan. 30, and 59 of Jan. 31.
Subject
Exchange of persons
Transport and communications (Ecosoc)
Textiles committee (Ilo)
Statistical commission (Ecosoc)
German employee claims
Andrews : U.S. and underdeveloped areas
Exchange of persons
U.S., U.K. to di.scuss economic matters
Unpaid claims against Cuba
Inter-American Economic, Social Council
Tube wells in India
Department employment policy
Economic commission for Asia (Ecafe)
Conant : Oath of office statement
•Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
*60
2/2
61
2/2
62
2/2
G3
2/3
&4
2/3
t65
2/3
*66
2/4
67
2/5
tfiS
2/5
69
2/6
70
2/6
*71
2/6
72
2/6
73
2/7
februaty 16, 7953
283
February 16, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 712
Africa
The United States, the United Nations, and
Africa (McKay) 267
American Principles
Information and U.S. foreign policy (Compton) . 252
Issue of Ideas (Russell) 247
American Republics
Inter-American Economic and Social Council
(Oas) 281
Asia
Economic Commission for Asia (Ecosoc) . . . 281
INDIA: 755 more tube wells to be drilled . . . 266
KOREA:
Communist war In POW camps 273
North Korean broadcasts (McDermott) . . . 261
Report of U.N. Command operations (55th re-
port) 276
Aviation
Agreement with British Guiana on Atkinson
Field 264
Claims and Property
German public-service employee claims . . . 262
Communism
Communist war In POW camps 273
Issue of Ideas (R'Jssell) 247
North Korean broadcasts (McDermott) .... 261
Eurone
AUSTRIA :
Completion of credit for U.S. cotton .... 263
U.S. again Invites U.S.S.R. to discuss Austrian
treaty, texts of notes 259
GERMANY:
Dr. Conant takes oath of ofiSce 261
German public-service employee claims . . . 262
New investment program for West Berlin . . 262
Supplemental agreement on Industrial con-
trols (text) 263
HUNGARY: U.S. again asks for return of prop-
erty seized In 1951 plane Incident, texts of
notes 257
UNITED KINGDOM:
Agreement with British Guiana on Atkinson
Field 264
Mission to survey British Guiana 265
U.S., U.K. to exchange views on economic mat-
ters 264
U.S. extends sympathy to flood victims .... 256
Finance
Completion of credit to Austria for U.S. cotton . 263
New investment program for West Berlin . . . 262
Semiannual report of International Bank . . . 265
Sterling available to Commonwealth countries . 264
Foreign Service
Confirmations 283
Industry
Committee on Industry and Trade (Ecafe) . . 282
Supplemental agreement on German industrial
controls (text) 263
Textiles Committee (Ilo) 283
International Information
Information and U.S. foreign policy (Compton) . 252
Issue of Ideas (Russell) 247
International Meetings
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Committee on Industry and Trade (EcAFE) . . 282
Economic Commission for Asia (Ecosoc) . . 281
Inter-American Economic and Social Coun-
cil (OAS) 281
Statistical Commission (Ecosoc) 281
Textiles Committee (Ilo) 283
Transport and Communications Commission
(Ecosoc) 282
Presidential Documents
VS. extends sympathy to flood victims .... 258
Prisoners of War
Communist war in POW camps 273
Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property
U.S. again asks Hungary to return property
seized in 1951 plane incident, texts of notes . 257
State, Department of
Conflrmations 283
Dr. Conant takes oath of office . 261
Strategic Materials
Rubber working party prepares draft agree-
ment 266
Technical Cooperation and Development
755 more tube wells to be drilled in India ... 266
Trade
Committee on Industry and Trade (Ecape) . . 282
Transportation
Transport and Communications Commission
(Ecosoc) 282
Treaty Information
Agreement with British Guiana on Atkinson
Field 264
Supplemental agreement on German industrial
controls (text) 263
U.S. again invites U.S.S.R. to discuss Austrian
treaty, texts of notes 259
United Nations
ECOSOC:
Economic Commission for Asia 281
Statistical Commission 281
Mission to survey British Guiana '. 265
Report of U.N. Command operations in Korea
(55th report) 276
Semiannual report of International Bank . .' .' 265
Sterling available to Commonwealth countries . 264
U.N. Documents: A selected bibliography . . 275
United States, the United Nations, and Africa,
(McKay) 267
Name Index
Aldrlch, Wlnthrop 283
Baker, George P . . 282
Bohan, Merwln L 281
Cabot, John M 281
Clark, E. Harrison 265
Compton, Wilson . . . . 252
Conant, James B 261 283
Dulles, Secretary ' 254
Elsenhower, President . . . 256
Elizabeth, Queen .... ^^^
Gay, Merrill C '.'.'. 281,282
Greenup, Julian C 28I
Hilton, Mrs. Mary .'.'.'.' 283
Juliana. Queen . . . 258
McDermott, Michael, Jr . . 261
McKay, Vernon 267
Rice, Stuart A 281
Russell, Francis H 247
Smith, Walter Bedell 283
Thurston, A. Henry [ [ 283
S. SOVERKMEHT PBlNTfKS OFFICE, l«|j
tJne/ z/Jehn^t'men^ xw t/tate^
February 23, 1953
A REPORT TO THE NATION ON EUROPEAN
UNITY • by Secretary Dulles 287
OBSERVATIONS ON NATO'S PROGRESS • by Frederick
L. Anderson 290
THE UNITED STATES AND THE UNDERDEVELOPED
AREAS • by Stanley Andrews 306
HOW SHALL A CHRISTIAN LOOK AT POINT
FOUR? • by Stephen P. Dorsey 311
THE COLD WAR AND THE UNITED NATIONS • by
Ernest A. Gross ,,....... 316
POSTWAR DEVELOPMENT OF THE GERMAN
PRESS • Article by Richard Straus 294
For index see back cava-
,jAe
Doston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
MAR 1 1 1953
Ll^e^ia/ytTyieTvt ^£ t/ia^
bulletin
Vol. XXVIII, No. 713 • Publication 4929
February 23, 1953
For sale by tlie Superintendent of Documents
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Price:
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The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items containeii herein may
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A Report to the Nation on European Unity
Address by Secretary Dulles
I returned this week from a trip to Europe in
company with Mr. Stassen, the Director of our
Mutual Security Agency.
We have reported to the President ; I have met,
and shall meet further, with congressional leaders.
Now I wish to report to you.
You may wonder why, with so much to do at
home, we went so quickly abroad. The reason
was the tremendous importance to the United
States of real unity in Europe and the fact that it
seemed that some of our European friends might
be changing their minds about moving to this goal.
The problem in simple terms is this :
Europe is made up of people who possess an
essential unity. They have given a clear and
special meaning to the concept of Western civili-
zation. Yet Europe has remained politically di-
vided. This has led to recurrent wars, which
have involved us. It has so weakened the Western
European countries that today no one of them
could offer strong resistance to the Red armies.
This situation both distresses and endangers us.
Europe is the cradle of our civilization, and its
industrial power could cruelly hurt us if it were
controlled by our enemies.
It has been clear for some time that the biggest
single postwar task would be to end the disunity
in Europe which makes for weakness and war.
As the Second World War blazed up, I wrote
"Continental Europe has been the world's great-
est fire hazard. The whole structure is now con-
sumed in flames. When the time comes to rebuild,
we should not reproduce a demonstrated fire-
trap."
' Delivered to the Nation over radio and television
networks on Feli. 12 and released to the press (No. 87)
on the same date. Also printed as Department of State
publication 4938.
Today we and the free peoples of Europe are all
face to face with that very problem. Shall a dem-
onstrated fire-trap be rebuilt? Or cannot the wit
of man devise something better?
When the first program of interim aid to Eu-
rope was before the Senate in 1947, 1 urged, before
the Foreign Relations Committee, that in grant-
ing European aid "the basic idea should be, not
the rebuilding of the prewar Europe, but the
building of a new Europe, which, more unified,
will be a better Europe." That point of view was
emphatically adopted by Congress. It was writ-
ten into the policy declaration of the Marshall
Plan act and into our military assistance acts, and
that concept underlay the implementation of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the sta-
tioning of United States troops in Europe. None
of these measures was looked upon as in itself
adequate to defend Europe. But these steps, to-
gether with the creation of a unified continental
Europe, would produce a strength which could
deter aggression.
These are the ideas that enlightened European
leaders themselves put forth. We have not been
trying to impress an American scheme on Europe
but to support the plans of the European leaders
themselves.
What Europe Has Already Accomplished
They have already done much. As an out-
standing example, they have created, under what
is called the Schuman Plan, a single political au-
thority to deal with the coal and iron resources of
Germany, France, and the adjacent states. Last
Sunday Mr. Stassen and I saw that authority first
go into practical operation at its capital at Lux-
embourg.
February 23, 7953
287
Our European friends also tackled the vital
problem of military unity. Last May the six
continental countries of France, Germany, Italy,
Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg
signed a treaty to create a European Defense
Community. Under that treaty each of the six
countries would give up having a separate na-
tional army on the Continent and would join in
building there a single European army. It was
contemplated that tlie treaties could be promptly
ratified, so that the plan could be made operative
in 6 months.
We in the United States were delighted that
our European friends had taken this bold step to-
ward making Europe strong and vigorous in its
own right. However, the 6 months from last
May went by without any effective steps to ratify,
and the 6 months has now been prolonged to 9
months. This has been somewhat disconcerting
to us, because the plans for our own security are
based on the assumption that the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, which does not include Ger-
many, would be bolstered by the European De-
fense Community, which would draw on German
military strength to create a solid continental
European military establishment.
U.S. Contributions
During the past 7 years we have contributed
about 30 billion dollars to Europe. We have tens
of thousands of our armed forces in Europe. We
have made the eflfort because the security of
Europe vitally affects our own security. But our
•effort will not permanently serve Europe or our-
iselves or humanity unless it fits into a constructive
program for European unity. Nothing that the
Unit«d States can do will ever be enough to make
Europe safe if it is divided into rival national
•camps.
President Eisenhower himself said recently
that he was impressed with the "feebleness" of
alternatives to the European Defense Commimity.
It was to discuss all of these problems that
President Eisenhower asked Mr. Stassen and me
to go to Europe. We went to seven European
■capitals — first Rome, then Paris, then London,
then Bonn, then The Hague, then Brussels, and
then Luxembourg. Our conclusion was that the
project for a European Defense Community was
not dead but only sleeping. We did not get any
■concrete promises or pledges from our European
friends, and we did not give any. We did come
back with the feeling that there is a good chance
that the European Defense Community will be
brought into being. There are plenty of hurdles
to be overcome. But we believe that there is a
will to proceed. We hope that in the coming
weeks this determination will be translated into
concrete evidence that real progress is being made.
Without that, future planning will be difficult.
Candor requires us to say this.
NATO is now a far-flung organization. It in-
cludes not only countries in this hemisphere but
in the North Atlantic and in the Mediterrean.
But the core of this far-flung structure is the six
continental countries of Western Europe, which
have made the European Defense Community
treaty. Unless their military and economic
strength is to be combined, as this treaty contem-
plates, the whole NATO organization has a fatal
weakness. The European Defense Community is
needed to give the North Atlantic Treaty Organ-
ization a stout and dependable heart.
I do not pretend that it is easy to accomplish this.
National habits of thought and traditions have
grown strong. The countries concerned have often
in recent years been enemies. They have fought
each other, and there are proud memories of vic-
tories and the bitter memories of defeat. This
means that greatness is needed if unity is to be
achieved. That quality, however, is not lacking.
We saw it in fact in the peoples of Europe as they
had to face the physical disaster of the recent
floods. We also found among the statesmen of
Western Europe, and so far as we could judge
among the peoples of Western Europe, a real de-
termination to take the hard political decisions
which would bury the evil of the past and fortify
the good.
After our friendly talks, we know, and gladly
report, that the political leaders in each of these
countries are men of vision and stature. They look
not backward but forward. They see the land of
promise that lies ahead and they desire to move
into it.
Having spent most of my time in talking about
what we hope the European countries will do, I
would like to conclude with a mention of what
the governments and peoples of Europe expect of
us.
Our friends in Western Europe knew, when
General Eisenhower was with them in Europe, how
deep and firm was his interest in European unity —
political, economic, and military. On this trip we
288
Department of State Bulletin
were able to assure them that President Eisen-
hower continues to hold the same interest, the same
conviction, with regard to European unity.
In each of these seven countries we visited we
found good will and friendliness on the part of
the governments and most of the people, but we
also found some fear that the United States is not
qualified to give the free world the kind of lead-
ership which it needs at this critical moment. It
is conceded that we have the material power, but it
is questioned whether we have the accumulated
wisdom to make the best use of that power. They
are particularly concerned because they now have
to deal with a new Republican administration, aft-
er having worked for 20 years in war and peace
with a Democrat administration. To them, as to
many Americans, a Eepublican administration is
a novelty, and the unknown always carries a cer-
tain amount of fear.
The talks which we had with the political leaders
of the countries we visited went far, I think, to
dispel these fears insofar as official quarters are
concerned. However, the public and the opposi-
tion parties seize upon incidents and upon state-
ments made here which seem to them to be reck-
less. Unscrupulous persons use such incidents and
statements as reasons why the European nations
should not trust us.
It is important for us all to remember that we
do carry a tremendous responsibility. Any false
step could mean disaster not only for us but for
our friends. Possibly our friends would suffer
even more than we ourselves. Therefore, we must
be sober and restrained in our national conduct.
That does not mean being timid and afraid to
take the initiative, to speak frankly or to make
hard decisions. Indecision, weakness, and vacil-
lation are the qualities which most often lead to
war. It does mean that in order to win and hold
the confidence of those whom we need as friends
and allies, we must at all times play the part of a
Nation which is fully aware of the grave responsi-
bility which it carries.
That is the kind of leadership we shall get from
President Eisenhower, who is accustomed to carry
heavy responsibilities and calmly make grave de-
cisions. We shall do well to follow the example
which he will set. At this dangerous time peace
and security depend upon clear vision, righteous
purpose, and firm performance. Let us all work
together to achieve these goals.
U. S. Voices Strong Support
For European Defense Community
Statement iy Secretary Dulles '
Press release 76 dated February 9
Mr. Stassen and I have just returned from a
visit to Italy, France, Britain, Germany, the
Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg. In each
of these countries we were welcomed with warm
hospitality. We had friendly and comprehensive
discussions with the national leaders of these seven
nations, with the civilian and military representa-
tives of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization,
and with the Organization for European Economic
Cooperation. At Luxembourg we met with the
newly organized European Coal and Steel Com-
munity, which is a first step in European
integi'ation.
While in Europe we discussed many matters,
but the most discussed topic was the proposed
European Defense Community. This project
originated in Europe itself. It would combine
in a single force the militai-y potentials of six
European countries, including France and Ger-
many, which form the heart of continental Europe.
It would create unification where, in the past,
divisions have been disastrous. This unified con-
tinental force would in turn form part of the
collective system of security which is being de-
veloped within the framework of the North Atlan-
tic community, and which includes not only other
continental European countries, of which the most
recent additions are Greece and Turkey, but also
Great Britain, Canada, and the United States.
A treaty to bring the European Defense Com-
munity into being was signed last May, but thus
far the treaty has not been ratified by any of the
signatories.
Tlie United States has strongly supported the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the faith
that the nations forming the core of continental
Europe would themselves provide the basic foun-
dations of their own security. The European
Defense Community was the method by which
these continental European nations themselves
decided to achieve this essential goal. It was
designed, among other things, to make Germany's
economic and military potential available, and
this is indispensable to an effective continental
defense, but to do so in terms of an integrated
European defensive force that could never be used
for national aggrandizement.
President Eisenhower asked us to visit Europe
to talk with its leaders about common problems
and, particularly, to ascertain the likelihood of
^ Made on Feb. 9 upon his arrival at Washington National
Airport from a survey trip to Western Europe. Secretary
Dulles was accompanied on the European trip, which was
undertaken at the request of President Eisenhower, by
Harold E. Stassen, Director for Mutual Security.
February 23, 1953
289
brining the European Defense Community into
being. This knowledge is important for us, be-
cause we cannot slia[)e wisely our own programs
without knowing what are tlie intentions of our
European friends.
Mr. Stassen and I shall report to the President
and to Members of the Congress. At the moment
we limit ourselves to saying that we are, on the
whole, encouraged by what we have been told by
the leaders of the six continental European nations
which have signed the tJ'caty to create a European
Defense Community. We do not minimize the
difficulties confronted by those who have under-
taken this great project, but we believe that there
is a responsible determination to bring the project
to completion.
There were other matters which occupied our at-
tention while we were in Europe. A great tragedy
occurred in tlie flooding of large parts of Holland,
Belgium, and Britain. We inspected some of the
devastated areas and were impressed by the
magnitude of the disaster and the courage with
wliich the governments and peoples directly con-
cerned were acting to surmount the disaster. As
members of the committee appointed by the Presi-
dent to study the question of American coopera-
tion to mitigate the disaster, we shall promptly
confer with tlie President and with the other mem-
bers of tlie committee — the Secretary of Defense
and Secretary of Agriculture — with a view to
making recommendations as to how we may best
assist our friends and allies in their plight. The
response of the American people to this tragedy
has made evident once again that they are con-
cerned, not merely with the matters of militai'y
defense, but with relief of human suffering.
Observations on NATO's Progress
by Amhassador Frederick L. Anderson
Deputy U.S. Special Representative in Europe '
The first thing I would like to say is that, in
my opinion, the Atlantic alliance is in much
sounder .shape than I would think if I read only
the newspapers. According to many press reports
in this country, one would think that the defense
build-up is a failure and the Atlantic alliance is
on the verge of dissolution. This is of course not
the case. It is true that the goals set a year ago
in Lisbon for the defense build-up have not been
fully attained.^ It is true that it has been de-
cided to concentrate in 1953 somewhat more on
quality — that is, on the full equipment and train-
ing, up to very high standards, of the divisions
activated at the end of 1952 plus a small increase
by the end of the end of 1953 — rather than upon
less good training and equipment for a substan-
tially larger number. It is true that it was de-
cided by the North Atlantic Council in December
to slow down somewhat the rate at which we pro-
'Address made before the American Council on Nato
at New York City ou Fob. 10 (press release 78).
' For documents on the North Atlantic Council meetings
at Lisbon and at Paris in 19r)2, .see Bulletin of Mar. 10,
1952, p. 367, and Jan. 5, 195.S, p. 3.
ceed with building common Nato facilities such
as airfields, communications, and so forth. But
to draw from this the conclusions that the mili-
tary build-up is a failure and that the Atlantic
alliance is weakening is unwarranted. Economic
expansion in Europe slowed down in 1952 to the
point where previously set goals in a number of
countries could not have been achieved without
increased sacrifices that would have had grave
consequences in terms of political and social sta-
bility. By common agreement, therefore, down-
ward adjustments have had to be made.
But I see no justification for gloom. If the
N.\TO countries were unable to adjust their pro-
grams according to political and economic reali-
ties, we would be in a strait-jacket indeed. We
would fall into one of the traps that Stalin and
company hope we will fall into — namely, that we
will wreck ourselves on the rocks of economic and
social reality and fall into discord, confusion, and
disaster. This does not mean of course that we
can afford to fall into the other trap, the trap of
military weakness. The Nato military build-up
must go on, is going on, and will go on. I can-
290
Department of State Bulletin
not say that I am completely happy about it or
that anybody is. But I think I would begin to
o-et very uneasy if any of us ever got complacent
as far as security is concerned and satisfied with
our defenses. That I would consider a dangerous
state indeed.
Building NATO Defenses
I can report that I am completely satisfied with
the spirit with which all are approaching the
problem of building common Nato defenses. And
in my opinion it is the spirit of unity in the West.
The practice of unity, the continued building of
institutions of unity, that is deterring the Rus-
sians from attack— and will deter them m the
future— more than any particular state of arined
preparedness we are able to reach at any given
time. There are serious problems to be solved
in each Nato country in connection with the Nato
build-up. But I can assure you that they are being
met with confidence, determination, and above all,
in a spirit of Nato solidarity.
I am amazed at the marked difference that 1
often find between the tone and character of our
official and informal communications with our
Nato colleagues, and what I read of them m the
papers.
What we are actually engaged m is an exercise
in international budget-making for militaiy pur-
poses. And as you well know, nobody is ever
very happy whenbudgets are made. Multiply the
difficulties encountered in arriving at a national
military budget by 14 and you begin to see the
problem of arriving at a common Nato military
program. It is natural to have a certain amount
of national undercutting, to try to get other
nations to carry a larger share of the burden. It
is also normal to have military experts say that
the resulting program is not adequate for defense,
and it usually isn't. But out of all the democratic
process of international budget-making, especially
if it takes place in a spirit of cooperation and good
will, comes a pi'ogram that isn't too bad.
Our Atlantic association is truly something
new under the sun, as you will realize if you try
to find a precedent for it in time of peace. We
look into each others financial affairs. We look
into each other's affairs of all kinds. We com-
plain—all of us. We prod. But out of it all is
growing a spirit and a practice and a stnicture of
unity, in the building of which all of us can be
proiid to have a small part.
Let us consider now for a moment the progress
that is being made on the continent of Europe
toward building a close organic unity. There
were overwhelming reasons, even before the ap-
pearance of the present threat, why the peoples of
continental Europe should unite. Nationalistic
wars and nationalistic economic policies had al-
ready resulted in such impoverishment and clisaster
that "Europe was ready for a change. During the
February 23, 1953
Establishment of American
Council on NATO
Press release 79 dated February 10
Followiiig is ihe text of a message sent by Sccre-
tarii Dvlles to the American Council on NATO m
Xr'w York on February 10:
I have learned with pleasure of the establish-
ment of the American Council on Nato for the pur-
pose of coordinating the activities of American pri-
vate organizations and educational institutions, in
a program of information designed to increase the
Ijuowledse and secure the support of the American
iraljlic for Nato's objectives.
NATO is vitally important for the security of the
United States and the other free countries of the
North Atlantic Community and for the peace of the
world. It is equally important that our citizens
appreciate the stalie each of us has in accomplish-
ing the goals of the North Atlantic Treaty. For
this reason, I am glad to convey to you my best
wishes for the success of your endeavor.
long and horrible night of World War II, the
people of Europe were pondering the senseless-
ness of war. And during that night was born
a o-rim determination that nationalist aggression
in" Europe, and especially German aggression,
must never happen again, that Europe must be
so reorganized as to make it impossible.
With Germany under Allied occupation it was
possible for several years following the War to
avoid facing up to the problem of how and when
this was to be done. And then arose the threat
of Soviet aggression against the whole of Western
Europe, Germany included. But how admit
Germany's rearmament and industrial revival
without subjecting Europe once more to the danger
of German militarism? There was only one
politically feasible answer and European states-
men gave it: Organic unity, with armies and
economies and political authorities in Western
Europe so merged as to make aggressive war by
any European country against another impossible,
but so merged also as to make possible the efficient
building of common defenses against the threat
from the East.
European Unity and the Atlantic Community
However, if you examine closely the record of
the past 6 years you find that the movement to-
ward unity in Europe had its genesis in the con-
text of Atlantic association, and that its growth
and development have been dependent upon and
intertwined with the development of the Atlantic
community. European leaders have recognized
from the first that institutional unity on the con-
tinent of Europe could only be achieved, and could
only be successful, as an integral part of the A.t-
lantic community. For it was clear, and is still
clear, that continental Europe, no matter how or-
291
ganized, cannot solve major problems of defense
and economic viability except as part of an At-
lantic community embracino; also Great Britain,
the United States, and Canada.
On the other hand, you will recall that the At-
lantic pact is a direct descendant of the Brussels
pact, and that action of the North Atlantic Council
in 1950 led to the Pleven Plan for a European
army as part of a Nato defense force. You also
know that as the actual work of building an effec-
tive Nato defense has gone along, it has become
increasingly clear that successful military, politi-
cal, and economic defense of the Atlantic commu-
nity requires organic unity in the heart of conti-
nental Europe.
There should not be, there must not be, any illu-
sions that European unity can in some way be a
substitute for Atlantic unity. If there are people
in the United States who are promoting European
unity on the assumption that a new and larger
European entity can then provide for the security
and economic well-being of Europe without any
further responsibility on our part, then I can say
that they are promoting the same kind of disaster
that led to World War I and World War II. I
can say the same thing about any in Europe who
seek European unity in the hope that a new conti-
nental grouping can follow a neutralist course in
Europe, independent of the United States and
Great Britain.
No, the developing organic structure of Eu-
ropean unity has meaning, has possibility, and
offers real hope for the future only as part of a
developing Atlantic community. And in this con-
nection I might say that this only adds a powerful
argument in favor of pushing ahead with Atlantic
cooperation — political, economic, and military.
Otherwise, we run the danger of being victims of
the illusions to which I have already referrecl.
The European Coal and Steel Community is al-
ready a fact. Its executive and its assembly are
already in operation; a common market for coal
embracing the six member countries is expected to
go into operation today, and that for steel will
follow this spring.
Tlie drafting of a treaty for a European politi-
cal community has made substantial progi-ess and
the work is progressing.
EDC Prospects Brighter
The great problem that is immediately in front
of the countries comprising the community of six
is the ratification of the treaty providing for a
European Defense Community" (Edc). Notwith-
standing the flood of press reports to the contrary,
I would say that the prospects for the ratification
of the Edc treaty appear brighter than they did
last fall. It is not logical to suppose that siich a
revolutionary proposal as the giving up of national
sovereignty over armed forces would sail through
the ratification process in the countries concerned
without a period of stop, look, and listen, without
292
full debate, without .some voices being raised in
opposition, without the rallying of political forces
in support. Last fall, the Edc treaty was more or
less wrapped in felt and kept on one side. Today
it is out in tlie open. And the usual fireworks sur-
rounding any major change in foreign policy,
much less one so far reaching in character as this
are taking place.
I base my confidence in the ratification of the
Edc on three points. One is that there is no politi-
cally acceptable alternative to it in Europe. Sec-
ond, I detect no lessening of determination among
the leadei's of the countries concerned to brin<^
about ratification. And third, I can detect no
lessening of popular support on the continent of
Europe for the Edc treaty. Certainly there is
criticism. Certainly there are attempts to clarify
the treaty through additional protocols. But there
is little ground for believing that the treaty will
not be ratified. I say this in the knowledge that
there may be juridical obstacles to overcome. But
I believe that where there is government will, and
popular will, sucli difficulties of this nature as may
arise wiN be overcome.
Now, I must say some things that may seem to
be at variance with my optimism on Nato progress
and Edc prospects. But I think you will find that
there is no real contradiction.
In my opinion, we have entered a period that
is difficult and potentially very dangerous to the
Atlantic alliance and to the future peace of the
world. There are several reasons why I feel this
to be true.
The first is that, while the danger from the East
has not diminished, the more obvious pressures on
the West for sacrifice and bold action have
lessened.
Free and self-governing peoples have demon-
strated many times in history that when faced
with a powerful and immedia'te danger they are
able to unite, make enormous sacrifices, and thus
save themselves. But thei-e is no precedent in his-
tory, as far as I know, for self-governing peoples
uniting, maintaining a high level of armaments,
and erecting common economic and political de-
fenses in time of peace when danger seems a few
steps removed.
The Soviet Union can choose its strategy. It
can unleasli an all-out war at any time, and we
must be prepared to counter it. Or it can play a
long waiting game such as that outlined by Stalin
in his Bolshevik article last fall. Stalin believes
that over a period of years the Soviet Union, com-
pact geographically, self-sufficient economically,
and with a dictatorial government, will grow eco-
nomically and militarily stronger while the free
countries of the West, disunited, luxury-loving,
will either grow weaker or not grow strong as fast
as the Soviet Union so that in the end we might
be taken over without much trouble. But of
course he would take advantage of wealmess to
start a war at any time. We on our side are there-
Deparfment of Sfate Bulletin
fore forced to build against both contingencies:
We must build defenses adequate to deter or repel
an all-out atttack from the Kremlin. And we
must also do all the things necessary to maintain
our margin of economic and political strength over
a long period of years. If we are not able to do so,
then I think that we are in danger, sooner or later,
of being attacked.
The Nato countries are much stronger militarily
than they were 2 years ago. Yet we have already
seen how minor reductions in the imminence of
danger have lead to mounting political pressures
for reductions in defense expenditures. Stalin's
article and the speech at the Moscow conference
made it clear that the Soviets may very well choose
to use the longer-range strategy. And this has
already resulted in a noticeable lessening of will-
ingness in the West to make sacrifices. We have
not slipped very far as yet in actual performance,
but my opinion is that we are in danger of doing
so in the period ahead. That would be very seri-
ous indeed. For as Mr. Churchill said ni the
House of Commons recently:
When we see that the risk of a general war seems to
have receded it is because we ourselves have grown
stronger and more united. If we were to weaken we
would lose all we have gained.
Economic Problems
A second reason why the present period is a
critical one for the unity of the West is that we
have not yet taken decisive steps to solve on a per-
manent and businesslike basis the grave economic
problems that confront us. I only need mention
Europe's persistent dollar shortage, the incon-
vertibility of many currencies; the slow-down in
Europe's economic expansion during the last year ;
the need of the underdeveloped countries of the
world for a great expansion of capital develop-
ment ; the need, as outlined by the Paley Eeport,
for a great increase in raw materials production
throughout the world.
It is easy to point out the problems. It is much
less easy to find politically acceptable solutions
to the many and complex things that have to be
done in the economic realm to pull Europe to-
gether, to pull the Atlantic community together,
to pull the free world together. And yet, solu-
tions must be found. The question is, will we act
fast enough, and with enough boldness, if the im-
mediate danger of Soviet aggression is removed.
Politically and morally we are also at a turn-
ing point. Stalin has said very clearly that
Soviet propaganda and Soviet political strategy
and Soviet economic warfare, which already work
night and day, will work even harder to promote
disunity among the free world and especially
among the leading comitries of the Nato alli-
ance. We all agree upon the central importance
of unity and yet I am personally convinced that
February 23, 1953
unity must be built around institutions and fast-
moving projects that attract the conscious loyalty
and sacrifice of peoples. I believe that in the
matter of organization we have reached a point
that is somewhat static, and this to my mind is
not a healthy condition. I believe that unless we
move forward with projects of unity, we will slip
backwards and fall into the Soviet trap.
The fact that the problems of which I haye
been speaking are unresolved is responsible, in
my opinion, for most of the tension and unrest
visible in relations between members of the At-
lantic alliance. I don't think these tensions are
at all deep or serious. But people want to know
when we are going to move ahead, where we are
going, and who is going to do what next.
You can see by now why I believe that the
work of you who are gathered here is of such cen-
tral importance. Democratic govermnents sim-
ply cannot, in my opinion, move ahead with the
speed and boldness necessary to solve the prob-
lems before us unless they are strongly supported
by public opinion. The freedom, the democratic
self-government, and the national mores of the
West are our glory; but at a time when we are
subject to a concentrated attack by the monolithic
dictatorship of the East, these are also a handi-
cap. They are a handicap which I think we can
overcome. But we are going to have to make a
vast and a conscious effort if we overcome it.
The people in our democracies are going to have
to be kept, as a result of conscious effort, in a
state of informed alertness. They must fully
appreciate, and never be allowed to forget, the
character and wide dimensions of the danger that
confronts us. They must be continuously in-
formed of the many and complex things that have
to be done if we of the West are to maintain in
the years ahead our margin of strength over that
of the Soviet bloc. Public loyalty must be at-
tracted to grand designs of unity ; but these grand
designs must also be broken down in people's
thinking into the many grubby things that have
to be done and individual sacrifices that have to
be made, if the world is to avoid an atomic war.
People must be willing to do more than die for
their freedom; they must be willing to support
such uninteresting and unattractive things as tax-
ation, tariff reductions, investment guarantees
and the like, and to understand the relation of
these and a host of other minor sacrifices and solu-
tions to the grand design for peace and security.
There is therefore no more important work in
the world than that upon which you are embark-
ing. It will be hard work. It will yield few
startling successes and few major satisfactions.
But it Ts work that has to be done. I therefore
salute you, I congratulate you, and I fervently
wish you success. We will do all that is possible
to work closely with you toward the attainment
of our common objectives.
293
Postwar Development of the German Press
hy Richard Straus
Today, 8 years after the defeat of Nazi Ger-
many, a substantial number of West German
newspapers are doinp; an honest job of reporting
facts to the people. Their performance may seem
commonplace enough to Americans, but it is by
no means commonplace in Germany — or in many
other countries of the world. Except for the brief
span of the Weimar Republic, the German press
has traditionally and habitually been under the
control of church, state, or party. Accordingly,
the German people, until recently, have had very
limited acquaintance with objective reporting.
The achievements of the postwar German press
are particularly significant because they follow a
period in which the German newspapers served
as a puppet to Hitler's "Minister of Popular)
Enlightenment" and spoke only with the voice
of Dr. Goebbels. After Hitler's defeat in 1945,
there was an interval of a few months when
there was no German press at all. Then the new
press was born. It underwent a period of in-
cubation during which its climate of development,
its scope of operations, and the identity of its
editors and publishers were determined by the
military occupation authorities of the United
States, France, and the United Kingdom. The
method used to develop a democratic press for
Germany was extraordinary, but at the time and
under the circumstances it was the only feasible
one.
The fact that the German Federal Republic
has many newspapers performing the primary
function of a democratic press means a great deal.
So, too, does the fact that it has some outstandingly
courageous editors and publishei's who are de-
termined to preserve the present freedom of the
press. These men are vigilant to forestall legis-
lative attempts to limit that freedom. They need
to be. for they are in conflict with a long-lived
tradition of authoritarian control.
State and federal officials are not unanimously
in favor of a free press. Some of them resent the
quickness of the democratic press to expose incom-
petence or corruption in high places. Certain
official fingers twitch with eagerness to seize con-
trol. Party leaders, bred in the tradition of rigid
party discipline, make intermittent attempts to
coerce independent editors into making editorial
policy dovetail with party policy. Also, the new
German press encounters in the people much
apathy, cynicism, and ignorance about current
issues.
The Press Under the Nazis
In 1932, the final year of the Weimar Republic,
the National Socialist Party press consisted of
only 120 of Germany's 976 political papers and
claimed no more than 3,000,000 of the country's
19,000,000 circulation. It had developed unsys-
tematically and spoke with a variety of voices.
Goebbels, who had been too busy training young
orators for the Party to give much attention to
the press, wrote : "We have the best orators in the
world but our press is our 'problem child.' "
Machinery for controlling and coordinating the
efforts of the party press had been lacking. Crea-
tion of the Party Propaganda Department with
Goebbels as its chief provided that machinery.
Max Amann became Party Press Director in
charge of press business management. Since
1921, Amann had been business manager of the
party and also of Hitler's principal propaganda
organ and source of income, the Munich Vol-
Jx'ischer Beohachter with its vast Eher Publishing
House. Otto Dietrich, a journalist in his own
right and Hitler's publicity director, became
Party Press Chief, responsible for polic}' and con-
tent of the newspapers. Under their tutelage, the
partv press quickly became a well-disciplined
child.
Authority to control the non-party press was
lacking until 1933, when the Nazis came into
power. Just before the Reich elections of March
1933, Hitler and Papen obtained Hindenburg's
signature on a decree that stated : "Restrictions on
294
Department of State Bulletin
personal liberty and on freedom of speech and of
the press are permissible beyond the limitations
placed upon them by law." A week after the
elections, Hitler persuaded Hindenburg to sign a
decree making Goebbels a member of the Govern-
ment and establishing the Ministry of Public En-
lightenment and Propaganda — with Goebbels in
charge.
The new Ministry took over a number of pow-
ers that had been the prerogative of other minis-
tries during the Republic. Certain of these
powers were helpful in establishing control of the
press ; from the Ministry of Economics, the Propa-
ganda Ministry acquired its authority over all
commercial advertising activities of the State, and
from the Ministry of the Interior its supervisory
powers over press and radio and also the censor-
ship function.
Party Press Chief Dietrich became Under Sec-
retary of State in the Propaganda Ministry, with
responsibility for guiding editors politically, a
function carried out by means of daily directives
that had the force of law. He not only told the
non-party newspapers what they should print but
also provided them with the approved phraseology
for use in sensitive situations.
In September 1933 the Reich Press Chamber
was established with Party Press Director Amann
as its president. It was Amann's job to exert eco-
nomic pressures on such elements of the non-party
press as the Propaganda Ministry wished to elimi-
nate. He had the power to issue orders to the
press and the orders had the effect of laws. Hit-
ler's Editorial Law of 1933 reduced the publisher
to a figurehead obliged to take his editorial policy
ready-made from the State; it compelled him to
pay editors whom he could neither hire nor tire
and to obey all directions filtering down from Dr.
Goebbels. ' The party had in truth become the
State, and publishers who diverged from the party
line quickly disappeared from the scene.
The Problem Facing the Victors
In 1945 occupation officials understandably re-
garded with deep suspicion all publishers and
editors who had been active for any considerable
period during the Nazi regime. They were
scarcely the material needed for the development
of an independent press that could be timsted to
serve the best interests of the Gei-man people.
First, Military Government officials had to get
rid of the puppet press of the Nazis. Then they
had to create a new press. To accomplish the first
step, Shaef^ issued a pre-surrender directive on
November 24, 1944, suspending all German infor-
mation media. On May 12, 1945, Shaef payed
the way for establishing a new press by amending
' Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force.
For texts of the 1944 directive and the 1945 amendment,
see Germany 19J,'t-19J,9—The Story in Doctmients, Depart-
ment of State publication 3556, p. 594.
February 23, 1953
the directive to provide for a licensing system
operated by Military Government. Licensing
appeared to be the only practicable way of keep-
ing Nazis and Nazi collaborators out of pub-
lishing until a hand-picked fledgling press could
gain experience in democratic practices and build
up a substantial circulation.
To bridge the gap between the press suspension
and establishment of the licensing system, Omgtjs ^
published 10 German-language newspapers m the
American zone and in the American sector of Ber-
lin. With one exception, these Army-sponsored
papers ceased publication as soon as licensed Ger-
man papers could replace them. The exception
was Die Neue Zeitimg^ which has been continued
under the High Commission until the present time
as an example of American journalism and as an
instrument for explaining American policies.
Starting the New Press
Only individuals with records showing opposi-
tion to the Nazis qualified to man the new press.
But prewar publishers and editors who had op-
posed the Nazis had long since lost their plants,
machinery, and capital. The plants and ma-
chinery of publishing belonged to Nazis or to men
who had found it comfortable and profitable to
cooperate with them. To resolve the impasse,
Omgus required ineligible owners of plants and
equipment to lease them to the eligible at the very
low figure recommended by the Military Govern-
ment.
Besides low-cost mandatory leases, Omgus had
to devise other ways of helping the approved but
impoverished newspaper establishments. With
its first authorization of a license — to the Franh-
furter Rundschau in July 1945— Omgus imposed
a license fee of 20 percent of gross newspaper re-
ceipts. By January 1, 1948, when the fees were
discontinued, a fund of more than 48 million
reichsmarks had been built up. Early in 1948
Omgus established a press cooperative bank, the
Wirtschaftliche Genossenschajt der Presse
(WiGo), with a grant of RM 36 million from this
fund and authorized the bank to make low-inter-
est loans to the licensed newspapers and agencies
of the American zone. The balance of RM 12
million was distributed equitably among the 48
newspapers then operating in the zone. The ob-
ject was to help them finance improvements and
buy available essential equipment.
The Golden-Cage Period
Although the publisher of a licensed paper was
shielded from many of the problems and hard-
ships that normally plague an independent pub-
lisher who is up against keen competition, he had
to toe a clearly marked line drawn by Omgus to
retain his advantages, including his license to
^ Ofl3ce of Military Government, United States.
295
operate.^ Diirinp; the first 3 years of licensing,
controls were numerous and rigid, with some vari-
ation from zone to zone. In the area of American
control, applicants for licenses were carefully
screened, and their selection of editors and report-
ers was subject to the approval of Omgus. Both
American and French authorities opposed party
newspapers and during the licensing period re-
duced them to the status of brief information bul-
letins. The British, on the contrary, favored
party newspapers, on the principle that political
parties have a right to make tlieir views known.
The French appointed editors for the papers in
their zone and also assigned a French official to
each paper to superyise the German staff. The
British censored copy in advance of publication
but did not post a supervisor in each office. The
Americans limited themselves to post-publication
examination of the newspapers and close liaison
with the editors.
The acute shortage of paper necessitated control
of both production and distribution, and a ceiling
on the number of licensed newspapers. As long
as the press avoided belittling criticism of the
Military Government and democratic processes,
adopted certain journalistic procedures that had
become standard practice in democratic countries,
and kept the physical size of editions and the ad-
vertising within prescribed bounds, it could de-
pend upon receiving a quarterly ration of paper.
Paradoxically, the paper shortage helped the
licensed press to build up circulation at the same
time that military control of distribution enabled
the publishers to escape the worry of cut-throat
competition for paper. The licensed publishers
had what amounted to a monopoly on the only
form of paper available to the German people.
Paper bags, wrapping pai:)er, and toilet paper were
not to be had. The inflated reichsmarks bought
less and less food and clothing but they were good
for the purchase of newspapers, and newspapers
had many uses that had nothing to do with
reading.
In screening editors and publishers, Omgus
placed primary emphasis upon a record of op-
position to nazism. Professional qualifications
came second. The majority of those licensed had
been out of the publishing business since 1933.
Many had endured great hardship in concentra-
tion camps or at forced labor. Few retained
their prewar vigor. Some of the younger men
who qualified on the basis of their anti-Nazi rec-
ords had unimpaired vitality but lacked experi-
ence in the newspaper field.
The average age of 113 licensed publishers and
editors of the American zone was 49. Owing to
wartime and postwar shifts in population, only
50 percent of the newspaper operators were native
to the Land, or state, where they published. In
Bavaria, stronghold of German Catholicism, the
' For texts of Omgus instructions to licensees issued in
1946 and 1947, see ihid., pp. 596-600.
editors were predominantly Catholic. In Hesse,
most of the editors had broken away from all
church affiliations, and some had turned Marxist.
In Wuerttemberg-Baden, about half the editors
were protestants, half Catholics. Only 43 of the
113 were university graduates; 11 had passed the
Abitur, or qualifying examination, but had not
attended a university; 22 had had only elementary
school education and had taken up writing in the
course of socialist activity. About 25 percent had
no previous newspaper experience whatsoever.
Portents of Release
On June 18, 1948, the Western Powers invali-
dated the inflated reichsmark in their zones and
introduced the deutschemark, or D-Mark, at a
ratio of one of the new for ten of the old. In
July paper went on the free list and Military Gov-
ernment stopped rationing paper among the li-
censed publishers. These two events made im-
portant changes in the status of the licensed press.
The publishers now had more freedom of deci-
sion but less freedom from responsibility. They
could determine their edition size and frequency
of issue ; they could apportion space to advertising
as they saw fit and introduce new features or proj-
ects without Omgus permission. But they also
had to assume new responsibilities and face prob-
lems that had not previously concerned them. For
instance, they had to compete in the open market
for paper. Furthermore, the new currency was
scarce and people thought twice before spending
it. With paper available in other forms, news-
gapers were once more just something to be read,
eople became aware and somewhat critical of
content. It dawned on the publishers that reader
interest was a key factor in maintaining circula-
tion. By no means all of them were confident of
their ability to create it.
In the fall of 1948, 19 of the licensed editors
and publishers came to the United States for a
6-week seminar of the Ainerican Press Institute at
Columbia University. This group was the first
of many to benefit by the postwar exchange pro-
gram. The experience helped; so did the as-
sistance given by visiting American journalists in
Germany. Nevertheless, the way ahead was
uncertain.
The wind of freedom blew a bit chilly around the
German press. When word passed that licensing
soon would end and with it the protection from
heavy competition with the legal owner of his
leased press, many a licensed publisher retreated
to the far side of his golden cage and tried to latch
the door after him.
The End of Licensing
Shortly after the removal of controls on news-
print. Gen. Lucius D. Clay, American Military
Governor, decided to end licensing. The cold war,
296
Department of State Bulletin
the realization of the link between Gennan eco-
nomic recovery and European recovery, the func-
tionino- of democratic procedures in the Laender
governments, and the plans for establishing the
German Federal Eepublic, all contributed to
hastening the transfer of responsibilities from
Military ^Government to the Germans.
The occupation authorities had helpecl set up
the democratic machinery, but it was the Germans
themselves who had to operate it and make it
work. A free press was essential to the democratic
operation of the new Germany. The tune had
come to open the field to all comers and see how
the sheltered licensed press would make out on
its own. On September 30, 1948, General Clay
informed his Land officers that licensing would
end as soon as the Laender enacted legislation to
protect the freedom of the press.*
Some of the officials of Militaiy Government
shared the misgivings of the licensed publishers
about the outcome of this move. Both groups
feared a return of the old type of nationalistic
paper; both feared that Nazi owners would get
back their plants and crowd the licensed pub-
lishers out of business. The publishers also feared
encroachment by the Government.
IMilitary Government provided the Minister-
President of each Land in the American zone
with an explicit statement of what legislation de-
signed to guarantee the freedom of the press should
contain. It should :
a. . . . Implement the general guarantees of the
free press as expressed in hand constitutions and . . .
exclude the institution of any system of special Ucens-
ing not required of all other business enterprises.
b. . . . protect the press from governmental domi-
nation or domination by special interests.
e. . . . guarantee the prerogatives of a free press
in obtaining and publishing information of public interest.
d. . . . guarantee that there be no arbitrary inter-
ference by the police or other administrative bodies in
the free flow and dissemination of news and printed
matter. , ,
e. . . . specifically exclude the revival of honor
courts, press chambers, or other forms of organized press
control exercised by the Nazi regime.
f. . . . prohibit censorship or control of the con-
tent oif news and published material except through legal
process in the event of a violation of existing laws re-
garding libel, defamation, fraud, indecency or breach of
the peace.
It took longer to obtain "adequate" legislation
than the American authorities anticipated. The
first reaction to the request for legislation to insure
a free press was a resolution passed by the Bavar-
ian Landtag in October 1948 urging transfer of
licensing power from Military Govermnent to
German authorities. In fact, the initial idea of
all the Laender Governments was to rewrite the
old Press Law of 1874 with new touches that aimed
at restricting the freedom of the press.
Passage of the Press Law of 1874 had been the
first move made by any German Government to-
ward freedom of the press, but it wasn't much of
* Ibid., p. 600.
February 23, J 953
a move. The law abolished censorship and pro-
vided that "freedom of the press is subject only
to the limitations set forth or admitted m the
present law." But what it gave in one statement,
it took away in some subsequent clause. It al-
lowed the Chancellor to keep out of journalism
anybody he saw fit to exclude. Although it pro-
vided severe penalties for printing slanderous,
obscene, or treasonable matter, inciting to not, or
revealing troop movements in time of war, it af-
forded no protection against police measures.
Since police needed no court order to seize a news-
paper and since there was no provision for re-
covery of damages against overzealous police offi-
cials, it was easy to harry a newspaper out of
business.
Bismarck used the Press Law to suppress the
entire Social Democrat press in 1878, after two
Socialists had attempted to assassinate Emperor
William I. It was not until 1890, when the 1878
Law Against Socialists was repealed, that a modi-
cum of freedom returned to the German press.
The Weimar Republic had retained the Press Law
of 1874 but had rendered it harmless by means
of an impressive constitutional listing of civil
rights. Outmoded and restrictive, it had been
pretty well forgotten when the Laender resurrected
it in 1948 and 1949.
Actually, the first drafts of the press laws pre-
sented by the several legislatures were a shot m
the arm "to the licensed press. Editors and pub-
lishers stopped brooding about the hazards of com-
petition and began a battle for adequate laws.
Editors quickly detected— and sharply de-
nounced—dangerous loopholes, ambiguities, and
subterfuges in the various drafts presented. The
legislators were loathe to give up provisions for
severe penalties for press attacks against govern-
ment officials, but gradually and reluctantly they
crossed out the most offensive clauses. Wuerttem-
berg-Baden was the first Land to enact a press
law that passed muster with Omgus, March 24,
1949. Bremen was last to have licensing controls
lifted ; its press law was approved on September
5 1949.^
' Omgus had safeguarded its own interests and
those of the Occupation troops with its General
License No. 3, of May 2, 1949. continuing in force
an earlier regulation forbidding infonnation ac-
tivity which : *
a. Incites to riot or resistance to Military Government,
jeopardizes the occupying troops, or otherwise endangers
military security;
6. Propagates former National Socialist or related
"voelkiseh" ideas, such as racism and race hatred, or
propagates any fascist or anti-democratic ideas, or any
militarist ideas, or pan-Germanism or German im-
perialism ;
c. Constitutes a malicious attack upon iwlicies or per-
sonnel of Military Government, aims to disrupt unity
among the Allies, or seeks to evoke the distrust and
'IMA., pp. 601-602.
• lUd., pp. 601, 599.
297
Hostility of the German people against any Occupying
I'ower ;
d. Appeals to Germans to talte action against demo-
cratic measures undertalfen by Military Government.
The New Freedom
Just, after licensing ended, Military Govern-
ment gave way to the civilian administration of
occupied Germany. The Office of the U.S. High
Commi-ssioner for Germany (Hicoo) inherited a
burgeoning crop of problems associated with the
sudden opening of the press to all comers and the
need to protect the protegees of the licensing sys-
tem from too rough competition with the prote-
gees of the late Nazi system.
From the moment licensing ended, newspapers
multiplied at an astounding rate. In Bavaria
alone, 25 new papers appeared the day that li-
censing was discontinued, and the first week
brought more than a hundred. By October 1949,
650 new papers had appeared in the four Lacnder
of the American zone. The vast majority were
insignificant county or local sheets that depended
upon a matrix agency for news and editorials.
The total also included many local editions of^
larger papers.
Relations between the now "ex-licensed" press
and the unlicensed press were far from cordial.
The former organized a loose federation called
the Gesofrntverhand der devtHche7i Zeitungsver-
leger^ or National Union of German Newspaper
Publishers. The post-licensing publishers
formed the Verein deutscher Zeitungsverleger, or
Association of German Newspaper Publishers,
nicknamed the AUverleger (old publishers).
They regarded the Gesamtverband as a group of
upstarts and usurpers. For its part, the Gesamt-
verbmul was skeptical regarding the political
probity of the AUverleger, who, whether or not
they belonged to the Nazi Party, had managed to
get through the period of Nazi domination in
pretty good financial shape.
The near coincidence of the end of licensing and
the currency reform severely affected the position
of the ex-licensed publishers. Their capital was
cut 90 percent, and the Wigo loan fund shrank
overnight to 2.5 million DM.
This development brought into high relief the
key problem of the leased plants. The leases were
an important aid given the licensed publishers by
the Occupation. The old publishers, now free to
run newspapers, were without printing plants be-
cause their own were under mandatory lease to
their rivals on unremunerative terms. The old
publishers were thus forced to make shift with
presses intended for other types of printing. The
year 1950 marked the beginning of the expiration
of the leases and under the circumstances renewal
at any price appeared unlikely. Indeed, there was
reason to think that the old publishers would not
wait for expiration. With responsibility for do-
mestic matters in German hands under the occu-
pation statute, no German court could be expected
to uphold leases obtained under duress.
To safeguard the leases for their original term,
Omgus established the Newspaper Leases Review
Board in May 1949. This board had sole and final
authority to review leases made under the author-
ity of Military Government. In the fall of 1949,
the new Allied High Commission retained the
Newspaper Leases Review Board and promul-
gated its Law No. 13, which provided that "No
German Court shall render a decision impeaching
the validity or legality of any regulation, directive,
decision or order publislied by Military Govern-
ment," and that the validity of a Mili'tary Gov-
ernment order must be determined by the Occupa-
tion authorities.
In practice, the Review Board proved effective in
adjusting differences of opinion between owner
and licensed publisher as to a fair rate on the lease
for the remainder of its term.
Early in the post-licensing period, the Gesamt-
verland asked Hicoo for counterpart funds to per-
mit publishers to borrow enough money at low
interest to continue in business. Hicog approved,
and the Bhieclier (Marshall Plan) Ministry of the
Bonn Government established a new revolving
press fund of 15 million DM to be handled by
WiGO. This money was available to any non-
Connnunist newspaper publisher who was con-
sidered a legitimate risk.
WiGo set up a large committee composed of
Gesamtverhand and AttverJeger members from the
three Western zones. The committee made recom-
mendations to the Kreditanstdlt fuer Wiederauf-
hau, or Reconstruction Loan Corporation (Rlc),
which reviewed the risk involved. If the Rlc
rejected a request that had committee approval,
Hicog reserved the right to make the final decision.
However, in the event that Hicog decided to grant
the loan, the Federal Republic asked to be released
from its contingent obligation to the United States
for any part of the loan that was not repaid.
In November 1950, the committee went to work.
By the end of February 1951, it had examined 200
applications for loans and approved 105 for a total
of DM 13.5 million, leaving DM 1.5 million for the
West Berlin newspapers. (The latter, because of
Berlin's special status as an island in the Soviet
zone, remained under licensing.) Then the Rlc
began its investigations and passed its recommen-
dations on to the Marshall Plan Ministry, which
asked Hicog to release the first portion of the press
fund on April 5, 1951.
As requests came in to Hicog, it became increas-
ingly apparent that all was not well with the com-
mittee's policy of distribution. Unwilling to
discriminate against the politically sound elements
of the old publishers and wishing to avoid charges
of favoritism toward the ex-licensed press, Hicog
had agreed to the proposal of the Bluecher Minis-
try that AJfverJeger as well as GesamtveriaTid
members should be eligible for loans. However,
298
Department of State Bulletin
HicoG had been well aware that inclusion of the
Altverleger would pose some delicate problems.
As far as Hicog was concerned, the purpose of
the press fund was to safeguard the independence
of the most responsible elements of the press. The
committee, however, had promptly agreed on a
division between Gesamtverhand and Altverleger,
on the basis of circulation statistics, at a ratio of
seven to three, respectively. Kepresentatives of
both factions wanted as many as possible of then-
constituents to have loans. Consequently, to make
the fund go further, the committee spread it very
thin. Small papers asking for small loans had the
best chance of getting what they asked. Requests
from large and influential papers such as the
Frankfurter Rundschau and the Suddeutsche
Zeitung of Munich, which were in dire need of
substantial loans to help them buy plants or build-
ings, were rejected at the first glance. Political
integrity and high journalistic standards had little
influence on the committee.
The German Federal Republic, having incurred
a contingent obligation to the United States for
the amount of the fund, tried to protect itself by
making extremely rigid conditions for credit.
The Rlc demanded that local banks give 100 per-
cent security for the loans, and the banks in turn
required high collateral from the newspapers.
This raised the uninviting prospect that the papers
would be placed in the power of the banks and that
the independence which the press fund was in-
tended to preserve would thus be jeopardized.
Some of the papers that Hicog wanted to help
most were unable to raise the collateral demanded
by the banks. As an alternative, it was proposed
that such papers as could not meet the demands of
the banks should obtain guaranties from the Laen-
der governments. However, State domination was
no more palatable to Hicog than domination by the
banking interests.
HICOG to the Rescue
Until the summer of 1951, Hicog had delib-
erately remained on the side lines, but in that sum-
mer membei-s of the press and members of the
Gesamtverhand- Altverleger Committee itself be-
came so concerned over the handling of the fund
that they asked Hicog to come to the rescue. The
Bluecher Ministry was receptive to Hicog's \>xo-
posal of a new approach to handling the fund and
the establishment of new procedures. The large
committee was replaced by a new committee of
five, with one Gesamtverhand representative each
from the British and the American zones, one from
the West Berlin press, one Altverleger representa-
tive, and one official from Hicog's Office of Public
Affairs. From this point on, the actual grant of
funds was to Wigo, with the committee serving
in advisory capacity to Hicog, the granter of the
fund.
The establishment of priority lists of applicants
feht»aty 23, 1953
for loans solved the problem of distribution on an
equitable basis and in amounts that were large
enough to do some good. The committee estab-
lished the following specific criteria for making
up the lists: political importance of the paper;
need to purchase new printing presses and real
estate for building purposes; and refinancing of
high-interest bank loans required for necessary
capital investments. Geographical location was
also a factor. The committee agreed on the im-
portance of helping a good paper in districts bor-
derino- the Soviet zone and also in areas where the
neo-Nazi movement was growing in strength.
The new committee used the work of the old one
as a basis for developing the primary and second-
ary lists. Because the fund was a revolving fund,
repayment was carefully scheduled. Papers on
the secondary list had to wait until the primary
priority papers had been served and had begun
to repay their loans. This method permitted
meeting the substantial requirements of the best
papers first and had the advantage of giving all
creditable firms assurance that their needs would
be served in due time. Of the first papers to receive
loans, nine were Social Democrat in character,
seven Christian Democratic Union, three Free
Democrat, and 25 independent.
The end of licensing did not immediately pro-
voke a circulation war. The old publishers bided
their time, leaving the first foray to the small-time
papers. But when the larger houses in the Altver-
leger resumed business, the war began. The Wies-
haden Tageblatt, for instance, began publication
in mid-September 1949 by distributing 90,000 free
copies for the first 3 days, 25,000 for the rest of
the month, and free delivery to all subscribers
until mid-October. This open-handedness cost
the publisher DM 100,000, and yet, as of the end of
November, he had failed to achieve his objective
of 20,000 subscriptions. Other large establish-
ments followed his example— though few went
quite so far.
To meet this kind of competition, the members
of the Gesamtverhand were in many instances
obliged to reduce subscription rates and sometimes
advertising rates as well. Some of the Altver-
leger did what they could to discredit their ex-
licensed rivals by charging that the Gesamtver-
hand papers were "stooges" of the occupation
authorities, while the Altverleger alone had the
real good of the German people at heart and was
free t^o defend "national rights."
Despite these efforts of the Altverleger and the
outcropping of chains and syndicates, the Gesamt-
verhand held and still holds the advantage in
circulation and reader interest. By February
1950, after 6 months of full-scale competition with
the Altverleger, the ex-licensed press of the
American zone, although issuing only one-sixth of
the newspapers then published, had three-fourths
of the circulation. The Gesamtverhand papers
had been reduced from 59 to 54 in the 6-month
299
period, but none of the 5 dropped out for reasons
directly connected with the new competition.
In the German Federal Republic as a whole, by
the summer of 1950— a year after the end of licens-
inof— tlie circulation of the Gesamtverhand was
approximately 6.5 million out of a total of 9.5
nnllion. The average circulation of the ex-
licensed newspapers was 76,000, that of the Alt-
verleger papers was under 4,000.
The rush of wartime publishers to reestabli.sh
hundreds of little local sheets of the Heimuthlaet-
ter type, once so popular in Germany, turned out
to be ill-advised. Times had clianged. Popula-
tions, even of very small towns, had shifted. By
1949 approximately one-fifth of West Germany's
population was made up of refugees without roots
or traditional associations in the places of their re-
settlement. These refugees, by no means illiter-
ate, had little interest in a hometown paper that
slighted news of national and international aifairs
in favor of local gossip. If the refugees had
money to buy a newspaper at all, they wanted one
that gave full coverage of important news. Sim-
ilarly, Germans under 35 years of age had no sen-
timental recollection of the Heimathlaetter type
of paper and wanted something more up-to-date.
Where the Heimatblaetter offered competition, the
Gesamtverhand press introduced local editions of
the main issue, with two pages devoted to com-
munity news items.
Shortly after licensing ended, the march of
world events served to sharpen the German read-
ers' interest in objective and full news accounts
of happenings in Germany and in the outside
world. He could get the most for his money from
the ex-hcensed press, which, on the whole, had
maintained high standards of reportinsr. He
wanted information of changes in occupation pol-
icy, and he wanted to follow the moves in the de-
velopment of European union. The participation
of West Germany in the Marshall Plan for Euro-
pean economic recovery was one thing in which
most Germans were interested ; the war between
Communist North Korea and independent South
Korea, with its somewhat frightening analogy to
East and West Germany, was another. Inter-
nally, a number of ex-licensed editors have taken
the initiative in forcing investigations of un-
healthy political situations.
Evidence that the ex-licensed press will con-
tinue to hold the bulk of circulation is found in the
fact that the most successful old publishers are
those that conform to the standards set by the
Gesamimerband.
The Current Situation
By bringing together the leaders of the rival
press organizations m a common cause, the press
fund has been responsible for wiping out much of
the earlier resentment and bitterness that charac-
terized relations between the two factions. In the
300
fall of 1952 the rival central organizations buried
the hatchet and merged into the Bundesverhaiid
DeutscrierZeitimgsverleger.
Each year brings improvement in the quality
of the^ major newspapers. Not every paper ili
\\est Germany invariably distinguishes between
news and editorial opinion, but the majority try
to report events as they happen and to quote indi-
viduals accurately. Except for the seven Com-
munist papers, the press is strongly anti-Com-
munist.
Each year since 1948 groups of German editors,
reporters, and students of journalism have come to
America to study, to observe, and sometimes to
work on one of our newspapers. Since Januaiy
1950, a first-class school of journalism has been
Ynctionmg in Munich in connection with Die
Abend^eitung . Large papers in other cities often
provide on-the-job training for promisino- new-
comers. '^
Not every editor in West Germany wants to
be the first to call public attention to wronfs
Many of them, as is the case elsewhere, are inclin'ed
to wait for some more stalwart fellow to break the
ice. But It is important that in these few years,
with help and encouragement from the outside,'
Germany has produced a remarkable number of
courageous champions of the democratic spirit.
Not long ago an Offenbach paper exposed the
intention of the local government to prevent a
Jewish doctor from opening an obstetrical clinic.
West German Newspapers
The leading papers of West Germany todav, all of
winch were formerly licensed by the Military Gov-
ernment, are :
Frankfurter Rundschau. Publishers and chief
editors : Arno Rudert and Karl Ceroid. Press run,
135,000. Political orientation: left of center but
independent, favorable to European cooperation and
for the most part, friendly to U.S. policies.
Frankfurter AUgemeine. Editors: Hans Baum-
garten, Erich Combrowski, Karl Korn, Paul Sethe
and Erich Welter. Press run, 56,900. Conservative
in business and economic affairs, but its independent
editorial writers present a variety of positions on
pohtical issues. High standards of style and pres-
entation.
Deutsche Zeitung vnd Wirtschaftsseitung (Stutt-
gart). Editors: Helmut Cron, Otto Hoffmann,
Rudolf Kireher, and Jiirgen Tern. Press run, 50,600
Politically independent; expresses the view of the
business community in political and social matters
Maintains a high level of journalism.
Suddeutsche Zeitung (Munich). Editor-in-chief-
W. Friedmann. Press run, 202,000. Politically in-
dependent, oriented Westward. The most important
paper in Bavaria.
Haimoversche Presse. Editor-in-chief: Wilhelm
Korspeter. Press run. 176,000. Hews rather closely
to the Social Democrat line.
Rhcinische Post (Cologne). Editor-in-chief- Dr
Franlj Vogl. Press run, 215,000. Expresses the
view of the left wing of the Christian Democrats
Department of Slate Bulletin
The result was twofold : The doctor not onlj' ob-
tained his license to open the clinic but was ap-
pointed to the Board of Health as well. Recently
in AVeinheim, Baden, following a newspaper's
denunciation of autocratic methods used by the
local police in obtaining statistics on miscarriages,
the police changed their procedures. The Frank-
furter iiundschau, in conjunction with Radio
Munich, at one point initiiited an investigation
of the Foreign Office, charging that former Nazi
officials occupied key positions. Munich's
Suddeutsche Zeifung entered the fray and printed
a series of pictures and biographical sketches of
the men in question. As a result of the concerted
efforts of press and radio, some high officials saw
fit to resign from the Foreign Office.
A few months ago, the democratic press nipped
in the bud a proposed Federal law that would
have hampered the freedom of the press. Recent
attempts of an important German political party
to browbeat two prominent editors into submission
have been completely unsuccessful. Ordered to
drop their support of German integration with
the West and German contribution of troops to
the European Defense Army on pain of ejection
from their party, these editors have continued
their vigorous support of both measures. Thus
far the party has not carried out its threat.
These are typical examples of the many coura-
geous actions taken by the new German press.
They are far more significant than the imperfec-
tions which undeniably exist. Objective reporting
and an interest in the public welfare may help the
new press to weather a period of considerable
public misunderstanding and skepticism as to its
aims and services. A recent poll shows that only
42 percent of the West German people support the
principle of the freedom of the press. A bare
majority of the people questioned, 55 percent, be-
lieve that newspapers today are more trustworthy
in their reporting than were those of the Third
Reich.
The response of a cross section of the German
people to the opinion poll may be discouraging to
both German press and watchers abroad. From
their own statements, many Germans seem unable
to recognize honest reporting when they see it, and
many question the propriety of publishing facts
that embarrass the Government. However, the old
adage, "Actions speak louder than words," applies
to Germans too. "\Aniat the German people have
been saying about the press is considerably at vari-
ance with what they are doing about it. Circula-
tion statistics speak tellingly. They disclose that
the same individuals who criticize all newspapers
continue to buy and read the best.
• Mr. Straus, author of the above article, was
with the Office of Military Government for Ger-
many from May 1945 to Janxmry 1947. He is now
puhlic affairs specialist in the Bureau of German
Affairs.
February 23, 7953
242551—53 3
Goals of U. S. Policy in Germany
FoUowing is a transcript of a radio intemew
with Dr. James B. Conant, U.S. High Commis-
sioner for Germany, which teas broadcast over the
Voice of America on February 9, the date on which
Dr. Co7iant left for his new post :
Press release 74 dated February 9
Interviewer : Dr. Conant, you are about to em-
bark on a job that is relatively new to you. Could
3'ou give our audience some idea of your feelings
about this job and your views of the problem it
will bring?
Dr. Conant: In undertaking my new assign-
ment my first thoughts concern the grave respon-
sibilities that are inherent in the position that
President Eisenhower has asked me to fill. I am
aware of the tremendous scope of the new assign-
ment. Conscious of the success of my predeces-
sors in meeting the many problems that arose
during their terms of office, I only hope that I may
be able to carry on the great tradition that they
established.
As you know, this is not my first visit to Ger-
many. As a young professor of chemistry I spent
8 months visiting the German universities. This
was during the period of the Weimar Republic.
I was concerned mainly with examining the or-
ganization of the universities and inquiring into
the sources of that spirit which had made German
univei"sities preeminent in all fields of scientific
research. Nevertheless, I also learned a great deal
about the economic and political problems of those
difficult days so long ago. I was then impressed,
and have been ever since, with the importance for
the whole civilized world of what happens in
Germany. As a European power its ti'emendous
economic and industrial resources are obvious.
So, too, are its great intellectual and scientific
capacities and its cultural traditions.
In the last few years I have been concerned
with the problem of how these resources and
capacities can best be marshaled and utilized to
make possible a constructive contribution to the
welfare of Europe and the entire free world, and
how a possible misuse of such power for destruc-
tive purposes can be prevented. I know that there
are forces both inside and outside Germany which
periodically try to interfere with the sound de-
velopment of the nation's potential. This is a
problem to which I shall continue to devote my
attention in the interest not only of my Govern-
ment but also of all who wish for the peaceful
integration of the Western AVorld. But I also
recall from my visits in the '20's that there are
democratic elements in Germany completely de-
voted to the cause which unites the people of the
free world. These elements will find a friend in
me. It is my hope that, together with their help,
Germany will once more attain the position in
international affairs which will permit a full and
301
productive use of her great resources. I am opti-
mistic about this prospect in view of the progress
which lias been made since the war — progress
whicli in large measure is due to the statesmanship
of Chancellor Adenauer.
Interviewer: How do you view the current
movement toward European unity that is taking
place ?
Dr. Conant: The movement of the European
nations from national separatism to greater union
is to my mind the most encouraging development
of the postwar period. The survival today not
only of Europe but of Western civilization de-
pends on the success of the free nations in seeking
security through cooperation.
The evolution of a true European community,
with a democratic Germany in its midst, based
on common political institutions, sharing the
wealth of its industrial resources, and dedicated
to the defense of its great cultural heritage, is the
hope of free people everywhere; it is also a beacon
light for those who are deprived temporarily of
their liberty by a totalitarian regime.
The Council of Europe and the Schuman Plan
have been the first milestones on the way to such
union. With the establishment of the European
Defense Community [Edc] another decisive step
will have been taken not only to cement the foun-
dation of the "New Europe" but in the words of
President Eisenhower, "to advance peace and the
security of the free world."
The consummation of this process is, and must
remain, the responsibility of the peoples of
Europe themselves. But in fulfilling this task,
they can be certain that the American Govern-
ment and the American people will follow their
efforts with deep sympathy and with high hopes.
In his inaugural message President Eisenhower
said : ^
In Europe, we ask that enlightened and inspired lead-
ers of the Western nations strive with renewed vigor to
make the unity of their peoples a reality. Only as free
Europe unitedly marshals its strength can it effectively
safeguard, even with our help, its spiritual and cultural
treasures.
As I assume the challenging obligations of my
new office, I wish to assure you that my mission
will be to continue the work begun by Mr. McCloy,
namely, to further, to the best of my abilities, the
voluntary association of the Federal Republic
with the community of European nations. Thus,
through Edc and Nato [North Atlantic Treaty
Organization] Germany will be joined with the
other nations of the Atlantic community in de-
fense of freedom.
Interviewer : Dr. Conant, as you know, there
is a widespread interest among the German people
in the reunification of Germany. Do you think
that progress can be made toward this end?
Dr. Conant: The peaceful reunification of
Secretary Dulles Visits West Germany
Printed helow is the text of a statement
made by Secretary Dulles at Wahn Airport,
Bonn, Germany, on February 6, during his
recent tour of Europe.
[Telegraphic textj
Mr. Stassen * and I are grateful for the
warm hospitality shown us here in Germany
and for the intimate exchange of views
which took place concerning matters of vital
concern to us all.
I regret that time did not permit a Ansit to
Berlin on this occasion. I recall my visit
there on the airlift in 1948. We in the
United States are, now as then, vitally inter-
ested in the welfare and security of this city
and we share the determination of the Ber-
liners to maintain their liberties.
In bidding you good-by, I am happy to
know that we shall be able to renew our dis-
cussions with 3'our Chancellor in Washing-
ton this spring.
' Harold E. Stassen, Director for Mutual Security.
' Bulletin of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 167.
302
Germany remains one of the major goals in Amer-
ican policy. I shall do everything in my power
to help carry out this policy. However, the suc-
cess of this policy depends entirely on Soviet
willingness to permit the reunification of Ger-
many under conditions of freedom. Current
Soviet actions in Berlin and the purges in the
Soviet zone have made me wonder whether the
Soviet Union has any desire whatever to create
the prerequisites for unification. I am appalled
by the purges and arrests now taking place in the
Soviet zone, by the persecution of entire popula-
tion gi'oups, and by the obvious attempt to root
out any residues of political freedom and equality.
Interviewer: You mentioned Berlin, Dr. Con-
ant, and Soviet action there. Do you believe that
the American position in Berlin can be held?
Dr. Conant: Our position in Berlin can be held
and must be held. Shortly after m}' arrival in
Germany I expect to go to Berlin to familiarize
myself personally with the problems of that city.
I realize that the economic harassment, the in-
creasing iiiflux of refugees, and the attempts by
the Soviet authorities to undermine West Berlin
morale represent a problem that must be tackled
with dispatch and determination. But, with the
help of the Berliners, and the necessary support of
the peoples of the free world, Berlin will continue
to be the free world's outpost.
I should like to add, if I may, the following: I
am looking forward to working with the German
people. I know tliat honest cooperation based on
mutual confidence will insure the success of my
mission. Auf Wiedersehenf
Department of State Bulletin
Tax Treaty Discussions
WitPi Germany
Press release 81 dated February 11
U.S. and German tax officials will meet in the
early future for technical discussions to see
whether a basis can be found for conventions for
the avoidance of double taxation of income and of
estates of deceased persons.
If the discussions are successful, draft conven-
tions will be prepared and submitted by the par-
ticipants for further consideration by their respec-
tive governments.
In preparation for the discussions, interested
persons are invited to submit information and sug-
gestions to Eldon P. King, Head, Office of Interna-
tional Tax Eelations, Bureau of Internal Revenue,
Washington 25, D.C.
Submission of Claims for
War Damage in West Germany
The Department of State announced, on Feb-
ruary 11 (press release 82), that owners of prop-
erty located in the Federal Republic of Germany
or the Western sectors of Berlin are eligible to file
a claim, under the German law on the equalization
of burdens, for physical damage to such property
during World War II. Claims may be filed by
natural persons only and must be submitted on or
before August 31, 1953, to the Equalization Of-
fice {AusgleichsaTiit) in the district where the
property is situated. An Equalization Office
exists in each city and county. In the event the
claimant does not know the name of the city or
county in which his property is located, he should
send his application to the competent State Equal-
ization Office {Landesausgleichsamt) with a re-
quest that it be forwarded to the proper local
office. The address of the appropriate State
Equalization Office can be obtained from the Ger-
man consulates listed below. The forms for the
filing of applications for the determination of
damage are obtainable in Germany from the local
German authorities or in the United States from
the German consulates at any of the following
addresses :
745 Fifth Avenue, New York 22, N.Y.
S South Michigan Avenue, Room 901, Chicago, III.
1026 Hurt Building, Atlanta, Ga.
Central Tower Building, 703 Market Street, San Fran-
cisco, Calif.
3450 Wilshire Boulevard, Los Angeles, Calif.
International Trade Mart, New Orleans, La.
1320 Bryant Building, 1102 Grand Avenue, Kansas City,
Mo.
905 Securities Building, Seattle, Wash.
2711 Book Building, Washington Boulevard, Detroit 26,
Mich.
Wliile U.S. citizens and residents will be pri-
marily concerned with the war-damage features
of the Equalization of Burdens Law, the Depart-
ment of State pointed out that claims may also be
made for certain types of postwar damage or loss.
These concern (1) damage arising out of expul-
sion from German territory east of the Oder-
Neisse line or from territory outside the 1937
boundaries of Germany; (2) damage sustained
in Eastern Germany now under Soviet control or
Polish administration; and (3) damage resulting
from currency reform in regard to investments
made for savings purposes. Due to residence and
other requirements, U.S. citizens and residents
will not in most cases be eligible to file claims for
losses falling under these categories.
The Department of State has prepared the at-
tached memorandum ^ containing basic informa-
tion for the benefit of interested persons seeking
advice on questions concerning their rights under
the Equalization of Burdens Law. However, the
Department cautions all claimants that it is not
able to give advice on the merits of individual
claims or to interpi-et the German law with re-
spect to a particular case. Requests for infor-
mation of this character should be directed to the
local German authorities with whom the claim is
filed. Any assistance which a claimant may re-
quire in the preparation of his application should
be obtained from an attorney in Germany or one
in the United States who is familiar with Ger-
man laws and procedure. Since the law will be
administered by German officials, the application
should be prepared, if possible, in the German lan-
guage and a copy retained for reference in future
correspondence.
Claimants are advised that the actual payment
of war-damage claims will not be made until the
total amount of damage in Western Germany and
Western Berlin and the total of the funds avail-
able for the payment of that compensation have
been determined. Under the Equalization of
Burdens Law this determination must be made
not later than March 31, 1957.
Discontinuance of Current
Copper Allocations
The Copper-Zinc-Lead Committee of the Inter-
national Materials Conference announced on Feb-
ruary 12 that, following a review of the supply-
demand position, its member governments have
agreed to discontinue the current (first quarter)
international allocation of primary copper, with
effect from February 15, 1953. Although it now
appears unlikely that there will be need for fur-
ther international allocations of copper, the Com-
mittee will review the position again in March
when a further statement will be made.
'Not printed. Text of the memorandum may be ob-
tained by writing the Bureau of German Affairs, Depart-
ment of State, Washington 25, D.C.
february 23, ?953
303
U.S. Rejects Charges
of Anti-Polish Acts
U.S. Note to Poland
Press release 75 dated February 9
On January 16, 1953, the Polish Foreign Office
addressed a IQ-page note to the American Emhassy
at Warsaw ' irrotesting against alleged anti-Polish
arts hi/ the United States. The note charged ^Hhe
hrutai violation of Polish territory . . . hy an
aircraft belonging to the arm-ed forces of the
United States'''' and "Me organizing of aggressive
intelligence and subversion on Polish territory.''''
The note represents one facet of the currently
stepped-up Communist propaganda campaign,
throughout the Soviet bloc, aimed at vilifying and
discrediting the United States. Following is the
text of the American reply to this note xohich was
delivered to the U. S. Embassy at Warsaw on
February 9:
The Embassy of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Affairs and on instructions of the United
States Government lias the honor to reject cate-
gorically the unfounded charges in the Ministry's
note of January 16, 1953, alleging aggressive at-
tempts by the Government of the United States
on the security of Poland. With specific refer-
ence to the last paragraph of the Ministry's note
of Januai-y 16, the United States Government
rejects the allegations of the Polish Government
that an aircraft belonging to the Armed forces
of the United States violated Polish territory on
November 4, 1952, and that the United States has
organized aggressive "intelligence and subversion"
on Polish territory.
The charges are very clearly a part of a larger
pattern of accusations made ■with increasing
vehemence during the past few months by a num-
ber of governments dominated by a single totali-
tarian political party. As the Polish Government
is well aware, these recent charges have been
leveled against Christians and Jews, Communists
and former Communists, workers, peasants and
intellectuals, and even against many once promi-
nent and trusted officials occupying positions of
great power in the very governments which are
now making the charges.
The free world, and no doubt many in that part
of the world which is not fiee, has viewed these
accusations with profound skepticism and deep
disgust, seeing in them the characteristic excesses
of men hysterically fearful that they will lose the
absolute power which has corrupted them. To
the extent, however, that this macabre process of
almost daily accusation actually reflects a genuine
' Not printed.
304
struggle of men to be free and masters of their
own thoughts and souls, the Govermneiit and
people of the United States cannot be disinterested.
Sympathy and concern for the welfare and
asj^irations to freedom of peoples of other lands
has been a continuing and important feature of
American history from the beginning of the
United States as an independent country. The
names of Pulaski and Kosciuszko, of Kossuth and
Krzyzanowski, of Paderewski and the elder
Masaryk, all of whom found haven and support
in the United States during their struggles for
the freedom of their homelands bear eloquent
testimony to the continuing American interest in
the liberty and independence of the countries of
Central and Eastern Europe.
The Polish Government in its note of January
16 alleges that while the American nation desires
peaceful relations with the Polish nation, the
policy of the Government of the United States
is anti-Polish. The absurdity of this contention is
apparent to anyone acquainted with the democrat-
ic and representative nature of the political insti-
tutions of the United States which ensure, con-
trary to the situation which prevails in totalitarian
regimes, the faithful reflection of the popular will
in the policies followed by the Government of the
United States. In any event, the question of
whether the policy of the United States Govern-
ment is anti-Polish is one which the United States
is happy to leave to the judgment of history, con-
fident that the record clearly shows that from its
earliest beginnings as an independent country, the
United States has always been, and remains, a firm
friend of Poland.
It is also impossible to understand the gi-ounds
on which the Ministry bases the fantastic allega-
tion that the United States Government desires to
transform Poland into a colony of the United
Sta,tes. It is understandable that under the con-
ditions which prevail in Poland at the present
time many citizens of Poland might entertain
legitimate fears regarding the possible reduction
of Poland to the status of a colony, but it is cer-
tainly not on the Government of the United
States, that responsibility for these unfortunate
conditions rests.
A very few years ago both Poland and the
United States fought side by side in defense of
their national existence against an evil and pow-
erful enemy. For several years after that war, the
United States, through official and unofficial chan-
nels, undertook a massive and varied progi-am of
economic assistance to the peo2)le of Poland. As a
part of that assistance, Unrra, which was financed
largely by the United States, delivered to Poland
food, clothing, medical, industrial and agricultur-
al supplies in the amount of $477,927,000. This
was more than was supplied to any other Euro-
pean country, and was one-sixth of the total as-
sistance granted to all war-devastated countries
throughout the world.
Department of State Bulletin
Moreover, it was the Polish Government itself
wliicJi announced in July 1917 a decision not to
participate in the European economic recovery
prooram which offered additional great possibili-
ties for rebuilding war danuige in Poland and for
raising the standard of living of the hard-pressed
Polish people.
In its note of Januaiy 16, 1953 the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs saw fit to return to the subject of
Section 101 of the United States Mutual Security
Act of 1951, and to repeat the baseless charges
contained in its note of December 19, 1951 and
January 12, 1952. As the Polish Government was
informed more than a year ago, Section 101 of the
Mutual Security Act is intended to provide as-
sistance to victims of oppression, where such as-
sistance has been determined to contribute to the
defense of the North Atlantic Area. The purely
humanitarian program for extending care and as-
sistance in resettlement to refugees which is now
being actively carried out under this legislation
is completely consistent with the policy of the
United Nations of rendering assistance to people
who have been forced to flee from their homelands.
AVith regard to the allegations in the Polish
note under reference attempting to establish a
connection between the Embassy at Warsaw and
the murder of a Polish radio announcer, the Gov-
ernment of the United States states categorically
that these allegations are groundless, and that the
Government of Poland must be aware of that
fact.
Concerning the further allegation that United
States Government information activities have
sown hatred toward Poland, it is to be noted that
the aim of these activities with respect to Poland
is to provide accurate news and commentaries on
important developments to the Polish people who,
cut off from such information by their own au-
thorities, are naturally eager to be informed by
other means. As the Government of the United
States observed to the Polish Embassy at "Wash-
ington in a note of September 20, 1951,- history
abundantly proves that governments which adopt
the policy of denying their peoples access to all
the avenues to truth have done so at their own loss.
During the past century and three quarters
Poland has several times been partitioned by
powerful neighboring states, and at times has been
occupied by one of them. During these tragic
years of Polish history, no people and no govern-
ment has had a warmer admiration for the
unquenchable Polish love of liberty than the
people and Government of the United States, and
none has had a firmer faith in the final outcome
of the Polish struggle for liberty and national
independence.
Austrian Treaty Deputies
Suspend Meetings
In answer to questions concerning the meetings
of the Austrian treaty dejmties at London on Feb-
ruary G and Fehruary 5, Michael J. McDermott,
Special Assiiitant for Press Relations, nw.de the
following statement on February 10:
Andrei Gromyko furnished further proof that
the Soviet Union has no intention of concluding
an Austrian treaty and desires that Austria con-
tinue as an occupied country. During yesterday's
meeting, tlie Western deputies had repeated the
simple fact that they had met to agree on an Aus-
trian treaty. The French chairman [Etienne de
Crouy-Chanel] suggested that anything could be
discussed that would lead to a treaty. He pro-
posed that the long draft treaty be discussed inas-
much as he assumed that the Soviet Government
had expressed its readiness to conclude a treaty on
the basis of this draft only.
Mr. Gromyko, however, again insisted that no
discussion could take place until the so-called ab-
breviated treaty was withdrawn. He refused to be
budged even after the Western deputies declared
that they might withdraw the abbreviated treaty
if a just and equitable treaty could be concluded
on any other basis, including the long draft, with-
out further delay. The Western deputies in fact
formally proposed that discussion begin by going
through that draft, the long draft. When the
Soviet representative saw no way out, he simply
said : "I have nothing to add to my previous posi-
tion."
The Western deputies then agreed that no fur-
ther purpose would be served in continuing dis-
cussions made futile by Mr. Gromyko's position
and agreed to suspend further meetings ])ending
submission of reports to their governments.
Accord Reached on Sudan
Press release S9 dated February 14
Secretary Dulles on February llf. sent the fol-
lowing messages to Foreign Secretary Anthony
Eden of the United Kingdom and Foreign Min-
ister Mahmoud Fawzi of Egypt on the occasion
of the accord reached on the Sudan by the two
brovermments}
Message to Foreign Secretary Eden
Achievement of the Sudan accord by the British
and Egyptian Govermnents is indeed gratifying
to the United States. As it affects the Sudanese,
it is in the best tradition of British regard for the
" Bulletin of Oct. 22, 1951, p. 652.
Februaty 23, J 953
' Terms of the Anglo-Egyptian Accord, which was signed
on Feb. 12, provide almost immediate self-rule for the
Sudanese and self-determination of their future status
within 3 years.
305
orderly political evolution of a people toward
self-government, and is a tribute to the patient
statesmanship which your (iovernment has con-
sistently addressed to this difficult problem!
I believe the settlement is one which the three
peoples concerned — British, Egyptian, and Su-
danese, can view with equal satisfaction as ap-
propriate to their respective interests, and as pro-
viding a solid foundation for friendly, mutually
beneficial future relationships.
This amicable accord may well be the first step
toward the establishment of more fruitful asso-
ciations in an area of critical importance to the
security of the free world.
Message to Foreign Minister Fawzi
The United States is gratified that an agree-
ment on the Sudan has been arrived at by Egypt
and the United Kingdom. This is a truly im-
portant occasion. It affords an opportunity for
me to express my Government's pleasure at the
spirit in which these difficult negotiations were
carried out.
My Government trusts that the same spirit of
good will and cooperation will characterize the
transitional period preceding the decision by the
Sudanese people of their future status. The ami-
cable resolution of this long outstanding question
goes far toward creating an atmosphere of mu-
tual understanding and trust in the Near East
which can only result in great benefits for all the
nations of the free world.
My Government continues to follow with in-
terest and sympathy the progressive attitude and
energetic efforts of the Government of General
Naguib to meet and overcome the internal prob-
lems which face the Egyptian people. The
United States wishes the Egyptian Government
every success in its efforts.
The United States and the Underdeveloped Areas
hy Stanley Andrews
Administrator, Technical Cooperation Administration ^
It is more than a pleasure for me to come to
Wisconsin today to talk to this important group
of men and women from the farms and towns and
villages of Wisconsin. It was here at the Uni-
versity of Wisconsin a little more thpn a year ago
that representatives from many of the countries in
which Point Four operates gathered for a study of
the general problem of land reform.^
While I shall discuss this phase of Point Four
work a little later, I would like to add here that in
four of the countries which are now acting to im-
prove land distribution, tenure, and credit, four of
the men in charge of this effort attended the World
Land Tenure Conference in Wisconsin.
In my talk here today, I shall try to report a
little of what the Point Four Progi'am of technical
cooperation has been able to accomplish over the
past 2 years. I shall suggest why the accomplish-
ments of the program are important in these un-
' Address made in connection with the oliservance of
Farm and Home Week at Madison, Wis., Feb. 4 (press
release 65 dated Feb. 3).
= Bulletin of Oct. 22, 1951, p. 660.
306
easy days. I shall try to indicate why I think this
program as it now operates is not primarily an
unselfish missionary effort on the part of our coun-
try but rather a hard-headed enterprise which, if
successful, must benefit not only the peoples with
whom we work but will directly benefit the people
of the United States who are putting up the money
and sending their technicians overseas.
The Act for International Development, under
which the Teclmical Cooperation Administration
operates the Point Four Program, authorizes three
basic activities. One is the sharing of know-how
through technicians, plus the funds and equipment
to make their work effective, with countries that
want to attack some basic problem. Another ac-
tivity under the act is the encouragement of private
investment in these areas and the creation of the
"atmosphere for investment." Third, the act pro-
vides for the training of nationals of cooperating
countries in the United States— what is called the
"trainee progi'am."
In the first and third of these activities, I think
it can reasonably be said that we have "a show on
the road." There are some 1,400 technical per-
Department of State Bulletin
sonnel abroad now in 35 countries. They are as-
sisting in development and training in practically
every Held from labor productivity in a textile mill
in Iran, or a coal mine in Afghanistan, to the
better use of a wooden plow in the valley of the
Jordan. There are trainees from almost all of the
35 countries in the United States, some 1,300 of
them at the present time, renewing or expanding
their knowledge on everything from biochemistry
or tractor repair or transportation or public-health
services to basic concepts of primary school educa-
tion.
Yardsticks for Measuring Underdevelopment
In the field of encouraging private investment,
some worthwhile areas have been explored and
some valuable lessons learned. But we still have
a long way to go.
This field of activity, in my opinion, deserves
extended study and eifort not only on the part of
Government but by the leaders of private enter-
prise in this country. All of us need to take a more
penetrating look into the whole problem, not only
from the standpoint of "private interest and
profit" which is important but because our national
interest and our standard of living in this country
depend on it. We cannot sell something to a person
who has nothing.
Let's look a moment at what is termed an "under-
developed" country. Wliat are the norms or yard-
sticks that one may use to measure degrees of
underdevelopment ?
Here are a few statistics which might serve as a
sort of yardstick. But I hasten to point out that
it is not the objective of Point Four to reproduce
in this great area the material standards of the
more highly developed areas. I am going to com-
pare certain figures in three categories: the so-
called "underdeveloped" areas; the intermediate
states; and the highly developed and industrial-
ized areas such as the United States, Great Britain,
France, Germany, and Italy.
Based on U.N. figures, here's about the story :
Annual per capita income,
in dollars
Mechanical energy, per
capita horsepower per day
Life expectancy in years .
Physicians per 1,000 people
Food consumption, calories
per day
Cloth consumption, pounds
per person
Population literate, in per-
centage
Elementary school teachers
per 1,000 people ....
Under-
developed
Inter-
mediate
41
154
1. 2
30
. 17
6.4
52
.78
2,150
2,760
4.8
7.52
22
80
1.76
3.42
Developed
461
26.6
63
1.06
3,040
18.63
95
3.98
Now, let's look at the family unit in these areas.
The chances are that the family we seek out will
be dark-skinned. It will be a family with a rich
heritage of culture, an ancient tradition, a well-
defined concejJt of living, and with values far dif-
ferent from our own. The family will be liv-
ing in a village home which it has occupied
for generations.
This family will cultivate a plot of ground
which has been in cultivation for hundreds of
years. It may be a piece of communal land be-
longing to the village or to a family or dynasty,
owned and operated by its various members over
many years. Or it may be land owned by some
landlord or corporation. It will be a small piece
of land, probably from 1 to 20 acres. The house
will be of stone or adobe, if in the dryer sections,
or of bamboo, if in the wet torrid zones.
There will be a father and a mother with per-
haps six or eight children living, and possibly a
birth record or twelve or more. The others have
died before maturity. The family's chief crop
will be rice, or wheat, corn and barley, or sugar
cane, or industrial crops like rubber, sisal, and
jute. The chief diet will be rice or cereal, with
some fruits and vegetables and occasionally fish.
The power on the farm will probably be a cara-
bao or an ox with an occasional donkey or horse,
camel or cow. The farm implements will be a
wooden spade, maybe an iron spade, and a plow
hoe. Rarely will anything resembling a breaking
plow or a disc harrow be found. The harvest
equipment will be a small knife attached to the
two fingers of the right hand, or perhaps a sickle.
The threshing will probably be done with oxen
walking over the grain on a threshing floor and
the grain will be cleaned by winnowing in the
wind. In some areas there will be a small foot-
pedaled thresher and occasionally a gasoline-
driven fanning mill.
There will be no furniture in most of these
homes. Bamboo floor covering, a mat spread on
the floor at night, and an iron brazier for cooking
and heating are the standard equipment. Cloth-
ing will be scant and for everyday wear of sim-
plest cotton. Silk may be seen on the most festive
occasions for which the inherited fine dress of cen-
turies will be brought out.
Most of the family members will belong to and
attend regularly a church of the ritualistic and
formalized religion of the area, often predating
Christianity by thousands of yeai's.
If the family is fortunate enough to own any
of the land on which it lives and works, that is
probably its greatest material achievement. If
they are nonowners, then the most cherished dream
of the family may be to call some of that land
its own. We have gone far enough to indicate
that sheer poverty is representative of a great
majority of the rural families in this so-called
"underdeveloped" belt.
February 23, 1953
307
Raising tlie Standard of Living
So much then for the yardsticks on an under-
developed country and the people and areas where
our technicians are joining forces with technicians
of host countries in an attack on some of their
basic problems. The direct fundamental oi>jective
of the Point Four Program is to help raise the
standard of living of the peoples with whom we
work. There is only one way to raise the general
standard of living of any area and that is by an
increase in the goods and services which human
beings use — in other words, increased production
of food, of fibers for clothing, of materials for
shelter, and of the resources of the country which
may be exchanged for other goods — to the end
that all may have more.
Usually this attack on increased production
starts with agriculture, then with forest and min-
eral developments, and increased productivity and
efficiency of industries or productive enterprises
which the country has. It is not an effort to pick
up giant factories or transport great industrial
systems bodily from America to these areas. We
start with what we have. If it is agriculture, the
American technician must go along with a local
technician or leader, begin where the farmer is
with his wooden hoe, if that is all he has ; with his
scant acre of land, M'hich is often all he has ; with
the water and the sun and the soil as it stands. In
some way we must contrive by application of
known principles to start increasing production.
This can usually be done with the introduction of
good seed. Often a simple change in the planting
methods will do the trick. Sometimes it is a sim-
ple matter of planting a little earlier or later.
Or maybe thinning or spacing of plants will help.
But start we must where the people are and move
forward and upward.
The same technique must be followed in the
field of public health, in sanitation, in improved
housing. It would be easy to draw up a design
for an ideal house in the Nile Delta, for instance,
and then to have a contractor build it and give it
to the fellahin in the village in place of his mud
hut. But there is not enough money in all Amer-
ica to do that sort of thing. Even if a way could
be found to buy the materials and give them to
that villager, he could not even afford to pay the
hauling cost of them to his village or to hire
anyone to help him put up his house. So Amer-
ican technicians, if they are going to help the
fellahin of the Nile out of his miserable and dirty
hut, must find a way to use Nile mud so that the
villagers themselves can construct with the ma-
terials and skills at hand a suitable and sanitary
house.
If the malarial mosquito is ever to be wiped from
the Nile or from the coastal plains of Iran or
Sumatra, Americans must work side by side with
the local people, giving them help in forms of
necessary materials and supplies and technical
308
training to lead them into doing a gigantic job.
It will not perhaps be done by any spectacular
new way but by leadership and training in the
basic and known ways of tackling a problem,
whether it be the choking up of a harbor, break-
down of a rail transport system, factory improve-
rnent, or some deep and long search into a scien-
tific problem dealing with agricultural production
or mineral development.
I would like to relate by the hour stories of
how Americans, your friends, and some of them
your neighbors, are in their common sense and
unassuming way tackling problems and solving
them with their counterpart technicians. There's
the story of an American locomotive engineer,
several years retired, who was sent to Indonesia
to see if he could help in the better use of loco-
motive power on that nation's railroads. On ar-
rival there, he found the repair shops in chaos,
many of their locomotives on the dead line and
not many pulling freight. Working with local
repairmen, he crawled into boilers and fireboxes
searching out the causes of trouble. He deter-
mined that the use of muddy water was causing
the interiors of the flues to scale and to prevent the
heat in the fireboxes from getting to the water,
and the heat was going up the flues instead of into
the water. The simple cleaning of water, the re-
organization of repair shops, and some shifting
of switch tracks and loading facilities literally
revolutionized that railroad in a short time.
I'd like to tell jou about new wheat our tech-
nicians assisted in introducing into areas of Iran
last year and how this year the returns have come
back one hundredfold; how the incidence of ma-
laria, which for a thousand years in some villages
in the Middle East and in South America has
stood at about 80 percent, has been reduced to 20
percent.
There's a coal mine in Afghanistan where a
couple of men from the U.S. Bureau of Mines have
helped to double production in less than 1 year
and at the same time get more of the coal oiit of
the drifts and promote safety in the mine — a
thing unheard of in that part of the world.
Point Four Assistance in Jordan
Let's for a moment look at one of our teams
at work in a small country like Jordan. Let's
see what has taken place there over the past
18 months.
Jordan, as you all know, steps right out of Bible
history. Until recent years it was a part of the
Palestine Mandate under the old League of Na-
tions, administered by Great Britain. Soon after
Jordan gained independence, came the Palestine
war, and the area which normally carried some-
thing less than a half million population sud-
denly became the home of nearly a half million
more people — refugees.
Then came locusts and a drought and last year
Department of State Bulletin
famine stalked the villages of Jordan, and the
bones of the flocks of the Bedouins parched on
the desert. The first U.S. aid for Jordan was not
technical cooperation but three cargoes, about
30,000 tons of wheat to prevent .starvation. When
our technical program got under way, one of the
first tilings it did was to see that another wheat
crop was planted and produced. This year Jor-
dan, thanks to her own efl'orts, our help, and
weather has enough wheat to meet her normal
needs.
The big job is how to carry over from the fruit-
ful years so that in the lean years there will be
food. Joseph saw that problem and solved it in
his day. Jordan, with some American teclini-
cians and an engineering firm, is tackling that
problem now with a new type of desert-storage
arrangement which will permit the carrying over
of wheat from one crop year to the other.
It sounds simple, but when you are in a land
where a simple burlap sack is a luxury and where
equipment to handle or store bulk gi'ains is un-
known it is not simple.
This one demonstration storage bin is being
built with money from the American taxpayer.
If it succeeds — and we are sure it will — Jordan
plans to build enough storage bins to carry over
about 300,000 tons of grain in the good years to
the lean years. Then at least the threat of peri-
odic famine will be averted.
Then there is a desert-pasture program under
way. People of Jordan mostly live by their floods.
It always rains at some time of the year no matter
how hot and dry the desert may become later.
So the object is to catch and hold the rain which
falls all at once, from about November to Febru-
ary, to let it soak into the ground and produce
grass for forage later in the year — even though the
grass dries up. The Romans tackled this prob-
lem 2,000 years ago when they built great ground
tanks about 60 meters square and 3 meters in depth.
These tanks, 500 of them along the valley of the
•Jordan Eiver, filled with water in the rainy sea-
son and stored water for irrigation. They were
the watering places for the Bedouins and their
families. But the wind drifts of the desert, the
rains and silt of the years, have filled in these tanks
and they have remained unused for 500 years.
Last year. Point Four provided a second-hand
dragline and an American teclmician to train
young Jordanians to run it. They cleared out
one of these giant tanks and last spring when the
rains came it filled with water. One of the sights
this fall that took one back square into Bible days
was the Bedouins camping by that tank on the
Eve of Christmas with their flocks grazing and
watering around it.
But merely cleaning out those 500 tanks will
not do the job that is necessary today. Some of
our desert experts, with experience in our own dry
lands, have worked out a system of long undu-
lating dikes, literally terraces, thrown up to hold
the \vater in a strip across a vast space. The water
thus held stops erosion, soaks into the ground, and
sufficient water remains in the ground to produce
quick growing grass. In one area right now there
are some 600 acres of green lush grass growing in
a strip along one of these dikes where green grass
like that has not grown for centuries. Needless
to say the Bedouins who must live by grazing their
flocks in the desert are very excited about this
project.
Since time immemorial and according to cus-
tom of the area, Jordan has kept its womanhood
behind the veil and rarely have women taken part
in public life or community leadership. Now a
school has been establishecl in Jordan which is
training the first group of young women to be-
come school teachers and to teach other young
women. The first class will be graduated this
spring.
Over the centuries, Jordan has had no such
thing as a testing laboratory or any of the neces-
sai-y equipment, let alone skills to fight disease,
to deal with insects and micro-organisms which
attack plants and animals and humans.
Point Four has filled the request of the Govern-
ment of Jordan for about 175 thousand-dollars
worth of laboratory equipment, equipment which
constitutes the necessary machinery and utensils
for a complete research and testing laboratory.
This will serve not only Jordan but other areas
of the Middle East. Today on one of the main
streets of Amman a two-story building is going up,
the land donated by the State of Amman, the work
done by builders in Amman. This part of the
project is locally financed. The building will
house the Point Four equipment and soon four or
five research and testing specialists will begin
training local Jordan people to take over the work
which the laboratory is designed to carry on. No
state can j^rogress today without the basic research
which precedes visible improvements by some span
of years. We must know things before we have
anything to teach, to train, and to extend.
Value of Training Nationals
Let's turn now to the matter of training na-
tionals of Point Four countries in the United
States. Last year more than a thousand men and
women, most of them leaders in their own coun-
tries, came to America at Point Four expense and
spent from as little as 30 days to as long as a year
studying in fields of their particular interest.
These have been extension workers, farm leaders,
labor leaders, road builders, industrial engineers,
school teachers, government administrators, and
public-health leaders.
Now and then there have been some rather
cheering results, such as the young men who at-
tended the World Land Tenure Conference here
in Wisconsin and were ready to assume respon-
sibility and leadership in their own countries when
February 23, 1953
309
the time was ripe. There -were also the young men
from Iran who attended the Cooperative Credit
Conference at the University of California last
year. They are now out training leaders in Iran
and helping to set up credit societies and banks,
to administer loans, and to give supervision to the
new farm owners under the Shah's land-distribu-
tion scheme.^ We feel that more of this type of
training must be done in the country where these
folks live. We believe the number coming to this
country should be held to a minimum.
Some of the things which these men and women
see in this country are by no stretch of imagination
applicable to their own countries and some of them
are a little bewildered by this gadget-conscious
America. However, as one of them told me, "The
thing we get from America above all things is the
value you place on the individual and the attention
your Government gives to the opinions and the
welfare of the single individual."
That idea, I think, is worth spreading. For
above the physical and material needs of the coun-
tries from which Point Four trainees come, is the
need to dignify the worthwhileness of the individ-
ual. So I think most of the trainees coming to this
•country carry back with them something which
can be applied in their own countries.
I had a dramatic demonstration of this recently
in a South American country when a great air-
liner, in which I and some 5G others rode, got into
trouble and had to land in a little pasture airfield
in the jungle. A young man in the control tower
on that Held guided us safely in. That lad had been
trained by the Civil Aeronautics Administration
in this country on a scholarship supplied by the
American taxpayers. I was startled and somewhat
reassured to find that in at least 12 other airports
I visited on that South American tour, a majority
of the tower operators, traffic men, radio operators,
and radar operators were lads who had been
trained here in the United States on these scholar-
ships.
Private Investment on a Partnership Basis
May we turn now for a few moments to the pri-
vate investment side of this Act for International
Development, which authorized the Point Four
Program. Frankly, I do not know how much the
American Government can do to "encourage and
expand private investment" in foreign lands, as
the Act directed. Certainly something can be done
in the way of guarantees, in tax laws, and in trea-
ties between the United States and different coun-
tries, which give assurance of fair treatment for
American capital.
Many of these countries remember the time when
foreign investments were followed by fleets and
= Ibid., Oct. G, 19.52, p. 535.
armies and colonial domination. They are sus-
picious of too much talk, and the Conununists on
the other side never let them forget it. So it ap-
pears to me that American or other foreign capital
entering any of these underdeveloped areas now
will have to come, first, by invitation and on the
basis of the country's desires and requests rather
than by the old style concession type of develop-
ment ; second, it will be selective rather than
general.
I, for one, do not believe that the American tax-
payer, through his Government, should put up the
investment capital necessary in many of these coun-
tries. Neither do I think it is America's responsi-
bility to see that the investments needed are made
only by Americans. As a matter of fact, nearly all
of the industrial nations can and should take part
in this sort of development. I am cor fident that
it must be on a partnership basis and of a nature
which will contribute to the economic and social
development of the country involved as well as to
the profits and economic strength of the foreign
investor.
In conclusion, then, you as interested citizens
and taxpayers of the United States are entitled to
ask: Where do we go from here; what does the
United States get out of this effort? To begin
with I would say, among other things, the satis-
faction that we are accepting some of our responsi-
bilities of world leadership; second, by helping
countries to develop their human and material re-
sources, and to raise their standards of living
through increased production of goods and ma-
terials for human use and for world trade, we move
toward a more stable economic situation in these
areas and thus improve the outlook for peace.
Third, while the Communists charge that we are
doing this in order that the United States will
have a cheap source of raw materials, I will meet
that challenge by saying that the future peace and
well-being of the free world depends on orderly
and sound economic development of all its re-
sources, and that the people of the underdeveloped'
areas have everything to gain from this sort of
partnership development.
Last, the increase — even the slightest increase — -
in the standard of living of these billion people in
Point Four areas will improve trade between these
areas and the free world. We cannot trade with a
pauper, and the best trade the United States enjoys
today is with our greatest competitors — Canada,
England, France, Western Germany, Japan, and
Italy . The United States sold to the industrialized
countries some $5.80 worth of goods per customer
last year. We sold only 70 cents worth of goods to
the man we've been talking about in the under-
developed areas. These programs — to use a term
used many years ago by a great President — are
simply "enlightened self-interest."
310
Department of State Bulletin
How Shall a Christian Look at Point Four?
hy Stephen P. Dorsey
Deputy Director, Ofice of Near Eastern Affairs ^
The Point Four Program, as it lias come to be
called, was set forth formally by President Tru-
man as a "bold new program" in his inaugural
address just -i years ago this January.^ Bold
though the program may have been, it was not ne^y.
As a Government we had been engaging in this
type of international humanitarian cooperative
action to some degree for many years, and in the
other Ajnericas to the south in very considerable
volume since 1939. Long before that, private cor-
porations and American missionaries had carried
the same concept to every continent. It was in
1831, for example, that Eli Smith, a missionary
from Northford, Conn., set up the first Arabic
printing press in Syria.
"\^^iat then is Point Four ? What problems does
it face ? How does it seek to solve them ? "Wliy is
it of special interest to us as Cliristians ?
The appellation, Point Four, is certainly an in-
exact term, except that the proposed program was
the fourth on President Truman's list of American
foreign-policy objectives set forth in his address
of January 20, 1949. Yet for want of a better
name it caught the public fancy. And as such,
American technical cooperation in the interna-
tional field has come to be known since that date.
This fourth point was as follows :
... we must embark on a bold new progi-am for muking
the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial prog-
ress available for the improvement and growth of under-
developed areas. More than half the people of the world
are living in conditions approaching misery. Their food
is inadequate. They are victims of disease. Their eco-
nomic life is primitive and stagnant. Their poverty is a
handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous
areas.
For the first time in history, humanity possesses the
knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these
people. The United States is pre-eminent among nations
in the development of industrial and scientific techniques.
' Address made at Washington before the Adult Group,
Department of Christian Education of the Diocese of
Washington, on Feb. 11 (press release 84).
' Bulletin of Jan. 30, 1949, p. 123.
The material resources which we can afford to use for the
assistance of other peoples are limited. But our impon-
derable resources in technical knowledge are constantly
growing and are inexhaustible.
. . . we should make available to peace-loving peoples
the benefits of our store of technical knowledge in order
to help them realize their aspirations for a better life.
And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster
capital investment in areas needing development.
Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world
through their own efforts, to produce more food, more
clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical
power to lighten their burdens. . . .
Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to
help themselves can the human family achieve the decent,
satisfying life that is the right of all people.
Example of Bipartisan Policy
This in itself, as I have said, was not a new
concept for Americans in or out of government,
or indeed for certain other nationalities. How-
ever, its announcement by the Chief Executive
of the United States as a major national effort
in our relations with "have-not" countries, and
as an invitation to other "have" countries to join
us in that effort, was certainly a bold and for-
ward step. And the interesting fact is that,
despite partisan differences regarding other
American aid programs during the last 4 years,
there has been relatively little dispute over this
concept of sharing our wealth of technical knowl-
edge with our less fortunate brothers elsewhere
in the world. Indeed, Point Four is a living
example of bipartisan foreign policy at its best.
The formal announcement of the program on
a world-wide basis invited tlie cooperation of
business, private capital, agriculture, and labor
in this country. From the beginning, voluntaiy
organizations, as widely separated as the National
Association of Manufacturers and the Congress
of Industrial Organizations, voiced their support
of this concept along with the churches which
have, I believe, formed its strongest foundation
stone. Indeed, it was largely the example set by
Febroory 23, J 953
311
our religious missions of all faiths among hungi-y
peoples in many lands which gave us as a nation
the vision to adopt as a basic arm of foreign policy
a program which in simplest terms would help
people to help themselves abolish misery. Our
missionaries going out into the world to teach
Christian religion have taught — they have not
imposed. And they have not confinecl themselves
to teaching — they have pi'acticed Christian De-
mocracy. In their teaching they have shown us
the basic principles of working in harmony with
foreign peoples as individuals. It is from their
experience that we have perhaps come to know
best that human undei-standing cannot be bought
as a commodity, but that it can be won by the
Christian precept of doing unto others as we would
have others do unto us. As one obsei'A'er put it
"Our missionaries have lived with the people of
the land and not off them, and have brought a
message not only of religious salvation but of
social enlightenment."
And lest we think that these acts are wasted on
those of other faiths, I should like to quote a
precept of one of the other two great monotheistic
religions written many centuries ago. The Holy
Koran states that "The attribute of those who
spend their wealth in God's way is like the attri-
bute of a grain wliich gi'ows into seven ears, in
each ear a hundred grains — for them is their
reward with their Lord, and there is no fear on
them, nor shall they gi'ieve."
Humanitarian and Political Motives
Tlie motives beliind Point Four, I believe, are
twofold and inextricably interrelated. They
are both humanitarian and political. I think we
can quickly reject any suggestion that the effort
was designed to accelerate a new form of imperial-
ism in the guise of economic development. Wliile
economic development is generally good, in and of
itself, and while we may hope as an industrial
nation for wider markets in a world with greater
wealth and a higher standard of li%'ing, our rec-
ord as "a wicked imperialist power" has hardly
been effectual in recent years. We allowed the
Philippines to obtain independence while we
aided her economically. In the Marshall Plan
agreements we asked for no special privileges for
American citizens from members of the Organiza-
tion for European Economic Cooperation. We
have permitted much of our postwar assistance to
be dispensed through the United Nations and its
specialized international agencies.
The gap between the high and low standards of
living in the free world today is tremendous, and
not comfortable even for most of us on the high
side. To many individuals it is a terrible respon-
sibility to be a citizen of the richest and strongest
country in the world, and the humanitarian urge
as a compulsion for action abroad is not new. For
many years, groups within the more developed
countries have sent missionaries, doctors, teach-
ers, agi'icultural experts, and the like to far away
lands with no thought whatsoever of recom-
pense— at least on this earth. The very fact that
you and I are here tonight, in this particular
church, is in large measure, I think, due to the
relatively unappreciated efforts over almost a cen-
tury of the missionaries sent to these raw West-
ern shores from England by the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Ports and
the Society for the Promotion of Christian
Knowledge.
The emphasis behind Point Four was clearly
placed on the real benefit to our country, and to
the general welfare of all countries, through the
elimination of misery and suffering in substand-
ard areas. This is both humanitarian and
political.
Misery and suffering are not new phenomena.
But today the contrasts within the world still free
from the Communist yoke are very great. Half
a billion people have already succumbed to com-
munism. They are learning by tragic experience
that promises of food do not banish hunger, nor
pledges of freedom blot out the fearful shadow of
the slave camps. We cannot blame these people
for having been misled, unless we share the blame
ourselves. I personally believe that had enough
people cared about the Christian missionary pro-
gram in China, it would not be behind the Iron
Curtain today. More important now, however,
is to help those who can still be saved.
Now, what are the facts about the free world to
which we still have access? ^Vliat are the facts
behind the threat that the peoples of free Asia,
Africa, and Latin America — more than a billion —
may turn to communism in their determination to
find a better daily life for themselves or at least
for their children?
Fact number one — Tlie great majority have on
the average 25 percent less food than they need
for good health.
Fact number two — Two out of three of these
men, women, and children suffer all their lives
from typhoid, malaria, dysentery, trachoma, bil-
harzia, and yaws — diseases that ai'e preventable.
Average life expectancy is 30 years.
Fact number three — Their annual income aver-
ages about 80 dollars — not enough to buy you a
full set of Western clothes.
Fact number four — Seven out of ten of these
unfortunate people cannot even read the basic
teachings of their own religions.
These are the reasons why these peoples of the
world are engaged in revolutions wliich often lack
a fair sense of direction, and why they offer a
fertile field for the false promises of communism.
We cannot content ourselves with the thesis that
the whole of the problem is totalitarian aggres-
sion. The problem is deeper; it is rebellion
against hopelessness in a world of plenty, against
early death in an age of miraculous cures, against
312
Department of State Bulletin
ignorance in a new age of learning. The piteous
search of millions is for the dignity of man, the
basic Christian Democratic principle which dia-
lectic materialism does not recognize.
These facts indicate the humanitarian challenge
which inspired the formalization of a technical
cooperation progi-am. At the same time, in and
of themselves, they form the political problem
which the Point Four Program with its strong
humanitarian motive seeks to solve.
For they are compounded by another fact. The
Soviet Government, not content with dominion
over one-sixth of the land area of the earth, has
embarked on a campaign to niake the whole planet
its own. Its system is cruel and hostile enough
to pursue a policy of relentless expansion by sub-
version and by force. At the same time, it is so
clever as to employ every false appeal to decent
human desires in a campaign of uncertainty and
suspicion. With tyranny its aim, materialism is
its faith. In its totalitarian ideology, freedom
under God has no place, and a nation such as oure
cannot endure. Only eyes clouded by fear and
starvation can seek food promised by such a voice.
And so, forced by the Kremlin's grim insistence
on world conquest, we must forge our weapons
strong and invincible. They are made by the
hands and minds of men, walking straight and
free, each in his own way, to become one with
God. Here, production is man's servant, not his
master.
But at the same time we must offer to those less
fortunate than ourselves, a way. That way is one
of a steadily improving material existence and
an endlessly fuller spiritual life. That is the
problem — the essential problem, and the motive —
both humanitarian and political behind Point
Four.
There are those who say that we Americans to-
day are ourselves materialists. We, they say, have
left behind a faith that inspired our forefathers
to build this nation. I grant that on occasion we
have swerved from the path. But I would say
that we, a young people, have not finished our
course. And I believe that the innate, spiritual
strength of the United States is still alive and,
with all our faults, the most hopeful fact in the
world today.
As I have said, we are a young people and —
God knows — in many ways a simple one. An
agi'iculturist friend of mine once reminded me
that there are few of us today who have not had
at least one gi-andparent who was brought up on
a farm. That is a good and healthy bond with
these other peoples of whom I have just spoken.
Less than four generations ago it took the labor
of 85 percent of our forefathers to feed the nation.
Today the process is reversed. Through science
and technology, hard work and courage, 15 per-
cent of our people feed the nation and have ])vo-
duced enough to keep millions elsewhere from
starving. I am proud that as a people we can
February 23, 1953
speak in one voice of "three generations from shirt
sleeves to shirt sleeves" and, at the same time, of
the "American dream."
May we keep moving forward, within our bor-
ders, in fulfillment of the American dream ! Out-
side it, may we lead the world along the same road !
For we hold it to be a matter of God-given law
that all men are created equal and that their in-
alienable rights are those of life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness. And we cannot work out
alone our destiny in this contracted world of chaos
today.
Skill and Knowledge To Meet the Challenge
How would the Point Four Program meet this
challenge ? Basically the means, in simplest terms,
is our own skill and knowledge. The late Dr.
Henry Garland Bennett, who gave his life on a
Point Four mission, once spoke, during the year
he served as the Point Four Administrator, of this
skill and knowledge in the following terms :
Skill and knowledge adapted to new conditions and en-
vironments by men who believe in the brotherhood of
mankind which enables Protestant Christian, Roman
Catholic Christian. Moslem and Hindu to work and live
in harmony according to common principles of right and
wrong ; skill and knowledge shared so that the man who
once plowed with a wooden stick now fashions his own
new steel point, so that the man who once grew one
bushel of rice and had to beg half the year, now grows
two.
American skill and knowledge are flowering
abroad today tlirough two principal chamiels.
First, the sending of American experts to underde-
veloped countries is affording those countries the
benefits of American skills and techniques to help
solve — on the ground — local problems in the fields
of agriculture, public health, education, and in-
dustrial development. At the same time, promis-
ing young technicians in the same fields are being
taught the latest Ajnerican methods through train-
ing grants with American Government depart-
ments, universities, and corporations. There are
roughly 1,000 such trainees in the United States
today under Point Four auspices, and still more
in American educational institutions abroad. The
American University at Beirut, founded in 18(58
by Presbyterian missionaries, is today training 128
young people from all over the Middle East in
these fields under Point Four grants. They com-
prise only a part of the student body of more than
3,000 in this institution which is endowed prima-
rily with funds contributed by private American
sources, including the Eockefeller and Ford Foun-
dations.
iloreover, through the United Nations, region-
al conferences have been sponsored and experts
have been sent out from specialized agencies with
enough initials for a lengthy session of anagi'ams :
"Who (World Health Organization) ; Fao (Food
and Agriculture Organization) ; Ilo (Interna-
tional Labor Organization) ; Icao (International
313
Civil Aviation Organization) ; Unesco (United
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Or-
ganization) ; Ibrd (International Bank for Re-
construction and Development) ; and, finally,
Unrwa (United Nations Relief and Works Agen-
cy for Palestine Refugees in the Near East) !
Examples of Point Four Aid
There are some 1,500 Point Four workers abroad
in 35 "underdeveloped" countries. (This figure
excludes U.S. technical assistance to the Marshall
Plan countries of Europe, for administratively
speaking, they are not part of Point Four.)
Some Point Four workers abroad are adminis-
trative, but others, not included among the 1,500
Point Four workers, are members of private organ-
izations under Point Four contract. Let me give
you a few examples of what some of them are
doing.
In India, known for its teeming millions and
its famines, Horace Holmes, a county agent from
Tennessee, has stimulated villagers in an area of
100 square miles to double their production of
wheat — the staff of life. He did it primarily by
inducing them to plant a different type of seed,
actually a type developed not far away in the
Punjab, and by suggesting a new type of plow,
one with an iron rather than a wooden beam which
can be produced for $3.25 and can do four times
as much work and do it more effectively.
In the dry desert land of Saudi Arabia, with its
immense oil reserves, Glenn Brown, a water geol-
ogist,_ has traveled thousands of miles in his jeep
identifying previously unknown water resources.
In a land where water seems scarcer than oil, could
we have a better shirt-sleeve ambassador? I
might add, incidentally, that Glenn Brown's ap-
pointment in September 1950 made him the first
Point Four technician in the Arab world.
In Jordan, with the aid of a giant bulldozer,
Point Four has cleaned out a great Roman water
tank which had been useless for centuries. No-
inads may take their flocks to it for the rain water
it holds, and others are now being cleaned out.
Last winter when there was a cave-in on the Am-
man-Jericho-Jerusalem Road, Point Four's earth-
moving equipment cleaned up the damage in a
day or two. It would have taken several weeks by
hand. The part of the bulldozer in American
diplomacy is greater than is generally realized.
I might add that the whole Roman cistern project,
including training of Jordanians, was carried out
by a private American firm under contract to
Point Four.
Baby chicks have been flown to Iran. It has
been demonstrated that better breeding and better
feeding can increase egg production from 50 to
more than 150 per hen per year. I do not pass on
these statistics for your practical use, but rather
as one of the thousands of examples of how Point
Four is helping especially poor and fatalistic
peasants to obtain more food and more income,
and to meet the Lord part way.
In Lebanon, 24 U.S. Bureau of Reclamation ex-
perts under the Point Four program are conclud-
ing a 2-year study of the possibility of harnessing
the Litani River basin so that the country will have
sufficient electric power to meet the expanding
needs of its agi-iculture, industry, and individuals,
and to irrigate new lands. This is not "another
survey," for when it is completed this autumn it
will be possible for the Lebanese to take it to the
banks, and to say in businesslike fashion ""\\1iat
will you charge to finance part of this project?"
As well as to say to engineering firms "Here are
all the details. Give us a bid ancl we will consider
you for the job."
Private Capital Needed
Point Four's monthly report gets larger each
issue. I recently looked at one which required 17
pages merely to "list the 35 countries and the broad
nature of projects within these countries — "textile
trainin<;," "babassu nut industry," "tax consult-
ant," ^'handicrafts," "fishery "survey," "high-
ways," "rural education," "maternal and child
health plan," "locust spraying," "vocational edu-
cation," "water resources," etc.
But technical assistance in itself is not enough.
Underdeveloped areas must be able to put to use
new skills through the provision of capital mov-
ing through public and private channels. The
International Bank for Reconstruction and De-
velopment is making available, on a sound basis,
capital for the basic necessities of economic de-
velopment such as transportation, harbors, irri-
gation, and power.
Through cooperation between government and
private som-ces, measures are being undertaken to
reawaken the participation of private venture
capital in many specialized applications where
private initiative and management experience can
open new opportunities in the fields of production
and distribution. Thus, private capital can con-
tribute to the expansion of economic opportunity
and eventually carry the main burden of develop-
ment.
The program offers no immediate panacea for
the world's ills. It faces a long-term task. There
are not enough available technicians or sufficient
monies to cure the ills of centuries in a day. But,
in my opinion, it offers the best means we have
over the _vears, to establish a new community of
nations that is free from fear and immune to false
promises.
It has been said that "God works in mysterious
ways, his wonders to perform." Can it be that
the awful scourge of communism has been held
over free man so that he shall at last see witli new
eyes the misery of his brother and rise to help
him? If that be so, we may be the very humble
servants called to bring closer the Kingdom here
on earth.
314
Department of State Bulletin
I shall not say how a Christian shall look at
Point Four. To me it is self-evident. The an-
swer lies in the words of Jesus, who said :
Then shall the rishteous answer him, saying, Lord,
when saw we thee hungered, and fed thee? or thirsty,
and i;ave thee drink? When saw we thee a stranger and
took thee in? Or naked, and clothed thee? Or when
saw we thee sick, or in prison, and came unto thee? And
the King shall answer and say unto them. Verily I say
unto you, inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the
least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me.
Unsettled and Unpaid Claims
Against Cuba
Press release 68 dated February 5
On September 4, 1952, the Department of State
announced that the Cukan Government had ar-
ranged for the reception of unsettled or unpaid
claims against that Government that arose prior
to October 10, 1940, and that have not been ad-
judicated in the Cuban courts.'
The Department of State has been informed that
the time for the submission of such claims (pre-
viously indicated to have been February 5, 1953)
has been extended by the Cuban Government to
June 4, 1953.=
It is suggested that all those who have pending
claims of the above description against the Cuban
Government, and who have not received a copy of
a memorandum issued by the Department of State
on September 2, 1952, containing instructions
made public by the Cuban Government for the
preparation and submission of such claims, should
promptly communicate with the Department of
State, Office of the Legal Adviser, Washington
25, D. C, and it will furnish a copy of the
memorandum upon request.
' Bulletin of Sept. 22, 1952, p. 454.
^On Feh. 9 the Department announced (press release
77) that it had also been informed that the Cuban Gov-
ernment requires that all claims applications submitted
to it shall he prepared in the Spanish language, In
duplicate, and that all documents in the English lan-
guage in support of the claims shall be accompanied by
translations into the Spanish language, in duplicate.
Lord Ismay To Visit U.S.
Press release 88 dated February 13
Lord Ismay, Secretary General of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization and Vice Chairman
of the North Atlantic Council, will pay a visit to
the United States in March at the invitation of the
U.S. Government. Since his appointment in April
1952, Lord Ismay has already visited five other
Nato countries: Denmark, Norway, Portugal,
Italy, and the Netherlands, at the invitation of
their Governments.
During his visit Lord Ismay will be accom-
panied by Lady Ismay and by a small staff from
the International Secretariat. He will arrive in
the LTnited States on March 11. His visit will in-
clude several days in Washington where he will
call on President Eisenhower and on high officials
concerned with Nato affairs.
He will also visit the Headquarters of the Su-
Ereme Allied Commander Atlantic (Admiral
ynde D. McCormick, USN) at Norfolk, Va. He
will return to New York on March 19 and sail for
Europe on March 21.
Indictment Brought Against
Arms Export Violators
Press release 86 dated February 12
The Department has been advised by the U.S.
Attorney at Dallas that on February 12 a Federal
Grand Jury at Dallas returned an indictment
charging 11 persons with conspiracy to violate the
arms-export provisions of the Neutrality Act
which are administered by the Department.
This indictment follows several months of in-
tensive investigation by various U.S. agencies of
the unlicensed traffic in arms across the Mexican
border. These investigations were conducted by
special agents of the Office of Security of this De-
partment and the customs agents of the Bureau
of Customs with close cooperation of the Mexican
authorities.
It is hoped that the action instituted at Dallas
and the continuing investigation of arms export
violations will provide a deterrent to this traffic.
February 23, 1953
315
The Cold War and the United Nations
hy Ernest A. Gross
Deputy U. S. Representative to the United Nations '
U.S./U.N. press release dated February 3
Most of US liave at one time or another wondered
why the Soviet Government thought it useful
or necessary to sign the U.N. Charter. For surely
the Charter is not only the antithesis of every-
thing international communism stands for, but it
has been proved over and over again that the
Kremlin leaders never had the slightest intention
of complying with the Charter in the first place.
Soviet adherence to a system of international
cooperation was, of course, rooted in a cynical
interpretation of Soviet self-interest. For this
reason, there are a few who argue that the mere
fact that the Soviet Government joined is clear
evidence that we were foolish to have done so, and
for that matter, that we should "pull out" pre-
cisely because the Soviets have stayed in. There
may be a certain allure in forming policy on the
basis of doing everything contrariwise to the
Soviets. However, most people hesitate to let
the Ki-emlin navigate our ship, which they could
thus do, merely by pointing our compass south if
they wanted to send us north.
My reason for mentioning Soviet adherence to
the Charter is not to speculate concerning their
motives for doing so. The stark fact is that the
Soviet system is in open revolt against the Char-
ter. The question arises whether, under that
circumstance, the United Nations has a survival
value, either from the point of view of our na-
tional interest in particular or that of the free
world in general.
It is necessary to appraise the United Nations in
the light of its original purposes, its method of
operation, and our own stake in it. But, more
particularly, we must consider where the United
Nations is left — and where we are left — by reason
of what I have called the Soviet revolt against
the Charter.
^Address made on Feb. 4 at the Wharton School of
Finance and Commerce of the University of Pennsylvania
at Philadelphia.
316
These are the questions with which I now pro-
pose to deal.
Nature and Purposes of the U.N.
Like all determined efforts to achieve collective
security, the United Nations was born of the
greatest of all "collective insecurities"; that is,
a world war. One frequently hears the question
asked whether it is possible to develop a workable
system for collective security in the presentday
world. The question is a fair one, but I suspect
it means different things to different people be-
cause of the many variables of the definition of
the term "collective security." I must confess
that, as I define the term, the question does not arise
at all. To me, collective security is merely a way
of describing the objective of sharing the burdens
and responsibilities of common defense. To the
extent that common interests are identified and
common exertions made to carry them out, there is
a growing, constantly changing, dynamic crea-
tion of collective security.
The United Nations represents the high point,
up to this moment of recorded history, of world-
wide effort to identify common interests ancl to
develop procedures for sharing the burdens of
common defense of those interests.
The U.N. Charter does not commit the error
of interpreting too narrowly the interests which
men share merely by reason of being members of
the human society. It recognizes the diverse and
widespread enemies to these common human in-
terests. Nor does the Charter err by giving short
weight or measure to the means by which these
enemies can be cooperatively faced.
To put it more plainly, the Charter counts
among the enemies of decent human society not
only aggression and imperialisms great and small,
but also those equally ancient enemies of man:
disease, poverty, illiteracy, and slavery. There-
fore, when I define collective security as the means
Department of State Bulletin
of sharing the burdens of common defense, I in-
clude these among the enemies and perils against
which we erect our defenses.
The jDrimary specific purposes of the U.N.
Charter are (1) the maintenance of international
peace and security, and (2) the promotion of con-
ditions in the world which, in the language of the
Charter, are "necessary for peaceful and friendly
relations among nations'' (article 55). It is ob-
vious these two primary purposes are interre-
lated. For example, we find that international
disputes frequently involve differences of view re-
garding the method and timing for giving effect
to the Charter principle of equal rights and self-
determination of peoples.
Generally, with regard to the maintenance of
international peace and security, the functions of
the United Nations are conceived to be to assist
in the settlement of disputes and to take action
to prevent breach of the peace or to repel ag-
gression.
The framers of the Charter draw a distinction
between procedures for settling international dis-
putes (as to which no organ of the United Nations
was given power to make enforceable decisions)
and action in the case of breach of the peace. The
Unitecl Nations is a voluntary association of sov-
ereign states. Few, if any of them, were willing
to vest in an organization that degree of sover-
eignty which would be involved in dictating the
terms of the settlement of a dispute. Would the
people of the United States be willing to delegate
to the United Nations, or any other body, the
right, let us say, to award the Panama Canal to
another state in the unlikely event that we found
ourselves involved in a dispute with another state
which laid claim to the Canal ?
Nevertheless, the General Assembly and the
Security Council may recommend terms of settle-
ment of a dispute. Hence, the distinction drawn
in the Charter between disputes and breaches of
the peace is more theoretical than real.
"With regard to action to prevent breaches of
the peace (as distinguished from the settlements
of disputes) or to restore international peace or
security if it has been broken, the decision and
enforcement powers of the United Nations were
deliberately limited by the veto. I think it is im-
portant to evaluate correctly the problem created
by the Soviet abuse of the veto. There is no doubt
the Soviet Government has abused its reserved
power, but this, along with the Soviet boycott
and walkout, is merely a symptom of its general
attitude of defiance and revolt against the Charter.
I think it is illusory to blame the voting pro-
cedure as the cause of difficulty, rather than as a
symptom of the disease. Nor do I believe that
the major powers, including the U. S. Government
or people, would favor a change in the Charter
leaving to majority vote decisions involving the
use of force or matters closely connected there-
with. That is my personal view.
februarY 23, 1953
It is also the view of such an expert on the
Cliarter as Dr. Pasvolsky, who, incidentally, has
pointed out the fact that the possible effect of the
voting arrangements agreed upon at San Fran-
cisco was foreseen. He says :
There were no illusions as to the limitations that such
an arrangement would impose upon the effectiveness of
the proposed organization, nor as to the possibility that
the great privilege which the major nations thus claimed
for themselves might he aliused. . . . The underlying
theory, however, was that if one of the major nations
were to prove recalcitrant, or were to refuse to aliide by
the rules of international behavior that were being in-
.scribed in the Charter, a situation would be created in
which the recalcitrant nation might have to be coerced ;
and it was apparent that no major nation could be coerced
except by the combined forces of the other major nations.
This would be the equivalent of a world war, and a de-
cision to embark upon such a war would necessarily have
to be made by each of the other major nations for itself
and not by any International organization.
I think this analysis is borne out by the dis-
position of a similar question arising under the
North Atlantic Treaty. It will be recalled that
article 5, the heart of the treaty, provides that in
the event of an armed attack against any party
to the treaty, each other party will take, and I
quote, "such action as it deems necessary" to re-
store and maintain the security of the area. This
language was, of course, carefully considered, and,
although it is a commitment of the highest moral
value, I believe that its explicit reservation of the
right of unilateral decision is relevant to an ap-
praisal of the question whether the U. S. Govern-
ment would be prepared completely to forego its
veto power.
This is not to say that we, the U. S. Govern-
ment, have not sought consistently to limit the
area in which the veto is used. I, myself, voiced
the attitude of our Govermnent on this matter
during a meeting of the Security Council in 1950
in which I said : "It is the policy of the United
States to restrict the use of the veto by extending
whenever possible, by example, by precedent or by
agreement, the area of Security Council action in
which the veto is not applicable." The fa,ct re-
mains that each of the major powers, without
any illusions on the subject, kept in its own pocket
a key with which it could lock the door to substan-
tive decisions by the Security Council.
However, it is true nevertheless that this fact
has proved to be of little significance principally
for two reasons. In the first place, as has already
been pointed out, the same Soviet intransigence
which accounts for its abuse of the veto power
would also have led the Kremlin to do what it
could to obstruct the carrying out of decisions of
which it disapproved. And the facts of power
being what they are, an attempt to coerce Soviet
compliance would involve the highest policy for
each state in determining its own course of action.
Second, a U. N. recommendation, as distin-
guished from a Security Council decision, has a
political and moral compulsive quality which I
317
tlo not believe was fully appreciated at San Fran-
cisco. One has to observe the vehemence, not to
say violence of arguments for or against a reso-
lution, proposed for adoption by the General As-
sembly relating to, let us say, human rights, self-
determination, Palestine, disarmament — to give
but a few illustrations — to realize how much im-
fiortance is attached to recommendations by the
leneral Assembly. And it should be remembered
that the General Assembly, under the Charter, has
no power to make decisions, but is limited entirely
to recommendations. Moreover, it is revealing
that from the very start of the aggression in
Korea, both the Security Council and the General
Assembly have limited themselves to making rec-
ommendations to member states. Nor was it the
threat of the veto that produced this result in the
Security Comicil in June and July of 1950, inas-
much as the Soviet representative was not present
in the chamber for these meetings.
These considerations, I think, have a direct
bearing upon an appraisal of the value of the
United Nations in the painful and patient efforts
to develop a collective-security system. The veto-
free General Assembly, where the organized com-
munity of nations passes moral and political judg-
ments, assumes more and moi-e importance as
Soviet intransigence becomes more and more ob-
vious. It has been possible by procedural means
wholly within the Charter to make the General
Assembly a more workable mechanism for the
purpose of dealing with disputes and threats to
the peace. This was, of course, done through the
Uniting for Peace Resolution adopted by the Gen-
eral Assembly in 1950.
I turn now to the second major purpose of the
United Nations; that is, the promotion of world
conditions necessary for peaceful and friendly
relations among nations. The work of the spe-
cialized agencies, such as the "World Health Or-
ganization, Food and Agriculture Organization,
and the like, as well as the work of the Technical
Assistance progi-am, the activities of the Economic
and Social Council in the field of human rights,
and the supervision by the Trusteeship Council
of areas of the world which do not govern them-
selves— all these activities I shall not do more than
mention. Their basic importance is too well
understood to require argument.
The point I wish to stress here, however, is that
the framers of the Charter were aware that such
matters as higher standards of living, full em-
ployment, health, cultural and educational prob-
lems, and respect for human rights and funda-
mental freedoms — that all these matters are basic
to conditions of stability and well being which,
and I again quote the words of the Cliarter, are
"necessary for peaceful and friendly relations
among nations." It is in this way that the Charter
identifies that common interest which must under-
lie common effort.
The fact that the Soviet Government fails to
cooperate or to contribute toward efforts to deal
witli common problems does not diminish the
necessity for facing them. I do not suppose any-
one would argue that the World Health Organiza-
tion should be disbanded because the Russians are
not members. Yet, this is precisely what would
happen if the advice were heeded of those who
advocate disbanding the United Nations on the
ground that the Soviet Government is not carrying
out its Charter obligations.
Our Stake in the U.N. Future
This leads me to consideration of the future of
the United Nations and our stake in it, keeping
in mind the nature and purposes of the organiza-
tion as I have attempted to outline them above.
It has become somewhat fashionable to say that
part of the difficulty faced by the United Nations
at home arises from the fact that it was "oversold"
to the American people. Perhaps this is the right
word — I do not wish to quibble about the word —
but I wonder whether it would not be more ac-
curate to say its nature and purposes were 7)iis-
understood, rather than overvalued.
It is true that certain assumptions, or I should
say hopes, were in the air at San Francisco. These
included the hope that the peace treaties would be
speedily settled, that those who suffered so griev-
ously, including the Soviets, would be willing to
cooperate to restore their economies and rebuild
their cities, and that the horrors of the war would
have taught even the Communists the values of col-
lective measures against aggression. The frustra-
tion of these hopes, however, has not, in my judg-
ment, invalidated the premises upon which the
United Nations was founded. To the contrary, I
believe the very frustration of these hopes has
underscored the necessity for carrying on the ef-
fort. I say this because the United Nations was
not born of these hojDes, but as a response to a
perceived need, created by what I have referred
to as the "collective insecurity" of two world wars.
The hopes I have mentioned generated a degree of
enthusiasm in support of these efforts. And it is
natural that the frustration of the hopes has di-
minished the enthusiasm.
However, it is a dangerous non seqiiitur to argue
from this that the abandonment of the hopes jus-
tifies the abandonment of the organization. I
think we would all agree that if Soviet obstruc-
tion in the United Nations outweighed the
advantages we derive from carrying on the organi-
zation as now constituted, we should indeed with-
draw. The answer depends, among other things,
upon an analysis of what are the objectives of our
leadership, and what is our national self-interest
in this matter.
Starting from the definition of collective secu-
rity, wliich strikes me as a realistic one — the objec-
tive of sharing the burdens and responsibilities of
common defense — it follows that it is in our en-
318
Depar/menf of Stafe Bulletin
lightened self-interest to develop this community
of interest and effort to the maximum practicable
extent.
I do not believe it is a digression to consider
at this point the nature of our system, particularly
as contrasted to that of the international Com-
munist conspiracy. Our society is, of course, based
upon a moral and legal structure. This is ex-
emplified by the Constitution with its Bill of
Eights, the device of the truly secret ballot to
select our leaders and the tradition of account-
ability of those leaders. Ours is a society which re-
flects the optimistic assumption that human beings
by nature desire to cooperate with each other to
their mutual benefit, and that the creation of con-
ditions in which such cooperation can be carried on
is the first duty of a society. Free exchange of
ideas and information, the maintenance of condi-
tions of health and welfare, and loyalty to a code
of ethics and morality form the sinews of our
social structure. •„ . ^ j
The totalitarian system, classically illustrated
by Soviet communism, is, On the contrary, founded
on pessimism. The urge to unrestrained power, to
aggression, and to dictatorship may be explained
as an expression of a philosophy which I would
call the "expectation of evil." It is not enough
to explain Soviet imperialism as being based on a
fear of encirclement. The question is why do
totalitarian svstems characteristically fear en-
circlement? Why, in particular, does the Soviet
ideologv base its system not only upon a precon-
ceived'^hostility to our way of life, but also upon
an inner compulsion as well as an avowed com-
mitment to destroy it ?
Dictatorships can only be maintained by sus-
picious and fearful men who expect evil from their
fellow men. Success in the competition for power
goes to him who most ruthlessly acts on the basis
of fear and suspicion, who most cleverly ration-
alizes his ruthlessness, and who never for a moment
relaxes his expectation of evil from his colleagues.
These he regards as fellow-conspirators rather
than as friendly associates.
A contrast between the assumptions on which
their system and ours is based goes to the root of
the problem as how best to organize the interna-
tional society to deal with the menace with which
our own way of life is confronted.
There is an important principle to be deduced
from the fact that both their system and ours, con-
trasting as they may be, have one attribute in com-
mon ; that is, that they as well as we are driven by
a law of human conduct to apply the same stand-
ards in their dealings abroad which they apply in
their relationships at home. We have all observed
the practice of Soviet representatives in the
United Nations of putting forward positions which
are, in themselves, extreme. We have seen that
they put forward these extreme positions with
an air of finality which discourages negotiation
februory 23, J 953
and often with attacks on motive as well as with
a violence of expression which offends the listener.
Visitors to tlie U.N. debates often wonder why
the Kremlin leaders ordain the use of these tech-
niques and whether they hope or expect to convince
anyone by them. However if one follows, even
casually, the methods of expression used by the
ruling group within the Soviet Union itself— m
speeches by party leaders, in periodicals, and ra-
dio broadcasts— one finds exactly the same manner
as is employed by Soviet representatives m inter-
national forums such as the United Nations.
The objective both at home and abroad is not
to convince, but to coerce. Coercion and fear are
woven into the police-state fabric as part of its
very nature.
Soviet representatives to the United Nations are
themselves driven by fear with a close checkrein.
Now, with respect to our own system, there is a
healthy and inevitable demand that our spokes-
men well and truly reflect the American tradi-
tion and way of life. The public opinion which
guides and restrains the government of a democ-
racy forbids governmental spokesmen in inter-
national forums, even for short periods or on
specific issues, from putting up a false front.
Accordingly, for quite different reasons, we find
that both in the case of a democratic society and of
a police state, there is an apparently inexorable
"law of consistency" which can be simply stated :
It is impossible for a society to reserve one set of
standards to be used at home and apply another
set of standards in its dealings abroad.
The identity between the principles of the U.N.
Charter and the Constitution of the United States
is often overlooked or forgotten. The principles
of the Charter are not only a direct reflection of
our own culture and traditions, but they are at the
same time principles to which men of all races,
places, and religions respond and lay claim. It is
to our clear advantage that governments through-
out the world be committed to them.
Why We Should Support and Strengthen the U.N.
I would list the following four principal rea-
sons why it is in our national interest to support
the United Nations and seek to strengthen it.
1. /;; is prohahl]/ the inost potent and certainly
the most convenient method of identifying inter-
ests common to the free world and of stimulating
common effort to meet dangers confronting those
interests.
The United States, richly endowed as it is, has
acquired a position of leadership in the world by
reason of forces beyond its control— forces which
shape the destinies of nations as well as of man.
The power, which is ours by nature, and which we
constantly generate by reason of the excellence of
our system and our attributes, is one of the impor-
tant facts of international life. However, as Pres-
319
ident Roosevelt said in his last message on the
state of the Union (January 1945) : ^
... in a democratic world, as in a democratic nation,
power must be linked with responsibility, and obliged
to defend and justify itself within the framework of the
general good.
Our whole system is based upon the proposition
that poM-er is not an end in itself and that force,
like fire, is a friend of man only when it is man-
aged and controlled. As the historian, Bagehot,
said: "It is the function of force to give moral
ideas time to take root."
The United Nations is therefore the link be-
tween power and responsibility.
For a democracy, world leadership can be main-
tained only by following the rules of behavior —
the code of responsibility — which shapes its own
society at home. The essential bond is moral unity,
and this can only be based upon a knowledge of
common objectives and confidence in our integrity.
The U.X. Charter defines the common objectives
of a free society. Our commitment to carry them
out builds confidence in our sense of responsibility.
Moreover, the United Nations is one of a set of
mechanisms, however imperfect, designed to carry
out these common objectives.
I stress the fact that the United Nations is but
one mechanism. It was never intended to sup-
plant other forms of diplomatic, political, and eco-
nomic intercourse.
2. The second important consideration, which
fiotvs from what I have just said, is that the United
Nations provides the framework and the founda-
tion for regional organizations and other collective
activities to keep the pea^e.
As one looks back, for example, to the debates
in the Senate which attended the formation of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (Nato), and
as one reads the report of the Foreign Eelations
Committee of the Senate, one is struck by the close
relationships which were perceived between the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the
United Nations.
Thus, the Foreign Relations Committee was at
pains to emphasize that the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization was not what it called "an old-
fashioned military alliance," but that, if it could
be called an alliance at all, it is, in the words of the
Committee, "an alliance against war itself."
Truly this is a concept which is justified, but
which I submit can be justified only on the basis
that Nato is designed as a fortress "to defend the
Charter.
The United Nations is the rock upon which this
and other regional fortresses are built. It is,
moreover, important that we should not become
confused as to which is the rock and which the
fortress.
The foundation supplied by the United Nations
' Bulletin of Jan. 7, 1945, p. 26.
320
for collective action is, of course, most dramat-
ically illustrated by Korea. The United Nations,
during the current session of the General Assem-
bly, achieved its greatest moral unity with regard
to the Korean aggression when 54 nations voted
for a resolution sponsored by the Government of
India.^ In supporting this resolution, the entire
free world rallied around the moral principle that
the prisoners of war should not be forced against
their will to return to slavety or death.
The Communist aggressors in Korea, together
with their Soviet sponsors and supporters, have
been morally isolated by this unanimity. The
consequences are bound to be far reaching, partic-
ularly in those areas of Asia, Africa, and the Mid-
dle East which have now declared their alle-
giance to the standards of morality in which they
have such a deep and common interest. For, in
the last analysis, it must be clear that the Com-
munist aggression in Korea, if it had been permit-
ted to go unchecked, would have extinguished one
of the oldest and proudest nationalist movements
in the world — that of the Koreans. The preserva-
tion of this nationalism is therefore symbolic of
the principle of self-determination, which is both
the goal and the aspiration of populations in many
areas of the world. Korea is an example of how
a common interest can be identified and supported.
For here Ave have seen the growth of a realization
among 54 nations of the world that they have a
common interest not only in resisting aggression,
but also in supporting a nationalist movement
which has survived a history of oppression and
subjugation.
3. A third consideration justifying cntr support
of the United Nations is the importance of devel-
oping methods to aid in settling international
disputes.
I do not believe this point requires an extended
justification. However, it is an objective which
takes on a particular urgency in the face of Soviet
attempts to exploit all disagreements and disputes
arising in the free world. This is, of course, par-
ticularly true with respect to disputes involving-
national aspirations for self-govermnent and in-
dependence. The relative ease with which these
moves can be subverted has always been recog-
nized in Communist dogma. In 1924, for ex-
ample, Jlarshal Stalin said : "The national move-
ments for the freeing of the oppressed countries
from the imperialist yoke contain unexhausted
revolutionary possibilities."
Similarly, with respect also to disputes not in-
volving so-called "colonialism," the Soviet Gov-
ernment passes up few opportimities to fish in
troubled waters. A year ago, the Soviet repre-
sentative in the Security Council suddenly inter-
vened in a debate concerning the dispute between
India and Pakistan over the disposition of the
'lUd., Dec. 8, 1952, p. 916.
Deparfment of Sfate Bulletin
State of Kashmir.* The burden of the Soviet in-
tervention was to attack the honored and respected
UN. representative as a "tool and spy of ^\ all
Street imperialism." He also assailed the motives
of the United States and the United Kingdom,
professing the absurd belief that it was our ob-
jective to gain control of the State of Kaslimir for
some sordid purposes of our own.
We are preoccupied quite understandably with
problems caused by the tensions between the Soviet
system and the free world. However, we should
not permit ourselves to disregard the fact that the
problems which divide and separate the free
world, within itself, are serious and that some of
the greatest successes of the United Nations m its
short history have been the settlement of these con-
flicts or the bringing about of the end of armed
warfare. Illustrations may be found m Indo-
nesia, Palestine, and Kaslimir.
4. Finally, it is essential for m to support the
comtructive work of the United Nations in the
economic and social fdds. These are the prob-
lems lohich form the highest common denonii-
nators of interest in binding together the peoples
of the luorld— those who are free and those who
wish to le free.
''Kicking the Russians Out"
I concede that one may accept everything I have
said up to this point as justifying our continued
participation in and support of the United Na-
tions, and yet ask whether it would not be better
from our point of view if the Soviet Government
and its satellites were not in the organization.
This is more popularly referred to as "kicking the
Eussians out." It is a legitimate question, and I
should like to deal with it, expressing purely per-
sonal views. ,11 11
I have already said that if we should conclude
that Soviet participation in the United Nations
is disadvantageous to our enlightened self-interest,
it would be foolish for us to continue to support
the organization as presently constituted. It is
my contention that the interests of the free world
and the principles of the Charter, which reflect
those interests, are better served by our not_dis-
banding and destroying the organization. That
would, of course, be the result of our withdrawal.
There is no way of expelling the Soviet Govern-
ment, even if this should be desired, inasmuch as
the Soviet Government could veto an attempt to
deprive it of U.N. membership. But I assume
that when people talk about "kicking the Rus-
sians out," they realize this, and what they really
mean is that we should withdraw and, so to speak,
"take the United Nations Charter with us." In-
cidentally I am not certain whether, under such
* For an account of Jacob Malik's intervention in Jan-
uary 1952, see i6i<J., Oct. 27, 1952, p. 665.
¥ebr\jarY 23, 1953
circumstances, our copyright would be univer-
sally recognized ! , j. i
Now, as I see it, there are a number ot advan-
tages which accrue to the free world from Soviet
membership in the organization. And this, de-
spite the fact that the Soviet Government and its
satellites have failed to participate in the construc-
tive work of the organization, have abused their
veto power, and have in other ways carried on
their revolt against the Charter system. Indeed,
I think it may be said fairly that in any real sense
of the word the Soviet Government has never
really "joined" the United Nations. But they are
members and, except for a relatively brief period
of general walk-out on the Chinese representation
issue, they attend meetings of the Security Coun-
cil, of the General Assembly, and of other prin-
cipal organs of the United Nations.
I think one may list the following advantages
to us in their continuing to do so, if it is in fact
their intention to do so.
In the first place, their commitment to the
Charter is a convenient and I should say important
method of holding them accountable. It is im-
portant to realize that the Charter is a code of
conduct which is inconsistent with, and excludes
the ideology of, international communism. Al-
though, of course, they only pay lip service to the
Charter, nevertheless, whatever the reason they
may have had in signing the Charter, they did sign
a covenant at San Francisco which is an anti-
Marxist "manifesto." They find themselves now
either in open revolt against the Charter, or forced
to resort to fraud and distortion in their pretenses
at carrying it out.
It is of some significance that they have never,
so far as I am aware, admitted to departing from
the requirements of the Charter. They have al-
ways, on the contrary, gone to extreme lengths to
profess adherence to it and pay lip service to it.
It would serve no useful purpose that I can see
to release them from their pledges, however much
they may violate them in practice.
Second, they are subject to psychological, moral,
and political pressures in the U. N. forum. The
United Nations is inherently what might be called
an "open system." There is no room withm the
United Nations for secret conspiracies, plots, or
hiding places. The pressures of the forum are
intangible but nevertheless real. And I believe
that the proof of this may be found in the extrenie
lengths to which Soviet spokesmen often go m
attempting to rationalize or justify courses of
action, however false their explanation may be.
Third, and I would in many ways regard this as
the most important consideration of all— they are
constantly forced to reveal the true nature and
purposes of the Soviet system. The debate on the
Korean question which took place in the first part
of the seventh session of the General Assembly
illuminates this point.
Mr. Vyshinsky, at onei point while arguing
321
against the principle that prisoners of war should
be free to decide whether they wished repatriation,
startled the Political Committee by baldly pro-
claiminfj that the prisoner had no will other than
the will of the state.
It is difficult to dissemble in an open forum, and
Soviet lies are easily unmasked. The United Na-
tions is the supreme forum of self-revelation and
I do not believe the Soviet system comes out of
this market place for trading ideas with better
bargains than we do.
Fourth, their presence in the organization and
the processes of the organization itself enable
weak or wavering states to cooperate with us with-
out the appearance of choosing sides. It is per-
haps unfortunate that neutralism or tendencies
toward "third force" positions exist, but they do
constitute facts of international life.
I have no doubt that it was considerably easier
for the small states represented on the Security
Council to vote in 1946 to call upon the Soviet
Government to withdraw troops from Iran than
it would have been for those states to have made
separate diplomatic representations to the Soviet
Foreign Office on this issue.
Finally, I think it is of value that the Soviet
representatives are available for discussion. The
example which leaps to mind is of course the in-
formal discussions which led to the lifting of the
Berlin blockade. I think it is unlikely that we
shall, at least for a long time, be able to conclude
so-called "general settlements" with the Soviet
leaders. It is much more likely that the discus-
sion and exploration of specific issues may per-
haps over a long period produce a certain measure
of agreement. Accordingly, it is of value to have
a forum in which constant contact of individuals
representing the respective governments may fa-
cilitate the exploration of these matters in a rou-
tine fashion.
The question is sometimes asked why, since the
Soviet Government has unquestionably sponsored
and supported the Korean aggression, they should
be permitted to retain membership in the United
Nations. I have already pointed out there is no
way of expelling them, since they can veto a de-
cision of that sort.
Even if this were not so, I think it does not take
full account of the realities of the situation to re-
gard membership in the United Nations as a sort
of badge of merit. There are advantages in uni-
versal membership, even including recalcitrants,
for reasons which I have just attempted to explain.
However, one must distinguish here between the
problem presented by the application of certain
states for membership in the United Nations, since
here the standards for admission are prescribed
in article 4 of the Charter. So long as article
4 provides, as it does, that membership in
the United Nations is open to peace-loving states
which accept the Charter obligations and in the
judgment of the organization are able and willing
to carry out these obligations, such a judgment
must be made in good faith. It is indeed difficult
to say that states such as Rumania, Bulgaria, and
Albania are "peace-loving" or "are able and will-
ing to carry out the obligations of the U. N.
Charter."
It may be that it would have been wiser to omit
these qualifications for new membership. Per-
sonally, I find it a cause of some regret that the
Charter was written in this way. However, so
long as these conditions for membership are im-
posed, I see no alternative but to honor them.
Subject to this, I believe that the wider the mem-
bership of the United Nations, the more advan-
tageous to the interests of the free world.
I should like to conclude by quoting remarks
which I set down in print about 2 years ago,
which I believe were timely then and, if anything,
more timely now :
The United Nations is not a mere Charter of Contain-
ment. It is, potentially, a Charter of Liberation. It
pledges liberation from the age-old enemies of poverty,
disease, and fear of conquest.
The Charter is a magnet drawing vast populations who
see in the Charter the expression of their hope and de-
termination to live their own lives in well-being and free-
dom.
Our purpose is to make the magnet Irresistible, strongly
charging it with our own support and our own strength.
Even within the slave world of the Soviet Union and it,s
satellites, there is now unrest and ferment. When na-
tional aspirations are subverted, when human aspirations
are suppressed, an explosive force is built up. What
that force can do when it generates sufficient pressure,
we have already seen, and seen with encouragement, in
the successful effort of Yugoslavia to free itself from
Soviet domination. These same forces are at work in
Eastern Europe and we may expect that in the course
of time they will assert themselves in China, too. The
free world will expand because men everywhere want to
be free.
Every advance we make in the struggle for liberation
is a step toward a world in which the Soviet leaders will
be compelled to practice as well as to preach the doctrine
of peaceful co-existence. When this has been achieved,
peaceful co-existence may develop into mutual coopera-
tion. Then the people of Russia as well as those in the
satellite states, will once again take their rightful place
in the family of mankind.
U.S. Transmits Report on Katyn
Forest Massacre to U.N.
U.S. /U.N. press release dated February 10
On Fehruary 10, Anihassador Henry Cabot
Lodge, Jr., U.S. representative to the United Na-
tions, transmitted the following communicatio7i
to Secretaty-General Trygve Lie:
Excellency : On September 18, 1951, the House
of Representatives of the United States Congress
provided for the establishment of a Committee to
conduct an investigation and study the facts, evi-
dence, and circumstances of the Katyn massacre,
committed against thousands of Polish Army of-
ficers and civilians during World War II.
322
Department of State Bulletin
The Committee held hearings in the United
States, United Kingdom, Germany, and Italy. In
the course of its inquiry into the responsibility for
the massacre the Committee heard testimony from
81 witnesses, studied 183 exhibits, and studied and
received 100 depositions taken from witnesses who
could not appear at the hearings. In addition, the
Committee staff has questioned more than 200 other
individuals who offered to appear as witnesses but
whose information was mostly of a corroborative
nature. The account of the Committee's inquiry
is set forth in the seven volumes entitled "Hear-
ings Before the Select Committee to Conduct an
Investigation of the Facts, Evidence, and Circum-
stances of the Katyn Forest Massacre", two sets of
which I have the honor to transmit with this com-
munication. The findings and conclusions on this
phase of the Committee's inquiry are contained in
the Interim Report.
I am enclosing 70 copies of the Interim Report ^
with the request that you transmit a copy of the
Interim Report together with a copy of this com-
munication to the Representative of each Member
of the United Nations as a matter pertaining to
United Nations objectives in the field of Human
Eights.
It will be noted that the Interim Report contains
references to the "Hearings" referred to above and
enclosed herewith. May I ask you to make these
volumes available to any Representative who may
wish to refer to them.
Accept, Excellency, etc.
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
Pub. 4697.
and Other International Acts Series 2465.
5 pp. 5«!.
Agreement between the United States and Bolivia —
signed at La Paz July 24 and Dec. 13, 1951 ; entered
into force Dec. 13, 1051.
American Dead in World War II, Hamm Military Ceme-
tery. Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2445.
Pub. 4703. 6 pp. 15^.
Agreement between the United States and Luxem-
bourg—Signed at Luxembourg Mar. 20, 1951 ; entered
into force June 11, 1952.
Aerial Mapping, Pacific Area Project. Treaties and Other
International Acts Series 2407. Pub. 4712. 28 pp. lOff.
Agreement between the United States and France —
Signed at Paris Nov. 27, 1948 ; entered into force Nov.
27; 1948.
Weather Stations, Pacific Ocean Interim Program. Trea-
ties and Other International Acts Series 2488. Pub. 4717.
2 pp. 5(.
Agreement between the United States and Canada
amending agreement of Feb. 16, 1951— Dated at Ot-
tawa Jan. 22 and Feb. 22, 1952; entered into force
Feb. 22, 1952.
THE DEPARTMENT
Confirmation
Donold B. Lourie
The Senate on February 13 confirmed Donold B. Lourie
as Under Secretary for Administration.
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Government
Printing Office, Washington S3, D.C. Address requests
direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except in the
case of free publications, ichich may be obtained from the
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Mexican Agricultural Workers. Treaties and Other In-
ternational Acts Series 232S. Pub. 4432. 15 pp. 10<!.
Agreement between the United States and Mexico —
Signed at Mexico Mar. 9, 1951; entered into force
Mar. 9, 1951.
Agricultural Experiment Station in Bolivia. Treaties
and Other International Acts Series 2353. Pub. 4469.
16 pp. lot'.
Agreement between the United States and Bolivia —
Signed at La Paz Dec. 30, 1946. and May 16, 1947;
entered into force May 16, 1947; operative retroac-
tively Jan. 1, 1947.
Education, Cooperative Program in Bolivia. Treaties
' H. Rept. 2430 (82d Cong., 2d sess.) dated July 2, 1952.
February 23, 1953
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Feb. 9-14, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued iwior to Feb. 9 which appear
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 65 of Feb. 3
and 68 of Feb. 5.
No. Date
74 2/9
75 2/9
76 2/9
•77 2/9
78 2/10
79 2/10
tSO 2/10
81 2/11
82 2/11
t83 2/11
84 2/11
*S5 2/12
86 2/12
87 2/12
8.8 2/13
89 2/14
Subject
VOA interview with Dr. Conant
U.S. note to Poland
Dulles : Return from Europe
Unsettled Cuban claims
Anderson : Observations on Nato
Dulles : American Council on Nato
Who discussions at Geneva
Tax treaty with Germany discussed
West German war-damage claims
Cabot : Inter-American Ecosoc
Dorsey : Review of Point Four
Point 4 technicians graduate
Indictment of arms export violators
Dulles : Report on European trip
Lord Ismay to visit U.S.
Dulles : Anglo-Egyptian accord
* Not printed.
t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.
323
February 23, 1953
Index
Vol. XXVIII, No. 713
Africa
EGYPT: Accord reached on Sudan (Dulles
message) 305
American Principles
A report to the Nation on European unity
(Dulles) 287
Goals of U.S. policy In Germany (Conant) . . 301
How shall a Christian look at Point Four?
(Dorsey) 311
The Cold War and the United Nations
(Gross) 316
U.S. rejects charges of antl-Pollsh Acts (text of
U.S. note) 304
American Republics
MEXICO: Indictment brought against arms
export violators 315
Arms and Armed Forces
Observations on Nato progress (Anderson) . . 290
Indictment brought against arms ex-
port violations 315
Caribbean
CUBA: Unsettled and unpaid claims against
Cuba 315
Claims and Property
Submission of claims for war damage in West
Germany 303
Unsettled and unpaid claims against Cuba . . 315
Europe
AUSTRIA: Treaty Deputies suspend meetings
(McDermott) 305
GERMANY:
Goals of U.S. policy in Germany (Conant) . . 301
Postwar development of the German press
(Strauss) 294
Secretary Dulles visits West Germany . . . 302
Submission of claims for war damage in
West Germany 303
Tax treaty discussions 3O3
POLAND:
U.S. rejects charges of antl-Pollsh acts (text
of U.S note) 304
U.S. transmits report on Katyn Forest mas-
sacre to U.N 322
UNITED KJNGIXJM: Accord reached on Sudan
(DuUes message) 3O5
U.S. voices strong support for European Defense
Community (Dulles) 289
International Information
Postwar development of the German press
(Strauss) 294
International Meetings
Discontinuance of current copper alloca-
tions 303
Mutual Security
U.S. voices strong support for European De-
fense Community (Dulles) 289
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
A report to the Nation on European unity
(Dulles) 287
Establishment of American Council on Nato
(Dulles) 291
Lord Ismay to visit United States 315
Observations on Nato Progress (Anderson) . . 290
Publications
Recent releases 323
State, Department of
Confirmation 323
Indictment brought against arms export
violators 315
Submission of claims for war damage in West
Germany 303
Strategic Materials
Discontinuance of current copper alloca-
tions 303
Taxation
Tax treaty discussions with Germany . . . 303
Technical Cooperation and Development
How shall a Christian look at Point Four?
(Dorsey) 311
The United States and the Underdeveloped
areas (Andrews) 305
Treaty Information
Tax treaty discussions with Germany . . . 303
United Nations
The Cold War and the United Nations
(Gross) 316
U.S. transmits reports on Katyn Forest mas-
sacre to U.N 322
Xaiiie Index
Anderson, Frederick L 290
Andrews, Stanley 306
Conant, Dr. James B 301
Dorsey, Stephen P 311
Dulles, Secretary .... 287, 289, 291, 302, 305
Gross, Ernest A 315
Ismay, Lord 315
King, Eldon P 3Q3
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 322
Lourie, Donold B 323
McDermott, Michael J 305
Straus, Richard 294
Truman. President gn
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: I9ES
tJrie/ ^eha/yl7}^e7li/ /(w t/tate/
Vol. XXVIII, No. 714
March 2, 1953
LIBERATION OF CAPTIVE PEOPLES:
Text of President's Letter to Congress and Draft Res-
olution 353
Remarks by Secretary Dulles 330
BERLIN: OUTPOST OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION •
by James B. Conant 327
EFFECTING A STRONG ALLIANCE BETWEEN
ASIATIC-PACIFIC AND WESTERN NATIONS •
by Myron M. Cowen .......•.••«• 331
THE VALUE OF CLOSE HEMISPHERIC COOPERA-
TION • by John M. Cabot 338
THE PRACTICING PARTNERSHIP OF FREE
NATIONS • by Harold E. Stassen 336
PROGRESS TOWARD EASING WORLD'S FOOD
SHORTAGE 9 Article by Clarence J. McCormick • . . 343
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
MAR 3 0 b53
<j/ie
'e/icx/it^me^
y^^ bulletin
Vol. XXVIII, No. 714 • Publication 4947
MaTch 2, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Ooveramcnt Printing Office
Washington 26, D.C.
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been approved by the Director of the
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note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of Stale BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Covernment with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and tlie func-
1
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treatiaa
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
tcell as legislative ntaterial in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Berlin: Outpost of Western Civilization
hy James B. Conant
U.S. High Corrunissioner for Germany ^
Only a week ago, I assumed the office of the
U.S. High Commissioner for Germany. Mrs.
Conant arrived in Bonn last Friday. We have
come to Berlin as soon as possible, because we be-
lieve that this city has deep significance for the
future of free men and women all over the world.
I bring to the citizens of Berlin heartfelt greetings
from the people of my country, the United States
of America.
At the ceremony yesterday, when I signed the
Golden Book, I congratulated Mayor Reuter on
the boldness and vigor with which this city has
carried on. I told him how, during the Berlin
blockade, all of us in the United States eagerly
scanned news each day from this city and how
we admired the steadfast spirit of its citizens. For
us, Berlin became a symbol of courage. In my
youth, Berlin was famous as a center for music,
art, and science, as well as being a great industrial
center. In recent years it has acquired still an-
other crown of glory. Today, it is famous as an
outpost of Western civilization. It is the home of
brave men and women who continue the tradition
of European culture in the face of the attempts of
the Soviets to enforce a new type of alien culture
and fasten a tyranny upon free people.
Speaking as U.S. High Commissioner for Ger-
many, let me make plain at the outset the position
of my Government. The new administration in
Washington will not abandon Berlin. The United
States is pledged to do its part to see to it that
this city continues as an unshaken outpost of the
Western world. We shall continue to insist on
the free circulation throughout the entire city.
We shall continue to fulfill our duties and to main-
tain our rights. Our rights as a joint occupying
power in Berlin derive from the defeat and sur-
render of Germany and are defined in the agree-
ments of the Four Powers.
Unfortunately, neither the spirit nor the letter
^ Translation of an address made in German over RIAS
on Feb. IS ; printed from telegraphic text.
of these agreements is being carried out in one
sector of this city. The United States, in coopera-
tion with the other two Western Powers, is deter-
mined to keep open the lines of communications
with Berlin. I can assure you there will be no
faltering in our determination.
I have come to Berlin to remind the Berliners
once again that they are in no sense inhabitants
of a forgotten city, quite the contrary. Everyone
in the United States knows full well that here the
two contending forces of this mid-twentieth cen-
tury stand face to face. The refugees who are
daily crossing from the East zone to the West pro-
vide tragic evidence of what all Germany could
expect if Germany were unified on Soviet terms.
You here in Berlin need not be told that the reuni-
fication of Germany, which is an objective of my
Government, can only be contemplated in terms
of extending, not limiting, the freedom enjoyed
by three sectors of this city. Unity in freedom is
our goal.
Problem of Refugees
The increasing number of refugees presents a
grave problem. ISIy Government has asked me
to confer with Mayor Reuter and Chancellor
Adenauer with a view to determining wliat addi-
tional measures miglit be taken by the U.S. Gov-
ernment to assist in the situation.
President Eisenhower has asked me to thank
Mayor Reuter for his message in which he has
explained the urgency of the problem. I shall
during the next few days discuss with Mayor
Reuter and Chancellor Adenauer the exact nature
of the present emergency requirements and the
ways in which the U.S. Government might assist
in dealing with them.
I am going to study as rapidly as I can how the
conditions of life of this city can be improved
and its economy made more healthy and how the
unemployment may be drastically reduced. That
we shall work toward a goal of making this city a
March 2, J 953
327
healthy industrial center is the assurance I can
give you at this time.
It is nearly 30 years since I last visited this city.
It is neaily 20 years since I was last in Germany.
On all of the terrible things that have happened
since iy.'33 in this former prosperous and free
nation I shall not dwell. But I cannot help
thinking back to the period when I visited the
University of Berlin, the famous Kaiser Wilhehn
Institute for Research, and the Technische lloch-
schule. I had already visited such famous centers
as Heidelberg, Munich, and Goettingen. These
I shall be able to revisit in the next few months,
and I am looking forward to seeing them once
again flourishing as centers of German scholarship
and science.
But I cannot travel to the universities and tech-
nical high schools located in Leipzig, Dresden, and
Jena, though I would like to do so because I re-
member well how much of German science and
learning was represented in the 20's in those Ger-
man cities. Moreover, Leipzig was a great pub-
lishing center for the entire world. German
science and learning do not now flourish in those
universities because of the actions of the Soviet
leaders. No listener to my voice in the Soviet
zone needs to be told how and why this has oc-
curred. The destruction of academic freedom and
the imposition of the tyranny of the one-party
system are too well known to you to require a
further explanation. Nor do you need to be re-
minded of the existence of concentration camps
on German soil, nor of the failure of the Soviets
to return prisoners of war nearly 8 years after
hostilities have ceased. In the Potsdam agree-
ments the Soviets joined in promising that free-
dom of speech, press, and religion would be
permitted in Germany. How little have these
promises been honored! The contrast between
the Humboldt University and the Free University
of Berlin is eloquent on this point.
To Eastern Listeners of the Voice of Freedom
A puppet regime backed by Soviet arms may
stifle professors and may force students to study a
new and alien philosophy. Travelers from out-
side may be halted at the barriers; books may be
destroyed and letters censored. But in these days
the voice of freedom can be heard even through the
Iron Curtain. To those, therefore, who are endur-
ing with patience and with fortitude the heavy
hand of Soviet occupation and Communist en-
slavement, I bring special greetings from the
United States. Because your fellow Germans of
the West sectors of Berlin and in the Federal Re-
public are standing firm, you too will some day, I
feel sure, be united with them and under condi-
tions which insure a democratic free government
of your own choosing. This is an important ob-
jective of U.S. policy.
Another objective is to assist in making Western
Europe defensible. You in the East zone have
been misled as regards the aims of the European
Defense Conmiunity. No instrument of aggres-
sion is being forged. It is the aim of the European
Defense Comnmnity to defend Europe against
aggression. When the treaties have been ratified,
as I believe they will be in the coming months, the
basis will have been laid for the participation of
the Federal Republic in that defense. Berlin,
however, will continue to be the responsibility or
the United States, France, and Great Britain.
But as the strength of a new Europe develops and
the new idea of European unity proves its worth,
changes must certainly occur. The frontiers of
freedom will peacefully expand and Berlin will
then no longer be an isolated citadel. Until this
time comes, the insurance of its freedom and in-
dustrial prosperity must depend on the strength
of the Western World, and that strength will not
fail.
U.S., Germany Implementing
Report on Berlin Economy
Long-range proposals, recommended by Rich-
ardson Wood and Company, looking toward con-
tinued strengthening of the Berlin economy,
increased employment, and higher levels of pro-
duction and economic activity have been taken up
for discussion by U.S. and German officials, ac-
cording to Mutual Security Agency (Msa)
announcement of February 13.
As the result of intensive study by all agencies
concerned, progress is already being made in im-
plementino; some of the proposals. Discussions
have been held between representatives of the Fed-
eral European Recovery Program, Economic and
Finance Ministries, the Berlin Senate, and the
Msa s])ecial mission to Germany. These discus-
sions will continue, and it has been decided to set
up small working groups for specific measures.
The working groups will make their recommenda-
tions to the Federal Government and Msa as soon
as possible.
The Richardson Wood proposals for furthering
the economic development of West Berlin stem
from the work of an Msa technical-assistance team
contracted for by the Federal Republic which
made a survey of the Berlin economy in the fall
of 1952 and filed a report with the Federal Min-
istry for the Marshall plan in December. The
team was headed by Richardson Wood of New
York City, a consultant on regional development,
and included economic, financial, and business
experts.
The report of Mr. Wood and his assistants en-
dorses the basic economic policies and programs
adopted and carried out in the past few years by
the Federal Republic, the Berlin Senate, and the
Msa mission to bring about the economic recovery
of Berlin, but makes certain proposals for changes
328
Deparfment of Sfafe Bulletin
in methods and emphasis in order to continue the
progress already achieved.
According to the Wood report, the tremendous
structural cluinge in Berlin's economic situation
due to tlie loss of East zone markets and of the
city's status as a governmental, trading, and finan-
cial center, means tliat tlie main burden of future
progress falls on the expansion of industry, and
notably upon tlie production of goods for export
to the West.
In keeping with the measures already placed in
effect by the Federal Republic and the Berlin
Senate in cooperation with Msa, the Wood report
places emphasis upon the further reduction of the
current high level of unemployment and upon the
long-term program for more orders for Berlin
industry, more industrial capacity, and greater
efficiency in the utilization of existing capacity.
It is assumed in the report that the special
measures which have been employed to deal with
the city's economic problems will continue to be a
joint concern of the Federal Government, the Ber-
lin Senate, and Msa.
Among the Wood proposals on which action has
already been taken are the recommendations for
simplifying the procedures for channeling of Msa
counterpart funds to borrowers for investment in
Berlin industries. A Berlin investment commit-
tee, consisting of representatives of the Federal
Government, the Berlin Senate, and Msa, was
established in Berlin early in January. This com-
mittee has full power to approve loans in behalf
of the agencies concerned, thus eliminating the
necessity for loan applications to be passed on
individually by these offices.
A new 200 million deutschemark long-term in-
vestment program for the Berlin economy from
Msa counterpart funds was announced by the Fed-
eral Republic and the Msa mission on January 19.^
To date, more than 80 million deutschemarks in
loans to Berlin enterprises from this fund has been
approved by the Berlin investment committee.
In approving these loans, the committee will fol-
low the Wood report's proposal that more invest-
ment money be made available to new businesses in
Berlin and has adhered to the report's recommen-
dation that increased attention be given to the
production of consumer goods, especially for Ber-
lin consumption. For example, the committee has
approved substantial loans in the food and bever-
age processing field in the past 2 weeks.
The Wood report contains extensive treatment
of the problem of marketing the output of Berlin's
industry in West Germany and other areas. The
report proposes that the work of the Berlin mar-
keting council continue but be supplemented by
large-scale advertising and publicity for Berlin
products.
Tlie Federal Government has plans underway
for an extensive advertising campaign in Western
Germany to promote Berlin exports under a newly
' Bulletin of Feb. 16, 1953, p. 262.
created federal office for promotion of the Berlin
economy. The Federal Government and the Msa
mission have also given consideration to proposals
for the establishment of Berlin goods-exhibition
houses in Western Germany to be financed in part
by Msa counterpart funds.
In addition, agencies of the U.S. Government
are preparing to investigate, together with German
authorities, what can be done over and above the
dollar-export drive of the Federal Republic to
expand the sale of Berlin products to the United
States.
Certain proposals of the Wood report for mak-
ing changes to facilitate travel between Berlin and
the West are under active consideration by Allied
authorities. All of these recommendations will be
implemented to the extent practicable.
Two major long-range elements of the Wood
plan for the expansion of Berlin industry and the
further reduction of Berlin's unemployment will
require additional study and time to implement
because of their relatively complicated nature.
The report outlines a plan for the establishment
of a new type of investment company in Berlin
which would employ special methods of financing
for Berlin industry. It would work closely with a
management service organization, also to be estab-
lished in Berlin, to lend expert advice and assist-
ance to individual concerns in order to improve
their efficiency and competitive position.
The Wood proposal for special methods of
financing in order to strengthen the financial posi-
tion of Berlin enterprises will require the alloca-
tion of U.S. assistance to the city, and this problem
is under current study by a working group from
the Federal Government and the Msa mission.
The Federal Government has already decided to
continue to devote interest and amortization pay-
ments from previous investment programs in Ber-
lin to the city's economic development.
Agreement on German Debts
To Be Signed
Press release 91 dated February 17
Following is a press communique issued in Lon-
don on February 17 hy the Tripartite Commission
on German Debts:
The International Agreement on German Ex-
ternal Debts, which has been worked out to give
effect and international authority to the recom-
mendations for the settlement of German debts
agreed to between creditor and debtor representa-
tives at the German Debt Conference which met
last summer, is to be signed at London on Friday,
February 27.'
Proposals for this agreement were prepared in
the early autumn. After further negotiations be-
' For text of the communique issued at the close of the
London Conference on German External Debts and for
related materials, see Bulletin of Aug. 18, 1952, p. 252.
March 2, 7 953
329
tween the Tripartite Commission and the German
delegation on external debts, in the course of which
many complex problems were dealt with, a pro-
visional draft agreement was circulated to all the
Governments concerned on December 9, 1952. A
number of Governments offered comments on this
draft. These comments led to further discussions
between the Tripartite Commission, the German
delegation, and representatives of the Govern-
ments which had offered the comments; and, as a
result, a revised draft of the agreement, in the
form in which it is to be signed, was prepared and
transmitted on February 16 to all the Governments
concerned, which have been invited to apjjoint
representatives to sign it on February 27.
Liberation of Captive Peoples
Press Conference Remarks hy Secretary Dulles ^
Press release 93 dated February 18
The proposed joint declaration by the Congress
and by the President has two primary purposes.
One is to register dramatically what we believe
to be the many breaches by the Soviet Union of
the wartime understandings; and, secondly, to
register equally dramatically the desire and hope
of the American people that the captive people
shall be liberated. This document or pronounce-
ment is not intended to be a domestic political pro-
nouncement. It is intended to be a pronouncement
in relation to foreign policy, which I hope will
receive and I think should receive a substantially
unanimous backing in the Congress by members
of both the principal political parties.
The other signatories to these understandings
are apprised, of course, of our general intention,
but since the declaration does not involve any
actual repudiation of any legally effective agree-
ments, it does not affect the legal rights of any
other partners in the matter. This plan has been
discussed with Republican members of the Foreign
Relations Committee at the White House meeting
where the President and I met with many of the
Representatives of Congress. I would hope there
would be some actual step in the matter by the end
of this week or the first of next week. There are
some discussions going on among Congress and
between the House and Senate on the subject now.
We believe that the enslavement of these captive
peoples is due to abuse and violation of the uncler-
standings. We are told, at least by those who
made the agreements, that the way they have been
carried out by the Soviet Union was contrary to
what they understood to be the intention of the
agreements.
The resolution will be suggested presumably by
the White House, if it takes that form.^ It will be
' Made on Fob. 18 in response to questions concerning
possible Mflion Dy the Congress witli resiject to secret
understandings.
' For text of the draft resolution which President Eisen-
up to Congress itself to decide what to do if it is
a congressional resolution. There had been no
final agreement yet as to precisely what process or
form would be used to carry out the spirit of the
President's statement on this subject that was
made in his message to Congress.^
The resolution is still in the fluid state and I
wouldn't want to attempt now to forecast its terms.
But the underlying point is that the United States
and the American people have, from their incep-
tion, always entertained the hope of liberation for
all captive peoples. I have often quoted what
Abraham Lincoln said about our Declaration of
Independence. He said it meant hope not alone
to the people of this country but hope for the
world for all future time; that in due course the
weights would be lifted from the shoulders of all
men and that all men should be free. That is the
hope to which America was dedicated. It is the
hope that we entertain today, and this resolution
■will, I believe, make it perfectly clear that the
United States is never prepared to buy fancied
security for itself by confirming the captivity of
any of the enslaved peoples.
Greetings Sent to Peoples
of Baltic States
Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 90 dated February 16
Thirty-five years ago the Lithuanian and
Estonian nations won their independence, only to
fall victim later to a ruthless Soviet imperialism.
Deeply conscious of the suffering that the Baltic
peoples are now enduring, I take this occasion to
send warm greetings and best wishes to the
Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians.''
This year has special significance to Lithuania,
as the 700th anniversary of the Lithuanian State.
Seven hundred years ago Mindaugas was crowned
the first King of Lithuania.
In refusing to recognize the incorporation of the
Baltic States into the Soviet Union, the Govern-
ment of the United States has expressed the con-
viction of the American people that justice and
law must govern the relations between the nations,
great and small.
It is not the number of people, nor area and
wealth, which makes nations great. Rather it is
their spiritual and moral strength and their love
of freedom and liberty. These qualities have car-
ried your nations over many difficulties in the
past. I am confident that they will also carry you,
with the help of God, over the present period of
oppression to a new day of freedom.
hower sent, on February 20, to Vice President Nixon and
Spealcer of the House of Representatives, Joseph W.
Mnrtin, Jr., see p .353.
' Bulletin of Feb. 0, 19,53, p. 207.
* Lithuanian and Estonian national days fall on Feb. 16
and 24, respectively.
330
Department of Sfofe Bulletin
Effecting a Strong Alliance Between Asiatic-Pacific
and Western Nations
hy Myron M. Cowen
Ambassador to Belgium ^
In one sense the strongest impression that I have
received in the postwar years has been of the
shrinking size of the world. We have known that
the world was round for some 500 years. We have
understood its geography for several centuries,
that is to say we have been able to visualize its
surface, its principal land masses, and its areas
of water. But it has been left to men of our gen-
eration to know and understand it as a globe,
and to become aware of the implications that
arise from its global quality. When Tennyson
-wrote 100 years ago, "Better 50 years of Europe
than a cycle of Cathay," he was expressing niore
than a preference of Western man for the society
where his culture had its roots. He was also
expressing an inference about geography.
Surely our grandfathers knew that the sun never
set on the British Empire, and they were familiar
with the exotic outposts and trailways of Western
man. They were familiar enough for their time
with the situation of Macau, the Maldive Islands,
and the Celebes. But they, like Tennyson, had a
judgment. The center of "their world was Europe,
and the places that mattered were where European
men and their descendants were ascendant. Their
political, military, and economic thinking was con-
trolled by this polarization. Their concepts of
security were based on strengthening the homeland
of Western man and maintaining pathways of
commerce and communication to the exotic world
of Cathay. That accomplished, our grandfathers
slept securely.
It has been left for modern man, for yoii and
me, and our children, to do our political, military,
and economic thinking on a truly global basis.
Perhaps it is just that we should be the first who
have the discipline of appraising the detailed
global consequences of our every act, for it has
' Excerpts from an address made before the Anglo-
American Press Association at Paris on Jan. 21. Mr.
Cowen was Ambassador to the Philippines from Mar. 2,
1949, to Nov. 18, 1951.
March 2, 1953
been our generation that has made our globe
shrink. We have been the navigators of great
circles across the roof of the world in machines
that daily grow faster and faster until one is left
to ponder a world where everything but sound
moves faster. We can only speculate on a tomor-
row when man will arrive at his trip's end before
we can report his trip's beginning.
I have said that one very strong impression that
I have received from the combination of my post-
war experience in Asia and in Europe has been of
the shrinking size of our world. In our world
foreign policies must be global or world-wide in
their conception and execution. We do not live
in a world in which we can afford to think of
Europe, North America, and the British Isles as
having a priority of values that can somehow be
separated from Asia and the East. We can no
longer think of what takes place in Asia as being
far-oft" and of secondary concern.
India and the countries of Southeast Asia and
the Pacific are our near neighbors today. Oceans
and continents no longer divide us and separate
our common destinies. What happens in Asia
today affects us tomorrow.
Exploitation of the Pacific-Asiatic World
Since the war, there has been no doubt that back
of Soviet Communist policy there has been a
global strategy. We have seen its constant prob-
ing for weakness in Iran, Greece, Czechoslovakia,
and Berlin. From the time when the Western
nations reacted to the degree of menace revealed
by the coup in Czechoslovakia and the blockade in
Berlin by taking vigorous steps to build their own
defenses in the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion, from that time the emphasis of Soviet Com-
munist strategy has been in the East — in Korea
and Indochina principally.
While the emphasis of Communist aggression
has changed to the East since 1948, we cannot
331
afford to forget how constant and extensive the
previous U.S.S.R. and Communist preoccupation
with Asia has been.
The end of the war found, in the vast area of the
Pacific and Southeast Asia, a condition of chaos
that has never existed in terms of such magnitude
oyer an area of such extent in the time of recorded
history. From Manchuria to Indonesia, to the
borders of Burma and India, governments had
been destroyed. The channels of trade and com-
merce no longer existed and even the local institu-
tions of law and order existed haphazardly, if at
all. China was a great, sprawling recumbent
giant in the throes of revolution; the Japanese
Empire had been destroyed; the old colonial gov-
ernments of Indochina, Malaya, Burma, and Indo-
nesia were either temporarily or permanently non-
existent. The Philippines, which had resisted the
Japanese bitterly, had paid a terrible price.
Eighty percent of its buildings had been destroyed.
Many of its bravest people had been killed.
I think I would be guilty of no exaggeration if
I said that never had there existed so great a
vacuum of power as there existed in this tremen-
dous area of great population. Besides the 450
million people of continental China, there lived
m Japan, Korea, Formosa, the Philippines, Indo-
nesia, the Malay States, Indochina, Thailand, and
-Burma 283 million people.
There were three great factors that were op-
erating in the Pacific-Asiatic world after the
war; and of these, this power vacuum was per-
haps the least, because the subsequent years have
demonstrated the intensity and force of two other
factors. These factors are the surge of national-
ism among men who had not experienced the his-
torical processes of the West, and the aspiration
for equality of living standards. They are so
strong that they have dominated the history of
the area in these years.
Communist strategy was quick to attempt to
identify itself with the tide of nationalism and
the search for hope that were dominant in the
area. In China this strategy has been successful.
It has been a complete failure in the Philippines
and has had varying degrees of failure in the rest
or the area.
So far, with the exception of China, when the
great crises have arisen between the free world
and the Iron Curtain, there has been a loose but
decided coalition of these countries with the West-
ern free world countries. Two situations are il-
lustrative: Their stand in the United Nations
when the Republic of Korea was invaded and
their willingness to sign the Treaty of Peace
with Japan and bring their former enemy back
into the community of free nations in the face of
an explosive and vituperative Soviet Communist
threat.
However, the process of decision is far from
complete among these countries. The decision
has not been taken finally as to whether they will
332
ally themselves with the West, whether they will
form a neutral block, or whether they will throw
their lot in with Soviet communism.
I cannot see how there can be the slightest
question about the value of the decision that these
countries must make to the rest of the free world.
If they are an efi'ective, healthy, and progressive
part of the great alliance of free nations that alli-
ance can continue to grow in strength. If they
are not, communism will have scored another
tremendous victory and the free world will be seri-
ously, perhaps disastrously, weakened.
This decision to us, of course, appears self-
evident, but we are not making the decision. It
will be made by many men who have not had the
privilege of education, the comfort of security, or
hope for the future. The very able former Am-
bassador of India to the United States, B. R. Sen,
recently said :
The free world must . . . enable the newly liberated
people ... of Asia to realize the values whicti are basic
to democracy. . . . What is happening in Asia today Is
only a natural and healthy development which Europe
has already passed through.
These are new countries and they are being
propelled by the forces that work in our time
through stages of development to which we were
fortunate enough to be able to adjust over a much
longer period of history.
The decision they are going to make will be
influenced by their judgment of our actions. In
the final analysis, the decision will be determined
by the man in the paddy field, by the man in the
barrio. Is he going to identify association with
the free world with his hopes for himself and for
his children?
I think it is decidedly possible that he will.
His decision is not going to be determined by some
mechanical force of history, unleashed like a vast
Juggernaut to roll irresistibly forward. It is
going to be influenced by the courses of action
pursued by us and by the men back of the Iron
Curtain.
I will ask you to excuse me if I speak, as an
American, of courses of action that I think my
country has successfully pursued; I will ask you
to excuse me doubly if I speak, as a former Am-
bassador to the Philippines, of courses of action
that I think we successfully pursued in that coun-
try.
Juan de la Cruz Views Korean War
In the month that followed the outbreak of the
war in Korea, I saw evidence of an affection be-
tween sovereign countries that I feel sure few, if
any, of my diplomatic colleagues have ever wit-
nessed. For over 30 days in front of the U.S.
Embassy in Manila, regardless of the frequent
heavy rains that are seasonal at that time of year,
there were anywhere from 50 to 100 Filipinos
waiting, who wished to volunteer to serve either
in the American army or in some battalion that
Department of State Bulletin
might be formed to fight with the American army
in Korea. This was the simple Philippine citi-
zen— Juan de la Cruz, as he is called there, or John
Smith as we would call him in the United States.
Sometimes he was barefooted; frequently he was
soaked to the skin ; and always he must have re-
membered how many of his countrymen lost their
lives, frequently by torture, because of their as-
sistance to the United States during one war. Yet
he was patiently waiting to volunteer again to
fifjht alongside the Americans. Because of our
Mutual Security Program ? Because of a techni-
cal assistance program? Because of grants-in-
aid? Without question, no. The first two pro-
grams did not exist in the Pliilippines at this time,
and what repayment he miglit have received from
the United States for the damages his country suf-
fered during the war could hardly be said to be
an incentive to again risk his life in a cause that
must have seemed to simple men far remote from
their daily lives.
I think I know why he was there. Juan de la
Cruz had taken a long, careful look at the Ameri-
can. He had not made up his mind easily or rapid-
ly. You will recall that there was figliting in the
Philippines for many years after the Spanish War
had stopped. But Juan had sat in his barrio, or
on his hillside, and looked long and listened hard.
The American had told him that he had believed
in education, that he believed in democracy, that
he believed that men were created free and equal.
And after many years, the day had come to pass
judgment. Juan was a free man, although a very
poor man, but he was also a very proud man.
There are problems in the Philippines that will
take many years to settle. To develop the rich re-
sources of the Islands so that all Filipinos have a
chance to participate in a higher standard of liv-
ing will take many years. But Juan de la Cruz,
with all the imperfections of his own country and
of ours, has his dignity as a man. He has decided
that the American not only believed his own fine
speeches for himself but that he practices them.
The world in which we live is smaller than ihat
of our ancestors. We can no longer await the long
departed traveler to return and tell us of far-off
Cathay. The Burmese lumberman after teak, the
Malayan worker in the rubber plantations, the In-
donesian laborer in the tin mines at Billeton wish
at least to hope for a future with some security
and with some dignity. They will share their hope
with us if they believe that we help and respect
them. I do not mean to say that the United States
has a golden key, or an easj' formula, or answer for
these problems. I do think that we have made
some progress toward a joint a])proach with the
Filipinos to some common problems. We and the
Filipinos have the faith in each other that can only
come when each has given, with no reward re-
quested of the giving. A faith as firmly founded
between the Asiatic-Pacific nations and the West-
ern nations is essential to the survival of both.
U.S. Sends Protest to Rumania
on Ploesti "Trial"
Text of U.S. Note
Press release 94 dated February 20
During the course of a show trial held at Ploesti,
Rumania, between February 9 and 12, 1953, allega-
tions of espionage and sabotage were made against
certain Rumanians, some of whom had been previ-
ously employed by American oil companies in
Rumania. The '"'' confessions''' of the defendants
and the '"'' testimony^'' of witnesses not only falsified
history but attempted to hide the role of Soviet
imperialism in Rumania. In the interest of keep-
ing the record straight, U.S. Minister Harold
Shantz has been instructed to deliver the following
note to the RumaJiian Ministry for Foreign
Affairs:
The Legation of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Rumanian Min-
istry for Foreign Affairs and under instructions
from its Government has the honor to call the
Ministry's attention to the "trial" at Ploesti from
February 9 to 12, 1953, of various Rumanian citi-
zens, some of whom are former employees of the
Romano-Americana Oil Company. Since, in the
proceedings in the courtroom during the trial and
in the commentaries published in the Rumanian
press and broadcast over the official radio, various
unfounded allegations and statements were made
concerning the American oil companies and
former American officials, the following facts are
brought to the Rumanian Government's attention.
The Romano-Americana Oil Company was
largely owned by citizens of the United States of
America who had invested huge sums at great
risk in the development of Rumanian petroleum
resources. This was one of the important factors
which enabled Rumania to attain the substantial
production of 8,600,000 metric tons of crude oil in
1936. During the state of active war which ex-
isted between Rumania and the United States
(1941-44) this company was sequestered by the
Rumanian Government and administered as
enemy property over which the United States
owners had no control.
In these circumstances, it was axiomatic that as
soon as Rumania had concluded an armistice with
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Great
Britain and the United States of America, repre-
sentatives of these powers who constituted the
Allied Control Commission for Rumania should
have been restored to control of property belong-
ing to their citizens. This was a matter of concern
both to the Government of the United States and
to American citizens directly concerned with the
ownership and management of the Romano-
Americana Oil Company.
The Rumanian Government can have no legiti-
mate complaint regarding any steps taken by
American officials and American officers of that
March 2, 1953
333
company to keep informed about American prop-
erty and about operation of that company in the
years 1945, 1946, and 1947, years in whicli a state
of war still existed between Rumania and the
United States of America. American owners had
every rij^ht to know of the state of production of
their company, its activities, personnel, financial
status, sales, etc. Moreover, there were at that
time no such laws concerning "state secrets" as
now exist in Rumania, as substantially all of the
information about which such slanderous state-
ments have been made in connection with the
Ploesti trial, was openly published in the
Monitorul Petrolului Roman. If the Rumanian
Government is not already aware of the fact, the
Government of the United States takes this oppor-
tunity to inform it that all of the so-called
espionafie information of the type involved in the
Ploesti trial is, insofar as the American petroleum
industry is concerned, freely available in published
form in the United States and can thus be
openly obtained by the Rumanian Legation in
Washington.
It is clear that no "sabotage" could or did take
place under the auspices of the managerial staff
of the oil companies. The operations of such com-
panies in Rumania after the war were an open
book in which all details were known to the three
elements (Soviet, British and American) of the
Allied Control Commission and to the Rumanian
Government. It is true that crude oil production
declined after the war and reached its lowest
point in 1947. There are two reasons for this,
however, neither of which has any connection with
falsely alleged "sabotage" by the management of
the oil companies.
The first and main reason is military. In
November and December 1944 alone, Soviet occu-
pation authorities seized about 48,000 metric tons
of tubular goods such as casing, tubing, drill pipe
and line pipe. This amount represented sixty
(60) percent of the stocks on hand. Stocks left
in the country amounted to less than that needed
for one year's amount of normal drilling. Fur-
thermore, destruction of railway and tank car
equipment as well as other petroleum equipment
during the fighting and bombing in 1944 sharply
reduced possibilities. From the petroleum out-
put that continued, 1,080,000 metric tons of petro-
leum products were taken by the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics as reparations between Sep-
tember 1944 and March 1945 alone. During 1945
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics took sixty-
eight (68) percent of the total petroleum output
and seized exclusively for its own use the majority
of available tank cars.
Faced with such a situation, the only way to
rebuild the industry out of damages resulting
from over-exploitation by the Germans during the
war, from military operations, and from Soviet
seizures, was investment of large amounts of new
capital for repairing existing plant, for replacing
lost equipment, and for exploring for new fields.
This capital did not exist within Rumania in suffi-
cient quantities, a fact which the present govern-
ment admits when it claims that large quantities
of equipment have been imported since 1948 from
the Soviet Union at the price of giving that nation
a major share in the ownership and management
of the industry through so-called "Sovrom Petrol"
and "Sovrom Utilaj-Petrolifer" corporations.
However, in 1945. 1946, and 1947, the only practi-
cable sources of foreign capital were the United
States and Great Britain who already had invested
so much to give Rumania as large a petroleum
industry as it then had.
Instead of encouraging American-owned com-
panies to invest new funds in Rumania where
risk was high, the Rumanian Government, in con-
nivance with the Soviet authorities in Rumania,
after formation of Sovrom Petrol in May 1945,
instituted a deliberate policy of harassing the
operations of all privately owned enterprises.
The Rumanian Government took no steps to assist
such enterprises in the importation of desperately
needed equipment, it failed to grant realistic
prices, it barred, for purely political purposes,
financial advances from the National Bank, it
levied arbitrary taxes, forced qualified workers to
resign, interfered needlessly in the day-to-day
conduct of business, and allowed the General Con-
federation of Labor and the Communist Party to
foment pointless strikes. In addition to such
harmful practices it soon became painfully obvious
that the ultimate intention of the Rumanian Gov-
ernment was to expropriate and nationalize all
industrial enterprises except those that were
Soviet-owned. "Wlien on June 11, 1948 the Ru-
manian Government did in fact pass legislation
for the nationalization of industrial, banking, in-
surance, mining, transportation and other enter-
prises, with the exception of those having a Soviet
interest, the United States Government pointed
out that the legislation, being serioush' discrimi-
natory, was expressly prohibited by Article 31 (c)
of the Treaty of Peace between Allied and Asso-
ciated Powers and Rumania signed at Paris on
February 10, 1947. It was further pointed out
that the nationalization legislation failed to pro-
vide for equitable valuation and prompt, adequate
and effective compensation. In view of the hostile
attitude of the Rumanian Government after
March 1945 and its obvious intentions it is not
surprising that the production of American com-
panies declined. To place the blame for such a
decline on sabotage is, however, a patently obvious
falsification of history.
The Rumanian Government may seek to delude
its people into believing that the shortages of pe-
troleum products in Rumania in the years 1945,
1946, and 1947 were caused by the actions of the
management of the oil companies. In fact, as has
been shown above, they were due to seizures of
equipment and forced exports of such products to
334
Department of State Bulletin
the Soviet Union. The government will heave a
more difficult time explaining why in 1953, when
production, according to oiKcial claims, is at the
highest level in history, gasoline, oil, and lighting
and heating fuels are still rationed in the country,
farmers must often wait for hours in line to pur-
chase two liters of kerosene for lighting purposes
at an exorbitant price, and city residents receive
only two liters of kerosene per month.
The (lovernment of the United States can arrive
at no other conclusion except that the Government
of the Rumanian People's Republic has deliber-
ately attempted by the so-called Ploesti "trial" and
the propaganda connected with it to add to its
general campaign of misrepresentations against
the Government and people of the United States.
The American people, including in their midst
many thousands of Rumanian descent, have always
had and continue to have friendliest feelings for
the people of Rumania and the desire to contribute
to their welfare. They deeply regret that the Gov-
ernment of Rumania does not share that desire and
persists in taking actions and promoting calumnies
and slanders which only aim at destroying the
historical friendship between the two peoples.
Interim Report on Flood Relief
in U.K. and Western Europe
White House press release dated February 13
The fottoioing interim report toas submitted on
February 12 to the President and to the cabinet
by Secretary Dulles who is serving as chairman
of the President's cabinet committee on flood re-
lief in the British Isles and Western Europe:
At the Cabinet meeting on February sixth you
appointed a Committee, consisting of the Secre-
taries of State, Defense and Agriculture and the
Director for IMutual Security, to get together the
facts on the storm disaster in the British Isles
and Western Europe and to make appropriate
recommendations to you as to the kind of United
States help required to relieve the sufferings of
the victims.^
The Committee is paying particularly close at-
tention to the immediate problem of rescue and
evacuation and to the avoidance of further loss of
life. On the basis of information supplied by the
United States Commander in Cliief in Europe and
by our Embassies and the American Red Cross, it
appears that the immediate relief problem is in
hand. The Committee, however, has asked the
Embassies to report at once any additional help
needed for this phase.
There will be a new spring tide beginning on
February 16, and this may create further emer-
gencies. United States forces and those of other
' Bulletin of Feb. 16, 1953, p. 256.
Nato countries on the spot are alerted to help deal
with them if they arise. Yesterday, the British
Government asked the United States to deliver a
large number of empty sandbags by this Satur-
day, February 14, if at all possible. These are to
go forward promptly by air and by sea.
We are also discussing with the Netherlands
Government the possibility of releasing for their
use in connection with the disaster counterpart
funds arising out of previous United States aid.
The Committee hopes to be able to report
shortly on the help that might be provided by the
United States in the second or reconstruction
phase. It will, however, be some time before it is
possible to estimate the total impact of the disaster
on the aiiected countries.
John Foster Dulles
^Chairmian
Blockade of the China Coast
Press Conference Remarhs by Secretary Dulles ^
Press release 92 dated February 18
The question of action to interrupt or at least
to minimize the flow of military valuable goods to
the Chinese Communists has been, I believe, under
advisement by the Department pretty continu-
ously since the Chinese invasion of North Korea
and it is still under perhaps more intensive
scrutiny at the present time.
There are various ways by which that result
can be accomplished, one of which is a naval
blockade. Still another is a more strict enforce-
ment of the self-denying provisions recommended
by the United Nations. There are a whole series
of measures of varying kinds which could be
adopted. All of them are under very careful
scrutiny, both from the standpoint of their feasi-
bility, their military consequences, and the degree
of political embarrassments and troubles that
might be caused with our allies. As I say, all of
that is under constant study.
I am not aware of any plan to bring that prob-
lem before the U.N. General Assembly. One mat-
ter that I suppose might come up is a further
appeal to the member states to avoid any com-
mercial intercourse with an aggressor. But
whether or not that will be deemed wise to bring
up at the Assembly I can't say. Many of these
problems, of course, have been discussed with our
allies because of the very strong efforts that we
had been making to get all of our allies to cut off
their commercial intercourse with the enemy, cer-
tainly to the extent that it is of military value —
contraband of war.
'Made on Feb. IS in response to questions concerning
a possible naval lilockade of the China coast, and whether
this matter would eouie before the United Nations.
March 2, 1953
335
The Practicing Partnership of Free Nations
iy Harold E. Stassen
Director for Mutiuil Security ^
The Veterans of Foreign Wars have ever been
alert to the security requirements of our nation.
The recent address by your commander in chief
at the hist Veterans of Foreign Wars National
Encampment in Los Angeles is a commendable
statement of policy. He said then : "As a Nation
we cannot live alone. In this respect, we should
think internationally in terms of friends, of allies,
of sources of raw materials, and markets." The
members of your organization are keenly aware
from personal experience and from current reflec-
tion that the mutual defensive power of the free
nations is crucial in importance to the cause of
peace and liberty.
May I at the opening of my remarks this evening
express my deep conviction that one of the greatest
assets for the future mutual security of America
and the other free nations of the world is the pres-
ence in the White House of a leader of exceptional
experience and understanding. President Dwight
D. Eisenhower.
His task in this respect, as in others, is not an
easy one. It is well to keep ever in mind key facts
of the situation existing as he took the oath of
office 4 weeks ago. Eight hundred million of the
world's peoples were within the cruel grip of
Kremlinism, that devilish doctrine of 20th century
imperialism which has extended the cruelty of
communism and heightened the torture of totali-
tarianism. Too many American soldiers were
pinned down in an exposed outpost in distant
Korea and 129,000 casualties had been suffered.
The essential steps for an effective collective de-
fense of Western Europe had not yet been taken.
The programed deliveries of arms and equipment
from America to our Western European friends
were far behind schedule. The steel strike and
the administrative confusion had caused a serious
' Address made before the Veterans of Foreign Wars at
Washington on Feb. 17 and released to the press on the
■same date by the Office of the Director for Mutual
Security.
lag in defense production. The October Commu-
nist Congress had embarked on an intensified effort
externally to spread discouragement and dissen-
sion and distrust between the free nations and
internally to add anti-Semitism to their cowardly
collection of persecution plagues.
U.S. Takes the Initiative
In these 4 short weeks since Inaugural Day,
President Eisenhower has done much to change
this situation.
He changed the orders to the U.S. Seventh Fleet
so that this Navv arm no longer serves as a shield
to Communist China while Communist Chinese
soldiers attack U.S. and U.N. soldiers in Korea.^
He appointed a new Secretary of State and sent
him at once to Western Europe and Britain to
talk with the leaders there about the policies and
programs for peace and security. I can report to
you from personal observation that the Secretary
of State, John Foster Dulles, conducted tliese con-
versations in an outstanding manner, and I believe
that the clays of this journey will become known
as 10 great days of service by him to the cause of
peace and freedom.
By these two acts, the change of orders to the
Fleet and sending the Secretary of State to Eu-
rope, the President has taken the initiative in the
worldwide contest versus Kremlinism.
The initiative is very important if America is
to attain the objective of winning peace by peace-
able means.
Other steps have already been taken by the very
able Secretary of Defense, Charles Wilson, to
speed the production of the items which had
lagged. Measures have been instituted which will
lead to catching up on the programed deliveries of
arms to our friends at the earliest possible date.
A careful evaluation of the Mutual Security Pro-
' Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 209.
336
Department of State Bulletin
fram is now under way on both sides of the globe
y outstanding men serving without compensa-
tion. A review and rethinking of both immediate
and long-term policies is under way by the Na-
tional Security Council.
You know that this is not the time or place to
discuss these matters in specific terms. But I will
talk over with you a few of the principles involved.
Our Leadership Participation
Plain common sense directs our country's par-
ticipation in a practicing partnership of tlie free
nations with the objective of winning together
through peaceable means both a lifting of the
standards of living and a strengthening of the
security of ourselves and of other peoples.
There is an understandable tendency to charac-
terize our leadership participation in this mutual-
security partnership in extreme terms. On one
day it is described as domineering and on the next
as servile. Sometimes diflFerent observers describe
the very same act in these opposite manners. But
anyone who studies the lifetime record of the
President will be confident that our leadership
participation in the partnership of free nations
will be neither unilateral bullying nor multilateral
milquetoast in its nature. It will be constructive
and courageous. It will be thoughtful and
thorough. It will respect the dignity and sover-
eignty of other nations and strive ever to serve
the cause of peace and of mankind's progress
toward better living.
It might well involve major increases in obtain-
ing raw materials from other parts of the world
as a part of a balanced trade and a sound economic
foundation for future years.
It could encompass greater purchasing overseas
of arms and equipment needed for combined de-
fense so as to utilize productive capacity on a
sound and noninflationary basis.
If the nations of Asia wish, it may expand in a
coordinated manner a worth while program for
Asiatic development, investment, and trade as a
fundamental contribution to world progress and
security.
The friendly association with other workers by
American labor through its major organizations
and the favorable investment in other lands of the
capital earned and managed by our citizens may
under proper circumstances both be desirable por-
tions of the total development in this interna-
tional, economic, and security program.
In the Mutual Security Program we will pro-
ceed with confidence that free men can outproduce
and outlearn masters and slaves, provided only
that they have a climate of governmental stability
and economic incentive, and that free men of any
continent can outfight ruthless rulers and their
minions provided only that they have thorough
training, effective equipment, and wise leadership.
The valiant South Koreans in their Rok divisions
have been proving this in recent weeks as they have
repulsed and defeated Communist Chinese divi-
sions.
Throughout every aspect of the program, the
essential soundness, stability, and solvency of the
United States will never be lost sight of, and a
high regard for the worth and the culture and the
rights of other peoples will be ever present.
The military and material potential of our
country and of our friends will be fully appre-
ciated, but the need of power above and beyond all
that will be remembered even as the President said
in part in his moving personal prayer on Janu-
ary 20 :
"Almighty God, as we stand here at this mo-
ment. . . . Give us, we pray, the power to dis-
cern clearly right from wrong and allow all our
words and actions to be governed thereby. . . ."
Evaluation Teams To Study
Mutual Security Program
Harold Stassen, Director for Mutual Security,
announced on February 9 the appointment of a
group of business and financial leaders to make
an evaluation of the Mutual Security Program
and personnel in 14 countries — 9 in Europe and 5
in the Far East. The countries to be visited are
those which involve the largest dollar expenditures
in the program : Belgium, Denmark, France, Ger-
many, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Turkey, the
United Kingdom, the Associated States of Indo-
china, the Republic of China, and the Philippines.
The evaluation group, which will serve without
compensation, is headed by Clarence Francis,
chairman of the board of General Foods Corpora-
tion. Mr. Francis has selected 54 associates to
assist him in the study. The group will divide
itself into 11 teams. The Mutual Security Pro-
gram will be studied in each country by a separate
team, except for Holland and Belgium which will
be studied by a single team, and the Associated
States of Indochina which will be studied by one
team.^
The entire study group will meet at Washington
February 9 and 10 for background discussion with
Government officials responsible for administra-
tion of the Mutual Security Program. The teams
will then go to their respective countries. It is
anticipated that the report of the various teams
will be received in Washington toward the latter
part of March. The preparation of the final re-
port will be supervised by Mr. Francis, who will
* For a list of the names and positions of the team lead-
ers, the team members, and the countries to be visited, see
press release 28 issued on Feb. 9 by the Offlee of the
Director for Mutual Security.
March 2, 1953
337
himself probably visit France, Germany, Greece,
Turkey, and the United Kingdom.
Each team, within the area under its study, -will
look into the operations of the Mutual Security
Program, including the current status of the dif-
ferent parts — botli military and economic — of the
program, the effectiveness of the program, and
the efl'ectiveness of U.S. organization and per-
sonnel. The group will look into, among other
matters, the military end-item and training pro-
grams, the Offshore Procurement Program, the
use of defense-support goods or commodities
financed by the Mutual Security Agency, the pro-
ductivity program in Europe, and other major
elements of the Mutual Security Program.
Mr. Stassen, in announcing the appointment of
the evaluation grouj), said :
I am delighted that thi.s group of distinguished Ameri-
cans lias ai;reed to take part in the evaluation project.
Knowing of their many other commitments, 1 would not
have asked them to undertake a new obligation cjf this
kind if I did not feel this particular project to be of real
importance to the successful conduct of the Mutual Se-
curity Program. As is well known, ['resident Eisenhower
and those of us who are associated with him in this
Administration believe that this program is essential to
the security of the United States.
The very essentiality of the program, coupled with the
fact that it involves a large expenditure of public funds,
requires that its operations be subjected to constructive
examination by persons of competence and experience who
are in position to make an objective and independent
judgment.
I believe that the work of this group during the next
month will be of vital importance not only to me per-
sonally as Director for Mutual Security, not only to
President Eisenhower's Administration, but, in addition,
to the welfare of the United States and of the whole free
world.
The Value of Close Hemispheric Cooperation
hy John M. Cabot ^
What policy is the United States going to pur-
sue in its relations with its sister republics of this
hemisphere? That, I have no doubt, is a very
important question in your minds, and a very legit-
imate one, since it will affect so many of your own
decisions.
The President and the Secretary of State of my
country have already made clear, in public pro-
nouncements, the purposes which will animate the
new administration. In his inaugural address
President Dwight D. Eisenhower gave the keynote
of our policy when he said : - "In the Western
Hemisphere, we join with all our neighbors in the
work of perfecting a community of fraternal trust
and common purpose." Secretary of State John
Foster Dulles has said : "It will be the hope and
aim of the new Eisenhower administration in the
United States to do all in its power to strengthen
and develop the mutual ties of friendship and
understanding which traditionally should charac-
terize inter-American relations."
Those are basic purposes of the new admin-
' Address made before the Inter-American Economic
and Social Council at Caracas on Feb. 11 (press release
83). Mr. Cabot served as chairman of the U. S. delega-
tion. On February 18 President Eisenhower nominated
him to be Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American
Affairs.
' BuiXETiN of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 167.
istration. You can be sure, moreover, that they
are basic purposes of the United States. No other
part of our foreign policy enjoys such whole-
hearted bipartisan support. No other part is
more solidly upheld by the people of my country.
I need not remind you that it was at another
inauguration, 20 years ago, that President Roose-
velt proclaimed the policy of the good neighbor.
Whatever disputes we may have at home, the
policy of seeking friendly cooperation with our
sister republics of this hemisphere is not among
them. Eminent Republicans and Democrats alike
have made notable contributions to it, and every
important segment of public opinion supports it.
You, however, are understandably interested in
what we intend to do rather than in what we say.
I wish on this point that I might be more specific.
You realize, however, that President Eisenhower
took office only on January 20. His administra-
tion has inherited a formidable burden of prob-
lems and responsibilities, both international and
domestic. Upon the wisdom of its decisions rests
the future of mankind — whether we shall be de-
stroyed in a holocaust of wai', whether our children
shall be slave or free. It cannot afford, for your
sakes as much as ours, to make major mistakes.
When it does something, it must know what it is
doing. Time and knowledge are essential if it is
to draw up a program for specific action which
338
Department of State Bulletin
will be wise in conception and constructive in
results.
Permit me at this point a personal digression.
I speak at this conference as head of the U.S.
delegation, and as personal representative of the
Secretary of State. It will be my duty, on my
return, to recommend to the President and the
Secretary specific measures to carry out the basic
policy they have laid down with overwhelming
congressional and popular support. I want you
to know with what personal enthusiasm I return
to this, mv chosen field, and how earnestly I shall
seek to carry out the purposes of the President
and the Secretary. I have served in six of our
sister republics and I think in connection with
each of dear friends and fond memories. My
wife was born in Mexico, two of my children m
Brazil. In coming to Caracas I have fulfilled a
long- felt ambition ; I have at last visited every one
of The American Republics. Ever since I went
to Peru in 1927, as a Vice Consul, I have striven
to the best of my ability to promote relations of
friendship and confidence, and respect and under-
standing, and constructive cooperation between
the nations of this hemisphere. It is for these
reasons that I warmly welcome the broader task
which I begin at this conference of putting into
practical effect the policies laid down by President
Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles, and with hu-
mility shall hope that I may measure up to the
responsibilities entailed.
You will appreciate that in the brief time I have
had it has not been possible for me as yet to ac-
quaint myself with our mutual problems, let alone
to draw up a program recommending how and
to what extent we should cooperate with you m
executing the specific projects which you have in
mind. I am, nevertheless, very pleased that I
have been privileged to attend this conference
since it will give me an indispensable knowledge
of your needs and your views. I cannot now, as
you will well understand, make commitments in
my Government's name, but I can imagine no bet-
ter initiation than this to the task of cooperation
■which evidently lies before me.
I do not need, I am sure, to remind you that
there are inescapable limitations on the economic
cooperation which the United States can extend
to you. Great and growing though our resources
are, they have been strained by the imperious
necessities of defending the free world against
two totalitarian tyrannies. Due to this, the citi-
zens of the United States suffer from a grievous
burden of taxation, but they will support projects
to extend economic cooperation to our friends if
they are convinced that these projects are well-
conceived and will be soundly executed. Other
limitations on the cooperation we can extend will
occur to you. For my part, I realize that you, too,
must have in mind similar limitations on the co-
operation which you can extend to us and to each
other.
March 2, 1953
In assuring you, therefore, of my Government s
earnest desire to cooperate with those of its sister
republics in solving their economic problems and
aiding their industrial development, I bespeak
your understanding and your forbearance. We
shall seek to extend our wholehearted cooperation
in the grave tasks which lie before us, and we are
confident we shall receive yours. For coopera-
tion is a basic Pan American ideal, it has benefited
us all in peace and war alike; and it will, under
God, help us to solve the problems which we now
face. Through it, the American Republics have
long set an example for the other nations of the
world. My Government warmly desires that this
conference may mark the beginning of a new
period of close, constructive cooperation between
us befitting our ancient friendship.
International Bank Grants
$30,000,000 Loan to Yugoslavia
The International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development on February 12 announced a loan to
Yugoslavia which will help finance the completion
of key projects in seven major sectors of the Yugo-
slav economy.' The projects will bring about
early increases in industrial production and sub-
stantially improve Yugoslavia's international
trade position.
No dollars are to be loaned. The loan will be
in 10 European currencies in an amount equivalent
to 30 million dollars. The currencies are Austrian
schillings, Belgian francs, British pounds sterling,
French francs, German marks, Italian lire, Neth-
erlands guilders, Norwegian kroner, Swedish
kronor, and Swiss francs.
Most of the funds required for the loan are being
made available by these governments from their
domestic currency subscriptions to the Bank's
capital. The Swiss francs, however, were obtained
from the sales of Bank securities in Switzerland,
which is not a member of the Bank.
The loan will pay for the import of equipment
needed for 27 projects in seven sectors of the Yugo-
slav economy : electric-power generation and dis-
tribution; coal mining; extraction and processing
of nonferrous metals ; iron and steel production ;
other manufacturing industries; forestry and
transportation.
The projects are designed to make more exten-
sive use of Yugoslavia's considerable natural re-
sources and to help provide supporting services
such as electric power and transportation. Agri-
cultural production is the main field of Yugo-
slavia's economic activity and will remain so for
some time to come. The country, however, has
plentiful resources of timber, coal, iron, and a wide
' For text of a supplemental statement describing proj-
ects being financed with the help of the Bank's loan, see
International Banls press release of Feb. 12.
339
variety of nonferrous ores including copper, zinc,
and bauxite.
Most of the projects which the Bank's loan will
help to finance are expected to be completed with-
in the next year or two, and all should be in oper-
ation by 1956. They will make important contri-
butions to the 30 percent over-all increase in in-
dustrial production expected by 1955.
The projects being financed under the loan will
increase the production capacity of iron ore by
900,000 tons annually; pig iron by 260,000 tons;
steel ingots by 275,000 tons; and finished steel
products by 195,000 tons. New processing plants
will make it possible for Yugoslavia to produce
an additional 60,000 tons of alumina and 15,000
tons of aluminum. Other plants will enable Yugo-
slavia to manufacture its own copper wire and
cable. Agriculture will benefit by the production
of 120,000 tons of phosphatic fertilizer and 30,000
tons of starch. New forest areas will be opened
and a plant for the production of 20,000 tons of
newsprint will be built. Increased coal produc-
tion, greater availability of electric power, and
small but important additions to transport facil-
ities, will eliminate obstacles in these fields and
enable Yugoslavia to keep pace with growing
industrial needs.
The projects are expected to improve Yugo-
slavia's balance-of-payments position by the equiv-
alent of 50 million dollars a year. Increased
exports of such items as aluminum, steel tubes,
copper wire, and cable and coal will account for
more than half the amount; savings through re-
duction of imports of iron and steel products,
nonferrous metals, and newsprint will account for
the rest. Additional benefits will come from in-
creased industrial efficiency, a reduction of man-
power requirements, and lower production costs.
Yugoslavia has already made large investments
in the projects for which the present loan was
made. The total cost of the projects is estimated
at the equivalent of 465 million dollars: 122 mil-
lion dollars in foreign exchange and 343 million
dollars in domestic currency. By the third quar-
ter of 1952, 92 million dollars in foreign exchange
had already been financed, and Yugoslavia had
made domestic expenditures equivalent to 208
million dollars.
This loan is closely related to the loan made by
the Bank to Yugoslavia in October 1951, in Bel-
gian, Swiss and French francs, Danish kroner,
British pounds sterling, Italian lire, and Dutch
guilders amounting to the equivalent of 28 million
dollars. The loans are similar in purpose and are
financing part of a high priority investment pro-
gram adopted by Yugoslavia in the fall of 1950.
The present loan results from recommendations
of a Bank mission that went to Yugoslavia in July
1952 and remained there until early October. The
mission consisted of three members of the Bank's
staff and two consultants, one from the British
steel industry and one from the American alumi-
340
num industry. In the course of their stay, mem-
bers of the mission examined developments in the
Yugoslav economy, reviewed progress on projects
financed under the 1951 Bank loan, and investi-
gated the projects for which the new loan was
made.
The loan is for a term of 25 years with interest
of 4% percent including the 1 percent commission
which, in accordance with the Bank's articles of
agreement, is allocated to a special reserve. Re-
payment of the loan is to be made in semiannual
payments which begin August 15, 1956, and are
calculated to retire the loan by maturity on Feb-
ruary 15, 1978.
In the postwar years, Yugoslavia has been run-
ning a balance-of-payments deficit. Recent
changes in internal economic policies, however,
together with completion of the key projects in-
vestment program should result in eliminating the
deficit within the next few years. Improvements
in the balance of trade will be accompanied by in-
creased supplies of consumer goods within the
country.
After being approved by the Bank's Executive
Directors, the loan agreement was signed on Feb-
ruary 11, 1953, by His Excellency Vladimir Popo-
vic, Yugoslav Ambassador to the United States,
on behalf of the Yugoslav Government and by
Eugene R. Black, president, on behalf of the Inter-
national Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment.
Entry of Saudi Arabian
Journalists into U.S.
Press release 98 dated February 20
In clarification of a recent news report that the
Department of State had published a statement to
the effect that under the new immigration law of
the United States all newspapermen except those
from Communist China and Saudi Arabia could
enter the United States, a spokesman of the De-
partment of State said Saudi Arabia had been
included in error and that no comparison of the
treatment of foreign newsmen by Saudi Arabia
and Communist China was intended or could be
made.
The Department of State understands that the
Saudi Arabian Government has established special
procedures for the issuance of visas which involve
individual consideration of applications from
journalists. The law of the United States requires
that the principle of reciprocity apply in the
issuance of United States visas for journalists.
Inasmuch as a number of American newsmen and
magazine writers visited Saudi Arabia in 1952 it
would seem clear that at present there is no ban
on entry of American correspondents into Saudi
Arabia for temporary visits. Applications of
Saudi Arabian newsmen for entry into the United
States similarly will be considered individually
and on their own merits on the basis of reciprocity.
Department of State Bulletin
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings ^
Adjourned during February 1953
U. N. (United Nations):
Economic and Social Council:
Ad Hoc Committee on Restrictive Business Practices: 4th Session . New York Jan. 12-Feb. 6
Statistical Commission: 7th Session New York Feb. 2-13
Transport and Communications Commission: 6th Session .... New York Feb. 2-11
Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations New Yoik Feb. 16-19
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East:
Committee on Industry and Trade: 5th Session Bandung Jan. 26- Feb. 4
Ninth Session of Ecafe Bandung Feb. 6-14
Third Technical Assistance Conference New York Feb. 26 and 27
Who (World Health Organization) Executive Board: 11th Session . . Geneva Jan. 12-Feb. 4
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization):
Southeast .Asia-South Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting (and Melbourne Jan. 13-Feb. 9
limited South Pacific).
Gatt (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) :
Ad Hoc Committee on Agenda and Intersessional Business of the Geneva Feb. 2-13
Contracting Parties.
Ilo (International Labor Organization):
Textiles Committee: 4th Session Geneva Feb. 2-14
Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organization):
Information Conference Paris Feb. 4, 5, and 6
Committee on Civil Defense Organization Paris Feb. 9-12
Cfm (Council of Foreign Ministers):
Deputies for Austria London Feb. 6 and 9
Inter- American Economic and Social Council:
Third Extraordinary Meeting Caracas Feb. 9-21
Joint Who/Tca/Phs Health Meeting Geneva Feb. 12-20
Pakistan Science Conference, 5th Annual Lahore Feb. 16-21
Preparatory Committee for the Caribbean Technical Conference on Trinidad Feb. 23-27
Education.
In Session as of February 28, 1953
International Materials Conference Washington Feb. 26, 1951-
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization):
Council: 18th Session Montreal Jan. 13-
First Air Navigation Conference Montreal Feb. 24-
International Wheat Council:
11th Session W'ashington Jan. 30-
Reconvening of 8th Session Washington Feb. 2-
Ilo (International Labor Organization) :
Governing Body: 121st Session Geneva Feb. 23-
U.N. (United Nations):
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East:
Second Conference on Trade Promotion Manila Feb. 23-
General Assembly: Reconvening of 7th Session New York Feb. 24-
Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Defense Science New Delhi Feb. 25-
Scheduled March l-May 31, 1953
U.N. (United Nations):
Economic and Social Council:
Eighth Session of the Economic Commission for Europe Geneva i Mar. 3-
Commission on Status of Women: 7th Session New York Mar. 16-
' Prepared in the Division of International Conferences, Department of State, Feb. 20, 1953. Asterisks indicate
tentative dates.
March 2, 1953 341
Mar
23-
Mar
30-
Mar
31-
March
Apr.
6-
Apr.
27-
Apr.
6-
Mav
4-
Apr.
17-
Apr.
20-
May
11-
May
11-
Calendar of Meetings — Coiiliriucd
Scheduled March 1-May 31, 1953 — Continued
United Nations — Continued
Economic and Social Council — Continued
Technical Assistance Committee New York
Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 8th Session New York
Fifteenth Session of the Council Geneva
Consultative Group in the Field of Prevention of Crime and Treat- Brazil
ment of Offenders-Latin American Regional.
Fifth Session of the Economic Commission for Latin America. . . Rio de Janeiro . . .
Fiscal Commif^sion: 4th Session New York
Cotnmission on Huinan Rights: 9th Session Geneva
Social Coinmission: 9th Session New York
Ad Hoc Committee on Forced Labor: 4th Session Geneva
Economic Commission for A.-:ia and the Far East:
Regional Conference on Mineral Resources Development . . . Tokyo
Ad Hoc Commission on Prisoners of War: 4th Session New York
International Conference to Adopt Protocol on Limitation of the New York
Production of Opium.
Meeting of Governments who are Beneficiaries of Article 16 of the London Mar. 4-
Treaty of Peace with Japan — Working Group.
Wmo (World Meteorological Organization):
Commission for Climatology: 1st Session Washington Mar. 12-
Commission for Synoptic Meteorology: 1st Session Washington Apr. 2-
International Congress of Mediterranean Studies and Exchanges . . . Palermo Mar. 15-
Fao (Food and Agriculture Organization):
Coordinating Committee: 3d Session Rome Mar. 16-
Committee on Relations with International Organizations Rotne Mar. 30-
Technical Advisory Committee on Desert Locust Control: 3d Meeting. Rome Apr. 21-
Latin American Seminar on Land Problems Brazil May 25*-
Ilo (International Labor Organization):
Committee on Work on Plantations: 2d Session Habana Mar. 16-
Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organization);
Council: Ministerial Meeting Paris Apr. 23-
Conference on European Inland Transport Paris IVIar. 18-
International Tin Study Group: 7th Meeting London March
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organi-
zation) :
Executive Board: 33d Session Paris Apr. 8-
Executive Board: 34th Session Paris May 15-
Second Extraordinary Session Paris May 18-
Mining and Metallurgical Congress, 5th Empire Australia and New Zea- Apr. 12-
land.
IcEM (Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration) :
Finance Subcommittee Geneva Apr. 13-
Fifth Session of Committee Geneva Apr. 16-
Inter-American Seininar on Adult Education Ciudad Trujillo .... Apr. 14-
South Pacific Conference; 2d Session Noumea Apr. 16-
Paso (Pan American Sanitary Organization):
Executive Committee: 19th Meeting Washington Apr. 20-
Inter-American Council of Jurists: 2d Meeting Buenos .\ires Apr. 20-
South Pacific Commission; 11th Session Nouin^a Apr. 25-
Conference on Caribbean Timbers Trinidad April
Icsu (International Council of Scientific Unions):
Joint Commission on Physiological Optics Madrid April
Central and South Africa Transport Conference Lourengo Marques . . . April
Itu (International Telecommunication Union);
Administrative Council; Sth Session Geneva May 2-
International Telegraph Consultative Committee: 8th Plenary As- Arnhem May 26-
sembly.
International Cotton Advisory Committee: 12th Plenary Meeting . . Washington May 4-
Who (World Health Organization):
6th Assembly Geneva May 4—
Upu (Universal Postal Union):
Executive and Liaison Committee, Meeting of Bern May 4-
IcAO (International Civil A\iation Organization):
Standing Committee on .Mrcraft Performance: 4th Session .... Paris May 6-
Caribbean Commission: 16th Meeting Surinam May 11-
International Rubber Study Group: 10th Meeting Copenhagen May 11-
International Symposium on Neurosecretion Naples May 18-
International Seed Testing Association: 10th Congress Dublin May 25-
International Commission for Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 3d Annual New Haven May
Meeting.
Horticultural Congress and Exposition Hamburg May
Southeast Asian Conference Baguio May
342 Department of State Bulletin
Progress Toward Easing World's Food Shortage
MEETING OF THE FAO COUNCIL, ROME, NOVEMBER 17-28, 1952
hy Clarence J. McCormick
The 18-member Council of the Food and Agri-
culture Organization of the United Nations (Fao)
met from November 17 to 28, 1952, at its Rome
headquarters to review the Organization's pro-
gram and budget for 1953, assess the world food
situation, approve the progress of Fao's technical-
assistance program, and take up a number of other
problems. The U.S. delegation to this session of
the Council was headed by Under Secretary of
Agriculture Clarence J. McCormick and included
several representatives from the Departments of
Agriculture and State.
This was the first session of the Council to take
the place of meetings of the full Conference of
68 member nations which have been held annually
until this year. Conferences are now held bien-
nially. Thus, as emphasized by Fao's Director
General Norris E. Dodd and Council Chairman
Josue de Castro in their opening statements, this
Council session was of more than usual importance.
The Council noted considerable improvement
in the world food and agriculture situation over
a year ago, since production was up 2 percent over
the previous year. At its 1951 Conference ^ Fao
had adopted an objective of increasing food and
agriculture production 1 to 2 percent above the rate
of population increase. However, the Council
noted that most of the increase was in fibers and
other nonfood crops rather than in food and that
most of tlie increase occurred in the more developed
areas of the world, such as North America, rather
than in areas where the need is greatest. After
reviewing the situation for each commodity, the
Council concluded that the tight rice situation
is the most serious food problem facing the world.
The Council's discussions that were perhaps of
widest general interest were those on the food sit-
' For an article on the 1951 Fao Conference, see Bulle-
tin of Feb. 11, 1952, p. 195.
March 2, 1953
nation in Yugoslavia and on the proposal to estab-
lish an international famine emergency reserve.
Food and Feed Problem in Yugoslavia
The Council had a unique and challenging prob-
lem to deal with in the report by an Fao survey
mission on the effects of a drought on food and
feed production in Yugoslavia. This report was
prepared in accordance with a resolution of the
1951 Conference that asked Fao to keep a close
watch on developing food shortages and investi-
gate the magnitude of the problem and the aid
that might be required. Yugoslavia had asked
Fao to investigate the effects of its drought, and
the survey mission completed its report in time
to have it presented to the Council by the chief of
the mission, Prof. M. J. L. Dols of the Netherlands.
The mission's report concluded that, with a re-
duction in the average daily food consumption m
Yugoslavia to 2,.300 calories and with a reduction
in livestock numbers, Yugoslavia would still need
imports of food and feed costing about 65 million
dollars to insure its food supply in 1952-53.
The action to be taken by the Council on this
report posed a particularly difficult problem. The
United States, the United Kingdom, and France
already are operating a tripartite aid program for
Yugoslavia.^ The survey mission mentioned that
sonie of the requirements it listed might be made
available under this program.
Another difficult aspect of the problem was how
to define it. It was not a famine which could be
made the basis of an emergency appeal to the
people of the world. Although total crop output
■was estimated to be 40 percent below average pro-
duction of the previous 5 years, there was no imme-
' For an article on this program, see iUd., Nov. 24, 1952,
p. 825.
343
diate shortage. The actual shortage is likely to
occur in the spring before the new crop is available.
The Council set up a subcommittee with Under
Secretary McCormick as chairman to consider
what action should be taken on this report. After
several inconclusive sessions the subcommittee
established a working party of the United States,
India, the United Kingdom, and Yugoslavia to
work out a mutually acceptable line of action.
This working party met at intervals throughout
the Council session.
The working party, in the light of the mission's
report, considered what measures could be taken
to reduce Yugoslavia's food deficit further.
Among the possibilities discussed was a more
general reduction in the slaughter weight of pigs.
Some members of the working party also felt that
a further reduction of the gram deficit by addi-
tional livestock slaughter might be more fully
explored. On both possibilities the view of the
Yugoslav Government, which was generally sup-
ported by tlie mission, was that such measures
would prejudice the country's basic agricultural
economy, reduce its future export potential and
increase its future import needs, thereby prolong-
ing the period of dependence on external aid.
As to the possibility of increasing the resources
available for external food purchases by reduc-
tions in other categories of imports, the opinion
of the Yugoslav Government was that such trans-
fers would entail a reduction in the country's
expenditure on defense and a curtailment of the
necessary raw material supplies for industry, and
that neither of these could be safely reduced.
The working party, the subcommittee, and the
Council agreed that, in the circumstances, the
Yugoslav problem was essentially one of balance
of payments, which the Council was not techni-
cally competent to appraise or to act on.
Therefore the Council instructed the Director
General to transmit a copy of the Council's report
to the U.N. Secretary-General in accordance with
procedures adopted by the Economic and Social
Council and by the last Fao conference. It urged
all member governments of Fao to consider any
assistance they can render and to inform the
Secretary-General or the Director General of any
action they take. It also asked the Director Gen-
eral to continue to assist the Yugoslav Govern-
ment insofar as he is able.
Emergency Food Reserve
The discussion of the food shortage in Yugo-
slavia had an important bearing on that of the
emergency food reserve. It pointed up many of
the difficult questions that the proposed reserve
raises. For instance, there is the ever-present one
of how to define a famine. Another, brought out
clearly by the Yugoslav case, is whether a country
asking for famine relief would be required first
344
to use all its available foreign exchange by restrict-
ing imports of items other than food.
The Council reviewed the report of the working
party which had met in September to consider the
practicability of the various ways of setting up an
emergency reserve. This group had concluded
that a physical reserve of food stocks was imprac-
ticable, whether owned nationally or internation-
ally, but that a financial reserve might be practi-
cable if governments wanted to establish one.
In the discussion of this subject at the Council
the delegations expressed three basic points of
view: (1) favorable to the idea of international
machinery for providing assistance, of which a
famine reserve would be part. This was advanced
most positively by India and Yugoslavia.
(2) opposed to the idea of international ma-
chinery involving advance commitments, and pre-
ferring the ad hoc approach of dealing with each
famine as it arises by appealing to the generosity
of governments. The delegations which took this
stand made the point that it would be wrong to tie
up money which might be used currently to help
increase food production; (3) neither favorable
nor opposed, but feeling that more study is needed,
particularly of the problems of a financial reserve,
before any decision can be reached. The majority
of the delegates, including the United States, ex-
pressed this point of view. The Brazilian delegate
pointed out that starvation was dramatic, but that
chronic malnutrition was no less urgent, and the
real solution was to provide food for all. He said
that there might be surpluses in some countries
where undernourishment also existed, and that
rneans of providing effective demand and proper
distribution were needed.
The French delegate suggested the formation of
a study group to analyze the problems involved in
an international fund. He felt that the members
of the group should be primarily financial experts
and that they should examine the possibility of
combining the international fund idea with that of
nationally held stocks.
The Council approved this proposal and set up
a working party of seven members, one each to be
appointed by Argentina, Australia, France, India,
the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the
United States. The members are to be technically
competent in financial problems and in procure-
ment and marketing; they are to serve as individ-
uals but should be able to reflect the policies of
their governments. The working party is to re-
port to Council members by March 1953, so that
the next session of the Council can decide what
action to take or to recommend to the next session
of the conference. Many delegates expressed the
belief that a final decision on this proposal would
have to be taken by the full conference, which
meets in November 1953, rather than by the
Council.
In connection with this discussion, the Council
pointed up the need for countries to study the
Department of State Bulletin
likely incidence of crop failures and the trans-
portation and storage facilities that are needed, in
order to be better able to deal with food shortages.
Governments were ur^ed to ask for technical
assistance on these problems.
Technical Assistance Program
The Council heard a report on the current status
of the technical-assistance program by its chief,
Sir Herbert Broadley. He said that technical-
assistance agreements already signed with 52 coun-
tries provide for 890 experts, of whom 243 have
completed their work and 399 are either m the
field or are being recruited; the remaining 248
vacancies will be filled as soon as possible. t.x-
penditures for technical assistance in 1952 were
expected to total $6,300,000. Requests for tech-
nical assistance may soon outstrip the funds avail-
able ; therefore more attention will henceforth be
given to priorities. .
The fellowship program is active. At the time
of the Council session, 97 students were partici-
patin<' in fellowships; 42 had already completed
their courses; and 367 additional fellowships were
being arranged.
Sir Herbert's report dealt with a wide range of
organizational and administrative developments
on the program, such as the appointment of a full-
time chairman of the U.N. Technical Assistance
Board, the cooperative arrangements that Fao has
worked out with other U.N. agencies and with the
US and other programs, and the matching of
Fag's expenditure by the countries receiving
The Council welcomed the progress that Fad is
makin<r on its technical-assistance program.^ it
agreed that priority should be given to projects
which will contribute to increasing the food supply
and which governments are prepared to back up
by contributing a substantial part of the local
costs. It warned against Fao's making commit-
ments for technical assistance greater than avail-
able funds would permit.
Some concern was expressed that the reorganiza-
tion of the Technical Assistance Board might
cause delays in the operation of Fao's program
The Council asked that its appreciation tor the
job that was being done be sent to everyone who
is working on the program, both at headquarters
and in the field.
Other Council Actions
In addition to these discussions, the Council ex-
amined many of Fao's day-to-day operations on
locust control, efforts to combat foot-and-mouth
disease, work on improving national statistics, and
a number of constitutional and administrative
problems. It did not undertake a detailed review
of the program of work and budget, since these are
approved for 2-year periods by the biennial
conferences.
March 2, J 953
These issues do not make headlines, but each
required the same advance preparation and careful
thought and discussion, both on the part of the
Fao staff and of the member governments, as did
the issues that attracted widest attention, ii^ach
is an integral part of the operation of an interna-
tional organization and a part of the total effort
of Fao to create better production, distribution,
and consumption of food and agricultural prod-
ucts for the benefit of the people of the world.
Nomination of U.S.
Representatives to the U.N.
Press release 95 dated February 20
The President on February 20 nominated the
following persons to be representatives of the
United States of America to the second part of
the seventh regular session of the General Assem-
bly of the United Nations, to convene at New
York, beginning February 24, 1953 :
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., of Massachusetts, chairman of
the delegation
Ernest A. Gross of New York
James J. Wadsworth of New York
William Sanders, of Virginia, has been nomi-
nated by the President to serve as the U.S. alter-
nate representative at this session.'
As occasion requires, the Secretary of State will
attend meetings of the General Assembly, and,
when in attendance, will be ex officio head of the
delegation. . ,
The first part of the seventh session of the
Assembly met at New York from October 14
through December 22, 1952, at which time meet-
ino^s were suspended until February 24, 1953. 1 he
detegation for the second part of the session is
smaller because of the limited scope of the agenda
as compared with the agenda at the beginning of
tli6 session,^
Ambassadors Lodge and Wadsworth, in their
official capacities as representative and deputy
representative to the United Nations, will nor-
mally serve on all such delegations. The presence
of Mr. Gross on the delegation, at Ambassador
Lodge's request, will tend to facilitate an orderly
transition by virtue of his intimate knowledge of
the very complex and difficult agenda items to-
o-ether with his broad experience in diplomatic
neo-otiations with other member delegations in
New York. Mr. Sanders, a Foreign Service officer
and special assistant in the Bureau of United
Nations Affairs of the Department of State, has
had many years' experience in international po-
litical matters both through his regular duties m
the Department of State and as an adviser or dele-
gate at many international conferences.
• On Feb. 2R. the Senate confirmed the nominations of
all these members of the U.S. delegation.
' For the list of remaining agenda items, see Bulletin
of Jan. 5, 1953, p. 39.
345
Public Health Conference
Press release 80 dated February 10
International discussions of problems of public
health will be held at Geneva February 12 to 19
to foster <rreater efficiency and coordination. Joint
participants will be the Teclmical Cooperation
Administration (Tca), the World Health Organi-
zation (Who) of the United Nations, and the U.S.
Public Health Service (Pus), which is the oper-
ating- af^ency for the Point Four Programs in
health and sanitation efforts.
This will be the largest effort thus far made to
tie together the bilateral health programs of the
United States and individual countries and multi-
lateral programs carried on through the United
Nations and other world groups.
In addition to field representatives of 15 Tca
country programs of the Middle East, Asia,
Africa, and Latin America — giving broad geo-
grapjiical coverage to specific problems — the con-
ference will be attended by Stanley Andrews,
Tca administrator and staff members of Tca and
Phs.
Joint chairmen of the conference will be Dr. H.
van Zile Hyde, director of the Tca health and
sanitation staff, and Dr. Arnoldo Sutter, assistant
director general of Who.
It is anticipated that the meeting will result in
increased coordination of the joint efforts of the
U.S. technical-cooperation programs and those of
the international agencies, particularly Who,
which already have produced such encouraging
results in the control of several endemic diseases:
malaria, trachoma, tuberculosis, and yaws, which
hold back economic, political, and social progress
in many parts of the world.
Mr. Andrews remarked that :
Poverty, malnutrition, and overcrowding are chief
among the root causes of health problems. They are all
pnrt of a vicious circle blodiing the proper self-develop-
ment and hopes of many countries.
The basic approach of Point Four is to fight key prob-
lems directly while trying through technical assistance in
other fields to improve general economic conditions. The
governments are themselves keenly interested and are
participating actively and financially.
This conference will supply a focal point for clarifying-,
first, the nature of existing problems and, second, their
solution in the most effective and economical way.
It is in line with the act for international devel-
opment, the law governing Tca, whicli provides
for participation in multilateral technical-cooper-
ation programs of the United Nations, the Organi-
zation of American States, and other international
bodies.
Tca health technicians attending the conference
will represent country programs in Indonesia,
Burma, Nepal, India, Iran, Iraq, Ethiopia, Jordan,
Egypt, Lebanon, Israel, Libya, Liberia, Brazil,
and Chile.
U.S. Delegations to International Conferences
Trade Promotion Conference (ECAFE)
The Department of State announced on Febru-
ary 20 (press release 96) that the second Regional
Conference on Trade Promotion of the U.N. Eco-
nomic Commission for Asia and the Far East
(Ecafe) will be held at Manila, Republic of the
Philippines, February 23-March 4, 1953.
The United States will be represented at that
conference by the following delegation :
Chairmaii
Eugene M. Braderman, Director, Far Eastern Division,
Office of International Trade, Department of Com-
merce
Members
Ivan F. Baker, Member, Board of Directors, Westinghouse
Electric International, Inc., New York, N.Y.
Edmund F. Becker, chief. Commercial Intelligence Divi-
sion, Office of International Trade, Department of
Commerce
Daniel M. Biaddock, Economic Counselor, American Em-
bassy, ftlanila
Joseph H. Rogatnick, American Consul, Singapore
Merle D. Thompson, Chairman of the Executive Commit-
tee, Elmira Bank and Trust Company, Elmira, N.Y.
Secretary of Delegation
Charles G. Wootton, Second Secretary and Consul, Ameri-
can Embassy, Manila
The first Regional Conference on Trade Promo-
tion, which was held at Singapore, October 9-18,
1951, provided an opportunity to representatives
of governments and of private businesses from
more than 20 countries to come together for the
purpose of discussing methods of expanding the
trade of Asia and the Far East. This second
Regional Conference has a similar aim.
The first part of the forthcoming conference will
be devoted to the presentation ancl discussion of
statements by the various delegations regarding
the trade and market outlook in the various coun-
tries represented and regarding the actions taken
in those countries to carry out recommendations
made at the first Regional Conference. The sec-
ond part of the conference will be devoted ta
346
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
consideration of the following topics: (1) market-
in"- research as an aid to trade; (2) methods ot
increasing trade, both within the region and with
countries in Europe and the Americas; (3) meth-
ods of improving trade promotion machinery,
such as the development of regional trade associa-
tions, the development of improved reporting
forms for trade representatives abroad, and the
establishment of training programs for trade rep-
resentatives; and (4) the problems impeding the
procurement of import goods required by coun-
tries of the region for development projects, as
well as the problems handicapping the export
marketing of specific products of the region.
Air Navigation Conference (ICAO)
The Department of State announced on Febru-
ary 20 (press release 97) that the first Air Naviga-
tion Conference of the International Civil
Aviation Organization (Icao) will be held at
Montreal, February 24-March 31, 1953.
The U.S. Government will be represented at
that Conference by the following delegation :
Delegate
Claude H. Smith (chairman), Chief Icao Officer, Civil
Aeronautics Administration, Department of Com-
merce
Alternate delegates
Eeuben H. ClinUscales (vice chairman), Flight Operations
Specialist, Air Carrier Division, Bureau of Safety
Regulations, Civil Aeronautics Board
Henry S Chandler, Chief, International Standards
Branch, Airways Operations Division, Civil Aeronau-
tics Administration, Department of Commerce
Nels K Johnson, Chief, International Aviation Section,
Weather Bureau, Department of Commerce; and
Aviation Meteorology Liaison Official, Civil Aeronau-
tics Administration, Department of Commerce.
James L Kinney, Icao Representative, Air Carrier Safety
Division, Civil Aeronautics Administration, Depart-
ment of Commerce
Advisers
James F. Angler, International Aga Specialist, Establish-
ment Engineering Division, Civil Aeronautics Ad-
ministration, Department of Commerce
E. Thomas Burnard, Operations Division, Air Transport
Association of America, Inc.
Benarthur C. Haynes, Acting Chief. Station Facilities and
Meteorological Ohservations Division, Weather Bu-
reau, Department of Commerce
Walter Jensen. Radar Consultant, Air Transport Associa-
tion of America, Inc.
Thomas A. Kouchnerkavich, Electronics Engineer (Inter-
national), Ic.\o Staff-COM, Establishment Engineer-
ing Division, Office of Federal Airways, Civil Aero-
nautics .\dministration. Department of Commerce
Charles D. McCarty, Major, U. S. A. F., Chief, Icao
Branch, Directorate of Operations, Hq. Air Weather
Service, United States Air Force
John J. McCue, Chief, Station and Frequency Utilization
Section. Aviation Division, Federal Communications
Commission
Morch 2, J 953
Hugh H McFarlane, Regional Icao Representative, Air-
ways Operations Division, Civil Aeronautics Admmis-
tration, Department of Commerce
Allison E Menhennick, Aeronautical Communications
SpecialistlCAO, International Standards Brancti, Of-
fice of Federal Airways, Civil Aeronautics Administra-
tion, Department of Commerce
Eli B. Rogers, Commander, U. S. N., Head, Airspace Sec-
tion, OP-53, Flight Services Division, Office of cnier
of Naval Operations, Department of the Navy
Gilbert V. Tribbett, Icao Adviser, Air Carrier Safety
Division, Civil Aeronautics Administration, Depart-
ment of Commerce
Vernon I. Weihe, Electronic Consultant, Air Transport
Association of America, Inc.
The topics for discussion at the forthcoming
Conference have been selected for the purpose ot
resolving problems in the technical fields of opera-
tions, communications, meteorology, ancl rules of
the air and air traffic control. The specific agenda
items are ( 1 ) visibility, and the height of the cloud
base, on and in the vicinity of aerodromes ; (2) air-
craft position, operational, and meteorological re-
ports; (3) the use of meteorological broadcasts
and other meteorological transmissions to aircraft
in flight; (4) amendments in the Procedures for
Air Navigation Services (Pans) relating to in-
strument approaches to land; (5) the development
of standard holding patterns; (6) the development
of radar procedures for en route, approach, and
landing operations; and (7) coordination of exist-
ing aids to approach and landing, as well as con-
sideration of the need for and methods of
improving those aids.
Heretofore, meetings of the technical divisions
of the Icao Air Navigation Commission have pro-
vided the foundation for many of the actions taken
by the organization to promote safe, regidar, and
efficient international air navigation. Those tech-
nical divisions, which have been concerned with
the particular problems arising within their re-
spective fields, are (1) Aerodromes, Air Routes^
and Ground Aids; (2) Accident Investigations;
(3) Airworthiness; (4) .Aeronautical Information
Services; (5) Communications; (6) Meteorology;
(7) Aeronautical Maps and Charts; (8) Opera-
tions- (9) Personnel Licensing; (10) Rules of the
Air and Air Traffic Control; and (11) Search and
The icAO Assembly, at its fourth (1950) session,
requested that the organization of the technical
divisions be reviewed in an effort to increase their
efficiency and to effect all possible economies.
Studies carried on by the Air Navigation Com-
mission, in consultation with Icao member states,
indicated (1) that the large number of meetings
required by the system of 11 compartmentalized
technical divisions could be reduced by holding a
smaller number of conferences with consolidated
or grouj^ied agenda items and (2) that such a prac-
tice would result in better integration of the asso-
ciated technical subjects concerned with the safe
and efficient flight of aircrafts.
347
Report of U.N. Command Operations in Korea
FIFTY-SIXTH REPORT: FOR THE PERIOD OCTOBER 16-31, 1952'
D.N. doc. S/2920
Dated February 2, 1953
I herewith submit report number 56 of the United
Nations Command Operations in Korea for the period
16-31 October 1952, inclusive. United Nations Command
communiques numbers 1404-1419 provide detailed ac-
counts of these operations.
There were no meetings of the Armistice Delegations
during the period. On 16 October 1952, the Senior United
Nations Command Delegate answered the Communist
Senior Delegate's letter of 11 October 1952, ^ referred to
in United Nations Command Report Number 55.' The
Senior United Nations Command Delegate's reply is
quoted.*
On 16 October 1952, the Commander-in-Chief, United
Nations Command received a letter from the Communist
military commanders in Korea — Kim U Sung, Supreme
Commander of the North Korean People's Army, and Peng
Teh Huai, Commander of the Chinese Communist People's
Volunteers." The letter was a continuation of Communist
propaganda and contained completely false and unfounded
charges. The letter again repeated the so-called new pro-
posal as presented l)y the Communist Delegation on 8
October 1952, which was rejected by the United Nations
Command Delegation because it did not comply with the
' Transmitted to the Security Council by the representa-
tive of the U.S. to the U.N. on Jan. 30. Text of the 40th
report appears in the Bulletin of June 23, 1952, p. 998;
the 41st report, June 30, 1952, p. 1038; the 42d report,
July 21, 1952, p. 114; the 43d report, Aug. 4, 1952, p. 194;
the 44th report, Aug. 11, 1952, p. 231; the 45th report,
Aug. 18, 1952, p. 272 ; the 46th report, Sept. 29, 1952, p. 495 ;
the 47th report, Oct. 27, 1952, p. 668: the 48th report,
Nov. 17, 1952, p. 795 ; the 49th report, Dec. 1, 1952, p. 883 ;
the 50th report, Dec. 15, 1952, p. 958: the 51st and 52d
reports, Dec. 29, 1952, p. 1034; the 53d report, Jan. 26,
1953, p. 155; the 54th report, Feb. 9, 1953, p. 224; and the
55th report, Feb. 16, 1953, p. 276.
^ For text of the letter of Oct. 11, 1952, see ibid., Nov.
10, 1952, p. 751.
' For text of the report, see ibid., Feb. 16, 1953, p. 276.
*For text of this letter, see ibid., Nov. 10, 1952, p. 752.
' For text of the Communists' letter, see ibid.
United Nations Command's condition of no forced repatria-
tion. That portion of the Communists' letter which
repeated this proposal is quoted :
On the basis of the just demand that war prisoners
of both sides shall all be repatriated home to lead a peace-
ful life, our side proposed that when the armistice agree-
ment becomes effective, all war prisoners, may be brought
to the agreed exchange point in the demilitarized zone as
soon as your side has proposed, to be delivered to and
received by the other side. After they are delivered and
received, the Joint Red Cross Teams will vLsit the war
prisoners of both sides in accordance with paragraph 57
of the draft Korean Armistice Agreement as your side has
proposed, to explain to them that they are insured to
return home to lead a peaceful life and not to participate
again in hostilities in Korea. Thereafter considered
classification of the war prisoners will be carried out in ac-
cordance with the above-mentioned principle of classifica-
tion according to nationality and area as proposed by our
side. Repatriation will be carried out immediately after
the classification ; these tasks of exchange, visit, classifica-
tion and repatriation may be accomplished under the
observation of Neutral Nations Inspection Teams.
General Mark W. Clark, Commander-in-Chief, United
Nations Command, dispatched the letter quoted below,'
to the Communist Commanders in reply to their letter of
16 October 1952.
A series of scattered incidents throughout the pro-
Communist camps indicated continued effort by Com-
munist prisoners of war to embarrass the United Nations
Command by carefully laid plans to contest the authority
of camp commanders. The United Nations Command is
fully aware of the explosive nature of each of the pro-
Communist camps and the carefully concealed control
which is exercised by fanatical leaders. Equally, there
is some evidence to indicate that agitators, posing as anti-
Communists, have inliltrated the anti-Communist Pris-
oner of War camps for the sole purpose of creating unrest
and, if possible, incidents of violence.'
In order to reduce the opportunity of prisoners of war
° For text of General Clark's letter, dated Oct. 20, 1952,
see ibid., p. 754.
' For a summary of this evidence issued by the U.N.
Command, see ibid., Feb. 16, 1953, p. 273.
348
Department of State Bulletin
to create incidents, and so that the safety of visitors to
the Prisoner of War camps could be insured, the Com-
mander-in-Chief issued the following directive to the
Commanding General, Korean Communications Zone :
Confirming my previous instructions, regulations will
be issued and rigidly enforced at all prisoner of war and
civilian internee installations under your command, which
will prevent entrance into an occupied inclosure or com-
pound by any person, military or civilian, whose official
duties in connection with the administration, custody,
conti'ol. welfare, and security of enemy prisoners of war
and civilian internees do not require his or her presence
inside the inclosure or compound.
By the end of October, almost 10,000 civilian internees
had been released under Operation Thanksgiving and
the remaining group of about 1,000 will be set free during
early November. To all evidence, these South Koreans
were, with the help of the United Nations Civil Assistance
Command in Korea and the Republic of Korea, being ab-
sorbed rapidly into the civilian economy and were en-
countering no particular difficulty in settling into civilian
pursuits.
There was little slackening in the determination and
frequency of Communist attacks during the period. How-
ever, enemy aggressiveness was confined to several spe-
cific locations and was not as widespread as during the
previous period. The main hostile effort was expended
against the central front in an attempt to grasp key
terrain features in that area. The enemy pursued his
tactics of hurling wave after wave of men in local at-
tacks aimed at overwhelming United Nations Command
forward positions. The great majority of these hostile
attacks were repulsed with heavy losses to the enemy.
Initial hostile gains, when made, were almost without
exception eliminated by United Nations Command
counteraction. Enemy artillery and mortar fire were
utilized at every opportunity in support of his major at-
tacks with an approximate daily average of over 18,000
rounds of artillery and mortar fire falling on United
Nations Command positions during the period. This fig-
ure, which is a substantial decrease from the previous
period, reflects the fact that hostile aggressiveness was
limited to several specific areas and does not necessarily
reflect any serious diminution of enemy ammunition sup-
plies. United Nations Command forces along the entire
battle line continued to seek out hostile defenses by con-
tinual patrolling and small-scale raids against forward
enemy positions. There was no major change in Com-
munist troop dispositions along the line of contact al-
though indications strongly point to the early relief of
the two easternmost Chinese Communist Armies on the
battle line by two armies formerly in reserve.
Along the western front there were only two hostile
attacks of appreciable size both of which resulted in
temporary penetrations of United Nations Command
main defensive positions. In both instances, immediate
retaliatory attacks by United Nations Command units
expelled enemy penetrations. In one case, on 23 October,
a position near Kigong was obliged to withdraw under
pressure imposed by a reinforced enemy battalion.
Counterattacking United Nations Command elements
erased the hostile salient within several hours. To the
March 2, J 953
southwest, in the Punji area, a string of five outposts
along a 4.000 meter front was the objective of a series
of small hostile exploratory attacks on 25 October. The
two positions on the east were unable to hold and the
enemy committed a battalion in an attempt to exploit
his initial success. The partial penetration of main de-
fenses which was achieved by this Communist attack
was negated by subsequent counterattacks, and all po-
sitions, including the two outposts, were back in United
Nations Command bands by 28 October. In other areas
of the western sector, action was characterized by many
patrol clashes and small-scale raids in which positions
on the outpost lines were occupied alternately by the op-
posing sides. Near Sangyong on 18-19 October, the enemy
tested United Nations Command security elements by
launching eighteen small units against outposts in the
area. Although five positions were lost in the first phase
of the fighting, later United Nations Command counter-
action recaptured all positions.
The central front was the scene of a vicious and as
yet unended battle for control of three commanding terrain
features. The Communists have sacrificed numerous units
in attempts to seize and hold these vantage points. For
the most part, action has been indecisive with the Com-
munists being unable to achieve any substantial inroads
within the United Nations Command defensive structure.
In one area six miles southwest of Poyonggang two enemy
companies secured a United Nations Command-held out-
post on 16 October. United Nations Command forces re-
acted with a series of counterattacks, one of which gained
the hill on 23 October. This success was short-lived as the
enemy stormed back the next day in sufficient numbers to
regain the hill on which they are still dug in at the period's
close.
Another disputed area three miles northeast of Kumhwa
was the site of the heaviest ground fighting of the period
which is still in progress. The action centered around two
commanding hill features which were initially wrested
from the Communists by a United Nations Command
attack on 14 October. One of these hills located on the
western edge of the contested area has become known as
Triangle Hill. This position after being subjected to three
days of continued attack was struck by an enemy regiment
on 19 October which netted the Communists the extreme
northwestern portion of the hill feature. Several United
Nations Command counterattacks failed to regain the lost
ground. The Communists continued to attack the remain-
ing United Nations Command positions on the commanding
portion of the hill and at the close of the period an addi-
tional regimental-size attack had forced United Nations
Command defenders from the southern positions of
Triangle Hill.
Immediately to the east of Triangle Hill is located the
other denuded slope which was seized by United Nations
Command elements on 14 October. This position, com-
monly known as Sniper Ridge, has also been the daily
target of Communist assaults from company to regimental
strength. Republic of Korea troops conducted a sterling
defense of the hill trading blow for blow with the Com-
munists attempting to retake their former positions.
The crest of the hill changed hands many times in swirl-
ing hand-to-hand fights which resulted in the Communists
349
holding the northern portion and United Nations Com-
mand units contrulling the southern and dominating
portion of the ridge at the close of the period.
Another hill position southeast of Yulsa was featured
in hostile aggressive intentions. The position, known as
Finger Ridge, was the target of numerous enemy attaclcs
in September. United Nations Command defenders con-
ducted a successful defense against almost daily hostile
assaults. Several of the enemy attempts involved units
of hattalion size and were well supported by mortar and
artillery fire. However, the determined Republic of
Korea defenders did not give ground at any time and the
position remained firmly within the United Nations Com-
mand outpost system at the close of the period.
Along the eastern front, significant ground action was
confined to the Tupo area. A relative calm along the
eastern front was interrupted on 2.5 October when two
enemy companies hit the United Nations Command main
battle position three miles south of Tupo. The attempt
was an abrupt failure and a thirty minute engagement re-
sulted in the withdrawal of hostile elements. An enemy
battalion attacked other United Nations Command de-
fenses immediately to the east on 26 October. Here, hostile
troops advanced to the main line of resistance but were
repulsed after a one and a half hour firefight. Two days
later the attempt was repeated by two enemy companies.
In this attack hostile elements penetrated the forward
positions but were thrown back Ijy United Nations Com-
mand counterattack. The balance of the eastern front
■was devoid of any major action with ground combat being
confined mostly to small ineffective hostile probes and
numerous patrol clashes initiated by United Nations
Command units along the line of contact.
The majority of indications during the period pointed
toward a continued active defense by the enemy including
limited objective attacks against forward United Nations
Command positions. The majority of recently captured
prisoners of war state that the mission of their units is
to defend. Other prisoners of war state that their units
are to launch attacks in the near future which appear
to be limited in objective and scale. These same prison-
ers of war have failed to profess any knowledge of prepa-
rations for general offensive action.
United Nations Command naval aircraft operating from
fast carriers in the Sea of Japan struck pre-selected tar-
gets and targets of opportunity from the bombline to the
Manchurian border. Railroad repair and shop facilities,
marshalling yards and supply areas were hit in a major
■strike on Hyesanjin, located on the Manchurian border.
Enemy troop concentrations and supply build-ups in the
beleaguered Wonsan, Pyonggang, Yongpyong-Ni and Yang-
dok areas received special attention. Strikes were
launched almost daily throughout eastern and northeast-
ern Korea against enemy transportation facilities, supply
areas, gun positions, factories and warehouses of military
significance.
Attacks on interdiction targets resulted in numerous
rail cuts and destroyed or damaged railroad and highway
bridges, locomotives, railroad cars, trucks and boats.
Close air support sorties flown in direct siipport of
front line troops destroyed many bunkers, mortars, gun
positions and trenches and inflicted numerous casualties
on enemy troops.
United Nations Command Joint Amphibious Task
Force Seven operations provided bombardment of eneiuy
positions in the Kojo area by Navy and Air Force planes
and United Nations Command warships. An amphibious
invasion demonstration was conducted under conipleteiy
realistic conditions against well prepared enemy defenses.
Hundreds of rounds of heavy caliber ammunition were
expended by United Nations Command combat ships dur-
ing the three-day preliminary bombardment. This shell-i
ing resulted in destruction or damage to sixty-five gun
positions and twenty bunkers, with many other bunkers
and assorted targets fired on with unassessed results.
Intermittent enemy shore gunfire resulted in minor dam-
age to two United Nations Command naval vessels with
one KIA and eighteen WIA.
United Nations Command carrier-based aircraft operat-,
ing in the Yellow Sea continued their offensive strikes
against enemy installations in central west and northwest
Korea as far north as Hanchon. Throughout the Hwang-
hae Province attacks were pressed against enemy trans-
portation facilities, supply and storage areas, troop billets
and troop concentrations, gun positions, transformer sta-
tions, and warehouses and buildings of military siguifl-
cance. Many troops were strafed in the open, resulting
in many enemy casualties. The strafing of trucks and
oxcarts resulted in a number of secondary explosions.
The sluice gates in the Yonan area were hit again causing
additional breaches and damaging the gate machinery.
Shore-based Marine aircraft provided front line units
with close air support and flew combat and reconnaissance
sorties deep into enemy territory. These sorties destroyed
or damaged numerous gun and mortar positions, bunkers,
buildings, personnel and supply shelters, warehouses, rail-
road cars, railway and highway bridges and made many
rail and road cuts. Numerous personnel and troop casual-
ties were also inflicted.
Naval patrol planes supported the United Nations Com-
mand effort in Korea by daily flights which included
reconnaissance, anti-submarine and weather data missions
conducted over the waters adjoining Korea.
On the Korean west coast. United Nations Command i
surface units blockaded the Korean coastline around the
perimeter of the Hwanghae Province. The vessels success-
fully defended the friendly held islands north of the 3Sth
Parallel by maintaining constant watch and harassing i
enemy troop and gun positions on the mainland. Small
United Nations Command vessels conducted close inshore
patrols, blockade operations, and swept mines in waters off
enemy shores. Firing on enemy coastal positicms de-
stroyed gun positions, communication and transportation
facilities, supply build-ups, troop concentrations and troop
billets.
The naval blockade continued along the Korean east
coast from the bombline to Chongjin. Surface units on
day and night coastal patrols fired on key targets along
the coastal main supply route daily to maintain rail cuts,
destroy bridges and block tunnels at several points.
Locomotive and rail targets between Chaho and Songjin
were kept under constant surveillance during the peridd.
On 28 October a United Nations Command destroyer inter-
^50
Department of Stale Bulletin
cepted a locomotive and thirteen cars south of Tanchon.
With assistance from another destroyer and a naval air
strilje, the locomotive and eight cars were destroyed and
the remaining five cars were severely damaged. The
tracks were also cut in a number of places. Two battle-
ships with cruisers and destroyers assigned, rendered
direct support for front line troops at the bombline, de-
stroying enemy gun positions and bunkers and inflicting
many troop casualties. Supply areas, warehouses, fac-
tories and other targets of military significance were
damaged or destroyed at various coastal points from the
bombline to Chongjin.
The enemy was denied the use of his coastal waters for
shipping. All craft detected were taken under fire and
either destroyed or driven ashore. Enemy coastal move-
ments were kept under constant surveillance.
Enemy shore batteries along the east coast of Korea
continued to harass United Nations Command ships. On
21 October while operating near the coast southeast of
Wonsan, a United Nations Command destroyer was hit
by two T6mm shells out of about fifty fired. Seven
personnel were killed and one was wounded. One of the
ship's boilers was damaged and other minor material
casualties were suffered. On 24 October another de-
stroyer was the target for about fifteen rounds of 76mm
from an enemy shore battery in the vicinity of Wonsan.
However, no damage or casualties resulted.
United Nations Command minesweepers continued
operations to keep channels, coastal waters and anchor-
ages free of mines of all types.
United Nations Command naval auxiliary vessels, Mili-
tary Sea Transportation Service and merchant vessels
under contract provided personnel lifts and logistic sup-
port for the United Nations Command naval, air and
ground forces in Japan and Korea.
United Nations Command aircraft continued to maintain
air superiority over North Korea and to destroy Commu-
nist supplies and equipment. Jet fighter interceptor air-
craft flew patrols in the Chongchon and Yalu River areas
■on each day of operational weather, but the sightings of
•enemy jet aircraft continued to decline as they had since
September. However, Sabrejets destroyed eight of the
Russian-built MIGs and five other MIGs were damaged.
The main force of the medium bomber effort was
1 ■directed toward the destruction of supplies in several
large storage areas. Small formations were used in order
that more areas could be attacked, and returning missions
-were scheduled to hit new build-ups and supplies dispersed
■over a large area. The medium bombers opened the period
-with all attack on the Sopo-ri supply area northeast of
Pyongyang, destroying equipment and supplies in this area
-while other medium bombers hit similar targets near
Tongyu. The Sopo-rl target complex was hit five times
during the reporting period with excellent coverage
reported by United Nations Command air crews.
A military headquarters at Tosong, west of Sinanju,
was attacked by medium bombers on 17 October, and on the
same date supplies at Hukkyo-ri and Sopo-ri were
destroyed. On the following night Superforts again re-
turned to the northwestern sector of Korea to des:troy
a supply area at Namsidong. Two days later the ore
processing plant at Tasyudong was bombed with good
March 2, 1953
results. The processing plant was reportedly producing
twenty-five tons of ore concentrates daily which were being
shipped to industrial plants in IManchuria. A lead and
zinc processing plant near Okung was also attacked with
good coverage on 22 October.
In addition, the medium bombers flew fifteen leaflet
sorties over enemy rear areas and provided close air sup-
port for ground units with twenty-three sorties flown
under control of ground radar.
United Nations Command fighter bombers struck enemy
supply points and other lucrative targets, including bridges,
gun positions, vehicles, repair shops and troop concentra-
tions. The bulk of this effort was flown in the area south
of a line from Pyongyang to Wonsan. Besides supply
targets, the fighter bombers hit rail lines.
The general pattern of operations was for approximately
100 fighter bombers to attack a troop concentration or
storage area deep in enemy territory while Sabrejets flew
close cover and provided a fighter screen for the slower
aircraft. While these attacks were being carried out the
bulk of the fighter bombers were hitting targets nearer
the bombline. One of the most important targets attacked
by the fighter bombers was the Military School located at
Kumgang. Post strike photography showed that the air-
craft which hit this target started numerous fires and
almost completely destroyed the installation.
Destruction claims for the fighter bombers during the
period included numerous supply buildings, rail cuts and
gun positions and 488 casualities Inflicted on enemy troops.
Close support for United Nations Command ground
troops was also furnished by extensive fighter bomber
sorties. At the beginning of the period most of the attacks
were against enemy positions in the central sector where
the ground action was heaviest. Later in the period,
close support sorties were again spread across most of
the front line area.
Throughout the reporting period the light and fighter
bombers coordinated on operations to trap Communist
vehicles and supply trains. Fighter bombers flew armed
reconnaissance of main supply routes just before dark-
ness and made road blocks to slow or stop the regular
night traflSc moving supplies to the enemy front lines.
The light bombers then entered the area during darkness
to destroy any Red vehicles stopped on the roads. Just
before daylight the light bombers created rail and high-
way blocks and the fighter bombers took up the attack
at first light on any vehicles or trains sighted.
During the period, the light bombers gave particular
attention to the supply routes on the east coast of Korea
since reconnaissance missions and agent reports showed
an increase of traffic in that area. They also bombed
supply targets in the area north of Hamhung and in the
Wonsan area. Most of the 1,441 vehicles reported de-
stroyed during the period were credited to the light
bombers on night intruder missions.
United Nations Command transport aircraft continued
to fly logistical missions airlifting many passengers and
a heavy tonnage of cargo between Japan and Korea.
In connection with United Nations Day, 24 October,
leaflets and radio broadcasts gave extensive publicity to
the meaning of the United Nations and to the significance
of the action to repel Communist aggression in Korea.
351
During the same period, continuing emphasis was given
to the fair and reasonable proposals made by the United
Nations Command in an effort to bring peace to Korea.
These subjects were treated to a large extent in the
manner of an educational program. Reports indicate
that peoples under the domination of the Communist
leaders in North Korea are denied access to such informa-
tion through normal channels and are subjected to inten-
sive state-controller propaganda which gravely distorts
the truth.
Announcement of the results of the first phase of the
joint United Nations Command-Republic of Korea crop
survey was made during the latter part of October. The
conduct of the survey, agreed upon by both United Nations
Command and Republic of Korea survey personnel, was
based on the recognition of four categories of rice land :
(a) land under control of irrigation associations, (b) the
land under controlled Irrigation, (c) land partially Irri-
gated, and (d) non-irrigated land. Upon completion of
this phase of the survey, it was jointly agreed that 96%
(362,095 acres) of the land controlled by irrigation associa-
tions and that 97% (682,002 acres) of other land under
controlled irrigation had been planted to rice. It was
further agreed that at least 75% {407,264 acres) of land
under partial irrigation had been planted to rice. It
should be noted that normally land in the first two cate-
gories accounts for about 68.5% of the total amount of
rice produced and that land under the third category
normally accounts for about 23% of the total rice pro-
duced. Land not irrigated (fourth category) normally
accounts for only about 8.5% of the total amount of rice
produced. It was jointly agreed that a large portion of
this land is unsuited to the production of rice and should
be reclassified as suitable only for dry land crops. Acre-
ages under partial irrigation and non-irrigated land are
currently being rechecked during the second phase of the
crop survey which began 10 October.
Crop growing conditions were generally good in the
Republic of Korea as a result of August and September
rainfall. Local flood damage in limited areas is not
e.xpected to .seriously alTect the rice production of the
country. Estimates of the fall grain crop are now being
compiled.
A Joint United Nations Command-United Nations
Korean Reconstruction Agency Supply Program for
Korean Economic Aid for the fiscal year 1953 is now being
formulated. Approximately $26 million of the $1.33 million
dollar program for the remainder of the fiscal year will be
furnished by United Nations Korean Reconstruction
Agency. Fifty thousand dollars of this amount has
already been obligated by United Nations Korean Recon-
struction Agency for an Agriculture and Vocational Train-
ing School. Supply programming procedures have been
published by the Unified Command for those United Na-
tions Korean Reconstruction Agency supplies which may
be procured and/or shipped through military channels.
The United States in the United Nations, a
regular feature, will be resumed in a subsequent
issue.
Current United Nations Documents
A Selected Bibliograpliy^
Economic and Social Council
Rules of Procedure of the Economic and Social Council.
E/23.36, Nov. 21, 1952. 34 pp. mimeo.
Amendment of the Rules of Procedure of the Council and
Its Functional Commissions. Note by the Secretary-
General. E/2355, Jan. 21, 1953. 5 pp. mimeo.
Report of the Committee of Experts on the Recognition
and Enforcement Abroad of Maintenance Obligations.
(Geneva, 18-28 August 1952). E/AC.39/1, Sept. 18,
1952. 36 pp. mimeo.
Taxation of Foreign Taxpayers and Foreign Income.
Taxation of Foreign Taxpayers and Foreign Income
in New Zealand. E/CN.8/68/Add.4, Dec. 2, 1952. 27
PI), mimeo.
Calendar of Conferences for 1953. Statement made by
Representative of the Secretary-General at the 670th
Plenary Meeting of the Council, circulated at the re-
quest of the President of the Council. E/L.467, Dec.
17, 1952. 4 pp. mimeo.
THE DEPARTMENT
352
David K. E. Bruce To Serve
As U.S. Observer in Europe
White House press release dated February 18
In view of the importance which the United
States attaches to the progress being made in Eu-
rope toward developing a unified six-nation com-
munity, the President has asked David K. E.
Bruce, former Under Secretary of State, to serve
as U.S. observer to the Interim Committee of the
European Defense Community and U.S. repre-
sentative to the European Coal and Steel Com-
munity. Mr. Bruce will also follow work which
is going forward for the creation of a European
political community.
In carrying out these duties, Mr. Bruce will re-
port to the Secretary of State. He plans to depart
for Europe next week.
Resignation ■
Carlisle H. Humelsine ■
Carlisle H. Humelsine as Deputy Under Secret&ry for
Administration, effective February 13, 1953. |
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.
The United Nations Secretariat has established an Offi-
cial Records series for the General Assembly, the Security
Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Trustee-
ship Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission which
includes summaries of proceedings, resolutions, and re-
ports of the various commissions and committees. Infor-
mation on securing subscriptions to the series may be
obtained from the International Documents Service.
Department of State Bulletin
\i
President Submits Declaration on Captive Peoples to the Congress
White House press release dated February 20
The following letter, and its attached draft reso-
lution, was sent by the President to Vice President
Nixon and the Speaker of the House of Represent-
atives, Joseph W. Martin, Jr., on Fehy^ary 20.
TEXT OF THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER
Dear Mr. President:
Mr. Speaker:
In my message to Congress of February 2, 1953,
I stated that I would ask the Congress at a later
date to join in an appropriate resolution, making
clear that we would never acquiesce in the enslave-
ment of any people in order to purchase fancied
gain for ourselves, and that we would not feel that
any past agreements committed us to any such
enslavement.'
In pursuance of that portion of the message to
Congress, I now have the honor to inform you that
I am concurrently informing the President of the
Senate (the Speaker of the House) that I mvite
the concurrence of the two branches of the Con-
gress in a declaration, in which I would join as
President which would:
(1) Refer to World War II international
agreements or understandings concerning other
peoples; o • i.
(2) Point out that the leaders of the Soviet
Communist Party who now control Russia, in
violation of the clear intent of these agreements
or understandings, subjected whole nations con-
cerned to the domination of a totalitarian
imperialism;
(3) Point out that such forceful absorption ot
free peoples into an aggressive despotism increases
the threat against the security of all remaining
free peoples, including our own;
(4) State that the people of the United States,
true to their tradition and heritage of freedom,
have never acquiesced in such enslavement of any
peoples;
(5) Point out that it is appropriate that the
Congress should join with the President to give
' Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 207.
March 2, J 953
expression to the desires and hopes of the Ameri-
can people; , o i
(6) Conclude with a declaration that the Senate
and the House join with the President in declaring
that the United States rejects any interpretations
or applications of any international agreements or
understandings, made during the course of World
War II, which have been perverted to bring about
the subjugation of free peoples, and further join
in proclaiming the hope that the peoples, who have
been subjected to the captivity of Soviet despot-
ism, shall again enjoy the right of self-deternuna-
tion within a framework which will sustain the
peace; that they shall again have the right to
choose the form of government under which they
will live, and that sovereign rights of self-govern-
ment shall be restored to them all in accordance
with the pledge of the Atlantic Charter.
I am enclosing a form of draft resolution, which,
in my opinion, carries out the purposes outlined
above, and in which I am prepared to concur.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
TEXT OF DRAFT RESOLUTION
Whereas, During World War II, representa-
tives of the United States, during the course of
secret conferences, entered into various interna-
tional agreements or understandings concerning
other peoples ; and
Whereas, The leaders of the Soviet Communist
Party, who now control Russia, have, in violation
of the clear intent of these agreements or under-
standings, subjected the peoples concerned, in-
cluding whole nations, to the domination of a
totalitarian imperialism; and
Whereas, Such forcible absorption of free peo-
ples into an aggressive despotism increases the
threat against the security of all remaining free
peoples including our own; and
Whereas, The people of the United States, true
to their tradition and heritage of freedom, are
never acquiescent in such enslavement of any peo-
ples; and
353
Whereas, It is appropriate that the Congress
join with the President in giving expression to the
desires and hopes of the people of the United
States : Therefore be it
Resolved, That the Senate and House con-
curring,
Join with the President in declaring that the
United States rejects any interpretations or appli-
cations of any international agreements or under-
standings, made during the course of World War
II, which have been perverted to bring about the
subjugation of free peoples, and further
Join in proclaiming the hope that the peoples
who have been subjected to the captivity of Soviet
despotism shall again enjoy the right of self-
determination within a framework which will
sustain the peace; that they shall again have the
right to choose the form of government under
which they will live, and that sovereign rights of
self-government shall be restored to them all in
accordance with the pledge of the Atlantic
Charter.
President Requests More Facts
Concerning Tariffs on Brier Pipes
White House press release dated February 18
The President today moved to obtain additional
information from the Tariff Commission before he
makes a final decision on its recommendations
that import duties on low-priced brier pipes be
increased.
He is sending, simultaneously, a letter to the
Tariff Commission, requesting that it conduct a
further study of the brier pipe situation, and out-
lining several points in the case concerning which
he feels information is essential. He also is send-
ing identical letters reporting on his action to the
Chairmen of the House Ways and Means Commit-
tee [Representative Daniel A. Reed], and the Sen-
ate Finance Committee [Senator Eugene D.
Millikin].
The President, in his State of the Union mes-
sage,' recommended that the Congress "take the
Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act under imme-
diate study and extend it by appropriate legisla-
tion," which does not ignore the "legitimate
safeguarding of domestic industries, agriculture,
and labor standards."
In his letters to the chairmen of the congressional
committees, the President points out that earnest
consideration is being given to the policies and
actions required for our helpful economic coop-
eration with the free world but that basic to
decisions in this field is the constant necessity that
we preserve our own economic strength while be-
ing helpful to others.
The President considers the brier pipe case to
' Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 207.
354
be one part of the general problem of foreign trade.
He does not wish to make a final decision in this
particular case until he has reviewed the addi-
tional facts, which he has requested from the
Tariff Commission, and has developed at an early
date recommendations on basic trade policies for
the consideration of the Congress.
Texts of the President's letter to the Chairman
of the U. S. Tariff Commission [Oscar B. Ryder]
and to the chairmen of the congressional com-
mittees follow.
The President to the Chairman
of the Tariff Commission
Dear Mr. Chairman: I have examined with
care the report of the Commission dated Decem-
ber 22, 1952, making recommendations pursuant to
Section 7 of the Trade Agreements Extension Act
of 1951, for adjustments in the duties of brier
wood pipes valued at $5.00 per dozen or less. As
a result of my examination, I have today advised
the Chairmen of the Committee on Ways and
Means of the House of Representatives and of the
Committee on Finance of the Senate that I shall
not, at this time, disturb the existing tariffs on
these products.
In order to make an appropriate final decision
I am anxious to have the help of the Commission
in developing further facts which seem to me to be
significant.
I am advised that during the postwar period,
large quantities of pipes acquired by our armed
forces for sale through Ships Stores and Post Ex-
changes were placed on the market as surplus
stocks. I should like to know the relationship of
these sales to the industry's recent difficulties. I
should also like to have any information which can
be reasonably obtained by the Commission con-
cerning the relevant foreign and domestic produc-
tion costs for such pipes and bowls, including
comparative labor costs. In addition, I should
like to have the Commission's view of the signifi-
cance of invoice data not heretofore available to
the Commission which suggests that a large part
of United States imports may have consisted of
pipes of a quality and price range not generally
produced by the domestic industry. Finally,
there have been recent statements by leaders of the
industry indicating a recent upturn in the domes-
tic pipe business which would bear further
investigation.
May I, therefore, request the Commission to
proceed with a further study of the problems of
this industry especially those I have outlined
above. Upon receipt of this further report, I
shall reexamine the case and make such final de-
cision as may be necessary and appropriate.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
Department of State Bulletin
The President to Senator Millikin and
Representative Daniel A. Reed
Dear Mr. Chairman : In December 1951, repre-
sentatives of the brier pipe industry of the XJiiited
States, pursuant to Section 7 (a) of the Trade
A<Treements Extension Act of 1951, applied to
the United States Tariff Commission for an in-
vesti-^ation of the imports of brier wood pipes
and bowls, contending that such imports into the
United States were occurring in increased quan-
tities and were causing or threatening to cause
serious injury to the domestic industry producing
like or directly competitive products. I'f Com-
mission during the months of January and Febru-
ary 195-2, held hearings and carried out stall in-
vestigations on the problem. ... ,
On December 2-2, 1952, the Commission issued
a report of its findings and recommended certain
increases in the duties on brier wood pipes valued
at $5 per dozen or less. Pursuant to Section 7(c),
I may "make such adjustments in the rates ot
duty, impose such quotas, or make such other mod-
ifications as are found and reported by the Com-
mission to be necessary to prevent or remedy
serious injury to the respective domestic indus-
try." Since I am not taking such action withm the
60-day period provided by Section 7 (c), I am
submitting this report. „ , „ . . t
In reviewing the findings of the Commission, i
have decided that I should like further assistance
from it in developing additional facts which seem
to me to be significant. .
I am advised that during the postwar period,
large quantities of pipes acquired by our armed
forces for sale through Ships Stores and lost
Exchan<Tes were placed en the market as surplus
stocks. ^I should like to know the relationship
of these sales to the industry's recent difficulties.
I should also like to have any information which
can be reasonably obtained by the Commission
about the relevant foreign and domestic produc-
tion costs for such pipes and bowls, including
comparative labor costs. In addition, I should
like to have the Commission's view of the sig-
nificance of invoice data not heretofore available
to the Commission which suggests that a large
part of the United States imports may have con-
sisted of pipes of a quality and price range not
generally produced by the domestic industry.
Finally, there have been recent statements by
leaders of the industry indicating a recent upturn
in the domestic pipe business which would bear
further investigation.
The Administration is giving earnest consid-
eration to the policies and actions required for our
helpful economic cooperation with the free world.
Basic to decisions in this field is the constant neces-
sity that we preserve our own economic strength
while being helpful to others. I expect to develop
at an early date recommendations on these im-
portant matters for the consideration of the Con-
gress. The tariff problem typified by this case is
one part of the whole question.
So as to assist me in reaching an ultimate de-
cision on this case, I am requesting the Commission
to proceed with a further investigation of the
problems of this industry, especially those I have
outlined. I shall review its further report and
make such final decision as may be necessary and
appropriate.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Feb. 16-20, 1953
Relea.ses may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for I'ress Relations, Department
of State, Washington 2.5, D.C.
Press releases issued prior to Feb. 16 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. SO of
Feb. 10 and 83 of Feb. 11.
No. Date Subject
90 2/16 Dulles: Litliuania, Estonia anniversaries
91 2/17 German external debts
92 2/18 Dulles: Blockade of China coast
9.3 2/18 Dulles : Lilieration of captive peoples
94 2/20 U.S. note to Rumania on Ploesti trial
9.5 2/20 U.S. representatives to U.N. nominated
96 2/20 Trade promotion conference (Ecafe)
97 2/20 Air navigation conference (IcAo)
98 2/20 Entry into U.S. of Saudi Arabian news-
men
March 2, 1953
355
March 2, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 714
Agriculture
Progress toward easing world's food shortages
(Mccormick) 343
American Principles
Berlin: Outpost of Western civilization
(Conant) 327
Effecting a strong alliance between Asiatic-
Pacific and Western nations (Cowen) . . . 331
The practicing partnership of free nations
(Stassen) 336
American Republics
The value of close hemispheric cooperation
(Cabot) 338
Asia
Blockade of the China coast (Dulles) .... 335
KOREA: UN. Command operations in Korea
(56th report) 348
SAUDI ARABIA: Entry of Journalists Into U.S. . 340
Aviation
Air navigation conference (Icao) 347
Claims and Property
Agreement on German debts to be signed . . . 329
Congress
Liberation of captive peoples (Dulles) .... 330
President requests more facts concerning tariffs
on brier pipes (letters to Ryder, Millikln,
Reed) 354
President submits declaration on captive peo-
ples 353
Europe
David K. E. Bruce to serve as U.S. observer In
Europe 352
GERMANY :
Agreement on German debts to be signed . . 329
Berlin: Outpost of Western civilization (Con-
ant) 327
U.S., Germany implementing report on Berlin
economy 328
Greetings sent to peoples of Baltic states
(Dulles) 330
Interim report on flood relief in U.K. and West-
ern Europe (Dulles) 335
RUMANIA: U.S. sends protest on Ploestl "trial"
(text of note) 333
U.S.S.R.: Liberation of captive peoples (Dulles) . 330
YUGOSLAVIA: International Bank grants $30,-
000,000 loan 339
Finance
Agreement on German debts to be signed . . . 329
International Bank grants $30,000,000 loan to
Yugoslavia 339
Human Rights
President submits declaration on captive peo-
ples to the Congress 353
Immigration and Naturalization
Entry of Saudi Arabian Journalists Into U.S. . 340
International Meetings
Calendar of Meetings 341
Progress toward easing world's food shortages
(Mccormick) 343
Public health conference 346
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Air navigation conference (Icao) 847
Trade promotion conference (ECArE) .... 346
Mutual Security
Effecting a strong alliance between Aslatlc-Pa-
clflc and Western nations (Cowen) .... 331
Evaluation teams to study Mutual Security
Program 337
Practicing partnership of free nations (Stas-
sen) 336
US.. Germany Implementing report on Berlin
economy 328
Value of close hemispheric cooperation (Cabot) . 338
Philippines
Effecting a strong alliance between Asiatic-Pa-
cific and Western nations (Cowen) . . . 331
Presidential Documents
CORRESPONDENCE: President submits decla-
ration on captive peoples to the Congress . 353
Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property
U.S. sends protest to Rumania on Ploestl "trial"
(text of note) 333
State, Department of
David K. E. Bruce to serve as U.S. observer in
Europe 352
Entry of Saudi Arabian Journalists into U.S. . . 340
Resignation (Humelslne) 352
Trade
President requests more facts concerning tarifls
on brier pipes 354
Trade promotion conference (Ecate) .... 346
Treaty Information
Agreement on German debts to be signed . . . 329
United Nations
Blockade of the China coast (Dulles) .... 335
International Bank grants $30,000,000 loan to
Yugoslavia 339
Nomination of U.S. representatives to the U.N. . 345
Progress toward easing world's food shortages
(McCormick) 343
Public health conference 346
U.N. Command operations in Korea (56tli
report) 343
U.N. Documents: A selected bibliography . . . 352
Trade promotion conference (Ecafe) .... 346
Name Index
Braderman, Eugene M 346
Bruce, David K. E 352
Cabot, John M 333
Conant, James B 327
Cowen, Myron M 331
Dulles, Secretary 330, 335
Eisenhower, President 353, 354
Gross, Ernest A 345
Humelslne, Carlisle H 352
Hyde, Dr. Henry van Zlle 346
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 345
McCormick, Clarence J 343
Sanders, William 345
Shantz, Harold 333
Smith, Claude H 347
Stassen, Harold E 336, 337
Sutter, Dr. Arnoldo 346
Wadsworth, James J 345
D. t. COVERHHEHT PBISTIMt OPPICIl l»M
^/i€/ ulefia/y£wien{/ /(w C/tat&
Vol. XXVIII, No. 715
March 9, 1953
PURPOSE OF RESOLUTION ON CAPTIVE PEOPLES •
Statement by Secretary Dulles ^'2
THE FACTS OF THE KOREAN SITUATION • Statement
by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 382
FINANCIAL RELATIONS WITH GERMANY:
Agreement for Validation of Dollar Bonds .... 376
External Debt Settlement 373
DEMOCRACY AND COMMUNISM IN THE MODERN
WORLD • by Ernest A. Gross 386
THE PROBLEMS OF TUNISIA AND MOROCCO IN
THE SEVENTH SESSION OF THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY « Article by Harry N. Hotmrd .... 359
For index set back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
MAR 3 0 1953
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March 9, 1953
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OF State Bulletin as the source will be
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The Problems of Tunisia and Morocco
in the Seventh Session of the General Assembly
hy Harry N. Howard
Wliether designed to handle such problems,
the United Nations, from its very inception has
been confronted with difficult and complicated
issues of trusteeship and non-self-governing ter-
ritories, as was the League of Nations before it.
Since 1951, in particular, the General Assembly
has been faced with the question of Morocco,
which has raised all kinds of issues from that of
its competence to deal with this question to that
of whether, in any case, the United Nations is an
appropriate forum through which to find viable
solutions. But whatever the immediate or ulti-
mate answers to be given to such questions, the
problems of Tunisia and Morocco may serve as
illustrations of the type of issues which are in-
creasingly coming before the General Assembly
from the Arab- Asian-African world.
Tunisia became a protectorate of France under
the treaties of Bardo (May 12, 1881) and La
Marsa (June 8, 1883). Under the General Act
of Algeciras (Apr. 7, 1906) the independence
and integrity of Morocco were reaffirmed, and by
the Treaty of Fez (Mar. 30, 1912), the Sultan
accepted a French protectorate.^ The problems
which have arisen, both in Tunisia and in Mo-
rocco, along the North African shores of the
Mediterranean, are essentially a development of
the growing nationalist sentiment among the
Arabic-speaking peoples of this area.
During 1950 France and Tunisia entered into
negotiations looking toward reforms which would
advance the latter along the road toward self-
government, although it did not prove possible to
satisfy the Tunisian nationalist leaders who at-
tempted to bring their differences before the Se-
curity Council in April 1952. The tension between
Morocco and France was brought formally to the
notice of the General Assembly on October 4, 1951,
' For texts see (1) Bardo (Martens, N. R. O., 2d series,
6:507); (2) La Marsa (ibid., 9:697); (3) General Act
of Algeciras (tftid., 34: 238) ; (4) Fez (ibid., 3d series,
6: 332).
when the Egyptian Government requested that the
alleged "Violation of the principles of the Charter
and of the Declaration of Human Eights by
France in Morocco" be placed on the agenda of
the Sixth Session in Paris. The Egyptian request
was soon followed by similar action on the part
of the other members of the Arab league.-
Wlien the problem of placing the Moroccan
item on the agenda came before the General Com-
mittee, the representative of Canada proposed that
the matter be "postponed for the time being." The
French representative questioned the competence
of the General Assembly to consider the problem
at all, and Ambassador Warren R. Austin, U.S.
representative to the United Nations, expressed
doubt that discussion of the complex issue would
promote the cause of the Moroccan people. In the
end, the motion to postpone the question was car-
ried on November 9, by a vote of 6 to 4, with 4
abstentions.^ The question of inclusion came be-
fore the plenary session on November 13, 1951,
when the representative of Egypt once more
sought inscription of the Moroccan item. The
representative of France, however, denied the alle-
gations involved, stated that the policy of France
in Morocco had always been consonant with the
Charter, and repeated that the question was one
within the essential domestic jurisdiction of
France and, therefore, not within the competence
of the General Assembly under article 2 (7) of
the Charter.
At the suggestion of the Egyptian representa-
tive, and in view of the French statement, the
question was postponed, and discussion was not
resumed until December 13 when Sir ZafruUa
Khan of Pakistan, among others, supported inclu-
sion. Sir Zafrulla reminded the General Assem-
bly that "the dependent areas and peoples are
all of Asia and Africa ; the dominant peoples are
= U.N. docs. A/1894, A/1898, 1904, 1908, 1909, 1918, 1954,
1980. For a brief review, see U.N. doc. A/2141, pp. 44-47
' U.N. docs. A/BUR/SR. 75, 76 ; A/BUR/127 ; A/1950.
March 9, J 953
359
of Europe and America" and declared that the
manner in whicli the question of Morocco, involv-
ing "the independence of 9 million human beings,"'
■was handled would provide "a measure, a stand-
ard, a yardstick" by which Arab-Asian-African
representatives could judge other items to be placed
on the agenda of future sessions. Ambassador
Ernest A. Gross, U. S. representative to the Gen-
eral Assembly, indicated that the United States
would support postponement, as it had done in
the General Committee, because of its view that
the interests of both parties would be served
better by direct negotiations than by animated
discussion in the General Assembly. By a vote
of 28 to 23, with 7 abstentions, it was finally de-
cided that discussion of whether to include the
Moroccan issue should be deferred.*
When 11 Arab- Asian- African States sought to
place the Tunisian issue on the agenda of the
Security Council, Ambassador Gross, on April
10, 1952, indicated that the French reform pro-
gram offered a basis for the resumption of nego-
tiations "looking toward the establishment of
home rule in Tunisia." He expressed the hope
that France would "bring about far-sighted and
genuine reforms in Tunisia," emphasized the
desirability of direct negotiations, declared that
the Security Council would "remain open to any
member of the United Nations to bring the ques-
tion to the Council's attention again," and stated
that the United States would "naturally re-assess
the situation if that is done." ' The vote on April
14 was 5 to 2, with Greece, the Netherlands, Tur-
key, and the United States abstaining. Since the
required 7 affirmative votes were not obtained,
the question was not inscribed. Secretary Ache-
son reaffirmed the American position on April
16, stressing that "the sound way to proceed here
is to give time for the French authorities and the
Tunisian authorities to discuss, negotiate, and
find a solution," and adding : "Now if they can't,
another situation is created." *
On June 20, 1952, Secretary-General Trygve Lie
received a request from 13 Arab- Asian States that
a special session of the General Assembly be called
to consider the Tunisian problem.' However, by
July 21 this move had failed, since only 23 States
favored it, whereas a majority was required. The
same delegations on July 30 requested that the
question be included in the provisional agenda of
the Seventh Session. The accompanying memo-
randum recalled that in April, 11 Arab-Asian
members had brought the problem to the attention
of the Security Council as a threat to international
peace and security and declared that the situation
' U.N. docs. A/PV.342, 348, 353, 354 ; A/C.1/SR.450.
•U.N. docs. S/PV.574, S/PV.575, pp. 1-30; S/PV.576,
pp. 11-20. See also S/2508, S/2574-25S4, and S/2.598.
• Bulletin of Apr. 2S, 1952, p. 678. See also ibid., May
19, 1952, p. 799, for criticism, and Senator Hill's state-
ment, Cong. Rec, vol. 98, No. 69, pp. 3724-3725.
' U.N. docs. A/2137, 2143.
had further deteriorated since the Council's re-
fusal to consider the matter. The memorandum
declared that the expected Franco-Tunisian nego-
tiations had not materialized, that tension had in-
creased, and that there was now "a dee]) sense of
frustration among people in many countries of the
world, and especially in Asian and African
countries." *
Iraq asked for inscription of the Moroccan item
on the agenda on August 7 ; this request was super-
seded on September 3 by a joint request from 13
Arab-Asian delegations. An explanatory memo-
randum stated that "in the face of the rising tide of
nationalism in Africa," continuation of the French
protectorate in Morocco could not "but constitute
a mounting threat to the peace," and contended
that the Treaty of Fez had been imposed on the
Sultan of Morocco. It also charged that human
rights were denied in contravention of the prin-
ciples of the Charter.*
The Problems of Tunisia and Morocco In the Gen-
eral Debate
INSCRIPTION ON THE AGENDA OF THE SEVENTH SESSION
"VVlien the General Assembly convened on Octo-
ber 14, 1952, it seemed all but certain that the
Tunisian and Moroccan items would be included
on the agenda of the Seventh Session, despite the
announcement of the French Cabinet on October 7
that France would "accept no interference in these
questions, which relate essentially to the national
competence of France." The General Committee
discussed the provisional agenda on October 15,
and when it came to the Tunisian and Moroccan
items, Henri Hoppenot of France, "protested in-
dignantly" against the accusations, stated that he
would not take refuge in procedural argument,
declared that his Government found "the inter-
ference of the United Nations in matters which
were exclusively within its national jurisdiction
wholly unacceptable," and announced that he
would not take part in any discussion or in any
vote on the inclusion of these items.'"
On the otlier hand, the United States upheld the
Assembly's competence and voted for inscription,
without prejudice as to its subsequent substantive
position concerning the issues. The General Com-
mittee recommended inclusion. Two days later,
on October 17, without discussion or opposition,
the General Assembly approved inscription.^'
SOME WESTERN POINTS OF VIEW
In view of the serious implications involved, a
number of speakers in the general debate during
the early plenary meetings took particular note of
the problems of Tunisia and Morocco. Already,
' U.N. doc. A/2152.
" U.N. docs. A/2153, 2175, and 2175/Add. 1, 2.
'° U.N. docs. A/BUR/SR.79, p. 3 ; A/2225/Rev. 1.
" U.N. doc. A/PV.380, p. 51.
360
Department of State Bulletin
in his 1952 annual report, the Secretary-General
had referred to the problem of political, economic,
and social adjustments between the more advanced
Western nations and the underdeveloped nations,
■which was especially acute 'in parts of Asia, the
Middle East and North Africa" and constituted
"one of the greatest challenges to contemporary
civilization." ^-
Similarly, the President of the General Assem-
bly, Lester Pearson, emphasized these issues and
declared that the United Nations should meet the
tests "without violating the Charter." Secretary
Acheson, mindful of the great achievements in the
field of self-determination since 1945, particularly
in Asia, suggested in his address of October 16 that
there were differences only as to method and tim-
ing, not of purpose, and that pi'oblems of this kind
could be "solved through wise statesmanship." "
T. Clifton Webb of New Zealand, who counseled
patience, also pointed to the significant role which
the United Nations had already played with re-
spect to non-self-governing territories "in their
development of international status," but he was
concerned about the competence of the United
Nations." His Commonwealth colleague, Sir
Richard G. Casey of Australia, who spoke on
October 20, was also troubled by this aspect of the
problem.^^ The Foreign Minister of Belgium,
Paul van Zeeland, developed the same point of
view when the general debate was resumed on
November 10, following the U.S. elections. He
stressed that in the last several years discussions
on these subjects had taken a form which was "in
ill keeping with the spirit of cooperation that the
members of the United Nations pledged them-
selves to maintain among themselves. The result-
ing uneasiness might, in the long run, even injure
the United Nations itself." ^^
Foreign Secretary Eden of the United Kingdom
dwelt in more detail on the problems at issue in
his address of November 11." Mr. Eden had few
apologies to make, as the representative of a
"colonial power," and indicated that he was "very
well aware of the wide desire for self-government
in Asia and Africa," pointing to the long British
record in advancing the development of depend-
ent areas. But he was disturbed lest the terms of
the Charter be stretched beyond recognition. He
said:
. . . Either tliese lands can continue, with the help
of countries like my own, their orderly progress towards
self-government. Or they can be prematurely abandoned
by us and exposed to anarchy or despotism, so that all
liberal tendencies are smothered, perhaps for generations.
There is no question in my mind as to which of these
" U.N. doc. A/2141/Add. 1.
" U.N. docs. A/PV.377, p. 10 ; A/PV.380, p. 42. See also
Bulletin of Oct. 27, 1952, p. 639.
" U.N. doc. A/PV.3S0, p. 36.
" U.N. doc. A/PV.3S-1, pp. 107-108.
" U.N. doc. A/PV.392, pp. 188-189.
" U.N. doc. A/PV.393, p. 210.
courses most closely fits the purpose of the Charter ol
the United Nations. . . .
... If we attempt to stretch the meaning of the
Charter and extend the areas in which the United Nations
has jurisdiction, we run grave risks — unless we can carry
all our fellow members with us — of weakening the very
structure of the United Nations. For this reason I regard
it as very dangerous that this Organization should at-
tempt to intervene in the domestic affairs of member
states, or that it should in any way contravene the terms
of article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter.
The object of our Organization is to promote general
international co-operation and good feeling. It was never
intended to be an agency for controlling the domestic
policies of its various members or for intervening between
them and the territories for which they are internationally
responsible.
THE POSITION OF FRANCE
It remained for Robert Schuman, the Foreign
Minister of France, to set forth the position of
France precisely and in detail. M. Schuman
said on November 10 '* that he considered the essen-
tial thing was "to abide strictly by the Charter,"
and that he was —
compelled to warn this Assembly' not only against the
injustice which some persons would have it commit,
against the insult which this accusation represents to
his country, against the repercussions which any inter-
vention, whatever form it took, would inevitably have
outside the United Nations, but also and above all against
the harm which would thereby be done to the Organization
itself.
M. Schuman indicated that France was per-
forming a task in North Africa which it would
continue to perform and pursue "with faith and
pride." He dwelt at length on the subject of
competence, under article 2 (7) of the Charter,
declaring that "the only eventuality in which the
United Nations could be led to intervene is that
provided for in Chapter VII, that is, in the case
of 'threats to the peace, breaches of the peace, and
acts of aggression,' " although no one had seriously
contended, he said, that there was a threat to the
peace. In the absence of such a threat or breach,
the United Nations was "not competent to exam-
ine the situations brought about by the two treaties
or to intervene to any extent whatever in the
relations existing between the two North African
States and France."
M. Schuman described some of the problems of
Tunisia and Morocco, going back to the treaties
involved, and stating that the two countries were
"included in France's national defense perimeter
and plans." He added that, with the aid of France,
they were developing, and finding markets and
economic assistance within the more extensive
French economic system. Moreover, the nationals
of Tunisia and Morocco had "access to the cultural
heritage of France on the same terms as French
citizens," while France "scrupulously respected
their traditions, institutions, civilization, and re-
ligion." At the time the treaties establishing
" U.N. doc. A/PV.392, pp. 193-200.
/March 9, 1953
361
French protectorates in Tunisia and Morocco were
signed, according to M. Schuman, both countries,
politically and administratively, were "crudely
organized and almost in a state of anarchy," with
low standards of living. The sovereignty of the
reigning dynasties had been strengthened and sta-
bility restored. Among the first concerns of the
French were to raise living standards, improve
social conditions, and establish law and order so
that the people might have that "hope and con-
fidence without which no human effort is possible."
M. Schuman pointed to the agricultural develop-
ment of Tunisia, where 90 percent of the farmland
was owned by Tunisians; in Morocco 9i percent
of the land was cultivated by Moroccan owners.
Steps had been taken in both countries to improve
health and sanitary conditions and to enact social
legislation modeled directly on that of France.
In both countries the system of communications
had been vastly improved, and the port of Casa-
blanca had developed to the point where it han-
dled some 7,500,000 tons of goods annually. There
was a systematic program of education in both
Tunisia and Morocco, France having taken the
initiative to educate both peoples in democracy.
Recent negotiations with the Bey of Tunis, Iif.
Schuman remarked, had been carried on in the
open, and both the Sultan of Morocco and the
Bey of Tunis were "perfectly free to make their
attitude known" and could "state it formally in
public." He thought it "extremely rash" to at-
tempt to burden the United Nations "with the
responsibility for determining the future organi-
zation of two rapidly developing countries," and
declared that France was "not going to let itself
be ousted."
Wliat was the policy of France in Tunisia and
Morocco? On French initiative, both countries
had been admitted without opposition to associate
membership in the World Health Organization of
the United Nations. France had been flexible in
its position and had kept in tune with the times.
With particular reference to Tunisia, M. Schuman
stated that France had —
submitted to the Bey a detailed programme of new reforms
which would constitute a step forward toward internal
self-government. They would bring about extensive par-
ticipation by Tunisians in public affairs. Our purpose is
that the Tunisians should be able to assume ever-increas-
ing responsibilities. We particularly want the support of
young Tunisians, who are given priority in all the adminis-
trative careers in their country. In this way we are trying
to spread democratic organization at all levels, starting
at the bottom, in the municipalities and other local com-
munities. Then, as these reforms are gradually put into
effect and tested in practice, France will be prepared
gradually to give up the powers which it holds under the
treaties and exercises at present on behalf of sovereign
Tunisia by virtue of a contractual delegation.
The development in Morocco had begun 30 years
later than that in Tunisia and had moved along
different lines. M. Schuman pointed out, however,
that —
the final objective ... is the same : to establish Morocco
with its dynasty as a sovereign State, to develop its
I)olitical and social institutions on democratic founda-
tions within a progressively expanding area of self-gov-
ernment, to protect all interests, and to make the best
use of all resources and help, so that, working har-
moniously together, we may insure the welfare of Morocco
and all its inhabitants. We have recently given an as-
surance of those aims to His Majesty the Sultan, and
we are always prepared to reach an understanding on
these principles and the methods of applying them, just
as we have been and still are prepared to do in Tunis.
As M. Schuman concluded his statement, he re-
minded the Assembly again that more than the
interests of France was involved in this sphere, for
the United Nations itself was "threatened by a
distortion which would be pernicious to itself, to
the member states and to the cause of peace." Like
other nations, France had risen above "the out-
moded concept of colonialism." As an illustration
of French progress in the administration of over-
seas territories, M. Schuman noted the broad con-
cept of the French Union, with its provisions
for self-government and responsibility. On the
other hand, it was "an all-too-common fallacy"
to think that "the supreme good for a people"
lay "in tmlimited and absolute independence,"
especially in the modern world. For all these
reasons, the French Government declared itself —
compelled in all conscience to warn the Assembly against
the consequences of an interference to whicli in no case
and under no conditions could it consent. Consequently
my Government can agree to discuss neither the principle
nor the manner of such interference.
France will not be failing in the respect it owes the
United Nations, or in the loyalty which it has pledged
and still pledges in respect of all its international com-
mitments, if it feels bound to protest against what it
regards as a fatal mistake and a dangerous misunder-
standing of one of the fundamental principles of the
Charter.
THE ARAB-ASIAN-AFRICAN POSITION
The Latin American States, which had an anti-
colonial tradition, were inclined to take a mod-
erate view of these problems, while the Soviet
Union and its satellites sought, as usual, to exploit
the Tunisian and IMoroccan issues for Communist
purposes." The Arab-Asian-African States pro-
fessed a very direct interest in the issues and were
not inclined to accept either the general Western
European approach as to the competence of the
General Assembly, or the French position.
Fadhil Al-Jamali, the Foreign Minister of Iraq,
for example, on October 16 ^^ paid particular at-
tention to Tunisia and Morocco, noting, among
other things, that the great democratic principles
of the West provided "lofty aims and ideals which
await not local, continental or partial observance,
but full and universal application." He felt that
there was little hope for peace in the world "if the
nineteenth-century ideas of colonialism, superior-
•»See U.N. docs. A/PV.382, pp. 74-83, A/PV.383, pp.
90-100, for the addresses of Mr. Stanislaw Skrzesewskl
(Poland) and Andrei Vyshinsky (U.S.S.R.).
" U.N. doc. A/PV.379, pp. 27-31.
362
Department of State Bulletin
ity of the white man and the 'white man's burden
were "not finally abandoned by the colonial Pow-
ers." He had no doubt of the growing political
consciousness of the peoples of North Africa, and
declared that the General Assembly was at a cru-
cial stage in world history, since a "testing point"
had been reached in international relations "be-
tween the European nations, on one side, and the
Asian and African peoples, on the other."
He added :
For over two centuries, Europe has dominated many
parts of Asia and Africa. Now both Asia and Africa are
rising Political consciousness, the desire for freedom and
independence, the desire for a place in the sun, and the
rejection of foreign domination and exploitation, are the
order of the day in Asia and in some parts of Africa. . . .
The independence of India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Ceylon,
Burma and others certainly points in the right direction.
We sincerely hope that other colonial Powers will follow
suit and contribute to a friendly and pleasant atmosphere
of international understanding between Europe, on the
one hand, and the Asian and African peoples, on the
other.
More particularly, Dr. Jamali believed that bal-
anced discussion of the Tunisian and Moroccan
problems could help France in reaching "a friendly
and liberating settlement." To him it appeared
useless to argue the question of "domestic jurisdic-
tion," for he pointed out that Tunisia and Morocco
were "sovereign States," in treaty relationship
with France, and that there was an international
interest in the problem. In the end, he expressed
hope that "the people of France will come to ap-
preciate the fact that the peoples of North Africa
have their national aspirations and that the prin-
ciples of liberie, egalite, fraternite apply to the
peoples of North Africa as well as to those of
France."
Mohammed Kabir Ludin of Afghanistan, and
Secretary of State Gabriel L. Dennis of Liberia,
expressed similar views, although within a much
more general context.-^ Mme. Vijaya Lakslimi
Pandit, who led the Indian delegation, on Novem-
ber 11 alluded to India's achievement of independ-
ence, as well as to Indonesia and Libya, and
stated : ^^
We deeply sympathize with the peoples of Tunisia and
Morocco in their desire for self-government. It is their
legitimate aspiration, and we had thought that the politi-
cal wisdom and sense of history of the great Power gov-
erning their destinies would lead to a statesmanlike
approach to the problems arising out of their
demands. ... .
I should like to emphasize the fact that new life is
stirring in the continents of Asia and Africa, of which
the General Assembly should take due note. In the first
half of the present century, we saw the emergence in
Asia of a movement for self-expression and self-develop-
ment. It was handled by the parties concerned with real-
ism and statesmanship, and the results are seen today
both in terms of good will and in the awakening of the
other peoples of Asia to their new responsibilities. We
hope that similar realism and statesmanship will be ap-
plied to similar movements in other areas.
" U.N. docs. A/PV.380, pp. 39-40 ; A/PV.382, pp. 73-74.
" U.N. doc. A/PV.393, pp. 206-207.
James Barrington of Burma also hoped that it
would be "possible for France to make the read-
justment demanded by the times without too
much difficulty or delay." '»
Ahmed Mohamed Farrag of Egypt carried the
discussion forward on November 12," stressing
that the Tunisian and Moroccan peoples deserved
the support of the United Nations, and declared
that a solution "in conformity with the principle
of self-determination and in the interests of in-
ternational peace and security" must be found.^
Sir Zafrulla Khan of Pakistan expressed similar
sentiments; he emphasized that "political domi-
nation of one people by another is today an anach-
ronism and a destructive one," although it was
"not possible to get rid of it at once." He saw no
reason why the process of adjustment could not
"be carried out in complete friendliness between
the parties primarily concerned in each case,"
and, as the only alternative, saw sharp and bitter
conflict.2^ Foreign Minister Ato Abte-Wold
Aklilou of Ethiopia touched generally on the
principle of self-determination.^"
The general debate ended on November 13, with
Foreign Minister Zafer Rifai of Syria continuing
the Arab-Asian protest against "colonialism"
and charging that Morocco, Tunisia, and other
Arab principalities, which historically had en-
joyed an "organized and acknowledged sover-
eignty," were dependent countries." By grant-
ing Tunisia and Morocco full independence. Dr.
Rifai declared, France would be "taking a worthy
step, consistent with its liberal traditions." More-
over, he felt that peace itself depended on "the
liberation of peoples."
Dr. Jamali of Iraq, who intervened a second
time in the debate to reply to M. Schuman,^^
thought it inconsistent that the latter, on the one
liand, should invoke article 2 (7) of the Charter,
in the matter of domestic jurisdiction, and on the
other, state that France was in treaty relationship
with the two sovereign communities of Tunisia
and Morocco. He could not accept the rest of the
French thesis, either, and appealed to the French
Government to make "the national liberation of
Tunisia and Morocco quick, peaceful and
friendly." This was also the essential theme of
Fouad Ammoun of Lebanon, who stressed the
right of peoples to self-government and self-deter-
mination.'^ Nasrollah Entezam of Iran said he
supported the national aspirations of non-self-gov-
erning peoples, despite his more immediate concern
with Iran's own particular problems.^"
March 9, 1953
=^ U N. doc. A/PV.394, pp. 229-231.
"* U.N. doc. A/PV.P.95, pp. 233-234.
" lUd., pp. 234-237.
^ Ibid., p. 244. _^ ^
" U.N. doc. A/PV.396, pp. 254-256. See also the state-
ment of K. C. Yeh of China, ibid., p. 248.
"■ U.N. doc. A/PV.397, pp. 281-285.
" Ibid., pp. 266-268.
=» Ibid., pp. 276-277.
363
The Tunisian Problem
THE ARAB-ASIAN-AFRICAN POSITION
The discussion of the Tunisian issue began in
Committee I (Political and Security) on Decem-
ber 4 and concluded on December 12, 1952. At the
outset, Chairman Joao Cai'los Muniz of Brazil
read a letter from M. Hoppenot stating that the
French Government "could not accept any inter-
ference by the United Nations in its relations with
Tunisia and Morocco," repeating the warning of
M. Schuman against such "interference," and de-
claring that the Frencli delegation would not
participate in the Committee's deliberations.^^
Thirteen Arab-Asian delegations then sub-
mitted to the Committee a proposal which, among
other things, recommended the resumption of ne-
gotiations between France and "the true repre-
sentatives of the Tunisian people" to implement
"the right of self-determination and the fulfilment
of the national aspirations of the Tunisian people."
Moreover, it called for the appointment of a "com-
mission of good offices," composed of three mem-
bers, to arrange and assist in these negotiations
and report to the General Assembly.^^
Sir Zafrulla Khan opened the Arab-Asian case
with an extended statement, along lines fore-
shadowed by his remarks in the plenary session,
in which he traced the historical development of
the problem.^^ He charged the French Govern-
ment with belatedly offering only municipal re-
forms to the Tunisian people and adopting repres-
sive measures when they had not been accepted,
since, he said, the Tunisians had lost confidence in
French promises. Sir Zafrulla believed that the
140,000 French citizens in Tunisia should not have
equal political representation to that of the more
than 3,000,000 Tunisians. He asserted that good
government was no substitute for self-government
and urged accelerated progress toward the latter
end. Deploring the absence of the French delega-
tion from the discussions, and pointing to the
recently achieved independence of India, Pakistan,
Ceylon, Burma, and Libya, Sir Zafrulla consid-
ered the case for the restoration of Tunisian sov-
ereignty "unanswerable."
The discussion continued on December 6 with
a further exposition of the Arab-Asian viewpoint,
with Abdel Monem Mostafa (Egypt), L. N. Palar
(Indonesia), and Ambassador Entezam (Iran)
supporting the Arab-Asian proposal, which they
had cosponsored, and arguing that the General
Assembly was fully competent to consider the
Tunisian question.''* All regretted the absence of
the French delegation from Committee I, and de-
plored the assassination of Farhat Hached, the
Tunisian labor leader. Messrs. Mostafa and Palar
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/737.
"U.N. doc. A/C.1/7.36.
" U.N. docs. A/C.1/SR.537, pp. 187-193 ; A/C.1/PV.537.
•* U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.538, pp. 195-201, 202-203.
gave their version of the historical development
of Tunisia, the former asserting that the history of
French rule since 1881 had been that of conflict
between the nationalism of a dominated people
and French colonialism, and asserting that in
Tunisia France had worked "very much for the
French and very much less for the Tunisians."
Ambassador Entezam declared that the peace of
the world would not tolerate continued colonial-
ism and maintained that continuation of the pres-
ent situation in Tunisia was likely to endanger
international peace and security ; he urged resump-
tion of negotiations between Tunisia and France.
Emilio Nunez-Portuondo of Cuba adopted a
moderate position with respect to the essence of
the problem but did not doubt the competence of
the General Assembly to deal with the Tunisian
question. On the other hand, Selwyn Lloyd of
the United Kingdom did not believe the Assembly
competent to deal with the matter and set forth
certain legal considerations to substantiate his
position, since he felt that the Arab- Asian spon-
sors of the resolution had brushed aside the legal
principles involved.^' The representative of the
United Kingdom invoked the principles of article
2 (7) as to domestic jurisdiction, emphasizing, as
Mr. Eden had, that the United Nations had not
been established to intervene either in the domestic
affairs of states or between metropolitan powers
and the territories for which they were inter-
nationally responsible. He pointed out that the
relations between France and Tunisia were gov-
erned by a convention and a treaty.
The claim of the complaining states, in Mr.
Lloyd's view, was tantamount to a request that the
United Nations intervene for the purpose of re-
vising bilateral treaties, although, unlike the
League of Nations, which under article xix of
the Covenant might advise the reconsideration of
outmoded treaties, the United Nations had no gen-
eral powers to do this under the Charter. He
then stressed that, under the treaty of 1883, France
was to direct the external affairs of Tunisia,
thereby placing the matter within the realm of
the domestic affairs of France, since, in fact,
Tunisia was only partly sovereign. No one, he
declared, could contend seriously that the problem
under discussion actually threatened peace and
security, but even if that were the case, under
article 11 (2), the United Nations could take
action only to the extent that the problem affected
international peace and security. Therefore, Mr.
Lloyd asked that members "think again" before
going further with the Tunisian discussion. Am-
bassador Fernand van Langenhove of Belgium,
who spoke briefly, was in thorough accord with
this position. He stressed that a solution had to
be found by the parties directly concerned.
Finn Moe of Norway felt that the question of
competence ultimately came down to the issue of
how and to what degree the General Assembly
=• Ibid., pp. 201-202.
364
Department of State Bulletin
could assert its o;eneral right to influence peaceful
development in dependent areas, in this particular
territory, and in this particular situation.^'
Should the General Assembly avail itself of this
right in this situation? The delegation of Nor-
way, he said, had "serious doubts" as to the appli-
cation of article 2 (7) , and it was unable to accept
the contention that article 2 (7) , as Mr. Lloyd aad
implied, rendered null and void all implications of
Chapter xi of the Charter, dealing with non-self-
governing territories, as to the legitimate concern
of the United Nations for conditions to which
Chapter xi related. Moreover, this article coidd
not deprive the General Assembly of the right to
investigate for itself whether it was competent.
THE LATIN AMERICAN PROPOSAL
Eleven Latin American States, on December S,
presented a proposal " which expressed confidence
that France, "in pursuance of its proclaimed poli-
cies," would "endeavour to further the effective
development of the free institutions of the Tuni-
sian people, in conformity to the purposes and
principles of the Charter." It also expressed the
hope that the parties would "continue negotiations
on an urgent basis, with a view to bringing about
self-government in Tunisia, and appealed to the
parties to conduct their relations and settle their
disputes "in accordance with the spirit of the
Charter and refrain from any acts or measures
likely to aggravate the present tension."
Henrique de Souza Gomes (Brazil) and Cesar
Charlone (Uruguay), who spoke in behalf of the
resolution, had no doubt as to competence. The
former stressed that there was no question of
"placing France in the dock of the accused" or of
passing judgment on the political and moral as-
pects of the French administration ; the Committee
was simply faced with "a question of an interna-
tional nature," and should deal with it con-
structively.^*
In extending his support for the Latin Ameri-
can proposal. Ambassador Philip C. Jessup, U.S.
representative to the General Assembly, stated that
the problem related essentially "to the fulfillment
of national aspirations," and was not an immedi-
ate or direct threat to the peace.^^ Ambassador
Jessup stated that the United States had recog-
nized and continued to recogiiize "the existing
treaty relationship between France on the one
hand and Tunis on the other," that it supported
"the evolutionary development in the relations be-
tween France and Tunisia contemplated by the
Treaties of Le Bardo and La Marsa" and believed
that "any development interfering with this
orderly process would be the wrong way to deal
with the situation." The function of the dis-
cussions in the General Assembly "should be to
facilitate the task of France in achieving its an-
nounced goal." The United States, he said,
trusted France and wished "to support and not in
any way to make more difficult the achievement of
the high purpose to which France has pledged it-
self." Both "the tendency of the Tunisian
Nation" and that of the French Nation were
"right," and Ambassador Jessup felt that the peo-
ples and Governments of France and Tunisia
"must work out their destinies." For these
reasons, the United States supported the Latin
American proposal, since it recognized that "the
responsibility and the opportunity" for settlement
lay with France and Tunisia directly.
"Wlien the discussion was continued on Decem-
ber 9, Mme. Pandit (India), Shaikh Ali Alireza
(Saudi Arabia), and Ambassador Carlos P.
Romulo (Philippines) reaffirmed their convictions
as to the competence of the General Assembly and
supported the Arab-Asian proposal, which they
had cosponsored." Mme. Pandit stressed that
the people of Tunisia should not be "denied what
their neighbors have so happily secured." Shaikh
Alireza declared that the essential aim in placing
the problem before the General Assembly was to
try to find a solution to the question of Tunisia.
General Romulo thought three important princi-
ples were involved — free discussion, the peaceful
adjustment of a dangerous situation, and the prin-
ciple of freedom— all of which were embodied m
the Charter.
Victor A. Belaunde of Peru supported the Latin
American proposal and stressed the "admirable
achievements" of France in Tunisia. Neither
Tingfu F. Tsiang of China nor "Vladimir Popovi6
of Yugoslavia had yet decided which proposal to
support ; the latter indicated that he would keep
in mind the need for a basis of equality and pro-
visions which might lead to agreement between the
peoples of France and Tunisia."
CONTINUATION OF THE DISCUSSION
The representatives of Czechoslovakia, the
Union of South Africa, Canada, Greece, and Nor-
way continued the discussion on the evening of
December 9.-'= The Czechoslovak representative,
Frantisek Komzala, advanced the usual Com-
munist thesis, stressing the "aggressive plans" of
the United States with regard to Tunisia. Am-
bassador G. P. Jooste of South Africa, who wel-
comed the "sober tone" which had generally pre-
vailed in the discussion, considered the General
Assembly incompetent under article 2 (7) and
hoped that nothing would be done or said which
would militate against the progress already being
made, under difficult circumstances, in Tunisia.
Paul Martin of Canada could not on moral, if on
" Hid., p. 202.
"U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.8.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.539, pp. 205-206, 208-211.
"Hill., pp. 206-208; Bttlletin of Dec. 22, 1952, p. 986.
March 9, ?953
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.540, pp. 213-214, 217-221.
" Hid., pp. 214-217.
" U.N. doe. A/C.1/SR.541, pp. 223-230.
365
legal, grounds, share the view that the adminis-
tering power should be the sole judge of the in-
terests of the inhabitants of a non-self-governing
territory and "refuse to permit even a discussion
of the principles involved," or that a single politi-
cal movement could presume fully to represent all
the inhabitants of a territory. He felt that the
Latin American proposal represented a concilia-
tory approach to the problem and supported it.
Ambassador Athanase Politis of Greece favored a
"very broad" interpretation of article 11 of the
Charter, and felt that a discussion could only pro-
mote the cause of peace. Nor would it serve any
useful purpose to close the door of the United
Nations to disputes which might act as "slow
poison." Greece, he said, was linked to the Arab
world, on the one hand, and, on the other, the
bonds which united it to France were both very old
and very profound. He hoped for a "reasonable
solution."
Mr. Moe of Norway, in a second intervention in
the debate," expressed the opinion that the ab-
sence of the French delegation was not helpful in
finding a solution of the Tunisian problem, and
said he hoped the French Government would not
be "unduly influenced" by the "unjust criticism"
which some delegations had leveled against it. It
would be unwise, he felt, to take the principle of
"self-determination" out of its proper context and
carry it either to "pure nationalism" or even to
xenophobia. The movement in Tunisia was part
and parcel of the great national movements in
Asia and other areas, and he believed that, indeed,
the future historian might well find the most im-
portant development in these troubled times had
been the emancipation of hitherto dependent
peoples. It was in this light that he viewed the
Tunisian problem, with the point at issue the
peaceful achievement of self-government. He
appealed to the people of Tunisia to take the es-
sential interests of France into account, and stated
that he would support the Latin American pro-
posal, which did not go beyond the Charter, and
he appealed to both parties to reopen negotiations
looking toward a peaceful solution.
On December 10 Committee I dealt with a pro-
posal submitted by S. Itaat Husain of Pakistan on
the previous day, expressing regret that the
French delegation was not present in the delibera-
tions on Tunisia, appealing to it to reconsider its
decision, and inviting the Bey of Tunis to send
a representative to pailicipate in the discussion,
without the right to vote. After an extended dis-
cussion, in a paragraph-by-paragraph recorded
vote, the resolution was defeated by 21 to 2, with
34 abstentions."
In the vote on par. 1, as to the French delegation
(19-16-22), the Arab-Asian delegations voted in the af-
firmative, while the United States and the Soviet bloc
abstained. The Arab-Asian States all voted affirmatively,
as did the Soviet bloc, to invite a representative of the
Bey of Tunis : the United States voted in the negative
(20-24-2). The Arab-Asian States and the United States
abstained on the resolution, minus the second paragraph,
as did the Soviet bloc. For the U.S. position, see the
remarks of Ambassador Jessup setting forth the techni-
cal arguments against an invitation (Bulletin of Jan. 5,
1953, p. 34).
In the discussions which followed on December
10,'»^ both Marian Naskowski (Poland) and A. A.
Sobolev (U.S.S.R.), the latter a former Assistant
Secretary-General of the United Nations, re-
peated the Soviet thesis without variation de-
nouncing the United States, the "aggressive At-
lantic bloc," and the "undisguised apology of
colonialism of France and the United Kingdom."
Leslie Knox Munro of New Zealand announced his
support of the Latin American proposal. He
stated that, in the absence of an opinion of the
International Court of Justice, the delegation of
New Zealand would continue to study whether
any of the proposals before the Committee ex-
ceeded the competence of the United Nations, as,
in fact, intervention in Tunisia at that time would.
The representatives of Paraguay and Bolivia
fully supported the conciliatory Latin American
proposal, as did Luis Quintanilla of Mexico, who
felt that no people could be "condemned" to per-
petual dependence, although he recognized the
difficulties of the French position in Tunisia, and
declared that "the cause of freedom is in good
hands when it is in the hands of France." On the
other hand, Adnan Tarcici of Yemen and Mo-
hammed Kabir Ludin of Afghanistan, who sup-
ported the Arab- Asian proposal, felt that, al-
though France had been a leader in the cause of
democratic freedom, it has also engaged in "co-
lonial exploitation." Both hoped that France
would quicken the Tunisian pace toward self-gov-
ernment.
In his remarks on December 11, Secretary of
State Dennis of Liberia spoke of the right of self-
determination, the evil of racial discrimination,
and the desires of the peoples of Africa which, he
said, were still being ignored to a large extent.*"
He observed that the Charter had been of "little
use" to dependent peoples and stated that the
Tunisians were "craving moral support" from the
United Nations. In supporting the Arab-Asian
proposal, Mr. Dennis indicated that the record of
"certain powers" did not arouse any hopes that
they would voluntarily renounce their historic
rights in dependent areas.
Fadhil Al-Jamali of Iraq pursued this theme,
wondering why Tunisia, like other states which
had recently acquired independence, could not
have complete freedom.*' He suggested that
France had moved slowly in its "civilizing mis-
sion," because the French people were divided on
" Ibid., pp. 228-230.
"U.N. docs. A/C.1/SR.542, pp. 236-237, A/C.1/L.9/
A/2512, pp. 3^.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.543, pp. 239-247.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.544, p. 251.
" Ibid., pp. 253-254.
366
Deparfment of State Bulletin
the subject, and because 150,000 French citizens
lived in Tunisia. The Tunisian people, he said,
were politically mature and demanded the "status
of an independent and sovereign country" with a
constitutional monarchy, united to France by a
freely negotiated alliance guaranteeing France
its strategic, economic, and cultural interests. In
his view, there were only three alternatives ahead :
(1) "an indefinite period of enslavement and sub-
jugation which is tantamount to enslaving a
nation"; (2) a revolt for independence; or (3)
conciliation and mediation through the United
Nations, along lines set forth in tlie Arab-Asian
proposal. Fouad Ammoun of Lebanon, also
firmly supported the Arab-Asian position, con-
sidered the French reform program not very
fundamental or substantial, and had no doubt on
the subject of competence.^* Victor Manuel
Perez Perozo of Venezuela supported the Latin
American proposal. Emile Najar of Israel had
not yet finally determined his position, although
he was convinced that the General Assembly
could not make decisions incompatible with the
treaties involved. On the other hand, both Sir
Percy Spender of Australia and D. J. von Bal-
luseck of the Netherlands had grave doubts as to
the competence of the General Assembly, as had
been made clear earlier during the plenary ses-
sions, and both called for "extreme caution."
As the debate came to a close on December 12,
Ambassador Farid Zeineddine of Syria discussed
the history of the problem at length, noting that
the nationalist movements were "irrestibly march-
ing" across Asia and Africa.*" Application of
the right of self-determination, he declared, was
"the only way to emerge from imperialism to
liberty" and tlie only way in which the "poten-
tialities" of the peoples of Asia and Africa could
be released. He hoped that France, "faithful to
its noble traditions," would act accordingly.
Ato Gabre-Heywot Zande of Ethiopia also an-
nounced his support of the Arab- Asian proposal,
basing his position on the principle of self-deter-
mination and on the contention that the "predom-
inant international character" of the question
could not be disputed. On the other hand, the
Turkish representative, Ambassador Selim Sar-
per, stressed the "excellent and friendly" relations
between Turkey and Tunisia, noted that the prog-
ress and prosperity of Tunisia had the greatest
sympathy in Turkey. He earnestly hoped that
the conflict would soon be settled on a just basis.
But the question was whether direct intervention
on the part of the United Nations was legally ad-
missible and would serve the objective sought.
Ambassador Sarper was in serious doubt as to
both matters, and could not, therefore, support
any resolution or amendment which implied direct
intervention by the United Nations. Similarly,
Oscar Thorsing of Sweden was unable to support
the Arab- Asian proposal.^"
THE VOTE ON THE TUNISIAN QUESTION
Committee I was now ready to proceed to a vote
on the resolutions with respect to Tunisia, as it
did on December 12,^' in a number of paragraph-
by-paragraph roll-call votes. The Arab-Asian
proposal was rejected by a vote of 27 to 24, with 7
abstentions. In favor were all the Arab-Asian-
African States, including both Liberia and
Ethiopia. The United States opposed the draft
resolution, along with the United Kingdom and
France, while the Soviet bloc voted solidly in
favor of it.
In the vote on the Latin American proposal
which followed, the Committee rejected an Indian
amendment^- to delete the fourth paragraph
which provided that the General Assembly express
confidence that, in pursuance of its proclaimed
policies, France would endeavor to further the
effective development of the free institutions of
Tunisia, in conformity with the purposes and
principles of the Charter, and add a new para-
graph requesting the President to keep the nego-
tiations under observation and to give such
assistance, in his discretion, as might be useful
or necessary. The rejection was by a vote of 31
to 21, with 6 abstentions, with the United States
in the negative.
The Latin American draft resolution, calling
for direct negotiations between the Governments
of France and Tunisia and expressing confidence
that France would endeavor to further the ef-
fective development of free institutions in
Tunisia, was carried by a vote of 45 to 3, with 10
abstentions. All the Arab-Asian-African States
joined with the United States and others in sup-
porting this resolution, although they did so
largely in the belief that "half a loaf is better
than none", having seen their own proposal
defeated.
The Moroccan Question
THE ARAB-ASIAN-AFRICAN POSITION
The Moroccan Question, which was presented
to Committee I immediately following the vote
on the Tunisian problem, was discussed in seven
meetings between December 13 and 17, 1952, and
took on a pattern similar to that which had been
established in the case of Tunisia. Jamil Mikaoui
of Lebanon opened the deliberations on December
13 " with a statement to the effect that Lebanon
and the other Arab-Asian States believed it
' U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.545, pp. 256-257.
'U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.546, pp. 263-266.
'"Ibid., p. 266.
" Ibid., p. 270; U.N. doc. A/2512.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.546, pp. 270-271 ; U.N. doc. A/C.
1/L.8.
"' U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.547, pp. 275-278.
March 9, 1953
367
liighly necessary to discuss the Moroccan issue
frankly, in view of the international interest in
the matter. Referring to the General Act of
Algecirus (1906), to which there were 13 signa-
tories, he asked how the Moi'occan pi-oblem could
possibly be considered as essentially within the
domestic jurisdiction of France. Mr. Mikaoui
indicated that both the attempts of the Sultan
of Morocco to reach an understanding with
France and those of the Arab States to bring
about a more receptive attitude toward the aspira-
tions of the Moroccan people had proved unavail-
ing. He thought it clear that, although Morocco
was a sovereign state in the de jure sense, the de
facto situation was that the rights of Morocco had
been progressively infringed, and the most recent
French proposals, which would have placed, in
his view, some 500,000 French citizens on the
same plane with 10,000,000 Moroccans, were quite
unsatisfactory.
Abdel Monem Mostafa of Egypt expressed
similar views, dwelling on the "merciless repres-
sion" and "brutal measures" which, he alleged,
had been employed by France in Morocco.^* More-
over, he contended that despite the sovereignty of
Morocco under the treaties of 1906 and 1912, it
had become a French "colony" in the hands of the
F'rench residents of Morocco, while an anachro-
nistic feudal regime had been maintained under a
policy of "divide and rule." Condemning the
social and economic policies in Morocco as well,
Mr. Mostafa asserted that the time had come for
a change and declared that the people of Morocco
were determined to regain both their sovereignty
and their independence.
"\^nien the Committee reconvened on Monday,
December 15, it heard statements from the repi-e-
sentatives of Indonesia, the United Kingdom, Po-
land, Iraq, and Belgium.^" Mr. Palar of Indonesia
stressed the existence of anti-colonial sentiment
as a factor which had to be taken into account in
the Moroccan problem, and he emphasized his
view that France's position, both in Tunisia and
in Morocco, was being safeguarded in the Com-
mittee because of the membership of France in
Nato, since the Western Powers did not want to
be weakened in the cold war. He supported the
Arab-Asian-African view of the problem gen-
erally. Both Mr. Naszkowski of Poland and Mr.
Sobolev of the Soviet Union, as in the discussion
of the Tunisian question, used the opportunities
provided them to exploit the problem, for propa-
ganda purposes, stressing the "terror" in Morocco
and the evil doings of the "aggressive Atlantic
bloc." =«
On the other hand, Selwyn Lloyd of the United
Kingdom, who considered the problem broadly
similar to that of Tunisia, thought that the Com-
mittee— largely in view of article 2 (7) of the
"Ihid., pp. 278-280.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.548, pp. 283-289.
" lUd., pp. 286-288 ; A/C.1/SR.549, pp. 292-293.
Charter — was incompetent to go into the question.
Ambassador van Langenhove of Belgium was in
thorough agreement with this position and was
fearful lest the discussion make solution of the
problem all the more difficult."
In the afternoon, the Arab-Asian delegations
introduced their draft resolution '"^ requesting —
the Government of France and His Majesty the Sultan
of Morocco to enter into negotiations to reach an early
peaceful settlement in accord with the sovereignty of
Morocco, the aspirations of her people and the Charter of
the United Nations.
The preamble recalled the judgment of the Inter-
national Court of Justice on August 27, 1952, as to
the sovereignty and independence of Morocco and
the retention of its personality as a state in inter-
national law.'*" The preamble also stated that
Morocco had entered into agreements in the ex-
ercise of its "sovereign rights," and that France
respected solemn covenants, and the rights and
desires of people as to liberty and equality, as well
as the rights of peoples and nations under the
Charter. Moreover, the Sultan and the people of
Morocco had proclaimed their desire for early at-
tainment of their national aspirations by peaceful
negotiation and settlement, and the preamble con-
cluded that the existing situation had caused deep
concern and adversely affected both "Franco-Mo-
roccan relations and peaceful conditions in the
world."
Ambassador Jessup stated that the American
attitude toward both the Tunisian and Moroccan
questions had been determined by the belief that
the Committee could not usefully concern itself
with specific problems which could be solved only
by direct negotiations between the parties."" He
was aware of the diilerences between Morocco and
Tunisia; the ethnic pattern in the former was
"more intricate," and the Treaty of Fez granted
to France "far more extensive powers" than did
the Treaties of Le Bardo and La Marsa in Tunisia.
Moreover, the French Protectorate in Morocco cov-
ered "only a portion of the territory within the
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.548, pp. 285-286, 288-289.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/L..12.
'"Case Concerning Rights of Nationals of the United
States of America in Morocco. Judgment of August 27th,
1952: I. C. J. Reports 1952, p. 176. Among other things,
the Court stated : "It is common ground between the
Parties that the characteristic of the status of Morocco,
as resulting from the General Act of Algeciras of April
7th, 1906, is respect for the three principles stated in the
Preamble of the Act, namely : 'the sovereignty and inde-
pendence of His Majesty the Sultan, the integrity of his
domains, and economic liberty without any inequal-
ity. . . .' (p. 183).
"It is not disputed by the French Government that
Morocco, even under the Protectorate, has retained its
personality as a State under international law. The
rights of France in Morocco are defined by the Protector- |
ate Treaty of 1912. . . ." (p. 185). I
For an article summarizing the judgment, see Bulletin
of Oct. 20, 1952, p. 621.
■" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.549, pp. 291-292 ; Bulletin of Jan.
5, 1953, p. 33.
368
Deparfment of State Bulletin
sovereign domain of the Sultan of Morocco, other
states having legal rights and interests in other
parts of that domain." In both Tunisia and Mo-
rocco, the General Assembly was faced again with
"a question which relates to the fulfillment of na-
tional aspirations." The Treaty of Fez was "rec-
ognized as a valid international obligation."
Neither it nor the treaties with respect to Tunisia
were dedicated "to the freezing of the status quo
but to continuous progressive change through the
development of free and vital national institu-
tions," and there was "need for wisdom in the con-
tacts between the parties." Ambassador Jessup
expressed "faith that the peoples and Govern-
ments of France and Morocco" could work out
their destinies together.
The representative of Guatemala, Guillermo
Toriello-Garrido, who had supported the Arab-
Asian position in the Tunisian case, expressed
"very deep concern" as to Moi'occo and hoped that
the Committee would take a firmer position than
it had in the Tunisian instance.**^ Sir Pei'cy Spen-
der of Australia, however, considered the Commit-
tee incompetent to deal with the Moroccan
problem, for reasons which he had already ex-
plained in connection with Tunisia.*^
LATIN AMERICAN PROPOSAL ON MOROCCO
The pattern already established in the Tunisian
discussion was carried further on December 16
when 11 Latin American States submitted a joint
draft resolution ^^ proposing that the General As-
sembly (1) express confidence that, in pursuance
"of its proclaimed policies," France would en-
deavor to "further the fundamental liberties of
the people of Morocco in conformity with the
Purposes and Principles of the Charter"; (2)
express the hope that the parties would continue
negotiations on an urgent basis toward "develop-
ing the free political institutions of the people of
Morocco with due regard to legitimate rights and
interests under the established norms and prac-
tices of the law of nations"; and (3) appeal to the
parties to conduct their relations in an atmosphere
of good will, mutual confidence and respect, and
to settle their differences in accordance with the
spirit of the Charter, thus refraining from any
acts or measures likely to aggravate the situation.
Soon thereafter, the delegation of Pakistan sub-
mitted an amendment*^ to the Latin American
proposal which would substitute a new paragraph
expressing the hope that the parties concerned
would "continue negotiations on an urgent basis
with a view to bringing about self-government for
Moroccans in the light of the relevant provisions
of the Charter of the United Nations."
In submitting the Latin American draft resolu-
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.549, pp. 293-294.
"/6((7.,p. 294.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.13.
■" U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.14. The amendment was submitted
at the evening session on Dec. 16.
tion on behalf of his colleagues, Mr. de Souza
Gomes of Brazil stated that tlie question of com-
petence was similar to that in the case of Tunisia.^'*
Among other things, the Brazilian representative,
who felt that the General Assembly could be help-
ful, declared that the joint draft resolution was
aimed at having the French and Moroccan parties
continue their negotiations with a view to promot-
ing the free institutions of the Moroccan people.
On the other hand, both R. H. Coaton of South
Africa and Mr. von Balluseck of the Netherlands,
who agreed that the Tunisian and Moi-occan cases
were very similar, questioned the competence of
the General Assembly and felt that discussion
might be harmful rather than constructive in its
results. Mr. von Balluseck added that while
Morocco retained its international personality as
a state, as reaffirmed by the International Court
of Justice, it did not have full sovereign powers.^^
CLOSURE OF THE DEBATE
As the discussion moved toward closure, the
Communist thesis was amply expounded by the
representatives of the Soviet Ukraine and Bye-
lorussia, both constituent republics in the Soviet
Union, and of the Czechoslovak Republic, who
made the usual references to "the monstrous ex-
ploitation" and the "state of slavery" in Morocco,
not to mention the evil doings of the West in gen-
eral."^ V. K. Krishna Menon of India, who had
introduced the Indian proposals for an armistice
in Korea, stressed the history of the Moroccan
"struggle" against imperialism, traced the cultural
contributions of Morocco to civilization, especially
since the 13th century, contended that the situation
in Morocco threatened international peace and
security, and appealed to the Latin American
States to join with the Arab-Asian States in order
to obtain a resolution which would be "ade-
quate." ^* The morning discussion on December
16 was brought to a close with an extended state-
ment from Dr. Jamali of Iraq, who reviewed the
history of the Arabic-speaking people of Morocco
over a period of 1,000 years and then plunged into
an account of the "tragedy of Morocco" since 1830,
stressing the diplomacy of the Great Powers dur-
ing the period of 1904-06 and 1911-12, which had
solidified the French position on the North
African shores of the Mediterranean. After de-
nouncing the French position in Morocco, Dr.
Jamali appealed to the Latin American States to
join hands with the Arab-Asian group and urged
France, "the home of the French revolution," to
satisfy the Moroccan aspirations in the interests
of France, the people of Morocco, East- West rela-
tions, and world peace."*"
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SE.550, p. 295.
"Ihid., pp. 295-296.
"lUd., pp. 296, 297-29S; U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.551, pp.
305-306.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.550, pp. 298-300.
"Ihid., pp. 300-303.
March 9, ?953
369
Jeptha B. Duncan of Panama, who supported
the Latin American proposal, felt that the United
Nations, since it was hardly a court of law, could
not sit in judpnent, although it might help in
finding a solution of problems.™ Mr. Duncan be-
lieved that a "conciliatory agreement" would be
reached in the Moroccan issue, and expressed hope
that a solution, which would recognize the aspira-
tions of the Moroccans and the interests of France,
would be achieved.
Ato Gabre-Heywot Zaude of Ethiopia agreed
that the Moroccan issue was no longer one of inter-
nal jurisdiction." While he did not want the
Ethiopian attitude to be misunderstood as a weak-
ening of Ethiopian-French friendship, he believed
the Arab-Asian proposal offered the best possi-
bility as a solution. Ambassador Entezam of Iran
who also supported the Arab-Asian proposal,
which he considered "moderate, perhaps even too
moderate," appealed to the Committee not to dis-
appoint the Moroccan people. Salvador P. Lopez
of the Philippines stated that the aim of the pro-
posal was "to get the Moroccan people started on
the long road toward self-government," while
Shaikh Ali Alireza of Saudi Arabia declared that
between the "negative" attitude of France and the
attitude of "postponement" in the General As-
sembly, the independence of Morocco would be
bypassed. Both Mr. Ludin of Afghanistan, who
had a "feeling of despondency" as to Tunisia and
Morocco, and Dr. Tarcici of Yemen, who felt that
France had not used the time since the sixth ses-
sion to find a solution of the problem, supported
the Arab-Asian proposal." Ambassador Farid
Zeineddine of Syria spoke in similar vein on De-
cember 17, stressing that there were no "ulterior
motives" against France and that the Arab-Asian
group was "acting out of friendship for France
and out of a sense of duty." Sir Zafrulla Khan
of Pakistan closed the general debate, emphasizing
the right of self-determination, the desire of the
people of Morocco to be "their own masters in
their own home," and the necessity for the West
to meet such problems with intelligence and re-
sponsibility.'^
As Committee I prepared to vote on December
17, it is interesting to note that Dr. Quintanilla of
Mexico, who supported the Latin American pro-
posal, considered that both draft resolutions were
"excellent" and pursued the same ends, and re-
marked that the Arab-Asian draft resolution was
more in accord with the international status of
Morocco.'* Moreover, he welcomed the absence
from the Arab-Asian proposal of paragraphs like
those in their draft resolution on Tunisia, which
had been unacceptable to the Mexican delegation.
On the other hand, Mr. Munro of New Zealand,
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SE.551, p. 305.
" IMd., p. 306.
" Ihid.. pp. 309-311.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.552, pp. 313-317.
" U.N. doe. A/C.1/SR.552, p. 317.
who declared that, for the purposes of discussion
in the Committee, Morocco was "a protected state
with residual sovereignty," thought the Arab-
Asian proposal placed "a false emphasis" on the
situation and beclouded the issue.
THE VOTE IN COMMITTEE I
Committee I thereupon proceeded to a para-
graph-by-paragi'aph vote on the Arab-Asian draft
resolution. The first two preambular paragraphs
being rejected by a vote of 25 to 20, with 10 ab-
stentions, while the third preambular paragraph
was approved by a vote of 26 to 21, with 7 absten-
tions. All the operative paragraphs were rejected,
by votes of 25 to 20, with 10 abstentions (pars. 4r-
5) ; 27 to 18, with 9 abstentions (par. 6) ; and 27 to
25, with 3 abstentions (par. 7). All the Arab-
Asian-African delegations supported the resolu-
tion ; the United States voted in the negative ; the
Soviet bloc voted affirmatively only on the final
paragraph, which called for negotiations looking
toward an early settlement of the problem."
There followed a paragraph-by-paragraph vote
on the Latin American proposal, the favorable
votes on the first three preambular paragraphs
being 50 to 3 with 3 abstentions, that on paragraph
4 being 28 to 23 with 4 abstentions, and that on
paragraph 6, 45 to 3 with 9 abstentions. However,
the controversial amendment to paragraph 5, in-
troduced by Pakistan, expressing hope for the con-
tinuance of negotiations on an urgent basis "with
a view to bringing about self-government for
Moroccans in the light of the relevant provisions
of the Charter of the United Nations," was also
approved, by a vote of 28 to 23 with 4 abstentions;
the United States cast a negative vote. The resolu-
tion as a whole, as amended, was approved by a
vote of 40 to 5, with 11 abstentions. Because of the
amendment, the United States opposed the resolu-
tion as a whole.
In his explanation, Ambassador Jessup recalled
the differences between the Tunisian and Moroccan
cases, stating that the Latin American proposal
had been carefully drafted to apply to Morocco,
whereas the amendment of the delegation of Pak-
istan "beclouded and obscured" the issue. This
amendment, he said, which had never been ex-
plained, had seriously obscured the meaning of
the Latin American proposal, and for that reason
the United States had opposed the amended reso-
lution as a whole.'"
The Plenary Action on Tunisia and Morocco
THE QUESTION OF TUNISIA
Committee I having taken action on the Moroc-
can question at its morning session on December
" Hid., pp. 318-319 ; A/2325, pp. 2-3.
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/SR.552, p. 318.
370
Deparfment of State Bulletin
17, the plenary session that evening approved the
proposal originally sponsored by the Latin Ameri-
can States with respect to Tunisia by a vote of 44
to 3 with 8 abstentions. As already noted, the
resolution expressed confidence that France would
endeavor to further the effective development of
the free institutions of the Tunisian people in con-
formity with the purposes and principles of the
Charter, and trusted that negotiations would con-
tinue on an urgent basis with a view to bringing
about self-government in the light of the relevant
provisions of the Charter."
Although all the Arab-Asian-African States
supported the resolution in the plenary session,
as did the United States (only three states—
Belgimn, Luxembourg, and the Union of South
Africa— actually opposed it), they did so with
reservations.''^ Mme. Pandit, for example,
thought the resolution hardly reflected the
gravity of the situation in Tunisia, and she ap-
pealed to Jb'rance to ameliorate conditions in
Tunisia and to enter into the negotiations in the
spirit of giving self-government to the Tunisians,
thereby permitting an era of Tunisian-French co-
operation to develop. Abdel Monem Mostafa of
Egypt, in explaining his affirmative vote, la-
mented the lack of any provision for a U.N. Com-
mission of Good Offices such as had been en-
visaged in the Arab-Asian proposal. Dr. Jamali
contended that the Tunisians wanted the status
of a free and independent community, miitad
with France in a freely negotiated agreement,
and he felt that the resolution, as approved, had
"no teeth." These were also the sentiments of
Ambassador Zeineddine of Syria, although he
felt that the resolution had its merits in that it
had established the competence of the General
Assembly and the need for the United Nations to
make a move toward assisting in the achievement
of a settlement. Dr. Tarcici of Yemen voted for
the resolution because he wanted to adopt a posi-
tive attitude with regard to action by the United
Nations, while Shaikh Ali Alireza of Saudi Ara-
bia supported the resolution with reluctance and
reservations. On the other hand, Mr. Sobolev
of the U.S.S.R. abstained allegedly on the ground
that the resolution was both "weak and inade-
quate," which ignored the situation in Tunisia,
while Sir Percy Spender of Australia explained
his abstention on the ground of incompetence.
He believed that wisdom dictated that "we ob-
serve at all times and with circumspection" the
precise terms of the Charter, lest "what we may
do today may remain to plague us tomorrow."
" U.N. (Joe. A/2312. ^ ^, ,
"For the vote and the explanations, see v.sn. aoc.
A/PV.404, pp. 377-384.
THE MOROCCAN QUESTION
Two days later on December 19 the plenary
session took action on the Moroccan resolution
along similar lines.'' During explanations of vote,
the representative of Guatemala expressed his
regret that Committee I had not approved the
Arab-Asian proposal, since he felt it stronger than
the Latin American resolution, on which he would
abstain. Similarly, members of the Soviet bloc
announced their abstention. Ambassador Zeined-
dine, as in the case of Tunisia, felt that the resolu-
tion on Morocco recognized the international
character of the issue and implied the validity of
the Act of Algeciras, which in his view was the
basis of the problem. Sir ZafruUa Khan of
Pakistan repeated his sentiments as to self-deter-
mination and independence and expressed disap-
pointment that the General Assembly was not
willing to do more than had Committee I. These
were, generally, the sentiments of Dr. Jamali, Dr.
Tarcici, and Mr. Palar of Indonesia, who indi-
cated that he was "most definitely not satisfied"
with the resolution, although he had voted for it
because it established the competence of the United
Nations on the question.
Although all the Arab-Asian-African States
had supported the Pakistani amendment to the
Latin American proposal, at the plenary session
of December 19 the sponsoring states introduced
an amendment to delete it from the resolution ap-
proved by Committee I, and to substitute their
original language expressing the hope that the
parties would "continue negotiations on an urgent
basis toward developing the free political insti-
tutions of the people of Morocco, with due regard
to legitimate rights and interests under the estab-
lished norms and practices of the law of
nations." ^
As the voting began, the Latin American
amendment was adopted by 29 votes to 8 with 22
abstentions. The United States supported it,
along with the Latin American and other States;
the Arab-Asian-African States abstained (with
the exceptions of Yemen and Pakistan, which
opposed the amendment) ; and the Soviet bloc
and Guatemala voted in the negative. The reso-
lution as a whole was then approved by 45 to 3
with 11 abstentions. Despite their reservations,
the Arab-Asian-African States supported the
resolution, (except for Pakistan which abstained) ,
while Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Union of
South Africa voted in opposition.
• Mr. Howard, author of the aiove article, is
United Nations Adviser for the Bureau of Near
Eastern, South Asian, and African Affairs.
" U.N. doc. A/PV.407, pp. 421^128.
■» U.N. doc. A/L. 135.
March 9, 7953
371
Purpose of Resolution
on Captive Peoples
Statement hy Secretary Dulles '
Press release 105 dated February 26
The resolution proposed to the Congi-ess by the
President has one ciiicial, compelling aim. That
aim is to make totally clear the integrity of this
Nation's purpose in relation to the millions of en-
slaved peoples in Europe and Asia. The resolu-
tion speaks to those who yearn for national and
personal freedom and who fear that we may for-
get them. The resolution also speaks to the So-
viet despots who have contrived this enslavement
and who hope that we may come to accept it.
To those enduring enslavement, and to those in-
flicting it, we would make our position clear and
firm. We, as a people, never have acquiesced and
never will acquiesce in the enslavement of other
peoples. Our Nation, from its beginning, was
and is inspired by the spirit of liberty. We do
not accept or tolerate captivity as an irrevocable
fact which can be finalized by force or by the
lapse of time. We do not accommodate ourselves
to political settlements which are based upon con-
tempt for the free will of peoples and which are
imposed by the brutal occupation of alien armies
or by revolutionary factions who serve alien
masters.
The facts we must face can be simply sum-
marized. Some dozen people in the Kremlin are
seeking to consolidate their imperial rule over some
800 million people, representing what were nearly
a score of independent nations. The methods of
the despots can be judged by the fact that there
are some 15 million in forced labor camps in
Soviet Russia. Their number amounts to double
the total membership of the Soviet Communist
Party itself.
This tyranny has been extended far beyond the
frontiers of Russia by the cold, calculated sub-
jugation of free nation after free nation. The
list is a tragic one: Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia,
Poland, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary,
Bulgaria, Rumania, Albania, Outer Mongolia,
Tannu Tuva, China, Korea (in part), and Japan's
northern Habomai and Shikotan islands.
But even the massive machinery of totalitarian-
ism has not found it easy to rule these nations
and peoples. Since World AVar II, the Kremlin
has found it necessary to purge more than one-
third of their original puppet leaders within the
satellite countries of Europe. In Asia, hundreds
of thousands, if not millions, have been slaugh-
tered in a publicized exhibition of terrorism.
We must face these facts. It is a moral oblica-
' Made on Feb. 26 before the House Foreign Affairs
Committee. Secretary Dulles was testif.ving in favor of
the draft resolution on captive peoples which President
Eisenhower sent on Feb. 20 to Vice President Nixon and
Speaker of the House, .Toseph W. Martin, Jr. For text
of the resolution, see Bulletin of Mar. 2, 1953, p. 353.
tion to do so — for all peoples have a right to know
whether the United States acquiesces in this as-
sault on freedom. It is a practical matter — for
the ultimate fate of these peoples can gravely
affect the future of freedom in Europe, in Asia,
and through all the world, including our own
United States.
In the glaring light of these facts, the nature
of this resolution defines itself. It is a straight-
forward statement of American principle and
American peaceful but firm purpose.
Some of you may think that American purpose
is already clear, so clear that this resolution is
superfluous. Let me assure you that that is not
the fact. The captive peoples are oppressed by
a great fear that at some future time the United
States may agree to a partition of the world
whereby we would accept and support Soviet dic-
tatorship of alien peoples in the hope of gaining
greater security for ourselves. This is not dir^
ficult to understand. Soviet propaganda vigor-
ously spreads this fear and there are within the
free world some who would countenance such a
bargain. The resultant fear is not something to
which we can be indifferent. It generates a sense
of hopelessness and futility among the captives,
which paralyzes the strivings which could operate
peacefully to dissolve the unnatural unity of
Soviet despotism and return it to its natural and
historic parts.
So long as there is doubt as to the attitude of the
United States, and I repeat that today there is such
doubt, the captive peoples feel that they have no
choice but to be passive victims allowing them-
selves to be made into tools of further aggression.
If we want to maintain and stimulate the spirit
of freedom which eventually will peacefully frus-
trate the oppressive design of Soviet despotism
and disintegrate that overextended despotism, the
first and indispensable step is to make clear, on
the highest authority of the President and Con-
gress, that:
One, the United States does not countenance the
violations by which Soviet leadership has per-
verted past agreements and understandings into
chains of bondage. That is a result which the
American people never intended and which they
will never accept.
Two, the United States will never be a party
to any international "deal" or "trade" confirming
the rule of Soviet despotism over the alien peoples
it dominates in Europe and Asia.
Three, the United States seeks, as one of its
peaceful goals, that these enslaved national groups
of Europe and Asia shall recover genuine inde-
pendence.
That is the purpose of the resolution now before
you.
President Eisenhower proposes that our nation
should reaffirm its awareness that the struggle in
the world today is, above all, a moral conflict. We
propose to attest our fidelity, without compromise
372
Department of State Bulletin
or vacillation, to the principles of honor and politi-
cal freedom upon which the nation was founded
and which have made us always the dread of tlie
oppressor and the hope of the oppressed. We pro-
pose, in the spirit of the early days of the Kepub-
lic, to do what we peacefully can do, in order to
revive the hopes of those now enslaved.
This resolution is no call to bloody and senseless
revolution. On the other hand, it is no idle ges-
ture. It is an act of great historical importance
and many consequences will stem from it. As its
purpose becomes more and more widely under-
stood, it will, over the coming years, revive the in-
herent longing for freedom which persists within
the captive peoples so that that longing becomes
a mounting spiritual power which will eventually
overcome tlie material power of Soviet dictator-
ship to rule what it has, or to subjugate more.
This resolution looks to the future, rather than
to the past. The past is controversial. Should
past administrations have made the agi'eements
which they made? "Were they foolishly beguiled
by Soviet promises? Were they too much moved
by considerations of short-term expediency, so
that they sacrificed basic principles? Did they
exceed their power in what they attempted; for
these wartime agreements were never subjected to
the constitutional processes of our Government?
All of these questions have been, and long will be,
debated.
The resolution which President Eisenhower has
proposed would avoid this realm of controversy.
It validates nothing that is invalid. It gives up
no rights, if we choose to assert them. It also
leaves us free to pursue other courses and take
other steps in the future, as circumstances may in-
dicate their desirability.
"Wliat the President seeks is a solemn act of
dedication for the futui-e. It is an act which
needs, and deserves, the support of both great
parties. It will provide the indispensable founda-
tion upon which future foreign policies can again
build a structure of peace, justice, and freedom.
Therefoi-e, I beg, let us not on this occasion di-
visively debate the past. Let us unitedly move
on to mold the future.
Settlement of Germany's External Debt
SIGNING OF AGREEMENTS
Press release 107 dated February 26
The Department of State announced that a se-
ries of agreements will be signed on February 27
in London which after ratification will provide
for the settlement of the external debt of Germany
held by creditors in some 30 countries involving
payments totaling 3.27 billion dollars. The agree-
ments represent the culmination of negotiations
which have been in progress for over 24 months
and are based upon agreements unanimously
reached by the creditor countries and the Federal
Republic of Germany in a report submitted to gov-
ernments on August 8, 1952 (Department of State
publication 4746).
Four agreements are being signed on behalf of
the United States by Ambassador Warren Lee
Pierson, who has been head of the U.S. delegation
during the course of the negotiations. These
agi-eements cover payments to the United States
and its nationals totaling 1.75 billion dollars pay-
able on an annual basis of 56 million dollars for a
period of 5 years and rising to 90 million dollars
thereafter. The agreements and the estimated
amounts due the United States covered by each
agreement are as follows :
March 9, 1953
244477—53 3
1. Intergovernmental Agreement on Ger-
man External Debt $450 million
2. Agreement between the United States of
America and the Federal Republic of Ger-
many regarding the settlement of the
claim of the United States of America
for postwar economic assistance (other
than surplus property) to Germany $1 billion
.S. Agreement between the United States
of America and the Federal Republic of
Germany regarding the settlement of the
obligation of the Federal Republic of
Germany to the United States of America
for surplus property furnished Germany. $200 million
4. Agreement between the Federal Republic
of Germany and the United States of
America relating to the indebtedness of
Germany for awards made by the Mixed
Claims Commission, United States and
Germany $97.5 million
The Intergovernmental Agreement on German
External Debts will, when ratified, enable the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany to proceed with the im-
plementation of the plan for the settlement of
Germany's prewar external debts worked out at
the Conference on German External Debts held at
London during February-August 1952.^ Under
its terms the agreement will come into force when
' For text of the communique issued at the close of the
Conference, see Bulletin of Aug. 18, 1952, p. 252.
373
ratified or approved by the United States, United
Kinf!;dom, France, and CJermany. Approval of
the a<xreement by the Parliament of the Federal
Republic will be necessary. The agreement will
also be submitted to the U.S. Senate for ratifica-
tion. Whether similar action is taken by the Gov-
ernments of the other creditor countries will de-
pend upon their constitutional requirements.
There will be attached to the agreement as
annexes the reports of the four negotiating com-
mittees of the London conference.^ These reports
contain agreed recommendations on the terms and
procedures for the settlement of the various cate-
gories of debts included in the settlement plan.
There will also be annexed to the agreement the
terms of settlement of certain miscellaneous Ger-
man external debts which were not fully dealt
with at the Conference.
In the intergovernmental agreement the signa-
tory Governments approve the settlement terms
and procedures contained in the agreement and the
several annexes and the Federal Republic agrees
to take such legislative and administrative action
as may be necessary to carry out the settlement
plan. The Federal Republic further agrees to
make the necessary payments and transfers on the
debts, for which it is liable, and to make the neces-
sary provisions for the transfer to the creditors of
payments which will become due on the debts of
other governmental agencies and private German
nationals. The agreement also contains provi-
sions for the settlement of disputes arising out of
the agreement or the annexes and for intergovern-
mental consultation in the event that any new Ger-
man default is threatened.
There are also provisions in the agreement pro-
hibiting discrimination and specifying the manner
in which debts containing currency options and
gold clauses may be settled. Provision is also
made for the tolling of the statute of limitations
on debts included in the settlement plan and for
the enforcement in Germany of creditors' rights.
Debts of the city of Berlin and of public utility
enterprises owned or controlled by Berlin are spe-
cifically excluded from the settlement plan under
the terms of the agreement. Reparations and
analogous claims against Germany arising out of
the First and Second World Wars are deferred
until a final settlement with Germany. Provision
is also made for an intergovernmental review of
the agreement upon the reunification of Germany.
The agreement will not impair the legal right
of American creditors under American law and
will require no implementing legislation in the
United States.
"The four committees dealt resjiectively with Reich
debts and debts of other public authorities, medium and
lonK-term German debts resulting from private capital
transactions, standstill debts, and commercial and miscel-
laneous debts. For the text of the first committee's report,
and summaries of the reports of the other three com-
mittees, see ibid., p. 254.
374
The following are the annexes and appendices to
the agreement:
Annex I — Agreed Recommendations for the Settlement of
Reich Debts and Debts of other Public Authorities.
Annex II — Agreed Recommendations for the Settlement
of Medium and Long-Term German Debts Resulting
from Private Capital Transactions.
Annex III — Agreed Recommendations for the Settlement
of StandstiU Debts.
Annex IV — Agreed Recommendations for the Settlement
of Claims arising out of Goods and Services Trans-
actions, of certain Claims arising from Capital
Transactions and of various Other Claims.
Annex V — Agreed Recommendations for the Treatment
of Payments made to the Konversionskasse.
Annex VI — Agreed Recommendations for the Utilization
of Blocked Deutsche Mark Accounts.
Annex VII — Agreement on Goldmark Liabilities and
Reiclismark Liabilities with a Gold Clause having a
specific foreign character.
Annex VIII — Agreed Interpretation concerning para-
graph (2) of Article 5 of the Agreement on German
External Debts.
Annex IX — Charter of the Arbitral Tribunal for the
Agreement on German External Debts.
Annex X — Charter of the Mixed Commission.
Appendix A — Exchange of Letters embodying the Agree-
ment of Rtli -March 1951. between the Governments of
the French Republic, the United Kingdom and the
United States of America and the Government of the
Federal Itepublic of Germany.'
Appendix B — Report of the Conference on German Ex-
ternal Debts.
Under the terms of the agreement, payments on
the debts included in the settlement plan are to
commence on varying dates beginning April 1,
1953, depending up(m the category of debts in-
volved. While the intergovernmental agreement
may not have entered into force by that date tlie
Federal Republic has agreed to hold itself ready
to transfer to the creditors any accumulated pay-
ments which may have come due at the time the
agreement comes into force.
Concurrently with the signing of the intergov-
ernmental agreement the United States, United
Kingdom, and France also entered into bilateral
agreements for the settlement of their claims for
postwar economic assistance extended to Ger-
many. The terms of settlement of these claims
are contained in appendix 7 to the report of the
Conference on German External Debts.
TEXT OF DEBT COMMISSION'S STATEMENT
Press release 106 dated February 26
Followirtg is the text of a press release issued bt/
the Tripartite Commission on German Debts in
London on February 27, 1953:
The signing of the agreement on German ex-
ternal debts and of a number of related agree-
ments, which took place in London this morning
at Londonderry House, brought to a conclusion the
negotiation of one of the most comprehensive debt
The signing took
settlements of recent times.
' Bulletin of Mar. 19, 1951, pp. 446-^47.
Deparfment of State Bulletin
place exactly 1 year since the beginning of the
London conference on German external debts,
which made recommendations to governments on
which the agreement on German external debts is
based.
The agreement on German external debts estab-
lishes terms and procedures for the settlement of
German prewar debts. Included in its ten an-
nexes are the terms of settlement worked out by
the London conference. In addition to the agree-
ment on German external debts the following
agreements on claims for postwar economic assist-
ance furnished to Germany were also signed :
(1) Anglo-German agreement on the claims of
the United Kingdom for postwar economic assist-
ance to Germany.
(2) Franco-German agreement on the claims of
France for postwar economic assistance to
Germany.
(3) U.S.-German agreement on the claims of
the United States for postwar economic assistance
to Germany.
(4) U.S.-German agreement establishing terms
of payments for surplus property sold to Germany
by the United States in the postwar period.
Further, a U.S.-German agreement relating to
mixed claims commission awards, the terms of set-
tlement of which were worked out by the London
conference, was signed by the representatives of
the Governments of the United States of America
and the Federal Republic of Germany. The total
of the obligations of the Federal Republic of Ger-
many under all these agreements is about 13,730
million DM ($3,270 million) . This will entail the
payment by the Federal Republic of annuities
amounting to about 555 million DM ($132 mil-
lion) during the first 5 years after the entry into
force of the agreement rising thereafter to about
735 million DM ($175 million).
At the time of signing these agreements, the
Tripartite Commission on German debts, repre-
senting the Governments of France, the United
Kingdom, and the United States of America, and
the German delegation for external debts, whose
four Governments must ratify the agreement on
German external debts before it comes into force,
announced that their Governments intended to
initiate the necessary action, as required in their
respective countries, to bring the agreement into
force as quickly as possible. It was pointed out,
however, that it may prove impossible to complete
the procedure required to bring the agreement into
force before the date on which, under the settle-
ment terms, the first payments on certain bonded
debts are due. In that case, such payments will
be made as soon as the agreement comes into force.
In this connection Herr Abs, the head of the Ger-
man delegation called attention to the fact that the
budget now under consideration by the German
Parliament provides for resumption of service on
the external debts of the Government of the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany. Moreover, the Bank
Deutscher Laender has already announced that
the foreign exchange necessary for payments due
during the first 6 months has been earmarked.
Thus, if any foreign-exchange payments become
due before the agreement comes into force, such
payments will be made immediately on the entry
into force of the agreement.
The names of the representatives signing the
agi-eement for the Governments represented on the
Tripartite Commission are as follows :
United Kingdom Sir George Randel
France M. Ren6 Massigli (French
Ambassador in London)
United States Ambassador Warren Lee Pierson
The following countries may also become signa-
tories to the agreement : Austria, Belgium, Brazil,
Canada, Denmark, Greece, India, Ireland, Italy,
Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Nor-
way, Pakistan, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland,
South Africa, and Yugoslavia.''
*The Department of State announced on Mar. 3 (press
release 119) that the following countries had become
signatories to the Intergovernmental Agreement on Ger-
man External Debts. Persons signing on behalf of their
countries are as indicated :
Belgium: Vicomte Obert de Thieusies (Belgian Ambas-
sador)
Canada: Norman A. Robertson (High Commissioner)
Ceylon: Sir Velupillai Coomaraswamy (Deputy High
Commissioner)
Denmark: Count EJduard Heventlow (Danish Ambassa-
dor)
Greece: M. L. V. Melas (Greek Ambassador)
Republic of Ireland: F. H. Boland (Ambassador of the
Republic of Ireland)
Liechtenstein: Dr. Walter Stuck! (Minister Plenipoten-
tiary)
Luxembourg: M. A. Clasen (Luxembourg Minister)
Norway: M. Per Preben Prebensen (Norwegian Ambas-
sador)
Pakistan: M. A. H. Ispahanl (High Commissioner)
Spain : The Duke de Primo Rivera ( Spanish Ambassador)
Sweden: M. Gunnar Hagglof (Swedish Ambassador)
Switzerland: Dr. Walter Stucki (Minister Plenipoten-
tiary)
Union of South Africa: Dr. A. L. Geyer (High Commis-
sioner)
Yugoslavia: M. Jaksa Petric (Minister Plenipotentiary)
The agreement was also signed on behalf of the Federal
Republic of Germany by Herr Hermann J. Abs, chairman
of the German delegation on external debts.
March 9, J 953
375
Agreement for Validation of German Dollar Bonds
Press release 108 dated February 26
Tlie Governments of the United States and the
Federal Republic of Germany signed an agreement
on February 27 at Bonn, Germany, establishing
procedures which will be introduced in the United
States in the near future for the validation of
German dollar bonds.^ The negotiations which
culminated in the agreement were conducted con-
currently with those on the agi-eement on German
external debts which was also signed today at
London.^
The purpose of validation is to separate valid
bonds from those which were looted in Germany
during World "War II. Under the terms of the
agreement on German external debts, only obli-
gations which are validated are eligible for pay-
ment. The validation procedure agreed to at Bonn
provides the bondholders with the mechanism for
meeting this requirement. In addition it will
enable German securities to be restored to the U.S.
markets from which they had been banned for
more than 10 years.
The arrangements for placing the validation
procedure in effect in the United States are moving
forward, and it is anticipated that bondholders
will soon be able to register their securities and
apply for validation. For the information and
convenience of bondholders, public announcements
and notices will be issued concerning registration
forms, the time and place where they should be
filed, and the list of the issues of German dollar
bonds which are required to be vali lated.
The text of the agreement is attached, together
with a backgi'ound memorandum explaining the
principal features of the validation procedure.
' For an article on the Validation Law enacted by the
Federal Republic of Germany on Aug. 25, 19.52, and the
text of relevant portions of the schedule annexed to the
law, see Bulletin of Oct. 20, 1952, p. 608.
' See p. 373.
Agreement Between the Government of the United
States of America and the Government of the Federal
Republic of Germany Regarding the Validation of
Dollar Bonds of German Issue
Whereas there are outstanding numerous German pub-
lic and private foreign currency bonds including dollar
bonds payable through corporate trustees or through pay-
ing agents in the United States;
Whereas a large number of these bonds, including such
dollar bonds, were acquired for eventual retirement and
thus no longer represented valid obligations;
Whereas such acquired bonds were retained in Ger-
many and never presented to the trustees or the paying
agents for cancellation ;
Whereas a great many of the bonds so acquired or
otherwise held in Germany disappeared during hostilities
in Germany or soon thereafter ;
WHERBL4.S these bonds may have fallen unlawfully into
the hands of persons who will seek to negotiate them, or
to make claim under them against the debtors, trustees
or paying agents, or otherwise to profit from their un-
lawful acquisition ;
Whereas any payment on bonds which are illegally held
and which no longer represent valid obligations of the
issuers, not only would be inequitable to the German
debtors, but would necessarily reduce tie amount of for-
eign exchange or other funds available to make payments
to their legitimate creditors, a large number of whom
are nationals of the United States;
Whereas the free and op«n trading in the United States
of all German dollar bonds is impeded by the uncer-
tainties arising from the situation described above;
Whereas in order to avoid these consequences it is
necessary that such German foreign currency bonds, in-
cluding dollar bonds, which are illegally held should be
declared invalid ;
Whereas almost all such German bonds are in the form
of bearer instruments so that generally the most practical
method of accomplishing such invalidation of bonds is a
procedure which will require that all German foreign
currency bonds, including dollar bonds, be submitted for
a determination of their validity ;
Whereas the Federal Republic of Germany has enacted
for this purpose the Law for the Validation of German
Foreign Currency Bonds of August 25, 1952, published in
the Bundesgesetzblatt of 1952, part I, page 553, (herein-
after referred to as "the Validation Law"), which is
the basis of this Agreement and an English translation
of which, agreed by the two governments, is attached
hereto ;
376
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bullefin
Whereas the Federal Republic of Germany desires this
Law be implemented within the territorial jurisdiction
of the United States as well as other countries ;
Whereas the Government of the United States (here-
inafter referred to as "the United States Government")
recognizes that the policy of the Federal Republic of
Germany embodied in the Validation Law is in conformity
with the policy of the United States, and that the pro-
cedure of validation prescribed therein is in the interests
of an orderly and appropriate determination of the valid-
ity of claims of itself and its nationals based on bonds
of Germanv and German debtors and will protect itself
and its nationals against payments out of the limited
available foreign exchange being made by German debtors
to holders of bonds which no longer represent valid obli-
gations ; , . ^
Whekeas the Government of the Federal Republic of
Germany (hereinafter referred to as "the German Fed-
eral Government"), in accordance with the terms of the
Occupation Statute, gave due notice of the intended en-
actment of the Validation Law to the United States,
British and French High Commissioners for Germany,
who are charged with responsibility for the protection of
foreign interests in Germany, and whereas the said High
Commissioners duly examined the said Law and raised no
objection to this enactment ;
Whereas the German Federal Government has ap-
proved a "Second Implementing Ordinance under the
Validation Law for German Foreign Currency Bonds" in
the form attached hereto (hereinafter referred to as "the
attached Ordinance"), and English translation of which,
agreed by the two governments, is also attached hereto,
and has informed the United States Government that it
will promulgate this Ordinance as soon as the United
States Government has consented to its provisions as re-
quired by Article 77 (1) of the Validation Law;
Whereas the United States Government deems the pro-
visions of the said Validation Law set forth a reasonable
basis for the adjustment of these post war difficulties and
for the settlement of claims, and therefore wishes to im-
plement the same within the territorial jurisdiction of the
United States ; and
Whereas such implementation requires agreement of
the two Governments signatory hereto in order to make
provision mutually satisfactory as to procedures therefor
within the territorial jurisdiction of the United States:
Therefore the Government of the United States of
America and the Government of the Federal Republic of
Germany have entered into the following Agreement :
Section 1
For the purpose of this Agreement,
(1) the term "Dollar Bond" shall mean any bond of
the types which are listed in the Schedule to the Valida-
tion Law of a supplement of such Schedule and in respect
of which such Schedule or supplement describes the
United States as the Country of Offering and shall include
coupons, dividend warrants, renewal certificates, sub-
scription warrants and any other secondary instruments
issued in connection with such bond (Article 5 of the
Validation Law) ; . „ ^ „ „
(2) the term "the Foreign Representative shall mean
the Foreign Representative for the United States ap-
pointed by the German Federal Government pursuant to
Article 8 of the Validation Law.
Section 2
a The two Governments hereby establish jointly a
Board for the Validation of German Bonds in the United
States (hereinafter sometimes referred to as "the Vali-
dation Board"), as contemplated by Article 9 (5) of the
Validation Law.
6. The said Board shall have its seat and office m the
City of New York in the State of New York.
c The said Board shall consist of two members and
a chairman. The Foreign Representative shall be one of
March 9, J 953
the members; the other member shall be appointed by
the United States Government after consultation with
the German Federal Government. The chairman shall
be appointed by the two Governments jointly and shall
be a national of the United States.
d. Each Government may remove for cause the mem-
ber appointed by it, after consultation with the other
Government. If there is danger in delay, it may sus-
pend such member temporarily. The chairman may be
removed for cause by joint action of the two Govern-
ments. A vacancy arising by such removal or otherwise
shall be filled in accordance with sub-section c.
e. The United States Government consents to the said
Board's conducting its operations within the territorial
jurisdiction of the United States.
f. The said Board shall take its decisions by joint
action of its two members if they are in agreement. If
they are not in agreement, they shall refer the matter
to the chairman, whose decision in such case shall con-
stitute the decision of the Board.
g. The German Federal Government shall make avail-
able such staff and shall provide such office space and
equipment for the said Board as the two Governments
consider to be needed for the efficient and expeditious
handling of the large volume of registrations which may
be received by the Board.
h. The two Governments agree that the appointment
of the Foreign Representative will be subject to the con-
sent of the United States Government and that he will
be recalled should the United States Government so re-
quest. The United States Government agrees that the
Foreign Representative shall be accorded such privileges
and immunities normally accorded by it to diplomatic
representatives of foreign Governments as may be nec-
essary to enable him properly to carry out his responsi-
bilities as Foreign Representative and as member of the
Validation Board and, subject to the provisions of this
Agreement, consents to the discharge by the Foreign
Representative of his functions within the territorial
jurisdiction of the United States.
!. The provisions of this Agreement concerning the
Foreign Representative shall also apply to his permanent
deputies appointed pursuant to Article 8 (7) of the Vali-
dation Law. Any permanent deputy appointed by the
United States Government may act as member of the
said Board in the place of the member appointed by it.
Section S
a. The United States Government will notify the Ger-
man Federal Government from time to time of any Federal
Reserve District or Districts in which a need for estab-
lishment of an Arbitration Board pursuant to the at-
tached Ordinance exists, and the German Federal
Government will establish such Board or Boards upon
receipt of such notification.
6. The United States Government consents that the
Arbitration Boards established pursuant to the attached
Ordinance exercise their jurisdiction within the territorial
jurisdiction of the United States.
c. The two Governments agree that the appointment of
the arbitrators will be subject to the consent of the United
States Government and that an arbitrator will be removed
upon agreement by the two governments that he is seri-
ously violating his duties. Subject to the foregoing, the
two Governments are in agreement that, in respect of each
Arbitration Board, each government will designate one
arbitrator and both governments jointly will designate a
national of the United States as chairman.
Section 4
a. The United States Government hereby consents to
the provisions of the attached Ordinance, as required by
Article 77 (1) of the Validation Law.
6. The German Federal Government agrees not to
amend, modify or repeal the attached Ordinance or
promulgate any additional Implementing Ordinances
under the Validation Law applicable to Dollar Bonis
377
without the concurrence of the United States Government.
c. The Oerman Federal Government confirms that upon
the promulgation of the said Ordinance and upon effectua-
tion of the notices and announcements specified in Section
5, the Validation Law and the attached Ordinance shall
become applicable to all matters and proceedings imple-
menting the Validation Law within the territorial juris-
diction of the United States.
d. The German Federal Government agrees that it will
not take any steps towards amending, modifying or re-
pealing the Validation Law without prior consultation
between the two Governments.
e. The two Governments agree that, in the event that
the attached Ordinance should not be promulgated forth-
with, or that the Validation Law should be amended,
modified or repealed without the concurrence of the United
States Government, or that the said Law or Ordinance or
any part thereof should be found to be invalid as con-
flicting with any other provision of German Law, the
United States Government may terminate this Agreement
and withdraw any consent given by its terms.
Section 5
a. The German Federal Government agrees that it will
take all steps necessary to ensure that holders in the
United States of German foreign currency bonds are
given adequate and timely notice of such action as is
necessary imder the Validation Law to secure validation
of their bonds and, in particular, that it will cause notice
of such required action to be published three times in
at least one newspaper of general circulation in each
Federal Reserve District, territory and possession of the
United States, in at least three periodicals of general
circulation throughout the United States, and in at least
six financial journals in the United States, and cause ap-
propriate announcements to be sent to such other institu-
tions and individuals as may be designated by the United
States Government. Such notice and announcements shall
be effected at such times and in such manner as the United
States Government shall designate after consultation
with the German Federal Government.
6. Similar notice shall be given and similar announce-
ments be made by the German Federal Government of any
amendment of the Validation Law or of the attached Ordi-
nance as well as of the promulgation of any additional
Ordinance applicable to Dollar Bonds unless the United
States Government deems such notice or announcement
unnecessary.
Section 6
a. The two Governments will jointly determine whether
the Opening Date established by Article 19 (1) of the
Validation Law should be advanced or deferred, in the
manner authorized by Article 19 (2) thereof, in respect of
Dollar Bonds.
b. The German Federal Government agrees to extend,
in the manner authorized by Article 21 (2) of the Vali-
dation Law, the registration period (Article 21 (1) and
Article 37 (2) of the said Law) for such period or periods,
not exceeding the maxima set forth in Article 21 (2) of
the said Law, and such types of Dollar Bonds as may be
requested by the United States Government.
Section 7
The German Federal Government confirms that
(1) any decision of the Validation Board,
(2) any decision reviewing a decision of the Validation
Board
pursuant to a legal remedy allowed by Article
29 (2) of the FoMda^ion Law, and
(3) any decision of a German court or agency rendered
pvirsuant to the provisions of Part III or Article
51 of tlie Validation Law and concerning the vali-
dation of Dollar Bonds
shall, upon becoming final pursuant to the provisions of
the said Law, be binding upon all persons concerned pro-
378
vided that nothing in this section shall restrict any right
or remedy granted or allowed by the said Law.
Section 8
The German Federal Government agrees that if ap-
propriate representation is made by the United States
that the provisions or administration of the Validation
Law or of the Ordinances issued thereunder have imposed
or appear likely to impose undue hardships upon the
United States or its nationals, or prove to be impracti-
cable or unworkable, the German Federal Government
will take all action within its powers as may be required
to eliminate such hardshii)s or make the validation pro-
cedure practicable and workable.
Section 9
Should the German Federal Government admit certain
types of documents or of other evidence as sufficient for
validation of foreign currency bonds offered in a Country
of Offering other than the United States, the action thus
taken by the German Federal Government shall also be
made applicable to Dollar Bonds held at the time of their
registration within such Country of Offering, provided
that the German Federal Government notifies the United
States Government of such action and that the United
States Government thereupon finds such application to
be appropriate and so notifies the German Federal
Government.
Section 10
The German Federal Government agrees that it will
seek to conclude agreements similar to the present agree-
ment with the Government of any other country in which
German foreign currency bonds have been marketed and
which the Schedule to the Validation Law describes as a
Country of Offering, or to make other appropriate ar-
rangements with the competent agencies of the countries
of offering, for the purpose of implementing the Valida-
tion Law within the territorial jurisdiction of such coun-
try and causing decisions rendered in accordance with
the terms of the Validation Law to become binding upon
all persons concerned.
Section 11
The two Governments agree that the Validation Board
and the Foreign Representative may utilize such services
of any persons or public or private agencies within the
United States as they may deem necessary for the pur-
pose of carrying out the validation process expeditiously
and effectively, and may enter into contracts with such
persons or agencies with respect to such services and the
compensation to be paid therefor.
Section 12
The German Federal Government agrees that any ex-
penses reimbursable to the registrants, trustees and pay-
ing agents of Dollar Bonds pursuant to Article 63 of the
Validation Law will be paid to them by the Foreign Rep-
resentative on behalf of the Federal Republic of Germany,
without prejudice to the right of the German Federal
Republic to claim reimbursement from the issuers of such
bonds.
Section IS
a. The German Federal Government agrees that the
entire cost of the validation procedure resulting from the
implementation of the Validation Law in the United
States will be paid by the Federal Republic of Germany
including, but not limited to the salaries, fees or other
remuneration of the members and chairmen and any other
personnel of the Validation Board and Arbitration Boards,
office rent and other operating expenses of the said Boards,
and the cost of notices and announcements pursuant to
Section 5 hereof.
6. The salary of the member of the Validation Board
appointed by the United States Government and the
Department of State Bulletin
remuneration of the Chairman of the Validation Board
shall be determined jointly by the two Governments. The
initial appointment of such member shall be for a period
of two years.
Section lit
Tlie German Federal Government agrees that It will
make available the foreign exchange necessary to effectu-
ate the payments pursuant to Section 12 and lo and
that it will cause to be issued such licenses as may be
reciuired under German law to permit the carrying out
of any acts required under the Validation Law or this
Agreement.
Section 15
The two Governments agree that the employment of
collective validation as provided in Article 13 and Articles
55 to 58 of the Validation Law will promote the orderly
and expeditious operation of the Law and that the col-
lective validation should be used wherever it appears
that the amount of bonds of a given issue which have dis-
appeared is not sufficiently large to warrant the expense
to the issuer and the burden upon the bondholders of
specific validation.
Section 16
a The German Federal Government agrees that, as
far 'as Dollar Bonds are concerned, it will not exercise
after February 28, 1953 its power to supplement the
Schedule of Foreign Currency Bonds pursuant to Article
1 (2) of the Validation Law, unless the United btates
Government should consent thereto. ^. ^ ^v,
6 The German Federal Government confirms that the
Validation Law does not affect the validity of any issues
of German bonds denominated in dollars which are^not
Usted in the Schedule to the said Law and are not added
thereto by way of supplement.
Section 17
This Agreement has been executed in two original texts,
in the English and German languages. The English and
German texts of this Agreement are the official texts
thereof.
Section 18
This Agreement shall become effective upon its being
signed by the duly authorized representatives of the two
Governments.
Background Information
The primary reason that holders of German
doHar bonds are being requested to submit their
holdings for validation arises out of an event
which occurred in Germany in the closing days
of the last war. For several years prior to the
outbreak of hostilities, particularly m the middle
1930's, the German Government, takmg advantage
of depreciated prices resulting from German
securities being in default, reacquired a signih-
cant portion of outstanding dollar bonds for pur-
poses of amortization. For various reasons they
did not present them to the trustees and paying
agents for cancellation, and thereafter the war
rendered presentation impossible.
During the war years, the major part ot these
securities, along with German securities denomi-
nated in other foreign currencies, accumulated m
vaults of financial institutions and other deposi-
tories in Berlin. They were so deposited when
the Soviet armed forces invaded the city m 1J4&.
When Berlin fell, the Soviet authorities system-
atically expropriated the securities and, except
March 9, 1953
for reports indicating that attempts are being made
to negotiate them in the European markets, no
information has since been obtained regarding
their whereabouts. The total amount of outstand-
ing German dollar bonds is approximately 510
million dollars. The validation program will
ultimately determine what portion of this sum
is represented by the looted securities; present
estimates indicate that the looted bonds may com-
prise approximately 50 percent of this sum.
In addition to recognizing the accepted princi-
ple that a debtor should not be charged with pay-
ing the same obligation twice, the U. S. Govern-
ment, as a matter of national policy, has a direct
interest in seeing that the Soviet Government is
not permitted to obtain dollar exchange through
the negotiation of these looted instruments. The
U. S. Government also has an obligation to the
American investor to insure that no bonds except
those which would constitute good delivery are
afforded a market in the United States. Further-
more it is in the interest of the American bond-
holders that the limited dollar resources of the
Federal Republic of Germany be conserved to
service only valid obligations in accordance with
the terms of the agreement on German external
dGbts.
The primary purpose of validation is to sort
good bonds from bad. The mechanics of achiev-
ing this, however, are complex, and it was recog-
nized at the beginning that neither the United
States nor the Federal Republic of Germany act-
ing alone could accomplish this purpose m a man-
ner which would adequately protect the legitimate
interests of the American holders and the German
issuers. Accordingly, a series of coordinated
measures were unclertaken by the two Govern-
ments which combine to create the basis upon
which the validation procedure rests. The first
of these is the law concerning the validation of
German Foreign Currency Bonds, popularly
known as the Validation Law, which was enacted
by the Federal Republic of Germany on August
25, 1952. The second is the agreement signed to-
day which permits the validation procedure to be
introduced in the United States. Finally the two
Governments have agreed on an implementing
regulation under the German law, which the Ger-
man Government will issue shortly, on the details
of the validation procedure.
The Validation Law requires that all German
dollar bonds, which are listed by issue in the
schedule to the law, be validated in order to remain
valid obligations of the issuers. There are a
number of ways in which this will be accomplished,
depending upon the circumstances surrounding a
particular bond. The great majority of American
holders will be concerned with only one of these
methods. Under this method, bonds which were
outside Germany on January 1, 1945, will be vali-
dated in the United States. There will be estab-
lished a three-man Validation Board composed
379
of American and German representatives, which
will sit in New York City, and which will be vested
with authority to grant or deny validation of all
German dollar bonds which satisfy the require-
ment of having been outside Germany on this
key date. Holders of German dollar bonds who
can satisfy this requirement may obtain a regis-
tration form from the Validation Board which
they may fill out and submit to the Board giving
the pertinent facts surrounding their holdings.
They must also submit such evidence as is avail-
able to them, including their sworn affidavits, es-
tablishing that they or their predecessors in inter-
est held the bonds outside Germany on the
required date.
In submitting their application for validation,
bondholders will also be required to surrender
their bonds either to the Validation Board or to a
depositary appointed for the purpose. Bonds
which are validated are eligible for the benefits
provided under the Debt Settlement and also may
be traded in the U.S. market. To facilitate
trading, the Validation Board, unless otherwise
instructed by the bondholder, will issue a valida-
tion certificate which will be attached to the bond
and which must accompany the bond in all public
transactions. Wliere the Validation Board denies
validation, the bondholder may at his election file
an appeal either with a special Arbitration Board
which is established in the United States, or with
the German courts or with the U.S. coui'ts. In
these cases, the Validation Board will retain pos-
session or control over the affected bonds pending
the outcome of the appeal.
To assist and advise bondholders, suitable pub-
licity will be given in due course in newspapers of
general circulation in the principal centers
throughout the United States, financial journals,
and by appropriate announcements through
brokers and dealers. This publicity will acquaint
bondholders with the general provisions of the
validation program, the procedure for obtaining
and filling out the registration forms and the date
upon which they may apply for validation to the
Validation Board. It is expected that the Valida-
tion Board will be able to assume its responsibili-
ties in the near future.
Wliere a bondholder cannot establish that his
holdings were outside Germany on January 1,
1945, he must apply for validation before a Ger-
man agency in the Federal Republic of Germany
under one of the other procedures mentioned
above. His application in this instance will be
based upon the fact that he lawfully acquired the
bonds before January 1, 1945, or, if he acquired
them after that date, that he can trace his title
back to a person who was the owner on January 1,
1945.
The Validation Law also provides for cases
where bonds were lost or destroyed as a result of
the war. In these situations, which will also be
handled in Germany, the German agency, upon
the submission of competent evidence, will grant
a "declaratory decree" in lieu of a substitute bond.
This declaratory decree grants to the applicant
the right to receive compensation from the issuer
under certain conditions.
Bondholders are cautioned that not all Ger-
man dollar bonds are subject to the Validation
Law. The law itself has a jurisdictional as well
as substantive limitations. It does not apply to
dollar bonds issued by public or corporate entities
having their seat in that part of Germany which
is under Soviet control or Polish administration.
Moreover, the law deals only with those bonds
which are identified by issue in the schedule. Ac-
cordingly, bondholders are requested to study
carefully the public announcements, giving par-
ticular attention to such matters as where regis-
tration forms are obtainable, the time and place
where they should be filed, and the listing of the
various issues of German dollar bonds which are
required to be validated.
Emergency Grant-in-Aid
for Berlin Refugees
The following announcement loas issued jointly
at Berlin on January 29 hxj the Mutual Security
Agency, Office of the Special Mission to Western
Ge-nnany, and the Federal Ministry for the
Marshall Plan:
[Telegraphic text]
Emergency aid in the amount of 250,000
deutschemarks [approximately $60,000] was
given today to assist in meeting the urgent needs
of Soviet victims crowding into Berlin from Rus-
sian-occupied Germany.
The funds will be used for the purchase of such
urgently needed items as bedding and bed cloth-
ing, medical and surgical equipment, special food
for the children of refugees in West Berlin tem-
porary centers, children's clothing, and other
emergency requirements.
The allocation is a grant-in-aid from Garioa
(Government and Relief in Occupied Areas)
counterpart funds, derived from U.S. dollar aid,
and was agreed on by the Federal Ministry for
the Marshall Plan, the Ministry for Expellees,
and the Msa Special Mission to Germany.
The funds will be turned over to the Berlin
authorities and disbursed by them in accordance
with their on-the-spot assessment of the most
urgent needs.
The Ministry for Expellees stated that the aid
was particularly welcome at this moment when
the stream of i-efugees into West Berlin is so
great.
380
Department of State Bulletin
Allotment Made to U.K.
for Promotion of Productivity
The United Kingdom has been allocated 9 mil-
lion dollars of a special appropriation made avail-
iable under the Mutal Security Act of 1952 to
iencouraije a healthy and expanding economy by
I promoting productivity of industry and by stimu-
lating competition, Lincoln Gordon, chief of the
' Mutual Security Agency Mission to the United
Kingdom announced on February 25.
"I am confident," Mr. Gordon said, "this pro-
gram will make a significant contribution to the
improvement of productivity and the competitive
ability of British industry— an improvement vital
to the long term soundness and vigor of the British
economy and therefore to our common objective
of a strong free world." Sterling equivalent or
the counterpart funds, as they are called, of the
dollar grant will be spent on programs desigiied
to foster the ability and willingness of British
industry to produce, under fully competitive con-
ditions, to the mutual benefit of employers and
employed and of consumers.
The 9-million-dollar special allocation is in addi-
tion to previous allotments of Msa defense sup-
port funds totalling 400 million dollars for the
1953 fiscal year.
Great Britain is the first country participating
in the mutual security program to conclude an
agreement with the U.S. Government for alloca-
tion of a portion of the 100 million dollars appro-
priated under a special provision of mutual secur-
ity legislation enacted by the U.S. Congress in
June 1952. Negotiations to conclude similar
agreements are presently under way with several
other participating countries in Europe.
The program for the United Kingdom will be
put into effect as soon as possible and is expected
to be completed within 2 or 3 years.
Specific projects are to be worked out under
the agreement in each of the following categories :
1. An advisory service for small business con-
cerns on reorganization and production techniques
with a view to increasing productivity and lower-
ing prices.
2. The expansion of research into factors affect-
ing the efficiency of the national economy, includ-
ing research into relative efficiency of competitive
and monopolistic enterprise, effects of restrictive
practices and incentives in industry, and social
psychology of relationships between employees
and management.
3. The promotion of studies in technological
subjects at various universities, training of a staff
for courses for supervisors, and provision for
scholarships in management subjects.
4. A revolving loan fund will provide short-
term loans to industry for reorganization and
modernization. Producers, processors, and dis-
tributors of foodstuffs and agricultural supplies
wiU also be eligible.
March 9, 1953
5. The program will make provision for spread-
ing knowledge of productivity through conference
exhibits and the showing of instructional films
in factories, local halls, and at conferences. Ihe
British Government also indicates in the agree-
ment that it is prepared to play a part in the
Europe-wide productivity agency m the Organiza-
tion for European Economic Cooperation estab-
lishment which is currently under discussion in
that organization.
U.S. To Make Full Settlement
for Korean Currency Advances
Press release 103 dated February 25
The United States has agreed to pay $85,800,000
to the Republic of Korea in full settlement for aU
outstanding local currency advances by the Re-
public of Korea to U.S. forces prior to February
7, 1953. In addition it was agreed that the United
States will in the future purchase won from the
Republic of Korea for military use and for sale to
military personnel at a rate related to local price
indices. .
The local currency for which payment will be
made has been advanced to the United States
forces under the financial agreement of July 1950 ^
between the United States and the Republic of
Korea, in which the Republic of Korea agreed to
advance local currency in return for a settlement
at a mutually agreeable time in the future. The
present agreement will not affect arrangenients
between other U.N. countries and the Republic of
Korea for settling past won drawings and obtain-
ing future hwan (new currency) requirements.
With the funds thus made available by the set-
tlement and those arising from sale of hwan in the
future, the Republic of Korea will be able to in-
crease materially its importation of consumer and
capital goods.
Letters of Credence
Chile
The newly appointed Ambassador of Chile,
Anibal Jara, presented his credentials to the Presi-
dent on February 24, 1953. For the text of the
Ambassador's remarks and for the text of the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 101 of February 24.
Nepal
The newly appointed Ambassador of Nepal,
Shanker Shum Shere Jung Bahadur Rana, pre-
sented his credentials to the President on February
24 1953. For the text of the Ambassador's re-
marks and for the text of the President's reply,
see Department of State press release 102 of
February 24.
' For text of the agreement, see Bulletin of Nov. 6,
1950, p. 734.
381
The Facts of the Korean Situation
Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly '
tJ.S./U-N. press release dated February 25
To appear before this gathering of statesmen
from all over the world as the representative of
my country is a unique distinction. It is an honor
to be associated here with all of you — an honor
of memorable significance to me.
Since the last meeting of the General Assembly,
there has been a change in the Government of the
United States — a change in which the losers have
neither been disgraced nor, I may say, liquidated.
The American people wish to establish a lasting
peace and regard the United Nations as a vital
means to that end. As President Eisenliower
said:
Respecting the United Nations as the living sign of
all people's hope for peace, we shall strive to make it not
merely an eloquent symbol but an effective force. And
in our quest for an honorable peace, we shall neither
compromise, nor tire, nor ever cease.'
Every element of American life is eager for
peace. For the sake of peace we have put up
our resources; we have sent our men. Even the
most fanatic critics of the United States are unable
to point a finger at any group having the slightest
weight or importance in America which does not
believe in peace.
This love of peace exists in all Americans re-
gardless of party. It was for that reason that
my predecessors at the last Assembly voted for
the Indian resolution — a resolution which spared
no effort to meet the issues; which declared un-
equivocally for peace; which was passed by a vote
of the General Assembly which was overwhelm-
ing. If ever an action represented the conscience
of the world and the striving of suffering hu-
manity for peace it was the passage of that reso-
lution.
It seemed impossible that there could be rulers
^Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on Feb.
2.5. The meeting at which Ambassador Lodge spoke was
the first held following the resumption of the Seventh
Session of the General Assembly on Feb. 24.
• BrrLi-ETiN of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 169.
382
President's Welcome to Assembly Delegates
Folloicing is the text of a message sent on Fel)-
ruary 24 by President Eisenhower to Lester B. Pear-
son, President of the General Assembly, and read by
Mr. Pearson at the opening meeting of the Assem-
bly's resumed Seventh Session on the same date:
It is a pleasure to welcome to the United States
the delegates to the seventh session of the General
Assembly of the United Nations. The United Na-
tions has already accomplished much. I hope that
it will grow in strength and become an increasingly
effective instrument of peace.
The achievement of a just and durable peace is
essential to all the values which make life worth
living. This task involves not only the building of
collective security; it challenges our intelligence
and our idealism on the whole broad front of human
activity. The delegates to this Assembly have a
great opportunity to advance the cause "of peace.
The world will watch your deliberations with deep
interest and high hopes.
I wish you Godspeed.
in this world who would object to this offer, but
it soon appeared that there were. The regimes
of China and of North Korea have turned it down,
and, of course, when they did it, they must have
known that they were telling the world in effect:
"We wish to continue the bloody struggle in Ko-
rea; and, therefore, tell you that you can only
solve the Korean problem on our terms." We,
who are determined to end the war on a just basis,
must all note this development with regret and
seek the reasons for it.
Chinese Words and Soviet Acts
Therefore, we should first ponder the statement
of Mr. Chou En Lai, the Foreign Minister of the
Chinese Communist regime, who in his political
report of February 4, 1953, spoke of the Korean
war and said that it "has greatly reinforced
the strength and influence of the world camp of
Department of State Bulletin
peace and democracy headed by the Soviet
Union"— an unwittingly candid admission, by the
■way, as to the identity of those whose word he
heeds.
Mr. President, for many generations Americans
have had close relations with China and have
learned to esteem the wisdom of the Chinese
people. We realize that there are genuinely
democratic forces at work throughout the world,
which have been suppressed in some areas includ-
ing China. These forces reflect the human desire
for a richer, freer life. Forces of this same kind
built our own country.
There is no doubt that some Chinese believed the
promise of progress which was made to them by
their present rulers. Such promises are always
attractive. But being an intelligent people with
a long tradition of wisdom, they certainly cannot
approve of the present situation in which young
manhood of China is being slaughtered in response
to a policy which appears to be admittedly dic-
tated from Moscow.
Apparently the Soviet Union, with its own spe-
cial brand of magnanimity and generosity, is
determined to carry on the war to the last Chinese.
Mr. Chou En Lai's description of the Korean
war as a positive good to communism shocks us.
We repudiate it. We are sure the Chinese people
would repudiate it if they were free to do so.
This brings me naturally to another somber
truth. This is that the Soviet Union is actively
assisting the aggressors in Korea on a scale which
makes possible the continuance of that aggression
and determines its scope. Tlie following facts,
therefore, should be placed clearly and frankly
before world opinion.
Ten Facts
Here are 10 facts which the world should face :
Fact number one is that Soviet planning insti-
gated the original aggression, which was subse-
quently maintained by Soviet training and
equipment, notably Soviet aircraft, Soviet artil-
lery, Soviet T-34 tanks, and Soviet automatic
weapons.
Fact number two is that the North Korean forces
which were virtually destroyed after the Inchon
landing in the fall of 1950 fled across the Yalu
River, behind the screen of the Chinese Commu-
nists who were then entering Korea. They re-
appeared on the battlefi-ont in late winter recon-
stituted, reorganized, and almost completely
equipped with weapons of Soviet manufacture.
Fact nu7nber three is that the flow of Sovie*
equipment is constant and steady, and accounts foi
the increase of combat effectiveness of the enemy
over the past year.
Fact number four is that the Chinese Commu-
nists who entered the fighting with normal light
equipment are now fighting with heavy equipment
supplied by the Soviet Union.
March 9, J 953
Fact number -five is that naval mines in large
number which have been picked up or washed
ashore off the Korean coast have been mines of
Soviet manufacture.
Fact number six is that the planes which the
U.N. Command has been encountering over North
Korea have been MIG-15's and other aircraft
manufactured and supplied by the Soviet Union.
Fact number seven is that recently U.N. forces
have encountered a new type of Soviet plane, the
IL-28, which is now a part of the air ^forces of
the Communist aggressors over North Korea.
Fact number eight is that in spite of heavy
losses, the Chinese Communist and North Korean
air forces have grown until they today have some
2500 aircraft of which half are jets, all manufac-
tured and supplied by the Soviet Union.
Fact number nine is that the Soviet Union pro-
vides the replacements for these aircraft which
U.N. forces shoot down over North Korea. Our
experts estimate that the Soviet Union has con-
tributed in excess of 4400 planes to fight against
the United Nations in Korea.
Fact number ten is that the anti-aircraft guns
in North Korea, including many which are radar-
controlled, are of Soviet origin.
The Soviet representatives are hereby chal-
lenged to disprove these facts. They show how
far the Soviet Union has gone to broaden the
war— how, since the fall of 1950, the United Na-
tions has not been fighting a local enemy, but the
vast manpower resources of Communist China
supported by the material resources of the entire
Soviet world.
And then, Mr. President, there are people who
have the crudity to come here and make sancti-
monious speeches about world peace.
The whole world knows the truth : That except
for the active aid furnished to the North Korean
and Chinese Communist aggressors by the Soviet
Union, the war in Korea would now be over.
Like the ostrich who sticks his head in the sand
and thinks that no one sees him, the rulers of the
Soviet Union are so bemused by their own propa-
ganda that they do not recognize the extent to
which world opinion holds them responsible for
aiding and abetting this great crime against the
peace of the world.
The rulers of the Soviet Union can stop the war
whenever they want to — and Mr. Vyshinsky
knows it.
To Build Peace
Mr. President, peace not only depends on col-
lective security — it must also be based on equal
treatment of human beings. As long as there is
racial or religious discrimination, just so long is
the day of peace postponed. Conditions are not
perfect in any country in this regard, but in many
lands — I know this is true in my own — great and
successful advances are being made.
383
We have, however, observed with indignation
the persecution of Christians, Moslems, and Jews
that has been taking place in the Soviet Union
for some time. That discrimination is not only
■wicked; it will also in the end prove to be totally
ineffective because there is an undefeatable quality
in human nature which will always resist totali-
tarian attempts to destroy religious and ethnic
freedom.
To build peace there must, of course, be collec-
tive security.
To build peace there must be equal treatment of
people without discrimination as to race, creed, or
color.
To build peace there must also be freedom from
the specter of want. There is no use in talking to
a starving man about freedom or democracy. We
stand ready to work for peace along all these
lines too.
Finally, we believe that peace, like every other
great human problem, is best solved by govern-
ments which are controlled by the people, in
which public officials are the servants of the peo-
ple— countries in which the word "dictatorship"
is a bad word, and not countries in which officials
proudly boast of dictatorship and give it the mis-
leadmg title of "Dictatorship of the Proletariat."
We believe that the counsel of many men of
good will produces more collective wisdom than
that of a few. We believe in the people ; we have
faith in the people. We believe the people are
competent to make their own decisions, and that
a man is not rendered all-wise by being made all-
powerful.
Mr. President, the facts I have just presented
concerning the words of the Chinese Communists
and the actions of the Soviet Union are a mon-
strous answer to the adoption by this Assembly
of the Indian resolution. For these reasons there
is little point in reformulating at this session the
principles on which that resolution was based.
The Indian resolution, in the words of a great
American on another occasion, raises a standard
to which the wise and honest can repair. When
the day comes that the aggressors in the Far East
have a change of heart — for whatever reasons, and
they can be many— it will not be difficult for them
to show it. Failure to end the fighting in Korea
is not due to any lack of cleverness with words
here in the United Nations. It is due to the
frankly announced desire of the Communists to
continue the war.
Mr. President, I reserve my right to speak fur-
ther on the Korean item at a later point in the
debate.
The U. S. in the U. N.
A weekly feature, does not appear in this issue.
U.S. Makes Pledge to U.N.
Technical Assistance Program
Statement iy Hemy Cabot Lodge, Jr.,
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
O.S./D.N. press release dated February 26
This conference on the annual renewal of life
for what is surely one of the most important of
the U.N. activities is a significant international
occasion at which I am happy to represent the
United States.
Equally significant is the fact that represented
here are the Governments of Austria, Cambodia,
Ceylon, Finland, Germany, Italy, Japan, Korea,
Laos, Monaco, Spain, Switzerland, and Vietnam.
Although not members of the United Nations,
these countries show by their cooperation and
presence that the idea of technical assistance is
powerful and promising. The United States
welcomes their presence.
We may also note the absence of a number of
governments who habitually speak so loudly of
their interest in assisting underdeveloped coun-
tries and who are strangely absent and silent
when the chance comes actually to do something
helpful.
The statesmen of Southeast Asia were not de-
luded by the words of the representatives of such
governments at the recent meeting in Bandung,
Indonesia. At the Economic Commission for
Asia, and the Far East, Mr. Ahmad Khaleli of
Pakistan asked the U.S.S.K. to stop shedding
crocodile tears, and Mr. D. B. Karmarhar of
India said, "The Soviet Union has done practi-
cally nothing to help the region and has attrib-
uted malicious motives to other countries that
have helped."
In spite of this use of propaganda, instead of
action on their part, we look to the time when we
who are here today will be joined by the Soviet
Union, Poland, and Czechoslovakia in pushing
forward this important work of bettering the life
of hundreds of millions throughout the world.
Technical assistance has been called an act of
faith in the ability of people to help themselves.
It can be a powerful force for the development
of latent resources, both human and physicah It
is one of the things President Eisenhower un-
doubtedly had in mind when he wrote to Assem-
bly President Pearson on Tuesday ^ that the task
of achieving a just and durable peace involves not
only the building of collective security : ". . . it
challenges our intelligence and our idealism on
the whole broad front of human activity."
The response of the United States to this chal-
lenge is not new. The record of our missionaries,
' Made before tlie U.N. Technical Assistance Pledging
Conference on Feb. 26.
= See p. 382.
384
Department of State Bulletin
the work of our great foundations, the long ex-
perience of our agricultural extension services in
I our individual states— all of these testify to our
'faith that people will accomplish big things by
collaborating on common problems for their own
advancement.
The United States has for some 25 years, there-
fore, been engaged in its own programs of bilat-
eral technical assistance. Since the early days
of the United Nations, the United States has
supported the idea of multilateral technical assist-
ance under U.N. auspices.
Today, after 21/2 years, the necessary admin-
istrative machinery has been set up and put into
operation. Agreements negotiated with Govern-
ments have enabled projects to start in some 65
countries and territories. Approximately 1,000
U.N. experts are now in the field and at work.
Already this work is producing results. In the
Near East, where the seasonal swarming of locusts
has destroyed the crops and has often discouraged
farmers from even planting crops, international
and national efforts are today combined to limit
the depredations of this ancient enemy of man.
In Asia, Africa, and Latin America, animal
diseases which have deprived millions of people
of animal agriculture products and of draft ani-
mals are, thanks to this program, being elimi-
nated.
In the great arid and semiarid areas of the
world, exploration and technical operations are
bringing water to the surface for the livelihood
of countless men, women, and children. In other
areas, swamps and lowlands are being drained and
controlled — with a resulting drop in malaria and
a rise in food production. Extension programs
are bringing the findings of agricultural science
to the individual farmer and showing him how to
put them to work.
These are results that can be seen, that can be
measured — results that make life worthwhile, that
make peace worth working for.
There is also the long-range work. The mean-
ing of village sanitation, with all it implies for
increased health and energy, is now being taught
in rural communities around the world. Gov-
ernments are learning how to strengthen their
health services.
This is a moving record which the U.S. Govern-
ment is proud to help establish.
Today, let me emphasize our interest in the
U.N. Technical Assistance Program by quoting a
statement of our colleague. Prof. A. S. Bokhari.^
He once told a group of students that "a hungry
' Kepresentative of Pakistan.
man will choose four sandwiches instead of four
freedoms."
In otlier words, the idea of human freedom can
only advance if the free governments of the world
conduct a program of action in which people can
see with their own eyes that their lot is improving.
The United Nations is accomplishing this m many
places in the world.
But the program, although substantial, is not
yet operating at its full effectiveness. Un-
doubtedly one reason for this is that every gov-
ernment represented here has been prevented from
contributing as much as it would like because of
demands — demands arising from a basic threat to
our peace and security by aggressive action by a
small group of states. These threats limit our
participation in some of the most worthwhile
U.N. activities.
The U.S. Government is acutely aware of the
heavy defense burdens which we and many other
nations of the free world carry. We are currently
engaged in a detailed review of all of our expendi-
tures, both domestic and international, and this
review will of necessity extend not only to ex-
penditures for 1953 but also to the projection of
expenditures for future years.
Thus, while I am authorized to reaffirm the
pledge of the representative of the United States
made before the Negotiating Committee on Extra-
Budgetary Funds at the first part of this session
of the General Assembly, it should be understood
that this pledge involves no commitment, ex-
pressed or implied, of the executive branch of the
Government of the United States beyond the cur-
rent year. The Government will wish to consider
the amount of its pledge for 1954 in the light of
the degree of support given the program by other
governments, the results accomplished under the
program, the competing demands upon the U.S.
Government for funds, and the basic general
budgetary policy of the Government. The state-
ment of pledge which I am happy to confirm for
this year is as follows :
The United States is prepared to pledge a maximum of
$14,708,750 to the Expanded Program of Technical As-
sistance for the calendar year 1953 provided that the
United States pledge does not exceed 60 percent of the
total pledges made by all governments for this period.
An existing law of the United States authorizes an
appropriation of $14,708,750, and $8,171,333 of this amount
has been appropriated and is now available for payment
to the special Technical Assistance account.
The Executive has requested action by the Congress
to make an additional $6,537,417 available for this purpose.
This figure will be revised to whatever amount is justified
within the total authorized by the pledges made by other
governments in support of the 1953 program. Insofar as
an amount in excess of $S,171,.333 is required this pledge
is authorized by the Executive of the United States
Government and is subject to Congressional action.
March 9, 1953
385
Democracy and Communism in the Modern World
hy Ernest A. Chross
U.S. Representative to the General Assewibly '
TJ. S./U. N. press release dated February 21
It seems to me that any fair attempt to deal
with the problems involved in my subject should
consider (a) the nature of the modern world;
(J) an analysis of the principal forces in conflict;
(c) the method of international communism; and
{d) the method of the democratic society. . . .
Broadly speaking, what are the principal char-
acteristics of the modern world and the major
facts of international life today? The first and
most obvious is, of course, the immediate pei'va-
sive threat of Communist imperialism. The sec-
ond is that, in many thickly populated portions
of the planet, there exist large areas of revolution-
ary change and great unrest. We see at least two
fundamental drives emerging in these areas:
The one toward the abolition of the age-old ene-
mies of man — poverty, disease, and hunger; the
other is those national aspirations for self-gov-
ernment or independence, dramatized by the fact
that 13 new sovereignties have been born since
the end of the war — almost all in that ancient
territorial sweep of land from the shores of the
Mediterranean eastward to the South Pacific.
Another prime fact of international life is the
generation of destruction, loss of manpower, ex-
haustion, and disillusion which is the legacy of
two world wars, several local ones, and a series
■of revolutionary movements.
The conflicts and the crosscurrents in such a
world, and I shall discuss some of these in more
detail, have inevitably created doubts, disunity,
and confusion. Peoples everywhere have felt
themselves to be "tempest-tossed." The practice
of subversion and infiltration, characteristic of
'Excerpts from an address made on Feb. 21 at Sarah
Lawrence College, Bronxville, N. Y.
the international Communist movement, has
brought the enemy within the gates in every corner
of the world and, although this tactic has achieved
varying degrees of success, the net effect has been
to lead many people in large areas to believe that
there is no durable "safe haven" in which democ-
racy is assured a permanent sanctuary. This, of
course, is a calculated objective of the Communist
leadership.
At the same time, it produces a situation in
which it is difficult, if not impossible, for the demo-
cratic societies to draw precise chalklines either
of geographical boundaries or of rules of conduct.
Any attempt to do the former would in effect cer-
tify the right of the enemy to hold gains already
made, no matter how ruthlessly. Indeed, this is
the basic objection voiced by many to the so-called
"containment" theory. Any attempts to prescribe
rigid rules of conduct would bring us face to face
with what I believe to be a fundamental truth:
That it is impossible to codify precise rules of
human behavior without diminishing the very
essence of democracy. It is the apparent weak-
ness, but the actual strength of the democratic
society, that it does not carry well the external
trappings and glitter of the police state. The dif-
ference was well described some years ago by a
writer who said that "Despotism sails by like a
beautiful ship under full sail, and democracy like
a raft with your feet always in the water — but the
raft never sinks."
Principal Forces in Conflict
At the outset, it is important to distinguish
on the one hand between the conflicts which in-
evitably exist between what I would call "di-
vergent points of view," and on the other hand
the conflicts which exist between "ideologies" or,
as some prefer to call them, philosophies of life.
3«6
Department of Slafe Bullefin
The distinction becomes particularly important
when intensely divergent viewpoints arise between
those who adhere to the same basic philosophy
of life. The best example I can think of is what
has come to be called the problem of "colonialism."
In a plea for better understanding of this mat-
ter, a distinguished U.N. representative of a coun-
try belonging to the so-called "Asian-African
group" explained in a speech one day several
reasons why he thought the point of view of his
Government on the colonial questions arising in
the United Nations often was so vehemently pre-
sented. In the first place, he said, this was often
what he described as an emotional response to a
history of "racial discrimination on a large inter-
national scale." Secondly, he pointed out that
member states of the Asian-African group con-
tained more than half of the world's people, many
of whom have been recently under colonial domi-
nation. He said that "apart from pure material
exploitation that may be going on, there is a psy-
chological twist given to the nature of human
beings under colonial domination which destroys
the dignity of men and makes them unworthy of
the humanity to which they profess to belong."
I quote this sentence from his speech without
comment other than to point out the interesting
fact that in the very formulation of his thought,
he demonstrated the deep emotional conviction
which moved him. And finally, he pointed out
the significance of the grave economic inequalities
which exist in large parts of the area by saying
that there were countries in this group where the
annual income was less than 50 dollars, where
the life expectancy was 27 years, and where the
literacy rate was only 5 to 10 percent. I do not
vouch for these figures, but whether or not they
are statistically accurate they are of significance
if only because they are accepted as facts by many
leaders in the area.
Nevertheless, despite his deeply felt conviction
on these matters, this Asian leader urged that
the people of the free world avoid the error of
treating the serious, and often bitter, differences
of viewpoint arising within the free world on the
colonial question as if they reflected different
ideologies or philosophies of life.
I think the essential point is that there is a bond
perceived, however dimly, and that this bond rests
upon the acceptance of certain fundamental con-
cepts of individual dignity, liberty, and justice.
This was well stated in the Inaugural Address of
President Eisenhower : ^
The faith we hold belongs not to us alone but to the free
of all the world. ... We know, beyond this, that we are
linked to all free peoples not merely by a noble idea but
by a simple need.
In discussing the major forces in conflict be-
tween the two worlds, we must constantly keep in
mind that in some areas of the world the original
' Btjixetin of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 168.
March 9, 7953
concept of communism has a latent appeal. The
picture of man against nature, the vision of free-
dom from physical want, the false premise and the
false promise of so-called "stateless, classless, and
complete democracy" — all this lures some who, in
despair of any better future, are tempted to turn
toward a false faith.
At the same time, it is becoming clearer to the
people of these very areas of the world that what-
ever the original theoretical concept of commu-
nism may have been, the false Utopia which it
promised has been betrayed.
Last month in Rangoon representatives of Asian
Socialist Parties from nine countries met to dis-
cuss problems of common concern. They adopted
a declaration of principles and objectives wliich,
among other things stated :
Communism as practiced today in its totalitarian form
in the Soviet Union and its satellites has de^'enerated into
a regime of complete subordination of the individual and
the group to the centralized power of the leadership of
the ruling party.
Under the Soviet system, state power imposes absolute
domination and exacts blind obedience. Man is expected
to give up his freedom and individuality, obliterate him-
self as an abstract part of an aU-powerful state, in which
only one will prevails.
Communism therefore stands for the negation of all
concepts of freedom, individual self-expression, and gen-
uine mass responsibility, which are the very breath of
democratic socialism.
I think this resolution confirms three of the
points which I have discussed :
(1) You will notice this group referred to the
"degeneration" of communism, thus revealing a
latent attitude tliat Soviet communism is, in a
sense, something of a "good thing gone wrong."
(2) A definite awareness of the fact that, even
taking this attitude as a premise, communism
as practiced has at best the aspect of a "fallen
angel," and that there has been a reversal and a
betrayal of anything which might have had an
appeal even to the despairing and downtrodden.
(3) That there does exist in fact what General
Eisenhower described in his Inaugural Speech as
a "noble idea" which links all free peoples. This
"noble idea" rests on the fundamental principles
of freedom, on individual dignity, and of a re-
sponsible sense of "community."
The problem of developing a "sense of com-
munity" deserves discussion. This is another way
of describing the attempt to define common ob-
jectives and to work out agreed methods of co-
operative action toward those objectives. One
might say indeed that the principal task confront-
ing the United States in its essential effort to
maintain and develop the leadership of the free
world is to create a sense of connnon interest. In
the last analysis, this is the indispensable basis of
moral unity. It is also the major element of a
"free world" concept. The sense of community
which binds together the family, the city, and the
nation is not different in essence from the sense of
387
community which must be forged in order to main-
tain in fact as well as in theory a "free world."
To my mind this truth is best summarized in
several sentences from President Eisenhower's
recent State of the Union message : ^
We must be strong, above all, in the spiritual resources
upon which all else depends. We mu.st be devoted with
all our heart to the values we defend. We must know
that each of these values and virtues applies with equal
force at the ends of the earth and in our relations with
our neighbor next door. . . .
I would point out, in this connection, that the
U.N. Charter in fact provides an important
method of identifying common interest as well as
a framework for cooperative action. Although
wisely it does not attempt to define and codify
rigid rules of conduct, it does at the same time
expound those general interests which men share
merely by reason of being members of the human
society. . . .
The Method of International Communism
... free inquiry is always the first casualty
of the police state. The essence of such a system is
to "educate" out of people's minds the ability to
make choices, except within a set pattern. Tliis I
believe to be the most frightful and frightening
aspect of that system. It consists, as one writer
has put it, in "obliterating the questions," by alter-
ing the outlook which gives rise to the questions
in the first place.
From my own experience in observing and deal-
ing with Communist representatives at the United
Nations, I have often wondered whether they are
in fact psychologically capable of making objec-
tive judgments concerning matters in issue be-
tween us. Elven some of those whose duties have
kept them in this country for extended periods,
who have talked to many Americans, who have
read the press and heard" the radio, appear to be
incapable— rather than merely unwilling— to
recognize facts and to draw inescapable logical
inferences from those facts.
This is indeed the very objective of the training
and indoctrination of persons subject to the Com-
munist system. It is also, of course, the funda-
mental explanation of the Iron Curtain.
One of the inevitable consequences of thought
control is the destruction of moral values. An es-
sential premise of our philosophy of life is that
only the free man can be the responsible man, and
that morality in the last analysis rests upon the
choice by the free man of the right alternative.
The contrast between the fundamental points of
view of the two systems is well demonstrated, I
thmk, by setting side by side the following sen-
tences— one from Lenin and one from the English-
man, John Bright. John Bright wrote: "There
is no permanent greatness in a nation except it be
based on morality." Lenin, discussing the Com-
' lUd., Feb. 9, 1953, p. 211.
munist state, wrote in 1920 : "Our morality is de-
duced from the class struggle of the proletariat,
and Communist morality is the morality which
serves this struggle."
As was perceived by the representatives of the
Asian Governments at the Rangoon Conference,
and as we should continually stress — the deadly
fallacy of the Communist system is that complete
tyranny can give birth to what they call "com-
plete democracy."
The principal method used in the Communist
system to destroy the ability of men to make free
and rational judgments, is to attack diversity and
separateness. The individual is attacked as the
symbol of the free mind. The minority group is
attacked as the symbol of the free culture. Nation-
alism is attacked as the symbol of the free political
entity. I should like to discuss each of these in
turn.
First, the attack on the individual. The human
person is the subject and the property of the state.
I should like to cite some examples within my
own experience. You recall that in August of
1948 the Russian school teacher, Mrs. Kasen-
kina, sought freedom at the risk of her life by
leaping from the window of the Soviet Consulate
in New York City. The Soviet political ma-
chinery rolled into high gear in a genuine attempt
to reclaim her even while she lay near death in
a New York hospital. The American Ambassa-
dor was called to the Kremlin at midnight; the
Soviet Ambassador at Washington made several
calls on the Department of State. Having
attended these meetings myself, I can attest to
the urgent and importunate manner in which
demand was made for the custody of this lone
Soviet subject, whose crime was her desire not to
return to the Soviet Union. Of course we re-
jected the demand as being contrary to the ethical
and legal code by which we are governed.
I thought of this incident several times during
the debate in the U.N. General Assembly a few
months ago concerning the Korean prisoners of
war. Our refusal to agree to repatriate by force,
against their will, prisoners of war held by us
was violently attacked by the Soviet Foreign
Minister, Mr. Vyshin^ky. At one point in his
argtmient, Vyshinsky flatly and baldly proclaimed
that the prisoner of war had no will other than
the will of the state. In other words, the individ-
ual does not exist as such, but his whole purpose
and meaning consist in his relation to the all-
powerful tyranny of the state.
The attack on the minority as a symbol of the
free culture includes the persecution of ethnic,
national, and religious groups. The most shock-
ing current example is, of course, the anti-Semitic
atrocities which have aroused the indignation and
anxious concern of the world.
What started out as the fallacious Marxist
doctrine of stateless freedom in a classless society
now has been corrupted to an even lower level
388
Department of State Bulletin
into the racist, power-hungry, and imperialist
practices of Stalinism.
The third target I have mentioned is that of
nationalism as the symbol of the free political
entity.
The Soviet-sponsored aggression against the
Republic of Korea is one of the most ruthless
attempts in history to extinguish a proud and
ancient nationalism. It is true that whole states
and peoples have been subjugated by Soviet im-
perialism since the war. But this has for the
most part been done by the hatchet and the rope
rather than by military conquest. Korea is the
symbol of nationhood standing against overt
aggression.
It is natural that peoples who have newly won
their own independence should feel a concern in
similar aspirations on the part of others.
Surely there is all the more reason for them
to make common cause with a nationalism fighting
for its very life against the armed Communist
aggressor. For if a living nation is allowed thus
to1)e destroyed, what is the prospect for nations
yet waiting to be born? Communist dogma has
always recognized the fact that, as Stalin wrote
in 1924, national liberation movements "contain
unexhausted revolutionary possibilities." Could
any warning be more explicit?
The satellite system is another proof of the
mockery of Soviet pretensions of support for self-
determination. "Satellitism," the new colonial-
ism, is in the ancient line of the despot.
Taken altogether, the factors I have mentioned
show the contrast between Communist promise
and performance. It promised "equality," yet it
has formed what has been called a "highly organ-
ized inequality." As against its slogan of "anti-
imperialism," the Communist objectives have been
described as "differing from the traditional aims
of the Tsars only in being more ambitious." And
Lenin's promise of freedom — "the withering away
of the state" — has built itself a monolithic monu-
ment in the form of the most elaborate total state
in history !
The Method of Democratic Society
It is not sufficient to define democracy simply as
the opposite of everything communism stands for.
Nor is it enough to dismiss the subject by talking
of "freedom" alone.
For many people in the world, "freedom" is a
vague and distant dream. Nothing in space which
has only one dimension can be perceived by the
human senses. So, likewise, "freedom" remains
an abstract idea until it is perceived as a dimen-
sion of something else. "We must therefore make
clear that what we seek is a free and a just
society — freedom with a sense of community,
freedom and responsibility.
This must be the objective of our leadership,
since we shall not be able to build confidence on
any other basis.
March 9, 7953
Woodrow Wilson said in his essay on "Leaders
of Men," that "persuasion is accomplished by
creeping into the confidence of those you would
lead."
To that end, there is needed a practical and un-
derstandable approach. Our foreign policy must,
in President Eisenhower's words, be "clear, con-
sistent, and confident." Confidence will not be
built on a foundation of mere words and 2:)hrases,
however eloquent.
• • • • •
We must demonstrate by "practical politics"
that we understand the values of diversity and that
we sympathize with local needs, pressures, and
sensitivities. We do not hold to the same views as
the Asian Socialists to whom I have referred.
Yet their Rangoon resolution shows how much we
have of common interest. We must not be
strangers to any who seek to be guided by demo-
cratic procedures and a humanist philosophy.
At the same time, even though the American
forum of democracy may not be exportable, the
American ideal is. . . .
Lincoln saw the value of the gift we have to
offer, and he saw that its highest value was in the
sharing of it. He long had sought to find what
great principle or idea it was that had kept this
country together. He finally found it, he once
wrote, in
that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which
gave liberty not alone to the people of this country, but
hope to all the world for all future time. It was that
which gave promise that in due time the weight would
be lifted from the shoulders of all men and that aU should
have an equal chance.
It may be that the greatest contrast between the
Communist system and ours is that they have be-
trayed their revolution, while we have been faith-
ful to ours. After all, when the new state of In-
donesia was born a few years ago, with our help
and that of the United Nations, the U.N. Declara-
tion of Human Rights was written into their Con-
stitution— not the Communist manifesto. And on
tlieir currency and stamps appeared not the faces
of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin — but those of Wash-
ington, Jefferson, and Lincoln !
Ambassador Gross Commended
for Services to U.N.
U.S. /U.N. press release dated February 21
The U.S. Mission to the United Nations made
public on February 22 a letter, dated February 2^,
from. President Dioight D. Eisenhoiver to Ambas-
sador Ernest A. Gross, accepting his resignation
as deputy U.S. representative to the United Na-
tions, as deputy representative of the United
States in the Security Coxmcil, and as U.S. rep-
resentative in the Peace Observation Commission.
In addition, President Truman'' s letter of Janu-
389
ary 16 to Ambassador Gross, commending him for
his service, tvas also made piiblic.
Ambassador Gross has been nominated by Presi-
dent Eisenhoxoer to be U.S. Representative to the
second half of the Seventh Session of the General
Assembly, which opened on February 21f..
Folloioing are the texts of the letters sent by
President Eisenhower and Mr. Trvmian to Ambas-
sador Gross:
Dear Ambassador Gross : In accordance with
your request, I regretfully accept your resigna-
tion as the Deputy United States Representative
to the United Nations, Deputy United States Rep-
resentative in the Security Council, and the
United States Representative in the Peace Obser-
vation Commission. I have been informed that
you have for some time been desirous of returning
to private life and that your remaining in office has
involved personal sacrifice.
You have rendered many valuable services dur-
ing your tour of duty at the United Nations, and
you deserve the hearty appreciation of your fel-
low citizens.
I am pleased to learn from Ambassador Lodge
of your willingness to continue to serve as United
States Representative to the Seventh Session of
the General Assembly, and I know that in so doing
you can be of great assistance in facilitating the
work of Ambassador Lodge and your successor.
Sincerely yours,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
THE DEPARTMENT
Dear Mr. Gross: I have received your letter
enclosing the copy of your resignation which you
are submitting to President-elect Eisenhower.
I appreciate your kind words about my support
of the United Nations. As you know, I have al-
ways regarded the Charter of the United Nations
as the cornerstone of our foreign policy and I am
sure that the American people will continue to
give it their strongest support and fullest con-
fidence.
I have closely followed your efforts of the past
three years to carry out, in close association with
Ambassador Austin, the policies of the United
States Government in the United Nations. I am
well aware that the critical decisions facing the
United Nations during these years have imposed
upon you particularly weighty responsibilities.
You have had to work constantly at a grueling
pace involving great personal sacrifice. In these
difficult circumstances you have done an outstand-
ing job and earned the gratitude of your country.
I know that you can be depended upon, whether
or not you have public office, to continue your sup-
port for the United Nations and its aims of inter-
national peace, security, and welfare. I offer my
best wishes for the future and once again my ap-
preciation for your faithful and diligent services.
Sincerely yours,
Hajiry Truman
Congressional Investigations
of the Department
Press Conference Statement by Secretary Dulles
Press release 109 dated February 27
I should like to anticipate some probable ques-
tions. They relate to my attitude toward con-
gressional investigations of the Department of
State.
As President Eisenhower pointed out in his
State of the Union message, the primary respon-
sibility for personnel rests, as he put it, "squarely
upon the Executive branch." ^ Much is being done
in that respect. A new security program is being
worked out primarily by the Department of Jus-
tice. Within the State Department we are going
about the matter in an orderly and, I believe, ef-
fective way.
Mr. Lourie, the new Under Secretary of State
for Administration, has the primary responsibil-
ity for this. In order that he might have a degree
of authority commensurate with the task. Con-
gress passed a special law to create his new office.
This, however, entailed some delay so that Mr.
Lourie has only been in office for about 10 days.
He has selected a new security officer, Mr. Mc-
Leod, who has had long and distinguished service
with Mr. Hoover in the FBI, and has more re-
cently served as administrative assistant to Sena-
tor Styles Bridges. He is recognized in
congressional circles as being eminently qualified
for his new task. He will take office next Monday.
Obviously, however, the work of the Under Sec-
retary of State for Administration and his secur-
ity officer is only just getting under way, and it
will be a matter of months before the personnel
situation within the State Department is in satis-
factory shape. Remember that there are about
42,000 people involved.
While this situation is being worked out from
within, there are also congressional inquiries
going on.
As President Eisenhower pointed out in his
press conference the day before yesterday, Con-
gress is a coordinate branch of the Goverimient.
It has broad powers of investigation. These pow-
ers must be respected and so far as I am concerned,
they will be respected.
I am prepared to defend what I know to be
sound and defensible. I am not prepared blindly
to defend a situation which was created under my
' Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 210.
390
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
predecessors and which I have taken office with a
mandate to change.
I welcome any disclosures resulting from con-
gressional inquiries that will help to make the De-
partment of State more competent, loyal, and se-
cure.
That, however, does not mean that the State
Department policies or procedures are being dic-
tated by other than the responsible officers of the
State Department itself. The responsibilities for
the conduct of the State Department fall squarely
on my shoulders, and I expect to exercise them in
a just and fair manner. I do not intend to take
precipitate action. The Department will act only
after the facts have been fully and fairly de-
veloped, and on the basis of what they disclose.
I frankly concede that the present months are
months of difficulty, since it will necessarily take
considerable time before the new administration
through its own orderly processes can correct the
accumulated errors of the last 20 years. It is a
time when exposure through congressional action
is to be expected. I point out that, so far, the con-
gressional inquiries into the Department of State
have had the support not only of the Republican,
but the Democrat, members of the investigating
committees.
Personnel Announcements
Press Conference Statements iy Secretary Dulles
Dr. Johnson Becomes Head of HA
Press release 110 dated February 27
As I think it has been announced briefly,^ Robert
L. Johnson, the head of Temple University, will
be starting in here on March 2 to head the work
of the International Information Administration,
which includes the Voice of America. He will not
only assume the operational responsibilities but
he will also become part of the study which is going
on as to the future of that organization.
A number of studies are already under way, as
you know, being conducted primarily by the com-
mittee which is headed up by William Jackson, as
to how best to organize our psychological activi-
ties,- and Mr. Johnson, as Director of the Informa-
tion Service and Voice of America, will participate
in those discussions about the future of that work.
Whatever the future is, it will of course remain
under the policy guidance of the Department of
State.
Appointment of Assistant Secretary
for Administration
Press release 111 dated February 27
Another personnel announcement that I am
making today is the selection of Edward Thomp-
son Wailes to be Assistant Secretary of State for
Administration. He will have under his immedi-
ate jurisdiction the Office of Budget and Finance,
the Office of Operating Facilities, the Management
Staff, the Director General of the Foreign Service,
the Foreign Buildings Operations, and the Divi-
sion of Foreign Reports.
These were part of the functions formerly per-
formed by the Deputy Under Secretary of State,
Mr. Humelsine, who has now resigned. As you
know, the other part of Mr. Humelsine's functions
relating to security have been transferred to the
new Administrator for Security and Consular Af-
fairs, Robert Walter Scott McLeod, whose ap-
pointment was announced on February 25.
Confirmation
The Senate on February 27 confirmed John M. Cabot
as Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs.
Appointment of Robert W. S. McLeod
The Department of State on February 25 (press release
104) announced the appointment of Robert Walter Scott
McLeod, of Concord, N. H., as Administrator of the Bureau
of Security and Consular Affairs. Mr. McLeod, a former
member of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and ad-
ministrative assistant to Sen. Styles Bridges, is cutting
short his vacation to assume his new duties on March 2.
Mr. McLeod will have responsibility for security and
consular affairs, as well as personnel. These responsibili-
ties were formerly under the general supervision of the
Deputy Under Secretary of State for Administration. As
Administrator of the Bureau of Security and Consular
Affairs, Mr. McLeod will have general supervision over
the operations of the Office of Security, the Passiwrt Of-
fice, the Visa Office, the Office of Protective Services, and
the Munitions Office. In addition he will have supervision
over the Office of Personnel. He will be directly respon-
sible to Under Secretary of State for Administration
Donold Lourie and, through Mr. Lourie, to the Secretary
of State.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
' See White House press release dated February 24.
' For text of an announcement relating to the appoint-
ment of this committee, see Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953,
p. 217.
Confirmations
The Senate on February 27 confirmed Karl L. Rankin
as Ambassador to China.
The Senate on February 27 confirmed James Clement
Dunn as Ambassador to Spain.
The Senate on February 27 confirmed C. Douglas Dillon
as Ambassador to France.
March 9, J 953
391
March 9, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 715
Africa
The problems of Tunisia and Morocco In the
seventh session of the General Assembly
(Howard) 359
American Principles
Democracy and communism in the modern
world (Gross) 386
Purpose of resolution on captive peoples
(Dulles) 372
American Republics
CHILE: Letter of credence 381
Asia
KOREA:
Facts of the Korean situation (Lodge) . . . 382
U.S. to make full settlement for Korean cur-
rency advances 381
Claims and Property
Agreement for validation of German Dollar
Bonds 376
Congress
Congressional investigations of the Department
(Dulles) 390
Purpose of resolution on captive peoples
(Dulles) 372
Europe
FRANCE: The problems of Tunisia and Morocco
in the seventh session of the General As-
sembly (Howard) 359
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Feb. 24-27, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department of
State, Washington 25, D. C.
Subject
Governing body (Ilo)
Exchange of persons
Letter of credence : Chile
Letter of credence : Nepal
U.S. payment to Korea
McLeod : Security administrator
Dulles : Enslavement of peoples
German external debts
German debt agreement signed
German dollar bond agreement
Dulles : Congressional investigations
Dulles : Johnson, head of Iia
Dulles : Appointment of Wailes
Exchange of persons
* Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Buujn'iN.
No.
Date
t99
2/24
*100
2/24
101
2/24
102
2/24
103
2/25
104
2/25
105
2/26
106
2/26
107
2/26
108
2/26
109
2/27
110
2/27
111
2/27
*112
2/27
GERMANY:
Agreement for validation of German Dollar
Bonds 376
Emergency grant-in-aid for Berlin refugees . 380
Settlement of Germany's external debt . . . 373
tJNITED KINGDOM: Allotment made for promo-
tion of productivity 381
Finance
Agreement for validation of German Dollar
Bonds 376
Settlement of Germany's external debt . . . 373
U.S. to malce full settlement for Korean cur-
rency advances 381
Foreign Service
Confirmations 391
Human Rights
Purpose of resolution on captive peoples . . . 372
International Meetings
Settlement of Germany's external debt .... 373
Mutual Security
Allotment made to U.K. for promotion of pro-
ductivity 381
Near East
NEPAL: Letter of credence 381
Refugees and Displaced Persons
Emergency grant-in-aid for Berlin refugees . . 880
State, Department of
Appointment of Robert W. S. McLeod .... 391
Conflrmations 391
Congressional investigations of the Department
(Dulles) 390
Personnel announcements (Dulles) .... 391
Technical Cooperation and Development
U.S. makes pledge to U.N.'s Technical Assistance
Program (Lodge) 381
Treaty Information
Agreement for validation of German Dollar
Bonds 376
U.S. to make full settlement for Korean currency
advances 381
United Nations
Ambassador Gross commended for services
(Elsenhower, Truman) 389
Democracy and communism in the modern
world (Gross) 386
The facts of the Korean situation (Lodge) . . 382
The problems of Tunisia and Morocco In the
seventh session of the General Assembly
(Howard) 359
U.S. makes pledge to U.N.'s Technical Assistance
Program (Lodge) 384
Name Index
Dulles, Secretary 372,390,391
Eisenhower. President 372, 382, 389
Gordon, Lincoln 381
Gross, Ernest A 386, 389
Howard, Harry N 359
Jard, Anibal 381
Johnson. Robert L 391
Lodge. Henry Cabot. Jr 382, 384
McLeod, Robert W. S 391
Shanker Shum Shere Jung Bahadur Rana . . . 381
Truman, President 389
Wailes, Edward T 391
U. S. COVERHMENT PRIKTIKS OFFICEj t9SS
JAe/ ^eha^Cme/n^ ^ tftcUe^
il. XXVIII, No. 716
March 16, 1953
AN EXPRESSION OF FAITH IN THE UNITED NA-
TIONS • Remarks by Secretary Dulles 402
THE QUESTION OF WAR OR PEACE IN KOREA •
by Gen. Omar N. Bradley 412
DEVELOPING AND CONSOLIDATING WESTERN
EUROPE'S DEFENSES • by Lmcoln Cordon ... 405
U. S. AND U. K. DISCUSS ECONOMIC PROBLEMS,
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS: Texts of Commu-
niques ^"5
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Supterintcndent of Documents
MAR 3 0 1953
*=^^^.^ bulletin
Vol. XXVIII, No. 716 • Publication 4971
March 16, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Docnments
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been approved by the Director of the
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Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government tcith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by tlic President and
by the Secretary of Slate and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
internatioiuil affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral inlernatioruil interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
U.S. and U.K. Discuss Economic Problems, Political Developments
COIVIMUNIQUE ON ECONOMIC DISCUSSIONS
PreeB release 132 dated March 7
Representatives of the United States and the
United Kingdom today concluded their discus-
sions on measures for creating the economic and
financial conditions under which the countries of
the free world may be better able to earn their
own living by their own industry. These con-
versations were informal and raised questions on
which it was understood in advance that no com-
mitments would be made.
The U.K. representatives explained the sugges-
tions which emerged from the Conference of Com-
monwealth Prime Ministers, held in London in
December of last year,^ for measures which might
be taken to restore balance in the world economy
through the channels of commerce and to develop,
by progressive stages, an effective multilateral
trade and payments system over the widest pos-
sible area. These measures would involve action
by the Commonwealth countries, the United
States, the countries of continental Western
Europe, and the countries that are members of
existing international trade and financial insti-
tutions.
The discussions covered the internal and inter-
national conditions which would have to be estab-
lished in order that each country might enjoy
the human and material benefits of freer and de-
pendable currencies and a larger volume of trade
and commerce.
They also included a review of the over-all eco-
nomic and fiscal situation of the United States.
Note was taken of the significant U.S. defense
expenditures overseas, including offshore pur-
chases.
From these conversations, certain conclusions
have emerged :
There is full agreement between the two Gov-
ernments that the solution of the economic prob-
lems of the free world is vital to its security and
well-being.
They also agree that the essential elements of
a workable and productive economic system within
the free world should include
(a) Sownd internal policies: International eco-
nomic policies cannot succeed unless they are based
on sound internal policies, by debtor as well as
creditor countries. During the course of the con-
versations, the U.S. representatives made it clear
that the Government of the United States wel-
comes the intention of the Commonwealth Gov-
ernments, expressed in their December com-
munique, to follow the internal financial and eco-
nomic policies needed to achieve a freer exchange
of currencies and trade.
(i) Freer trade and currencies: The freeing
and expansion of world trade must cover curren-
cies as well as trade. On the financial side the
objective should be the eventual convertibility of
sterling and other currencies and the gradual re-
moval of restrictions on payments. On the trade
side the objective should be to bring about the
relaxation of trade restrictions and discrimina-
tions in a way which, in the words of President
Eisenhower's State of the Union Message, "will
recognize the importance of profitable and equi-
table world trade." ^ It is in the interest of the
United States to take such measures as are ex-
emplified in the President's message in order that
the members of the free world may the better
pay their way by their own efforts.
(c) Development: The creation of conditions,
both by creditor and by debtor countries, which
will foster international investment and the sound
development of the resources of the free world.
In this connection, the Government of the United
States emphasized its intention to encourage the
flow of investment abroad.
(d) Organisation: International institutions
should be constructively used to promote these
policies.
The Government of the United States welcomes
the initiative taken by the United Kingdom
Government in connection with these problems
of common concern.
The two Governments believe that there is
' For text of communique issued at the conclusion of
this Conference, see p. 408.
' BuiXETiN of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 208.
March 16, 1953
395
reason to hope for continued progress toward a
better balanced, growing world trade and toward
the restoration of a multilateral system of trade
and payments. The nature and scope of the
measures which nnxy be taken by governments
to further such progress, and the timing of such
measures, will require further study.
The Government of the United States will un-
dertake, and continue over the next several
months, an intensive examination and review of
the general subjects discussed at the present meet-
ings, including the suggestions resulting from the
Commonwealth Economic Conference, and possi-
ble alternative suggestions, in order to arrive at
a sound judgment with respect to the specific
courses of action which might be taken. The two
Governments intend to have further discussions
with each other, with other governments, and
with the international organizations concerned,
including the Organization for European Eco-
nomic Cooperation.
The representatives of the two Governments
participating in the discussions were as follows:
For the United Kingdom:
Anthony Eden, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
R. A. Butler, Chancellor of the Exchequer
Sir Roser Makins, British Ambassador to the United
States
Sir Pierson Dixon, Deputy Under Secretary of State, For-
eign Office
Sir Leslie Rowan, Second Secretary, Treasury
Sir Edwin Plowden, Chief Planning Officer, Treasury
Sir Prank Lee, Permanent Secretary, Board of Trade
D. H. F. Rickett, Economic Minister, British Embassy,
Washington, D. C.
For the United States:
John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State
Lewis W. Douglas, Alternate for the Secretary of State
George M. Humphrey, Secretary of the Treasury
Harold E. Stassen. Director for Mutual Security
Winthrop W. Aldrich, American Ambassador to the
United Kingdom
Randolph Burgess, Deputy to the Secretary of the Treas-
ury
Harold Linder, Assistant Secretary of State for Economic
Affairs
Richard M. Bissell, Consultant to the Director for Mutual
Security
Andrew N. Overby, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Gabriel Hauge, Special Assistant to the President
COMMUNIQUE ON POLITICAL DISCUSSIONS
Pres.s release 131 dated March 7
In addition to the discussions on economic and
financial problems, the Foreign Secretary, Mr.
Eden, and Secretary of State Dulles discussed the
international political developments that have
taken place since their conversations in London
early in February.
1. They exchanged views regarding develop-
ments in the Soviet Union.
2. With respect to Europe, particular attention
was given to the subject of the proposed treaty
for a European Defense Community. Both the
United States and United Kingdom Governments
are concerned that the treaty be ratified as speed-
ily as possible, so as to provide further continental
unity which is essential to the most effective op-
eration of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion.
3. They also considered the situation in the
Middle East with particular reference to the ma-
jor problems in the area, and were in agreement
on the urgency of furthering constructive solu-
tions in the interest of all concerned.
4. With respect to Iran, Mr. Eden said that
Her Majesty's Government were decided to stand
on the proposals presented to Prime Minister
Mossadegh on February 20, 1953. These pro-
posals were the result of many conversations and
careful study of all the factors involved. In the
opinion of the United States Government these
proposals are reasonable and fair. If agreed to :
{a) Iran would retain control of its own oil
industry and of its own oil policies.
_{h) The problem of compensation would be
disposed of in such a way that there would be no
sacrifice of the principles which form the very
basis of international intercourse among free na-
tions, and the payment of compensation would be
fully compatible with the rehabilitation of Iran's
economy.
(c) Iran would have full opportunity to enter
into arrangements whereby it could sell its oil
in substantial quantities at competitive commer-
cial prices in world markets.
{d) There would be placed at Iran's disposal
sufficient funds, to be repaid in oil, to meet its
immediate financial problems pending resumption
of the flow of revenue from its oil industry.
5. The two Secretaries of State also considered
the Far Eastern situation. They reaffirmed tlie
importance of preventing the shipment of strate-
gic materials to the mainland of China. Mr. Eden
stated that Her Majesty's Government in the
United Kingdom, in addition to the system of
controls already in force, had decided :
(a) To introduce a new system of licensing ves-
sels registered in the United Kingdom and colonies
so that strategic materials from non-British
sources could not be carried to China in British
ships;
(6) To take additional steps designed to en-
sure that no ships of the Soviet bloc or other na-
tionality carrying strategic cargoes to China
should be bunkered in a British port.
The United States and British Governments
will concert their efforts to secure the cooperation
of other maritime and trading nations in the meas-
ures designed to exclude the shipment of strategic
materials to the mainland of China.
6. Under arrangements made for the common
defense the United States has the use of certain
396
Department of State Bulletin
bases in the United Kingdom. The prior under-
standing -was conflrmed that tlie use of these bases
in an emergency would be a matter for joint de-
cision by Her Majesty's Government and the
United States Government in the light of the cir-
cumstances prevailing at the time.
Commonwealth Economic
Conference Communique
The folloinng comimmique was issued at Lon-
don on December 11, 1952, at the conclusion of the
Commionwealth Economic Conference:
1. The Commonwealth Economic Conference
which ended today was convened with the aim of
concerting measures for increasing the economic
strength of the Commonwealth countries, includ-
ing the Colonial Territories, and creating con-
ditions in which their peoples can play their part
in securing prosperity and contentment for them-
selves and for the world.
2. In recent years the Sterling Area has been
faced with recurrent economic crises which have
forced its members to take emergency measures
of trade and exchange restriction. These meas-
ures were necessary but they have inevitably
tended to frustrate long-term economic expansion
on which our hopes and opportunities for the
future are founded. This was recognised at the
January meeting of the Commonwealth Finance
Ministers. Measures taken in accordance with
the conclusions of that meeting have, however,
enabled the present Conference to decide that a
more positive policy can now be adopted, both by
the Commonwealth countries themselves and in
concert with other friendly countries, to promote
expansion of world production and trade.
3. The Conference agreed that the Common-
wealth countries would work together to achieve
certain broad common objectives. They have no
intention of seeking the creation of a discrimina-
tf)ry economic bloc, rather their object is by
strengthening themselves to benefit the world
economy generally.
Accordingly, the following principles were
agreed upon as governing the aproach to a whole
range of subjects under discussion :
(a) Internal economic policies designed to curb infla-
tion and rises in the cost of living should be steadily
followed.
( b ) Sound economic development should be encouraged
with the object of increasing productive strength and
competitive power, providing employment and raising
standards of life.
(c) A multilateral trade and payment system should be
extended over the widest possible area.
4. Application of these principles will require
individual action by the Commonwealth Govern-
ments, cooperation among them and international
action with other trading nations and existing
international oi'ganisations.
Internal Measures
5. All Commonwealth Governments have agi-eed
to persevere in their efforts to curb inflation. In-
flationary conditions frustrate the progress of
sound development both by increasing its cost
and by destroying savings necessaiy to finance it.
Moreover, they damage the external balance by
stimulating excessive imports and by diverting to
internal use goods which would otherwise be avail-
able for export.
6. An adequate and stable external balance must
be a first objective for all Governments. Failure
to achieve this means repeated crises, a contin-
uously rising cost of living, a constant threat to
employment and failure to develop resources ef-
fectively. The Conference welcomed the improve-
ment which had taken place in the balance of
payments both of the individual Sterling Area
countries and of the Sterling Area as a whole,
following upon the conclusions reached by the
Commonwealth Finance Ministers at their meet-
ing in January, 1952. It noted with satisfaction
that the Sterling Area would achieve balance with
the rest of the world in the second half of this
year. It was agreed, however, that the achieve-
ment, while reassuring, was only the first step
towards a stable balance for the Sterling Area.
Policies wei-e agreed upon for 1953 which it is
hoped will lead to further improvement in reserves
during that year. Nevertheless, while there has
been steady improvement, the level of reseiwes is
as yet too low to warrant any substantial relaxa-
tion of restrictions on imports from outside the
Sterling Area.
7. The Conference considered the extensive re-
strictions which some countries of the sterling
Commonwealth have needed to impose upon im-
I^orts from the United Kingdom and other Com-
monwealth sources. There was agreement that
restrictions imposed because of the balance of
payments problems should be relaxed as the ex-
ternal financial position of the countries iniproved.
In considering the whole problem the Goveim-
ments concerned would have clearly in mind the
difficulties which restrictions have raised for ex-
port industries affected.
8. The economic and social objectives of the
Commonwealth countries, individually and in as-
sociation, depend upon their ability to produce
and supply under competitive conditions and ex-
panding flow of exports. There was, therefore,
general agreement in the Conference on the vital
need to expand the earning power of all the
Sterling countries.
Development Policy
9. Throughout the Commonwealth there is wide
scope for expanding production of essential sup-
plies which the whole world needs — food and
agricultural products, minerals and engineering
products — and improving the means for trans-
March ?6, 1953
397
porting them. This development of the basic es-
sentials has on occasion been impeded by other
development of a less sound and permanent kind,
which has overtaxed the countries' resources and
has failed to contribute to the building of eco-
nomic strength. The Conference agreed that in
the Sterling Area countries development should
be concentrated on projects which directly or in-
directly contribute to the improvement' of the
area's balance of_ payments with the rest of the
world. Such projects should strengthen the econ-
omy of the countries concerned and increase their
competitive power in world markets and so, by
improving their balance of payments, bring in-
creasing prosperity to their peoples. In some
countries of the area, however, development plans
have been or are being made to provide for some
basic improvement in standards of living which
is a necessary foundation for further economic
development. Some social investment is also
urgently needed in the more developed countries,
certain of which have rapidly increasing popula-
tions. The Conference recognized the need in
such cases for these types of investment.
10. To enable development to go forward, a
sufficient flow of savings must be provided in
the countries undertaking the development and
also in other countries which are ready to invest
their savings there. The amount of savings which
will be available from external sources will at
best be small in relation to the size of the develop-
ment programmes of countries of the Sterling
Commonwealth and it is therefore essential that
these countries should themselves adopt policies
which increase the flow of savings. Although
this is inevitably a slow process for countries
with low incomes and little margin above the liasic
needs for existence, the process of development
will it_self increase income and increase the flow
of savings.
11. The United Kingdom is the traditional
source of external capital for Commonwealth in-
vestment and has special responsibilities in the
Colonial territories. The United Kingdom Gov-
ernment are determined that the flow of capital
from London for sound development throughout
the Commonwealth shall be maintained and in-
creased. This will only be possible if the United
Kingdom can sustain "the necessary level of in-
ternal savings and can achieve a surplus on over-
seas account additional to that required to meet
its heavy existing commitments.
12. The United Kingdom Government have
however undertaken to make a special effort to
provide additional capital for Commonwealth
development by facilitating the financing of
schemes in other Commonwealth countries which
will contribute to the improvement of the Ster-
ling area's balance of payments. The Conference
took note that the United Kingdom Government
would wish before making any of this additional
finance available for Commonwealtli development
to be sure that the country concerned was itself
devoting an adequate part of its resources to in-
vestment designed to improve the Sterling area's
balance of payments, and was ready to make a suffi-
cient contribution towards the particular scheme
in question to ensure that both countries had an
interest in seeing that it was carried through as
efficiently and economically as possible.
13. The Conference welcomed the proposal by
a group of important financial, industrial and
commercial concerns in the United Kingdom to
form a company to further development in other
countries of the Commonwealth and the colonial
empire. It was pleased to note that an announce- ;
ment by this group is being issued today. The
Conference also welcomed a statement by the
United Kingdom representatives that the United
Kingdom Government intend to discuss with the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Devel-
opment arrangements to give effect to their de-
cision to make sterling available for lending by
the Bank, for projects designed to improve the
sterling area's balance of payments.'
14. The Conference recognised the important
contribution which investors outside the sterling
area, particularly in the United States, can make
to economic development in the sterling area and
agreed that every effort should be made to create
conditions which would encourage such invest-
ment. It further agreed that all sterling area
Governments should strive to attain this by re-
ducing such obstacles as controls over the move-
ments of capital across the exchanges. The United
Kingdom Government have reviewed the right
which is now enjoyed by residents outside the
sterling area who have invested capital in ap-
proved projects in the United Kingdom and
colonial empire since 1st January 1950 to transfer
their capital across the exchanges. At present
this right only extends to the sterling equivalent
of the initial investment. The United Kingdom
Government informed the Conference that they
have decided that henceforth it shall extend also
to capital profits.
15. C ommodity policy. The Conference recog-
nised that there was no one imiversal remedy for
the problem of instability of prices for primary
commodities. Each commodity must be con-
sidered on its merits in the light of the conditions
prevailing at the time, and the circumstances must
determine what form of arrangements would be
appropriate. The Conference agreed that violent
fluctuations and an uneconomic level of prices for
primarj' commodities were against the interest of
consumers as well as producers. All Common-
wealth Governments are therefore ready to co-
operate in considering, conunodity by commodity,
international schemes designed to ensure stability
of demand and prices at an economic level. They j
' For test of the International Bank's announcement
relating to these arrangements, see Bulletin of Feb. 16,
1953, p. 264.
398
Department of State Bulletin
also recognise the need for an agreed procedure for
calling together the Governments concerned to
consider emergency action in the event of rapidly
developing conditions of surplus or shortage of
commodities entering into international trade.
16. There was general recognition at the Con-
ference of the value of existing preferences. On
the initiative of the United Kingdom a discussion
took place on a proposal that all Commonwealth
countries should join in seeking release from the
"No new preference" rule in the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade (G. A. T. T.) , and this
United Kingdom proposal was supported by the
representatives of some countries. The represen-
tatives of other countries felt that such an ap-
proach would not advance the agreed objective of
restoring multilateral world trade and the Con-
ference was therefore unable to support it. All
Commonwealth Governments agreed, however, to
co-operate with the United Kingdom Government
in an approach to the other contracting parties to
the G. A. T. T. to meet particular difficulties
arising on the United Kingdom tariff. The object
would be to enable the United Kingdom, consis-
tently with the basic provisions of the G.A.T.T.,
to continue the duty-free entry for Commonwealth
goods notwithstanding any increases that might
from time to time become necessary in duties de-
signed to protect domestic industry and agricul-
ture in the United Kingdom. The Common-
wealth Governments also agreed to consider sym-
pathetically certain special tariff problems affect-
mg the Colonies.
International Action.
17. Eesolute action in accordance with the con-
clusions recorded above will in itself do much to
strengthen the economies of the sterling Common-
wealth countries, but this is not enough. Action
in a wider sphere is also necessary. The Con-
ference therefore agreed to seek the co-operation
of other countries in a plan to create the conditions
for expanding world production and trade. The
aim is to secure international agreement on the
adoption of policies by creditor and debtor coun-
tries which will restore balance in the world
economy on the lines of "Trade not aid" and will
by progressive stages and within reasonable time,
create an effective multilateral trade and payments
system covering the widest possible area.
18. Trade. The plan envisages positive inter-
national action for the progressive removal, as cir-
cumstances permit, of import restrictions imposed
for the purpose of bringing a country's external
accounts into balance. Action will be required by
both creditor and debtor countries. The rate of
progress in removing discrimination will depend
upon the advance towards equilibrium between the
United States and the rest of the world.
19. The sterling Commonwealth countries will
not all be able to remove restrictions at the same
time. In particular the representatives of some
countries have emphasised that they must continue
to use their exchange resources in the manner
which enables them to carry out their planned de-
velopment programmes most effectively, and that
they are likely to continue to need import restric-
tions for this purpose.
20. Finance. The Conference agreed that it is
important not only for the United Kingdom and
the sterling area but also for the world that ster-
ling should resume its full role as a medium of
world trade and exchange. An integral part of
any effective multilateral system is the restoration
of the convertibility of sterling but it can only be
reached by progressive stages. The achievement
of convertibility will depend fundamentally upon
three conditions :
{a) the continuing success of the action by ster-
ling Commonwealth countries themselves,
as outlined above;
( h ) the prospect that trading nations will adopt
trade policies which are conducive to the
expansion of world trade, and
(c) the availability of adequate financial sup-
port through the International Monetary
Fund or otherwise.
Procedure.
21. It is proposed to seek acceptance of this
plan by the Governments of the United States
and of European countries whose co-operation is
essential, and to work as far as possible through
existing international institutions dealing with
finance and trade.
22. The timing of the successive stages of this
plan cannot be decided at present. This can only
be judged as the necessary conditions are
satisfactorily fulfilled.
Conclusion.
23. The Conference is happy to be able to pre-
sent this account of the confident understanding
which exists between members of the Common-
wealth, and the wide measure of agreement which
they have been able to achieve over the whole
range of economic policy. The aims of their co-
operation are entirely consistent with their close
ties with the United States and the members of
the Organisation for European Economic Co-
operation. The Commonwealth countries look
outward to similar co-operation with other coun-
tries, not inward to a closed association. It is
their common purpose by their own efforts and
together with others to increase world trade for
the mutual benefit of all peoples.
March 16, 1953
399
U.S. Representatives To Attend
Queen Elizabeth's Coronation
White House press release dated March 6
The President has designated the following to
attend the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II on
June 2, 1953, as his representatives :
George Catlett Marshall, former Secretary of
State, Secretary of Defense and Chief of
Staff, U.S. Army during World War II, has
been named as the President's special repre-
sentative
Earl Warren, Governor of California, assistant
representative
Mrs. Gardner Cowles, of Cowles Publications, as-
sistant representative
Gen. Omar N. Bradley, Chairman, Joint Chiefs
of Staff, to represent the three U.S. Services
The President named the representatives at the
invitation of Queen Elizabeth II. At the coro-
nation ceremony in Westminster Abbey they will
be seated with the special representatives of other
governments.
Netherlands Foreign Minister
Visits Washington
Press release 125 dated March 4
The Netherlands Foreign Minister, J. M. A. H.
Luns, visited Washington on March 10 and 11.
During his visit to Washington he met with
Secretary Dulles and Under Secretary Smith for
an exchange of views. Mi'. Luns arrived in the
United States on March 2 to attend the U.N.
General Assembly meeting and is planning to re-
turn to the Netherlands on March 13.
Messages Relating to Illness
and Death of Joseph Stalin
Message to the Russian People
Statement hy the President
White House press release dated March 4
At this moment in history when multitudes of
Russians are anxiously concerned because of the
illness of the Soviet ruler the thouglits of America
go out to all the people of the U.S.S.R. — the
men and women, the boys and girls — in the vil-
lages, cities, farms, and factories of their home-
land.
They are the children of the same God who is
the Father of all peoples everywliere. And like
all peoples, Russia's millions share our longing
for a friendly and peaceful world.
Regardless of the identity of government per-
sonalities, the prayer of us Americans continues
to be that the Almighty will watch over the people
of that vast country and bring them, in His wis-
dom, opportunity to live their lives in a world
where all men, women, and children dwell in
peace and comradeship.
Message of Official Condolences
White House press release dated March 5
The President requested the Secretary of State
to send the foUoioin-g message to the American
Embassy at Moscow for transmission to the Soviet
Foreign Office by Jacob E. Beam, Charge
d' Affaires of the American Embassy:
The Government of the United States tenders
its official condolences to the Government of the
U.S.S.R. on the death of Generalissimo Joseph
Stalin, Prime Minister of the Soviet Union.
Council of Free Czechoslovakia
Receives U.S. Messages of Hope
Following are the texts of messages sent by
President Eisenhoicer and by Secretary Dulles
and Under Secretary Smith to the Council of Free
C zechoslovaMa. The inessages were read on Feb-
ruary 22 at New York on the occasion of the open-
ing of a New York headquarters for the Council.
Message From President Eisenhower
For 5 years your country has been terrorized by
alien misrule. Communist tyranny has sought to
destroy the values of Christianity and Western
civilization on which the national traditions of
the people of Czechoslovakia are based. Equita-
ble material rewards for tlieir labor have been
denied them and their standard of living has
sharply declined as a result of Soviet plundering.
The United States has alwaj's stood and stands
now for the freedom of nations from oppression.
The American people have never been indifferent
to suffering humanity anywhere. Your people,
though now enslaved, may be assured that Amer-
ica remains true to its great traditions, and firm
in its conviction that tyranny cannot long endure
in a world where free men are strong, united, and
resolute.
Joint Message From Secretary Dulles
and Under Secretary Smith
You are meeting now to honor the democracy
which was destroyed 5 years ago and to express
again the world's condemnation of that act and
the means by which it was brought about. The
Communist seizure of power in Czechoslovakia
and developments in your country since that time
have laid bare again the true nature of Soviet
imperialism. These events have made clear once
400
Department of State Bulletin
more that one country, however much the great
majority may cherish tlie preservation of national
inclei^endence, cannot in isolation retain freedom
in the face of an aggressive and ruthless totali-
tarianism.
Today that totalitarianism is engaged in a hate
and falsification campaign of vast proportions.
In Czechoslovakia it seeks to extinguish the love
of liberty among the Czechs and Slovaks, their
friendship for the United States, and the common
civilization which binds them to the West.
The regime devotes itself to poisoning the in-
ternational atmosphere upon the requirement of its
foreign masters. Internally the judicial murders,
the concentration camps, the naked exploitation of
workers and farmers, the oppression of religion,
and the inflaming of group prejudices are mani-
festations of alien rule over Czechoslovakia today.
The present ordeal of the Czech people cannot
be permanent. A regime so incompatible with the
right of nations to be free contains elements of
weakness which must eventually destroy it.
So long as the historic antipathy of your peo-
ple to foreign domination continues and the na-
tional traditions are kept alive by those abroad
and by tlie silent millions at home, there is sus-
taining hope that the Czechs and Slovaks will once
again take their rightful place as a constructive
force in the community of free peoples.
Of this we are confident as we move forward in
the task of adding to the strength and solidarity
of the free world.
Deadline For Filing Claims
For German Public Service Pensions
Press release 120 dated March 3
The Department of State wishes to remind resi-
dents of the United States who were formerly in
the German public service and who are eligible
claimants uncter the "Law Concerning the Redress
of National Socialist Wrongs to Former Em-
ployees of the Public Service Residing Abroad"
that tliey must submit their applications for re-
dress before March 31. 1953.
As stated in the Department's previous an-
nouncement on this subject,^ this law gives legal
recognition to claims for pension payments by
former employees of the German public service
now residing outside Germany and establishes
the machinery imder which such claims may be
entered and satisfied. In brief, it pro\'ides that
former employees of the German public service,
witli legal or permanent residence abroad predat-
ing May 23, 1949, may file their claims for pen-
sions with representatives of the Federal Republic
of Germany in the country of residence. In view
of the imminent deadline, claimants are urged to
file their claims without delay with the German
' Bulletin of Feb. 16, 1953, p. 262.
consulates general and German consulates at any
of the following addresses:
German Consulate General, 745 Fifth Ave., New York 22,
N.Y.
German Consulate General, 703 Market St., San Francisco
3, Calif.
German Consulate General, 8 South Michigan Ave., Chi-
cago 3, 111.
German Consulate, 1026 Hurt Bldg., Atlanta, Ga.
Gei-man Consulate, 2711 Book Bldg., Washington Blvd.,
Detroit 26, Mich.
German Consulate, Bryant Bldg., 1102 Grand Ave., Kansas
City 6, Mo.
German Consulate, 3450 Wilshire Blvd., Los Angeles 5,
Calif.
German Consulate, International Trade Mart, New Or-
leans 12, La.
German Consulate, 905 Securities Bldg., 3d and Stuart
Sts., Seattle 1, Wash.
The "Law Concerning the Redress of National
Socialist Wrongs to Former Employees Residing
Abroad'' makes provision for payment of benefits
into blocked bank accounts in the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany. A recent administrative order
issued by the Ministry of Economics of the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany, however, specifically
provides for the transfer of jjension payments to
qualified claimants residing abroad. Pursuant
to this order, it is no longer necessary in approved
claims to make payments into blocked deutsche-
mark accounts. Under the present order when
the transfer has been approved, payments may be
made to a German foreign trade bank or postal
agency for direct remittance to the claimant re-
siding abroad. Residents of the United States
may wish to inquire of the German consulates
and consulates general the procedure to be fol-
lowed in effecting the transfer of their pension
payments to this country.
International Bank To Send
Study Mission to Germany
A mission from the International Bank for Re-
construction and Development will arrive in
Bonn, Germany, on March 19, 1953, it was an-
nounced on March 5. The mission is visiting the
Federal Republic of Germany, in response to an
invitation from the Government, to study the gen-
eral economic situation and Germany's investment
plans.
S. R. Cope, Assistant Director of the Depart-
ment of Operations for Europe, Africa, and
Australasia, will head the group ; the other mem-
bers are Benjamin B. King and Badri Rao, of
the same Department.
This is the Bank's first mission to Germany.
The mission will start its discussions with Gov-
ernment ofKcials in Bonn. At a later stage it will
visit other imjjortant centers to obtain at first-
hand an appreciation of the situation in the main
sectors of the economy. The mission will be in
Germany for about 5 weeks.
March J 6, J 953
401
An Expression of Faith in the United Nations
Remarks hy Secretary Dulles '
Press release 116 dated March 2
Mr. Chairman, I am very happy to be with you
here tonight because I fully agree with what you
have just said; namely, that any efforts which I
may make in the field of international relations
will be almost sure to fail unless I can have the
support of those who are represented by the or-
ganizations here tonight.
Under our form of society foreign policy is not
a matter just for diplomats, however astute they
may be. Foreign policies to be successful must
be understood and supported by the people. And
I have stated that it will be my purpose, as far as
it is possible, to see to it that our foreign policies
are simple, so that they can be understood; that
they are made public, so that people will have a
chance to understand them ; and they will, as far
as possible, conform to the moral standards which
I know are held by the great bulk of our people,
so that they will, I hope, deserve their support.
I told your director some 3 months ago, I think,
that if it were at all possible I would meet with
you here tonight. I told him I could not come
with any formally prepared address, but that I
would hope by the very fact of my presence here
with you to bear witness to the great faith which
I have in the United Nations, and my hope that
you will carry on your own efforts to support it
and to bring about a better understanding of it
by the American people. That is probably the
most that I can do by being here tonight.
I do have a few thoughts which I would ex-
press inadequately and without the preparation
which perhaps ought to attend any statements
that are made by a Secretary of State. But I hope
that my demonstrated faith and belief in the
United Nations over the past 8 years, and the
principle of the United Nations long before that,
IS such that any inaccuracies will be forgiven.
I suppose that the United Nations at the present
time is going through its most difficult period.
' Made before the opening plenary session of the
American Association for the United Nations at Washing-
ton on Mar. 1. For text of an address made before the
Association by James J. Wadsworth, U.S. representative
to the General Assembly, see p. 417.
402
Words of Appreciation From the President
Folloicing is the text of a telegram sent by Presi-
dent Eisenhoicer to Clark M. Bichelherger, executive
director of the American Association for the United
Nations, on the occasion of the Association's con-
ference, which convened at Washington on March 1.
The conference of the American Association for
the United Nations, wliich opens in Washington on
March first, marks another year of remarkable serv-
ice by your organization.
I know you are proud of this service. You have
every reason to be.
As its name implies, the American Association of
which you are executive director is for the United
Nations. In scores of ways, you and your colleagues
have furthered the cause of this great international
organization. Your commission to study the or-
ganization of peace has contriliuted valuable ideas
and suggestions to United Nations delegates. Your
information program has not only informed Ameri-
can citizens of United Nations activities, but has
created thousands of United Nations supporters —
men and women eager to help make the U.N. an
effective force for peace. The delegates from 110
national organizations which have accepted your
invitation to this year's conference are living evi-
dence of your success.
For your efforts you have, I know, the apprecia-
tion of delegates to the United Nations. I want you
to know that you have mine, too. My warmest greet-
ings to you and to the other members of the
American Association for the United Nations.
Certainly, I hope it will not have a more difficult
period. We had its launching at San Francisco
nearly 8 years ago, in which I had the opportunity
to share. At that time the United Nations em-
bodied the hopes of many people throughout the
world — hopes that were to a large degree exag-
gerated hopes. It is almost always the case, I
suppose, when a new organization is launched that
it carries more hope than it can, in fact, support.
Certainly that was the case with the United Na-
tions. Many people thought that the United Na-
tions was automatically going to supply the
answer to all the international problems of the
world and that none of us would thereafter have
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
I
carry any burden of our own. Well, of course,
16 United Nations isn't that kind of an organi-
to I
the United JNations isn't that kind ot an organi-
zation. The United Nations is just a place where
we all meet together and whatever is done has
got to be done by us and the other nations who
make up the membership of the United Nations.
A Place for Collective Work
There is no new force magically brought into
existence. The United Nations is merely a place
where we can collectively work together more
effectively than if we each work separately.
Now the United Nations was launched at the
time when we were well aware of the importance
of working with others. The name "United Na-
tions" was, of course, the name given originally to
a military alliance. It was organized by the so-
called United Nations Declaration which was
signed on January 2, 1942. And we saw that
through that alliance, through working together —
there were then 45 nations working together — it
was possible to achieve results which we could not
have achieved if we had all worked separately.
Out of that experience of working together to win
a terrible and desperate war, we had a very clear,
dramatic demonstration of the importance of
unity. And so the thought was why not preserve
that unity and carry it on, so that we should con-
tinue to get the benefits of working together?
That was the simple thought, really, which under-
lay the organization at San Francisco 8 years
ago of the United Nations.
Well, as I say, that organization at its incep-
tion carried many hopes, many exaggerated hopes,
and since then there has been a period of very con-
siderable disillusion. Today there are some peo-
ple who believe that the United Nations does not
really serve any useful purpose ; that we had bet-
ter wind it up. That, I think, represents only a
small minority of the peoples of the world and the
peoples of the United States. A great majority
still believe that the United Nations is a worth-
while experiment, but their faith is not as hot and
burning as it was 8 years ago.
It is necessary, I think, to bring people to a bet-
ter understanding of what the United Nations
really is; what it can do, so that people will not
continue to be disappointed and disillusioned by
expecting from the United Nations something that
in the present state of the world it cannot do.
We had hoped that the United Nations would
guarantee all of us security. Well, article 43 of
the Charter was set in) with a view to establishing
under the Security Council military contingents
from the various member states which would act
at the direction of the Security Council to pre-
vent any aggression. That article has never been
operative because the veto power is applicable to
it. The Soviet Union has never permitted the
organization of those military contingents.
When the attack on Korea occurred, it was pos-
sible to function under the Security Council at
first because the Security Council at the moment
was being boycotted by Soviet Russia. It was
possible, as a result of that accident — I guess it -was
an accident — to get through a resolution which
enabled the members of the United Nations to
act together and act promptly to repel that act of
aggression. After that initial action by the Se-
curity Council, the work was carried on through
the Assembly where there is no veto power. And
at first, at that time, there was a great wave of
belief that we had at last found the answer to inter-
national aggression.
But as that effort bogged down in a military
way, and as it became impossible to recruit large
forces from any country other than the United
States, gradually disillusionment arose and the
feeling grew that the United Nations would not,
in fact, be able to provide security. And I recall
that in 1950 — I was then a delegate at the United
Nations Assembly — we had the so-called Uniting
for Peace Resolution and the Peace Observation
Commission Resolution, which were designed to
try to apply the lessons of the Korean War and
to organize the Assembly, where there would be
no veto power, so it could have contingents and
have the machinery to detect aggression promptly.
By the very fact that it could detect aggression
promptly, and could act immediately to prevent
aggression, it has proved, so far at least, very
difficult to give any substance to those two major
resolutions that were adopted in 1950 — the Unit-
ing for Peace Resolution and the Peace Observa-
tion Commission Resolution, although the Peace
Observation Commission is doing some work today
in the Balkan areas, particularly in Greece.
Security Through Regional Organizations
But by and large I think the feeling has grown
that security may have to be achieved primarily
through regional organizations which are author-
ized by the United Nations Charter, but which
to some extent function outside of the scope of
the United Nations' direct authority. Conse-
quently we have had a series of regional organi-
zations develop. There was the Rio Pact for the
Americas and the North Atlantic Pact — the scope
of which has been extended so that it now includes
Greece and Turkey. Then we negotiated — I had
some part in that — the Pacific Security Treaties
involving Japan, the Philippines, Australia, and
New Zealand. W^e had the signing yesterday of
the pact between Greece, Turkey, and Yugoslavia,
and there is thought of creating a Middle East
Organization.
Well, in a sense you may say that involves a
departure from the principles and the hopes that
are embodied in the United Nations Charter. But
I have a feeling that after you get all these
regional organizations made — they are all of them
interlocking — and you finally put them all to-
March 16, 1953
403
gether, you may end up with just about what
is contemplated by the United Nations Charter.
We may be going about it through the back
door, but as long as we come out at the right
place that is the important thing. I do believe
that there is increasing recognition today of the
principle upon which the United Nations was
founded ; namely, that security is a matter of in-
terdependence.
These regional associations are so interlocking
and more and more covering different areas of
the world, so that now you have — I don't know
how many — I suppose about 40 of the nations of
the world tied together really by a series of inter-
locking regional security arrangements. That is
actually a demonstration of the basic principle
of the United Nations, and a realization of that
principle in the ways which perhaps are at the
moment the most practical, having regard to the
exercise of the veto power by the Soviet Union
in the United Nations through the Security
Council.
Now we also had hopes that the United Nations
would quickly realize great results in the social
field and in the field of human rights. Well, there,
too, tliere have been gains, and there have been
delays, if not disappointments.
The United Nations developed and adopted
without dissent in Paris in 1948 — very largely
Mrs. Roosevelt contributed to that result; we were
together at that time in Paris — the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, a very splendid
statement of the high ideals of the nations of the
world with respect to human rights. That was
a beacon which we set up in the hopes that all
the nations of the world would be inspired by
that to follow in the way that it pointed out. I
believe that was a fine and worthy act on the part
of the United Nations. Whether or not the time
has yet come when that can be translated into
treaties of international force is a more debatable
question, and there may be delays and some dis-
appointments in that respect.
Treaties are laws, and laws to be effective must
represent the judgment of the conununity to which
they apply. Laws which merely reflect the effort
by one community to impose its views on another
do not conform to our conception of law as stem-
ming not from above but from the judgment of
people, the mores of people, the feeling of the com-
munity as to what is the right thing to do. Laws
which reflect an effort of some, and impose their
will upon another, seldom operate unless by fore©
or by war. And the primary need at the moment
is to develop within the nations of the world the
kind of sentiment so that, if and when there is a
covenant on human rights and things of that sort,
that treaty will be acceptable because it is what
the people want to do.
I am not sure today that that is the state of
the world ; that there is a sufficient unity of judg-
ment, of education, religion, so that we take a com-
mon view as to what are the rights of individuals.
And perhaps the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights does not purport to be a legal instrument,
but merely a statement of ideals. It may have to
be supported in the first instance primarily by
campaigns of education, publicity, increased
knowledge, and an example of what goes on in
other parts of the world so as to create a founda-
tion for what may ultimately be a law that stems :
from the will of the community itself.
Great Changes May Come Slowly
Well, now, however these tilings may be, they
do not prove that the United Nations does not have
a great purpose, a great function in the world.
What it proves is a thing which we really should
know ; namely, that great changes, great develop-
ments, usually come about slowly and not by a
very sudden development. Sometimes they seem
to come about by a sudden development, but only
if a great deal of preparatory work has already
been done so that the ground has been laid.
I believe that we are moving toward a world
of greater security through collective effort. I
believe we are moving toward a world where thei'e
will be a greater respect for human rights. But
I think we must recognize that these things are
not going to come about by a stroke of the pen,
tlirough some act which may be signed by the
United Nations. There has to be preceding that
a great deal of effort, education, and the United
Nations is the way by which we can readily can-y
on, and more readily carry on, that campaign of
national and international education so that we
have a better understanding of what is in our com-
mon interests.
One of the weaknesses perhaps of the American
people is that we want things to happen very
quickly, and if they don't happen very quickly we
become disappointed and turn away and try some-
thing else. This is a time to realize that the
United Nations has goals which are very much
worthwhile, but like most worthwhile goals they
are not going to be achieved without effort miracu-
lously overnight. There is a long hard road
ahead. We must pursue that road with courage,
determination, and with high hope. If we do,
I am sure we shall reach the goals — perhaps not
this year or next year — but maybe in 5 years, or
maybe 10 years. The fact that it takes a long
time to get to a goal, a vital goal, is no reason for
not starting. It is all the more reason for start-
ing quickly and pursuing it with resolution and
determination.
I am sure that that is the conviction of you who
are here today. I know that you have an oppor-
tunity to influence great masses of our fellow
citizens, and I hope that you will persevere in the
faith to which you are dedicated, and that you will
sjjread that faith, because the United Nations does
represent something which is sound, which is
404
Department of State Bulletin
bound in the long run to prevail. It represents
an effort which men have had as their goal gen-
eration after generation. Sometime it will be
re:iched. If there isn't the time to reach it, it
will only be because great disaster intervenes, be-
ruiise of our lack of courage, lack of hope, lack of
faith.
So you have a great responsibility. I can as-
sure you that your Government under President
Eisenhower, as he said in his message to you here
tonight, is dedicated so far as it is concerned to
achieve that goal. But also I can say to you that
we know that we cannot achieve that goal without
the kind of help and support which only you can
give us. So I come here merely to tell you of our
faith, of our hope in the United Nations, and our
faith and our hope. that you will help us to achieve
those goals.
Developing and Consolidating Western Europe's Defenses
hy Lincoln Gordon
Chief of the MSA Mission to the V.K>
In presenting my credentials this afternoon, I
want to talk about our common problem in the
Atlantic community of taking effective action, in
the face of unprecedented external dangers, to
secure our freedom in what President Eisenhower
termed last week this "centuiy of continuing chal-
lenge." That problem focuses on the common de-
fense and its economic foundations.
In recent months, and especially since the Nato
Ministers' meeting at Paris in December,- the
public prints have taken to viewing with alarm
the position and prospects of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization. We read that the effort is
letting down, that the Allies are divided over ob-
jectives and strategy, that economic pressures have
led country after country to cut its defense pro-
gram, and the like. This is a faulty picture. I
believe it arises from failure to understand prop-
erly both the actual status and the nature of Nato's
current efforts in the development and consolida-
tion of Western European clefenses.
Nato represents an historic departure in sev-
eral ways. The adoption of the treaty was the
most striking formal symbol of the end of Ameri-
can isolationism, with the declaration that aggres-
' Address made before the American Chamber of Com-
merce at London on Jan. 28 and released to the press by
the North Atlantic Treaty Information Service. Mr.
Gordon, who also serves as U.S. Minister for Economic
Affairs in London, participated in the U.S.-U.K. economic
discu.ssions held at Washington Mar. 4-7 ; see p. 395.
= See Bulletin of Jan. 5, 1953, p. 3, for the text of a
communique summarizing the results of the meeting.
March ?6, 1953
sion anywhere in the treaty area will be regarded
as an attack on all the members.
It is unique in another way as well. Starting
simply as a traditional type of alliance, it has
now been transformed into an operating coalition.
It possesses military forces integrated under Su-
preme Allied Commands. It provides for syste-
matic cooperation in the planning of national
defense contributions to the common cause, in the
development of airfields and other military con-
struction, and to some extent in the planning of
defense production and the formulation of broad
political policies of common concern.
Three years ago, Nato policies were the respon-
sibility of a series of intermittently meeting minis-
terial committees in the respective fields of foreign
affairs, defense, and finance. The basic pattern
was, to use an Americanism, buck passing ; finance
ministers waiting for defense ministers to state
their needs and desires ; defense ministers waiting
for finance ministers to say what could be
afforded ; and foreign ministers waiting for both.
Today we see the civilian and military au-
thorities looking simultaneously at military re-
quirements and economic resources and working
together on a full-time basis to push forward a
realistic program for the buildup of forces, con-
struction, and production. There is continuous
review of where we actually stand, and continuous
development of specific do-able measures for
moving forward in creating real forces backed by
adequate reserves.
This process of meshing military requirements
and economic capabilities into a specific program
405
of action was undertaken first at the end of 1951
by the Temporary Council Committee, in which
I had the honor of assisting the chairman, Averell
Harriman. The job was admittedly a crude one,
but it dealt with the right questions, and the Lis-
bon agreements which Howed from it represented
a major forward step in the realistic strengthen-
ing of Western defense.
Now in a more thorough-going manner, Nato
is coming to grips with the hard day-to-day com-
plexities of a modern defense buildui^ — something
which is well understood by national authorities
in the major nations but which has never before
been put on an international basis in peacetime.
Discussions at Paris Meeting
In this field, the Paris meeting of ministers in
December, which I attended also, was an interim
session to review progress since Lisbon, and to fix
certain guidelines for the further buildup whose
definitive size and content will be determined this
spring. As you know, we ended 1952 with results
very close to those projected at Lisbon. It has
been said in uninformed quarters that decisions
were taken in the December meeting to call a halt
to a further buildup. This is simply not true.
The size of the force goals for this year and next
was not even a subject of consideration. That
matter will be determined at the spring meeting.
The December session did give new emphasis
to quality, as compared with quantity of forces.
Public attention has unfortunately been riveted
on the single factor of numbers of gi'ound divi-
sions. Such numbers catch the public eye, and
can be seriously misleading. Divisions can vary
enormously in real fighting capacity, depending
on their state of training and equipment, the speed
with which reserves can be mobilized, the strength
of supporting units, the volume of ammunition
reserves, and other factors. I only wisli there
were some ready way of summarizing all these
factors in a headline phrase, since they are the
substance of effective, as against mere paper,
ground forces. If there is such a phrase no one
has been able to come up with it. In any case.
Western defense does not depend only on armies ;
it is a balanced collectivity of ground, air, and
naval strength.
The decisions on military construction, or
"infrastructure," have also been misunderstood.
Provision was made in December for the imme-
diate financing of 80 million pounds' worth of
most urgent requirements. This, although a good
deal less than the total high priority needs put
forward by the Supreme Commander, did not
mean scraping of the remainder. It meant simply
an immediate decision to finance promptly what
must be covered to avoid loss of a construction
season, the rest being dealt with as part of the
total plans for further buildup being developed
for the spring meeting.
I know of no responsible participant or observer
concerned with these matters who does not view
a continuance of the defense buildup as a sheer
necessity, in view of the existing and potential
Soviet military threat. The problem is of course
political, economic, and psychological, as well as
military, but I stress the side of physical security
as still the most urgent and critical before us.
There are, of course, differences of opinion as
to the pace and extent of the further buildup
which is desirable and possible. But there is no
doubt whatever that a further buildup is pro-
ceeding and will continue. As was stated in the
British White Paper reporting on tlie Paris
meeting :
If the risk of a general war today appears to have
receded, this is because the Nato countries are resolved
to resist aggression by combining and developint; their
armed strength. Any slackening in this effort could only
defeat their purpose; the process must go forward until
our stren;;th is in itself a solid deterrent to any tempta-
tion to attack us.
Regarding the defense program of the United
Kingdom itself, the White Paper pointed out that
The recent modifications in our program reflect a
change of emphasis in some fields, but in no sense a
reduction in the present scale of our rearmament effort.
Indeed, next year we intend to spend more on defense
than this year. This is broadly true of the Nato effort
as a whole.
NATO Planning on Flexible Basis
How long and how far this necessity will have
to take us it is impossible to estimate. Having
no aggressive intent ourselves, we cannot simply
build to a fixed target by a fixed date. Security
can only be relative in any case, and we are seek-
ing security against a potential threat which is
itself fluid in character and which must be met
by at least equal resiliency and resourcefulness
in defense. Hence the wisdom of Nato's decision
to put its forward planning on a continuous and
flexible basis, projecting each year revised plans
for the coming 3 years.
Certainly there is no cause to fear that the sit-
uation calls for eternally growing defense burdens,
compelling the free world to convert to a garrison
state as the price of survival. After all, the ratio
of free world to Soviet resources is 4 or 5 to 1.
If this effort, which now absorbs 10 to 15 percent
of our national output, seems burdensome to us,
how must a parallel effort weigh upon them, de-
spite all the machinery of slavery at their
conunand ?
Of cour.se, a defense buildup of this kind is
costly, not to say painful. This is especially the
case for peoples of wholly peaceful intent, who de-
sire only to beat their swords into ploughshares,
and who hoped in 1945 that this consummation
would become immediately possible.
Today we are in the process of making up for
the grave disparity we unwisely permitted to de-
velop when the free world demobilized so rapidly
406
Department of State Bulletin
after the war, so rapidly, at least in vuv case, that
General Marshall described it as "disintegration,
not demobilization." There is every reason to
believe that the effort can be leveled off, and per-
haps tapered down, when this disparity has been
further reduced or eliminated. Then, as our
total resources continue to increase, the burdens
of defense should become proportionately lighter.
But, frankly, I see no magic formula by which
these burdens can be conjured away in the now-
foreseeable future.
Given the free world's vast superiority in re-
sources, these burdens should certainly be eco-
nomically tolerable. But they are not automat-
ically so. They will be so only if we can create
and maintain an expanding world economy and
economic as well as political and military unity
in the free world.
There is of coui"se some conflict between these
economic and security objectives. It would be
far easier to recreate normal trade and exchange
relations if the world were not divided by the cold
war and if internal financial stability were not
endangered by heavy expenditures on arms. Our
task must nonetheless be to accomplish both, to
maintain the common defense and to strengthen
our economic foundations at one and the same
time.
The European Dollar Problem
There are, fortunately, certain long-term eco-
nomic developments which should ease this task.
The European dollar problem, which is obviously
of as great concern to you as businessmen as it is
to governments on both sides of the Atlantic, has
had its counterpart in the chronic international-
payments surplus of the United States. The re-
cent report of the Organization for European
Economic Cooperation and the very interesting
final communique of the Commonwealth Prime
Ministers Conference ^ alike stressed the need for
constructive action on the part of both debtor and
creditor countries if the imbalance in the free
world's trade and payments is to be righted.
One major source of increase in the supply of
dollars available to the rest of the world should
result from the increasing need of the United
States to import raw materials. The remarkably
thorough report published last summer by the
President's Materials Policy Commission (the
Paley Keport)^ showed that a decade ago we
crossed the watershed from a materials surplus to
a materials-deficit nation, and that over the next
25 years we might expect to increase our net im-
ports of materials to over three times the present
volume.
Some reviews of this report have expressed
alarm at the prospect of the United States "gob-
' For text of the communique, see p. 408.
* For excerpts, see Bulletin of July 14, 1952, p. 54.
bling up" an even larger share of the world's
materials. Such critics are quite prepared for us
to be damned for not making more dollars avail-
able abroad and also to be damned for making
them available by buying more abroad. But we
do not accept tlie implied premise — that supplies
are so limited that what comes to us is necessarily
unavailable to others. We would rather bring
about the expansion of supplies, an expansion
essential to a growing world economy, and in the
interests alike of exporters and importers of ma-
terials. Such expansion will involve a much
greater volume of dollar investment in under-
developed areas.
Additional dollars from increased American
purchases and investment abroad will, of course,
not flow automatically to Britain or other nations
of Western Europe. They must be earned, and
they can be earned only if prices, delivery terms,
and sales effort on manufactured goods will earn
them. In this connection, frankly I was shocked
and amazed at a comment in a responsible British
journal to the effect that Europe could hope to
earn few of the dollars resulting from greater
American imports of materials. It argued that
these additional imports would come in large
measure from Canada and Latin America, and
that propinquity and taste would lead these coun-
tries to buy more American manufactured goods
rather than European. But these are markets in
which there is no tariff preference for American
manufactures; in one of them, indeed, there is
Imperial preference. If in free and fair com-
petition Britain and the Continent are unable to
compete with American exporters, if Europe is
unable either to convert Latin American tastes
to European goods or to convert European goods
to Latin American tastes, then the international
economic outlook is indeed gloomy. I refuse to
be so pessimistic.
As to the outlook for American trade policy
itself, I am of course not in a position to speak for
the new Administration or the new Congress. I
should, however, like to call your attention to the
careful factual review of recent experience with
the American tariff contained in an article by my
associate, Winthrop Brown, in your own publica-
tion, the Anglo-American News of last December.
In my view, Mr. Brown has shown conclusively
that the American tariff and the so-called "escape
clause" in the reciprocal trade-agreements act are
far more feared than they deserve, that these ob-
stacles are indeed often more psychological than
real. I do not suggest that the American market
is easy to compete in; it takes ingenuity, resolu-
tion, and drive. But an increasing number of
British and other European businessmen have
pointed the way. Their successful efforts war-
rant much wider public knowledge and emulation.
Even the common defense effort itself, which
on balance certainly makes our economic problems
more rather than less difficult, is not wholly with-
March 16, 7953
407
out advantap-es in temperino; the short-term dollar
problem. It results in very considerable Amer-
ican military expenditures abroad, including our
contributions to Nato construction. One new ele-
ment of increasing importance, moreover, is the
program of offshore procurement of material for
Nato forces, which is being vigorously pursued
at the present time. This program of offshore
procurement accomplishes a 3-fold purpose. It
provides arms and equipment for Western Euro-
pean defense ; it helps build up Western European
capacity for defense production; and it creates
a dollar market of substantial magnitude.
Over 700 million dollars' worth of offshore pro-
curement orders were placed in Britain and other
Nato countries during the 12 months ending last
June. You are, of course, all familiar with the
recently placed contract in the United Kingdom
for 90 million dollars to provide the fine British
Centurion tank in substantial quantity for use
by Dutch and Danish forces. During our fiscal
year ending this coming June, the total volume
of offshore procurement for the Nato countries
is expected to be a thousand million dollars or
more.
Wliile offshore jjrocurement cannot be regarded
as a permanent arrangement any more than eco-
nomic aid. it can be a most helpful element indeed
in bridging the difficult transition from our pres-
ent position to a more stable and normal inter-
national system of trade and payments.
The Outlook for the Future
Finally, I should like to comment on another
often expressed fear — the fear not that defense
burdens are too large, but that their reduction,
especially in the United States, may set off a
depression which will pull the economic rug out
from under the free world. At the moment the
American economy is operating at very high levels
indeed, with virtually full employment, and yet
no signs of excessive inflationary pressure. I
have seen too many bad guesses to venture one of
my own, but I can report with pleasure a con-
sensus of private and official opinion that the signs
all point to maintenance of a high and stable level
of activity at least through this calendar year.
The fears mainly concern the longer run, when
American defense expenditures are expected to
decline. But again, past experience gives reassur-
ance. Expenditures on our national-security pro-
grams as a whole are now running at a rate of
about 52,000 million dollars per year. As fore-
cast by the Truman administration, they would
reach a peak in 1954 of 55 to 60,000 million dollars,
aiid then fall gradually to a plateau of 40 to 45,000
million dollars per year. This would involve a
drop between peak and plateau of 10 to 20,000
million dollars per year, or 3 to 6 percent of our
gross national product. By contrast, from the
wartime peak of 1944 to the year 1946, the equiva-
lent drop in present-day prices was from 142 to
25.000 million dollars per year, or over 40 percent
of the then gross national product. That drop,
although almost 10-fold of the reduction antici- ,
pated over the next few years, was absorbed with
remarkably little disturbance.
^^^lile the situations are by no means entirely
parallel, since there was then a tremendous back-
log of civilian needs to be filled, it seems reasonable
to expect that this much more moderate pros-
pective decline in defense expenditures, assuming
that it takes place, can be smoothly absorbed.
Certainly the opportunities for expanded con-
sumption and civilian investment markets, both in
the United States and abroad, make such a smooth
readjustment possible.
I would conclude, then, that the tasks facing
the free world, while difficult and challenging,
are not unmanageable given the will to do them,
the understanding by both governments and
peoples of what must be done, and above all,
the resolution to maintain mutual cooperation
as the basis of our policies. In this cooperation,
Anglo-American unity has a special place, since
history and geography have placed on our shoul-
ders the foremost responsibility for leadership in
this effort. I feel confident that under President
Eisenhower's guidance the United States will
continue to play its proper part.
EDC Foreign Ministers
Meet at Rome
Following h the text of a communique issued at
Rome on February 25 at the conclusion of a meet-
ing of the foreign ministers of France^ Germany,
Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxem-
hourg:
The Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the mem-
ber states of the European Community met on
February 24 and 25 at Rome under t\\& presidency
of M. Van Zeeland, Belgian Minister of Foreign
Affairs. The six ministers first discussed the
problem of economic integration within the
framework of the European connnunity on the
basis of proposals presented by the Netherlands
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Beyen.
These proposals are based upon the principle
of the collective responsibility of the community
in creating progressively a tariff union as one of
the essential elements of a common market. In
the spirit of the Luxembourg resolution the six
ministers reaffirmed that the progress of the com-
munity of the six countries is tied to the estab-
lishment of common bases of economic develop-
ment and to a fusion of the essential interests of
the member states.
The six ministers unanimously recognized that
vast economic integration and notably the crea-
tion of a single market would contribute to the
408
Department of State Bulletin
reinforcement of the economy of the community
and to the betterment of the standard of living of
their populations and that this would constitute
an essential element of the countries desiring to
create among themselves a European Political
Community.
This market should be created progressively
taking into account the need to avoid disequalib-
rium or serious diiliculties in economic and so-
cial fields. To this end safeguarding clauses as
■well as compensation measures could be provided.
The ministers decided to undertake without
delay with the assistance of experts the study of
measures for the application of the above-
mentioned principles.
The minsters then examined the state of prog-
ress of ratification of the Edc Treaty and unani-
mously declared themselves convinced that in
order to afford concrete proof of their determina-
tion to realize the European idea and to take into
account the dangers which weigh incessantly upon
free Europe it is necessary to achieve the creation
of the European army without delay.
The ministers noted that the treaty instituting
the Edc has been placed before the parliaments
of all member countries and affirmed that their
respective governments intended to support the
project before their parliaments emphasizing its
extreme urgency.
The ministers noted the discussions which have
recently taken place in the permanent interim
committee, within the framework of the mandate
conferred upon it at the time of the signature of
the treaty relating to certain proposals put forth
by the French Government. The ministers
charged the interim committee to continue its
work, taking into account the responsibilities that
certain of the parties assume overseas, and to reach
conclusions relative to the interpretative texts of
the treaty as quickly as possible without hindering
the procedures under way in the different
parliaments.
U. S. Again Attempts To Enlighten Czechoslovakia
on Provisions of the Mutual Security Act
The AnvRncan Embassy at Prague on March Jf
transmitted a note to the Czechoslovak Ministry
of Foreign Affairs in reply to a Czechoslovak note
of January 30, 1953, makiiig various false charges
about activities of the U.S. Gonemment under the
provisions of the Mutual Security Act.
Following is the text of the U.S. note together
with the Czechoslovak note of January 30:
TEXT OF U.S. NOTE OF MARCH 4
Press release 123 dated March 4
The American Embassy presents its compli-
ments to the Ministry of Foi-eign Affairs and has
the honor to refer to the Ministry's note of Jan-
uary 30, 19.53 concerning various false charges
about activities of the United States Government
under the Mutual Security Act.
The United States Government has examined
the contents of this note and finds that the Czecho-
slovak Government has added nothing new, except
certain propaganda elaborations, to the same fa-
miliar allegations as to aggressive policy and in-
terference in Czechoslovakia's domestic affairs
which the United States rejected in its note of
November 18, 1952 ^ and which it categorically
rejects again. It will be recalled that similar
charges against the Mutual Security Act by the
' BuLiJ=TiN of Dec. 1, 1952, p. 850.
Soviet Union were rejected overwhelmingly by the-
General Assembly of the United Nations in Jan-
uary, 1952.=
The United States has seriously endeavored to
explain the purpose of the Ms.4 to assist, in accord-
ance with principles of the United Nations.
Charter, the organization of collective defense and
the preservation of international peace. The
United States has also clearly shown in its note
of November 18 that the United States has not
carried on aggressive activity under Section 101
(a) of the MsA but has operated instead a broadly
constructive and purely hmnanitarian program
for reception, care and resettlement of refugees
from Communist oppression. This program is an
expression of a fundamental part of the American
character to extend sympathy and asylum to po-
litical refugees who seek freedom abroad which
they cannot obtain at home.
Unalterably wedded to its own distorted con-
ception of the outer world, the Czechoslovak Gov-
ernment chooses to see only subversion in humani-
tarian assistance to the victims of oppression and
only aggression in the efforts of the free world
at collective defense. If in spite of the factual
account of the Msa and activities TUider it which
has been given in previous United States notes,
' For text of a statement made on these Soviet charges-
by Mike J. Mansfield, U.S. delegate to the General As-
sembly, see iUd., Jan. 28, 1952, p. 128.
Morch 76, J 953
409-
this Communist delusion remains, the United
States must leave to world opinion where cre-
dence is to be placed.
The United States is confident that the note of
the Czechoslovak Government will be recognized
for wliat it is as part of a frenzied campaign
throughout the areas sealed off from freedom to
maintain a tyrannical rule by means of savage
police controls, trumped up show "trials", vicious
propaganda attacks and other measures to impose
absolute conformity of behavior and opinion.
The Czechoslovak Government apparently con-
siders anyone who does not willingly accept such
conformity as an "American agent" and one who
seeks escape fmm it by a "Freedom Train", a
"Freedom Duck" or by any one of the many other
vehicles which human ingenuity has utilized for
reaching freedom as either an agent or a victim
of kidnapping. In accord with its traditions the
American nation feels profound sympathy for
any people who, deprived of its freedom, remains
devoted to its lost liberties.
The purpose of the Czechoslovak Government's
note is revealed in the numerous propaganda
cliches contained in the text, the falsity and cal-
umny of which are transparent to all. The ques-
tion arises how seriously the recipient, other
Governments or even the people in Czechoslovakia
can take a diplomatic note which attempts to es-
tablish a connection between Hitler's policies and
those of the United States, or which charges that
efforts of the United States to help European
countries achieve economic stability and security
against aggression bring onlv economic chaos and
American occupation. The United States is con-
tent to leave the answers to such questions and the
proper judgment of such accusations to other
nations.
The United States Government itself condemns
this attempt of the Czechoslovak Government to
discredit the Msa and the worthy purposes it
serves. The United States also regards as totally
unwarranted and unacceptable the Czechoslovak
Government's act of arrogation in interpreting,
to suit its wishes, the nature of Section 101 (a)
of that Act and the activities carried on under it.
Convinced that the entirely humanitarian pro-
gram maintained under this authorization for the
relief of the victims of Communist oppression
will be recognized by world opinion as the very
antithesis of the pursuit of aggressive purposes,
the United States is determined to continue this
vitally needed assistance to refugees from the
countries behind the Iron Curtain in Eastern
Europe.
TEXT OF CZECH NOTE OF JANUARY 30
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs presents its compli-
ments to the Embassy of the U.S. of America and with
reference to the Embassy's note Nr. 166 of November 18,
1952, has the honour to advise the follovcing :
In its earlier notes addressed to the Embassy of the
U.S. of America in Prague, tlie Ministry of Foreign Affairs
quoted a number of irrefutable facts, proving interference
into Czechoslovaliia'.s domestic affairs by the Government
of the U.S. From the instances listed in these notes it
is evident that the American authorities, and in particu-
lar the American espionage agencies, are carrying out
their hostile activity in the first place by sending out
their paid agents, spies, diversionists and murderers to
Czechoslovak territoi-y, that these so-called ''selected per-
sons" are financed and equipped in accordance with the
provisions of the U.S. Mutual Security Act, by means al-
located under this act, and finally that the subversive ac-
tivities of these criminals are carried out under instruc-
tions by these same authorities.
The Government of the U.S. chose to make an evasive
reply to the sharp protest addressed by the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs to the Embassy of the U.S. on October 13,
1952 ' in connection with certain particularly outrageous
crimes of American terrorist agents. This is easily under-
stood. The American weapons and the documents found
in the possession of the American agents who murdered
two members of the local national committee in Revnicov,
district Nova Straseci, American grenades and noiseless
pistols specifically designed for purpcses of assassination —
the usual equipment of diversionist agents sent to Czecho-
slovalc territory by the American espionage service — and
in particular the number of American agents rounded up
by the Czechoslovak security organs constitutes such doc-
umentary proof that it is impossible for the Government
of the U.S. to escape responsibility for flagrant violations
of the most elementary principles of international law,
regulating the peaceful co-existence of nations.
In its note the Government of the U.S. has passed
over in silence a series of very concrete charges made by
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and did not take position
with respect to them, nor did it condemn the crimes com-
mitted by American agents or deny the evidence as to
the direct connection between these agents and the U.S.
occupation authorities and espionage organs in Western
Germany and Austria. Instead, the Government of the
U.S. attempted to substitute slander and insult for its
lack of arguments and to disguise the true nature of its
aggressive policy by general declarations as to its peace-
ful intentions.
In its note the Government of the U.S. claims that
the so-called Mutual Security Act "is designed to
strengthen the defense of the free world, to support
the freedom of Europe through assistance to the defense
of the NATO countries . . .".
This simulated concern for the freedom of Europe is
but one of the forms of American interference into the
domestic affairs of the nations of Europe and a pretext
for America's policy of war preparations which instead
of freedom and security, only brings American or-cupa-
tion, the loss of national sovereignty and economic chaos
to the countries of Western Europe. The spontaneous
and determined resistance of the peoples of Western
Europe as well as in other parts of the world against
this policy of the U.S. Government is proof of the ever
growing awareness among the peoples of the entire world
of the aggressive aims of the policy.
Under the so-called general agreement with Western
Germany and the treaty of the .so-called European Defense
Community of May 19.52, which the Government of the
U.S. forced upon the countries of Western Europe, the
German Fascist army is to be revived under the leadership
of former Hitlerite generals and is to be integrated into
the North Atlantic Pact system as an assault force against
the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and other peace-loving
countries of Peoples Democracy and at the same time as
a gendarme against the peoples of Western Europe, whose
resistance to the American policy of war and to American
occupation the Government of the U.S. intends to break
with the assistance of those proven oppressors of the
'Ibid., Dec. 1, 1952, p. 851.
410
Department of State Bulletin
freedom of the peoples of Europe — the German militarists
and revauchists. There is aet'd for mure eloquent proof
as to the aggressive nature of the Atlantic Pact, of the
so-called Mutual Security Act and of the entire policy
of the U.S., aimed at the unleashing of a new world war.
The Government of the U.S. attempts to justify its
aggressive policy by references to the alleged threat frorn
"the aggressive tendencies of international Communism."
The people of Czechoslovakia, taking a lesson from the
experiences of Munich and the second world war, in the
same way as the peace-loving people all over the world,
have no doubts as to the true objectives of this pretext,
designed to justify the aggressive policy of the U.S.
Government.
This slander, taken over from the arsenal of Hitlerite
propaganda, is a proof of a closer political relationship.
It is a well known fact that under the slogan of "saving
Europe from Communism" Hitler unleashed a world war,
enslaved the peoples of Europe and caused mankind un-
told sufferings. The results of Hitler's policy, masking
its criminal designs behind anti-Communist slanders, are
equally well known. The North Atlantic war alliance,
as is apparent even from the Embassy's note, is but con-
tinuation of the Hitlerite anti-Comintern pacts. Today
the serious danger to world peace, the freedom and in-
dependence of nations stems from American imijerialism,
preparing a new world war.
The Embassy attempts to designate the act, which
allocates the sum of a $100 million to finance hostile
activities directed against Czechoslovakia and other coun-
tries as a "humanitarian program" and as a measure of
a purely charitative character. This allegation is fully
disproved by the text and wording of the act itself. In
Its earlier notes the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has also
referred to the debate of this act and in particular of
the Kersten amendment. The members of the U.S. Con-
gress and in the first place, Mr. Kersten, author of the
amendment, declared quite openly that the act was in-
tended to finance aggressive activities, the incitation to
organized terror and the setting up of military units for
aggression against a number of states, among which
Czechoslovakia was explicitly mentioned.
The true fact of this American "humanitarian pro-
gram," however. Is best demonstrated by the American
agents themselves — the murderers of peace-loving Czecho-
slovak citizens in Babice, in Revnicov and elsewhere.
Their crimes are an inseparable component of the total
balance of the Mutual Security Act. The Government of
the U.S. of America denies responsibility for these crimes
of American agents only in diplomatic notes, while in
Its otficial propaganda it openly proclaims that it is striv-
ing for a change of government in the Peoples Democracies
and for the breaking of their alliance with the Soviet
Union. Foremost representatives of the U.S. have de-
clared quite unambiguously that they are striving for
a change of regime in the Peoples Democracies.
One of the aspects of American policy is the organizing
and utilization of Zionist and Titoist-Trotzkyite espionage
centers and conspiracies.
The recent trial of the group of conspirators led by
Rudolf Slansky has clearly demonstrated that also in
Czechoslovakia such a plot against the people and the
Government of the Czechoslovak Republic had been plan-
ned by American agents.
In "the course of the trial it was proved beyond any
doubt that the espionage, sabotage and subversive ac-
tivities of this group had been prepared over a long jjeriod
of time, that since the time of World War II already its
principal members had been agents of the American in-
telligence service and of other espionage organizations, co-
operating with it and that American intelligence agencies
had served themselves of the espionage organization of
the Tito clique and of the espionage activity of Zionist
organizations as a means for directing their agency in
Czechoslovakia.
The trial further demonstrated that in their anti-
Morch 16, 7953
Czechoslovak activities the American intelligence organs
enlisted the services of war criminals and agents of the
Gestapo, who had caused the death of many of the heroes
of the Czechoslovak peoples' struggle for freedom.
The relations between the American intelligence service
and this group of conspirators are eloquently illustrated
by tlie fact that, at a time, when Slansky, the head of
the conspiracy, was about to be unmasked, the American
intelligence service through its agent Kauders attempted
to save him and organize his escape abroad. In this at-
tempt, once again, the American broadcasting station
bearing the name "Free Europe" was used. This is but
one more confirmation of the fact that the broadcasting
stations in the American zone of occupation in Germany
are in the service of the hostile espionage and subversive
activities of the American intelligence service — for which
purpose they were quite openly set up by the American
authorities. Thanks to the vigilance of the Czech security
organs and of the entire Czech people however, this
treacherous conspiracy, too, was frustrated and crushed.
The significance of the defeat which the American war
program has suffered through the crushing of the Ameri-
can agency in Czechoslovakia is illustrated by the cir-
cumstance that the President of the U.S. of America
considered it necessary to state his position re the trial
with the espionage center in Czechoslovakia in an insult-
ing and slanderous message addressed to the so-called
Jewish Labour Committee.
The vigilance of the Czech people, which the U.S. Gov-
ernment in its note terms as "congenital suspicion of the
Communists," and of which it complains quite understand-
ably, is a serious obstacle in the way of the activities of
American agents. It is, nevertheless, surprising that the
U.S. Government's note speaks of "suspicion" at a time
when this same government by its boundless panicked
suspicion is arousing the indignation of world public
opinion and the protests of its own allies.
In its note the Government of the U.S. — quite inap-
propriately— went so far as to criticize the domestic af-
fairs of Czechoslovakia. The enthusiastic endeavor of
the Czech people in the construction of its country, the
constant and progressive increase of its economic, social
and cultural level convincingly disprove these slanders.
In its note the Embassy alleges that a "hate campaign"
against the U.S. is being conducted in Czechoslovakia.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs absolutely rejects this
allegation and refers to the consistent endeavor of the
Czech Government for a lasting peace and friendship
among nations. It is of course only natural that the
hostile acts of the American authorities, the sending out
of terrorist groups, .spies and murderers, the hostile state-
ments of American Government officials, as well as the
direct plots of the U.S. Government against the peaceful
construction and sovereignty of the Czech Republic arouse
the deep scorn and contempt of the Czech people towards
those who attempt to disrupt its work and are the enemies
of its independence.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs considers absurd and
unfounded the Embassy's allegations that the Ministry's
protests against the hostile activities of the American
authorities contribute to intensify international tensions.
Not the Czech Government's justified protests calling for
a discontinuation of the hostile activities of the American
authorities, but these very activities and the U.S. policies
of cold war, of aggression and intervention, are the source
of international tensions and the cause of justified indig-
nation on the part of the Czech people.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the name of the
Czech Government therefore categorically rejects the note
of the Embassy of the U.S. and once again resolutely pro-
tests against the aggressive provisions of the so-called
Mutual Security Act and against the hostile activities of
the American authorities against the Czech Republic.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs avails itself of this
opportunity to renew to the Embassy of the U.S. of
America the assurance of its consideration.
411
The Question of War or Peace in Korea
hy Gen. Omar N. Bradley
Chmrman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff '
The most difficult subject which was suggested
by your members [for discussion at the meeting]
is the question: War or Peace? It is the top is-
sue of the day — not only an issue here in the
forum, but in every free nation in the world. The
greatest and the most humble men and women in
the world have devoted weeks, months, and years
to the study of this question. Unfortunately no
one has yet found a positive solution.
The ultimate decision of wliether it will be total
war or total peace seems to rest with a small group
of men in the Kremlin over whom we have little
control. On the other hand, I earnestly believe
that the actions we Ajiiericans take will have con-
siderable influence over these men. From a
strictly military viewpoint, we already influence
these realists by our possession of the atomic
bomb and the ability to deliver it. In that way — ■
through armed strength — if by no other means, I
am sure that we can influence their final answer
to this question wliich concerns the whole world :
Will it be total war, or will it be total peace?
I take no pleasure in the discussion of this sub-
ject, in spite of its importance. I know something
of wai" — its terror, its courage, and its unlimited
cost. I would prefer to speak about the absence
of war, the duties of citizens, the privileges and
rights of free men, and the greatness of America.
These are more constructive ideas.
But I would not evade this issue. If it can be
solved by thought and discussion, I will gladly
contribute what I can. At best, I can only present
the situation as I see it from a military point of
view. Today, in our discussion, I am not propos-
ing a solution to this difficult question. I believe
there is a solution; I believe that the world will
' Address made before the Palm Beach Round Table at
Palm Beach, Fla., on Mar. 2.
some day find an answer; I know that our Pres-
ident is dedicated to finding a solution to tliis
problem if it can be found.
The question of war or peace would certainly
appear to be academic when we face the fact that
Americans, South Koreans, and units of 14 other
nations are fighting — and have been fighting for
over 2 years — on the peninsula of Korea. French-
men ai-e fighting alongside the Vietnam forces —
and have been for over 7 years — in Indochina.
The British have been opposing Communist ag-
gression in Malaya for an interminable time.
In spit© of these conflicts, however, today's
question of war or peace deserves our careful
attention when we realize that a third world war
would be far moi'e terrible than the present com-
bined crises in Korea, Indochina, Malaya, and the
other trouble spots aromid the globe.
Since I am not a philosopher, I have neither the
qualification nor the inclination to treat the mat-
ter of war academically. As a soldier, and one
who has visited our battlefronts in Korea recently,
I know that the war in Korea is far from being an
academic subject. No matter how we limit its geo-
graphical boundaries, or curtail its casualties —
for the man in the frontline, the airman who dog-
fights a MIG-15, or the navy man who bombards
the shoreline — it is as real and as dangerous as
any total war could be. His only comfort lies in
the fact that so far his people at home have not
borne the brunt of the attack. I also know from
talking to these men that it is of considerable
comfort to them that the war in Korea has not
spread into a total war with its atomic overtones.
But the fighting men in the Far East, as well as
the people at home, are tormented by the worry
and sacrifice which this war against Communist
aggression in Korea continues to demand. Al-
though the peoples of the free world realize that
Korea must be viewed in its proper perspective —
412
Deparfmenf of State BuUetin
that Korea is just one small part of the greater
Communist aggression and imperialism toward
free men— we derive little comfort from viewing
our present struggle in Korea as a small part of a
regional or global situation. To me, as to many
other Americans and South Koreans and French-
men and Canadians and Britishers and Turks and
other allies, Korea is a war which is costing us
large sums of money and much of our resources.
Americans are losing their lives over there, and
even though the casualties are low in comparison
to a greater world war, we can take no comfort
from that fact. We entei-ed this war to stop ag-
gression and we want a decision for peace.
War by Satellite
Personally, I feel that the war-by-satellite tech-
nique which communism has adopted is the most
irritating, frustrating method they could choose.
It causes the free nations of the world to expend
lives and resources without getting to the real
cause of trouble or the fundamental source of
Communist power. At the same time, I know
that we will not provoke a third world war even
to reach these troublemakers. I am equally sure
that we will not default our freedom to the Com-
munists by appeasement. We must resolutely
take issue with Communist aggression wherever
it forces its way.
Peace and good will are hard to come by. There
is no magic carpet on which men can ride into a
warless world. If we are to reach an accord be-
tween nations, we shall do so by climbing pain-
fully up a ladder toward the resolution of
difficulties that bar peace in this world.
We shall always be tragically in need of ideals
in attaining a peaceful world, but those ideals are
at the top of the ladder ; they do not make up the
rungs. Our progi-ess up the ladder towaixl that
goal must be steadfast; the rungs of the ladder
consist of difficult situations which we must meet
and resolve in favor of freedom.
Korea is one of these difficult situations.
There was no other choice for us in June 1950.
We had to draw the line against Communist ag-
gression : the decision was hailed throughout the
free world as a most courageous one, and one that
was properly timed.
I believe that that decision— as much as it has
cost us— saved Southeast Asia from being over-
run in 1950 and 1951. I also believe that our brave
and courageous resistance gave a new breath of
life and a new meaning to the authority of the
United Nations.
And further, I believe that our action in Korea
may have prevented — or at least forestalled for
some time— the Soviet Union's step-by-step ag-
gression leading to world war III.
But that decision — as right as it was— has not
made our problem easier. The question of war or
peace— if we mean total war or total peace— is
March 16, 1953
still before us, and the future courses of action
we choose— in Korea and elsewhere— can only be
milestones on the road to that ultimate decision.
Four Courses of Military Action
Wliat I have to say now about Korea is only
my personal opinion, and from a strictly military
viewpoint. In broad perspective, I believe that
the United Nations have four courses of military
action open to us in Korea : t t
One course of action— but. one which I believe
the American people and their allies would not
condone— would be to withdraw our forces and
get out of Korea. This would greatly jeopardize
the authority of the United Nations. And all of
our allies would begin to lose confidence. Fur-
thermore, our great efforts and sacrifice would
appear to have been in vain. Finally, communism
in Asia would have a free rein and the tyranny
which accompanies communism — already so
vividly painted in blood in China— would spread
like a' plague across all of Asia to include our
friends in Southeast Asia and India and Pakistan.
Second, we could continue the present pressure
in Korea, keeping our casualties to a minimum,
and causing the greatest casualties to the enemy
that we could inflict.
The third course of military action open to the
United Nations is of greater scope than the sec-
ond: We could continue the present pressure in
Korea, causing the greatest casualties possible to
the enemy ; and we could take the additional mili-
tary steps, from time to time, where a military ad-
vantage might accrue. We would hope that the
Communist Chinese, because of increasing pres-
sure, would get tired and eventually quit. But
even some of these additional measures in Korea
might require high-level international decisions,
for all of them are not entirely within the present
scope of military authority.
The fourth course of action is a big step beyond
the third : It involves taking any one, or any com-
bination, of military steps open to us in order to
get a decision in Korea even while we realize that
it might eventually involve us in an all-out war
with Communist China. We must realize that
broadening the war in this way might pin clown
the bulk of our military power on the continent
of Asia, and could eventually develop into world
war III.
We would have to assess the risk with each step
taken. We would have to be prepared for the
countermeasures the Communists could take and
the countermeasures that eventually the Soviet
Union might take because of the Sino-Russian
treaty.
Preliminary to this course of action, it would
seem to me that the United Nations, and especially
the United States, would have to make long-term
foreien-policy decisions on future relations in the
Far East.
413
other Possible Steps
The additional military steps referred to in the
many discussions of these third and fourth courses
of action are divided into many possibilities.
Some could be taken alone, or several could be
taken in combination. You have undoubtedly
read about some of them in your newspapers and
have heard many of them discussed in public :
r. By adding to our forces in Korea — which
would call for a much neater mobilization of men
and industry — and taking the necessary casual-
ties, U.N. Forces could drive to the Yalu Kiver
and free Korea of the Communist Chinese.
2. We could e.xtend the air war into Manchuria.
Tliis would require bombardment of the Commu-
nist airbases across the Yalu and would have to
include the devastation of the communications
centers and military targets in the manufacturing
centers of Manchuria, if it were to be effective.
3. The United Nations could intensify the eco-
nomic sanctions. Everyone realizes that some
strategic materials are still being delivered to the
enemy.
4. To augment this the United Nations could
declare a naval blockade. This course of action
is complicated by the status of the British colony
Hong Kong. Naval experts tell us that to be
most effective this action would have to include
the blockade of two Chinese ports now under con-
trol of the Soviet Union : Dairen and Port Ar-
thur, and the blockade of coastal shipping.
5. Another course of action — which could ad-
vance our line to the narrow waist of Korea —
would be a combined ground, air, and navy of-
fensive.
6. We could also continue the improvement and
enlargement of the Republic of Korea forces so
that fewer American divisions are in the line.
We have already started on this, and only the eco-
nomic and manpower limitations involved set a
practical limit on this course of action.
7. Another factor which could be added to the
war if a practical opportunity should present
itself is the use of atomic weapons.
All of these possibilities — and many othei-s —
have been studied and considered in the past and
are constantly being considered as ways and means
of reaching a decision for the United Nations in
Korea. Many of them have not been taken in
the past because we didn't have the power to do
them effectively; many of them were not taken—
and are not taken now — because a military advan-
tage does not accrue. Many of these actions could
only be taken if the larger, high-level policy de-
cisions were made.
I must make it clear at this point — and I hope
that every newspaper and radio that reports this
discussion will empliasize this for me — that I, as a
member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, am recom-
mending neither for nor against any of these ac-
414
tions. It is not within my authority to decide
such issues. My purpose is to discuss the situa-
tion rather than to urge a particular solution. I
feel that we can arrive at a better solution if the
public has as many of the facts as military se-
curity pennits.
In this situation, and in the area of the larger
decisions which future action might require, I
would urge you to exercise all of your patience.
I believe that we should give our new Administra-
tion— these newly elected and appointed leaders
who are charting the international strategy that
this Nation will follow— that we should give them
time to reveal our policy in well-coordinated ac-
tion. These men deserve our greatest support
and patient understanding.
Role of Joint Chiefs of Staff
It is easy for the armchair strategist to choose
a resolute and bold course of action for his country.
I know that I have many acquaintances who urge
upon me one or several of these military actions
which I have discussed. I know that many people
would like to ask at this point: What do the Joint
Chiefs of Staff recommend that we do? What
should be our national strategy- and national
policy in this perplexing situation?
I believe it is important for all of us to under-
stand the role that the Joint Chiefs of Staff play
in our national policy making, because many peo-
ple believe that during times of stress like these
"the military," as we are loosely labeled, have
dangerous and undue powers in the influencing of
our national policy. Actually, the role of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, by law and by practice, is a
subordinate role, and one which we zealously
observe.
I would like to state my own personal views
on what recommendations are actually in order
from the Joint Chiefs of Staff. I have outlined
these views to the Secretary of State, the Secretary
of Defense, and to congressional committees, and
in all quarters they have seemed to meet with
general civilian approval.
It is important to remember — and in the Joint
Chiefs of Staff we are constantly reminding our-
selves— that military policy, and its included
strategic planning, is iwt. separate and distinct
from our foreign policy. The two of them are
part and parcel of our over-all policy for the
safety and security of our Nation.
Under the National Security Act, the Joint
Chiefs of Staff are charged with several specific
duties. Among these is listed "the principal
military advisers to the President, the National
Security Council, and the Secretary of Defense."
We are charged with making strategic plans, and
providing for the strategic direction of the mili-
tary forces of the Nation in peace and war.
When the Government is considering the estab-
lishment of policy, the President receives recom-
mendations from the Department of State from
Deparfmenf of Sfofe Bulletin
a foreign policy view. He considers domestic
political advice, including guidance from the Con-
gress and existing laws. He studies the economic
implications of the specific problem, considers the
psychological aspects of the policy, and from the
Department of Defense he gets military advice in
connection with the proposed policy. The agency
with which he discusses all the factors and which
assists him in arriving at a decision is the National
Security Council.
As the military advisers of the Government, we
feel that our job is to take the various courses of
action that are suggested in the problem and
analyze them from Sie military viewpoint, telling
the President, through the Secretary of Defense,
what our capabilities are and as far as we know,
what risks are being taken when we pursue either
this course or that course.
Generally, however, I do not feel that it is Joint
Chiefs of Staff responsibility to recommend specif-
ically which course of action the Government
should take. We should confine our part to point-
ing out the military implications and military
capabilities. Then, of course, after a decision is
reached, we make recommendations on the mili-
tary action required to carry out such decisions.
No matter what the decision becomes, once it is
made we do our utmost to carry out the military
responsibilities which it involves.
Perhaps some people might feel that the Joint
Chiefs of Staff should stand up and resolutely
and strongly recommend a national policy which
we would prefer, but to date I have not been con-
vinced that this is the proper role of a military
leader. I do not believe that military strategists
should choose the course of government action,
and I do not believe that we should publicly, or
before congressional committees, fail to support
the decisions made by our civilian superiors.
In congressional hearings we feel free to give
our personal opinions and to point out the same
capabilities and risks that we had pointed out
before any decisions were made — so that the legis-
lators will have as full and complete information
as the Secretary of Defense, and the Commander
in Chief, and the Secretary of State— but I do not
believe that we should go beyond this.
U.S. Responsibility for World Leadership
The responsibility of our President and his
National Security Council for war or peace can-
not be minimized. Our friends as well as our
enemies recognize the responsibility for leadership
in world affairs that has been thrust upon us.
When we consider the responsibility that befalls
the American people, we must remember that
America's strategic position in the world today
is the outgrowth of the strength we demonstrated
in World War II. In both Europe and Asia
political boundaries have been largely drawn on
the lines where armies met and defeated the Axis.
If we are to keep our position, we must maintain
our strength.
The United States is respected in the world
today, not because she is rich but because she is
strong. During the incubator period of World
War II, our wealth was ridiculed as a sign of
decadence. It was not until our people put that
wealth to work in the manufacture of arms, the
construction of ships, and the production of food
that the vigor and strength of America became
apparent throughout the world.
As long as nations know that our strength per-
sists, as long as they are assured of our determina-
tion to use it against aggression, which in the
end would menace us, the stronger our hand shall
be in writing the terms for future living. For
unless we show the capacity and willingness to
sustain our commitments with adequate armed
strength, we shall be forced to give up those com-
mitments in the face of opposing power.
Even though we disapprove of the use of force
in the settlement of international disputes, we
cannot renounce that force while other nations
cling to theirs. Our pleas for peace are measured
not by the sincerity with which they are spoken
but by the strength we can array to enforce them.
The greatest danger to our future would be
the failure of our American people to understand
precisely what strength means. More than ships,
planes, and guns, we need an intelligent and well-
informed public opinion — based on facts, not
emotions; on realities, not dreams.
We dare not forget that there is nothing man
can invent with his science, nothing man can
devise from his knowledge, nothing man can create
by his genius that war, if it comes, cannot destroy.
But I believe there is no such thing as an in-
evitable war. If wars can be provoked, they can
also be averted. But they can be averted only
if the peace-loving peoples of this world love peace
enough to oppose aggression in whatever form
it may recur. We cannot ignore the kindling
sparks if we hope to avoid a conflagration. We
cannot halt imperialism with moral indignation.
If the United States is to exercise its conscience in
world affairs, it must be prepared to back its moral
indignation with realism, resources, and credits.
We must recognize that it is even more difficult
to avert wars than to win them. The achievement
of peace in this shattered world is a task requiring
greater intellect, more daring, and perhaps even
sterner sacrifice than we showed in helping to win
World War II.
Armed Strength Essential for World Security
To meet this challenge, the American people
must be prepared to sustain a bold foreign policy
equal to our responsibilities in a world from which
we cannot retreat. And we must contribute will-
ingly to the maintenance of armed strength essen-
tial to the security and stability of tliis world in
which we live.
March 16, 1953
415
I believe that there is an immediate need for
support of the concept that combines military
power and peaceful intention without unnecessary
recourse to war. If we have the military power
which will bring respect for our ideas, and our
voices at the Council table, there is hope that we
will never have to exercise that military power in
all-out war. It is a mistake to assume that na-
tional military power is important only in case
of coercion. The nation with strength is the
nation with the power of persuasion, the power of
purchase, and the power to bargain.
A military man especially dislikes prediction.
However, since we are discussing the alternative
of war or peace, I will venture that if we ever
provide ourselves with the military power appro-
priate to our responsibilities, and then maintain
it, we will achieve some of the peace of mind with
less fear of war — and perhaps the actual peace in
the world — that we all hope for and seek.
If we don't face this issue properly, we will be
forced to deal inadequately from crisis to crisis
with each problem that arises. And when a na-
tion is relatively weak, even the smallest prob-
lem— which we would ordinarily take in stride —
becomes a major difficulty.
A case in point today is Korea. It is my per-
sonal belief — and I have stated it many times
before — that if we had not so completely de-
mobilized our military power between 1945 and
1950, Korea might never have occurred.
I hope that all Americans have learned this
lasting lesson: weakness invites attack. The
Soviet Union, master mind of the Communist
aggi-essions all over the world, watched the de-
parture of our forces from South Korea and took
this as a sign that the United Nations were not
interested in protecting the South Koreans and
were willing to let the Communists go ahead in
Asia. The military realists in the Kremlin also
must have smiled grimly as they watched the
further demobilization of our American armed
strength in 1949 and 1950.
I stated earlier that I believed the U.N. action
in Korea had saved Southeast Asia, preserved the
United Nations, and had perhaps prevented a
world war III. As I conclude this discussion, I
must say ho)iestly to the American people — as un-
welcome as it may be — that one of the gi-eatest
contributions which the Korean war has made to
the world is the compulsory remobilization of
some of our armed might. Even after World
War II we had not learned that a nation as great
as ours cannot be weak. We still had some idea
that the United States had been given a special
privilege among nations : that we could travel the
sealanes of the world, travel the airways of the
world, influence the actions of all of "the free
nations of the world and aid them to resist com-
munism, without establishing and maintainino-
the military strength to back up the world leader-
ship which had become our role.
I am still not sure that we have learned the les-
son completely, and sometimes I wonder if the
American people sufficiently recognize the con-
tinuing need for adequate military power, and
would maintain their military strength even if
the war in Korea were concluded.
I have evei-y confidence that if we have learned
our lesson from Korea and from our past experi-
ences, the ultimate decision on this mighty ques-
tion will be in favor of freedom over tyranny,
democracy over dictatorship, and will finally
bring us lasting peace instead of total war.
Netherlands Expresses Gratitude
To U. S. Military Forces
Press release 128 dated March 5
On March 5 Dr. J. H. van Boijen, Ambassador
of the Netherlands, called on Under Secretary
Walter Bedell Smith and presented him, with an
aide memoire expressing the gratitude of the
Netherlands Government for the assistan-ce ren-
dered during the floods by American, military
forces. In acknovAedging the expression of grat-
itude, the Under Secretary said the U.S. Govern-
ment loas glad to have been of assistcmce and
hoped conditions were improving. The text of
the Amiassadors aide memoire follows:
As the Secretary of State is aware, the Queen
of the Netherlands, on February 18, 1953, issued
an Order of the Day to the Netherlands Amied
Forces in which Her ilajesty mentioned the ex-
cellent help received from Army, Navy, and Air
Force units of various foreign powers by the
Netherlands military forces in carrying out their
duty in connection with the recent floods; a mes-
sage to the same effect was communicated by the
Netherlands Minister of War and Navy to his
American, British and French colleagues.
The Netherlands Ambassador has now received
instructions, with reference to the above state-
ments, formally to express to the Government of
the United States the heartfelt gratitude of the
Netherlands Government for the assistance ren-
dered during the floods by American military
foi'ces which were assigned so spontaneously for 'j
this purpose. 'j
The tireless efforts of these American and other
foreign troops contributed substantially to miti-
gate the initial consequences of the floods, and
rendered invaluable assistance in effectuating
preliminai-y repairs where these were needed most
urgently, and thereby alleviated to a considerable
degree the impact of the critical phase of the
floods.
The Netherlands Government is deeply appreci-
ative of this spontaneous and effective demonstra-
tion of international cooperation.
416
Department of State Bulletin
Mobilizing for a Just and Lasting Peace
hy James J. Wadsworth
U.S. Representative to the Gewrdl Assembly ^
U.S. /D.N. press release dated February 28
Instead of starting out by telling you who I am,
I'd like to start by telling you who you are — just in
case you don't fully appreciate youi-self and your
own power.
You represent more than 100 national organiza-
tions with a combined membership of more than
75 millions of members. That's a sizeable chunk
of Americans — enough to swing an election —
enough to tip the ship of state pretty heavily to
one side or another— or to keep it riding steady.
You, here, are the chosen leaders, the leadersliip
group (in the language of the social scientists)
among this impressive number of your fellow
Americans, and the leadership group in the coun-
try which now carries the responsibility for the
leadership of the free world is a very important
group of people.
As good Americans I'm sure that you hold a
gi-eat many opinions and that there have been
some pretty hot discussions in and out of your
meetings. There are probably organizations here
who disagree completely on several important
issues. But you are gathered here under the enter-
prising auspices of the American Association for
the United Nations because there is one thing on
which you all do agree : vigorous support for the
United" Nations. You know that the United Na-
tions gives us all our best chance to work for a de-
cent, peaceful world, and you've started woi-king.
I started working— full time, that is— at the
United States Mission to the United Nations just
a week ago today. They tell me that if you want
to be an expert on a foreign country you have to
stay there either 3 days or 10 years. I guess it's
the same for the United Nations, so my one week
cuts me out as an expert. I can only give you some
of my first impressions. At this point they are
really just the impressions of a layman who's had
^ Address made before the American Association for the
United Nations at Washington on Mar. 2. For text of
remarks made by Secretary Dulles before this association,
see p. 40*2.
March ]6, 7 953
the valuable chance to get into the middle of
things.
Of course I brought some ideas about the United
Nations with me when I came. I've thought about
it as a citizen, and I've done a lot of concentrated
thinking about it since I heard I was named for
this job almost a month ago. I've even gotten into
a few discussions from time to time with all sorts
of people — taxi drivers and Congressmen, students
and businessmen.
Some people seem to have the idea that the
United Nations would be all right if only the
Russians and their satellites were thrown out.
They complain that the Russians are holding up
progress — as an example, their 55 vetoes in the
Security Council — and even more important, that
Soviet "guns and planes are killing U.N. soldiere
in Korea. They say that the United Nations is a
very expensive loudspeaker for Russian propa-
ganda, and that helping the United Nations helps
to spread Kremlin lies.
Now I thought I knew the answers to those wor-
ries pretty well, before I came here. The chief
value of the United Nations is that it is the only
place in the world where 60 nations can sit down
together and talk over the problems that are trou-
bling us all. If the Russians weren't there, the
talk might be a lot more enjoyable but it wouldn't
have anything to do with the real problems of the
real world in which the Russians play a very large
and a very dangerous part.
Secretary of State Dulles in his book War or
Peace says : "They"— the Russians, that is— "have
power in the world, and if the United Nations
gets away from the reality it becomes artificial
and exerts less influence. The United Nations
should mirror more accurately, not less accurately,
the reality of what is."
You don't make any danger disappear by set-
ting up a nice social organization in which you
talk only to people who agree with you. You do
something— and something important— to cut
down the danger of Soviet expansion wheii the
peoples of the world are given a chance to see it for
417
what it really is. We, the United States, could
have the best propaf^anda outfit in the world tell-
ing people on all five continents that the Russians
lie, that their peace talk is all lies, that they won't
listen to reason, that they won't listen — period.
But that would be just American propaganda,
and most people would think we were exaggerat-
ing.
But in the United Nations they can see for
themselves what the Russians are like. The
United Nations is the one big hole in the Iron
Curtain that they can't plug up. Certainly it
gives the Russians a chance to make long blasts
at the United States full of lying charges. But
the lies are answered in the United Nations, not
by one nation, but by many nations. If people
learn through the U.N. debates that Russians are
making ridiculous charges about American atroc-
ities, they also learn that those charges were re-
jected by the General Assembly by a vote of 54 to
5. It has always seemed to me that that fact ought
to be added up on our side.
The Russian Idea of Debate
As I said, I knew all this in theory before I
came. Then this week I sat in on my first meeting
of the Political Committee on Korea and had my
first close-up view of the Russian idea of debate.
I was amazed — to tell you the truth. How could
they be so stupid? Couldn't Vyshinsky see for
himself the skepticism and boredom on the faces
of delegates who had heard the same preposterous
charges dozens of times before? He didn't even
try to be plausible. How could he expect this talk
about a U.S. aggression in Korea to make any
impression, when every delegate in that room
knew that the United Nations' own Commission
in Korea saw for itself the criminal Communist
sneak attack from the north upon the young Re-
public of Korea ? As a trial lawyer he must know
that once a witness has been caught in one lie, the
rest of his testimony doesn't carry very much
weight.
I think that anyone who attends a few U.N.
meetings is struck as I am by the value of the
United Nations as a great mirror of truth — to
use Mr. Dulles' phrase. It reveals the Russians
as they really are. At the same time the Russians
can see for themselves how their outrageous lies
and inconsistencies are failing to weaken the es-
sential unity of the free world. Only if they can
convince themselves that this tactic won't work,
will they ever be persuaded to give it up and get
down to the business the United Nations was de-
signed for.
Because this is so plain to all visitors, I have
been thrilled to see the number of people who come
to U.N. Headquarters every day. A week ago yes-
terday, when I was over there for a television
broadcast with Ambassador Ivodge, there seemed
to be thousands of them streiiming into the Assem-
bly building. And they're more than sightseers.
The bookstore there is crowded with people who
want to know more about the United Nations. I
understand that the bookstore sells — not gives
away, but sells more than 1,400 pieces of literature
a day.
Again I've had a chance to see for myself a
thing I've believed in for a long time; and that is
the wide support the United Nations enjoys in the
United States and the seriousness of public inter-
est in the United Nations.
Of course, there are attacks on the United Na-
tions, too, in various parts of the country. We
can't ignore them but we can put them in their
proper perspective, and stop giving them more
attention than they are worth.
A great cause is judged by its enemies as well
as its friends. On both counts the United Na-
tions has a high score. Against it, we have a
small group of small organizations with histories
of extreme isolationism and hate-mongering. On
the other hand, among the organizations which
have declared their support for the principles of
the United Nations and for strong U.S. participa-
tion in the United Nations, you have the distin-
guished group of organizations represented here
today.
Critics vs. Enemies of the U.N.
Now I need hardly remind you that when I
talk of enemies of the United Nations, I'm not
talking about critics of the United Nations. I
know that if the chairman of this meeting asked
right now for criticism and suggestions for im-
proving the United Nations, he'd be kept here all
night. I might have a few suggestions myself.
I am not including in that group the troubled
people who are misinformed or uninformed about
the United Nations. Many of them are counted
in the opinion polls as supporters of the United
Nations, but they fall into the category of "yes
but"-ers. They're for the United Nations — but.
Those "buts" are very important. It's part of
my job, and it is part of your job too, to answer as
many of them as we can.
Some people are in favor of the United Nations,
but they're worried about the expense. I've never
heard this complaint from anyone who knew the
fact that the U.S. assessment for the United Na-
tions, and for all of its specialized agencies this
year, costs each American taxpayer exactly 16
cents. One speaker on the United Nations tells
of an experience with a man who stood up in a
meeting to complain about the U.N. di-ain on the
American taxpayer. When he heard the 16-cent
figure, the same man stood up and started thump-
ing the table harder than ever. But this time he
was complaining because he thought it was a dis-
grace that we each didn't spend a whole lot more
than 16 cents a year on peace !
418
Deparfmeni of State Bulletin
Some people are afraid that the Russians are
learning our Korean battle plans at the United
Nations. Actually the Unified Command sends
the United Nations reports on the Korean action
only after the event has taken place and at the
same time as the report is released in the news-
papers. Neither the United States, nor any other
member Government, sends the United Nations
any classified security information at all. It
seems to me nothing short of disgraceful to let
such a tragic piece of misinformation add to the
trouble in the hearts of the families of soldiers in
Korea.
There are some people who thoroughly under-
stand and approve of the U.N. action to resist
aggression in Korea, but criticize the United Na-
tions because they think the United States is doing
all of the fighting.
Actually, according to the latest reports, 75 per-
cent of the frontline troops in Korea are non-
Americans, and even the American divisions who
are holding the other 25 percent of the line con-
tain many elements of South Korean troops. Who
Says They Won't Fight? is the title General Van
Fleet gave to an article he wrote not so long ago
about non-American United Nations troops in
Korea. Let me quote one of the things he says.
"Fight? I'll say our allies will fight", says
General Van Fleet. "Ask any American combat
veteran who had a U.N. unit — any of them — on his
flank during an offensive. Or ask him if he was
confident or scared when he knew a U.N. unit ad-
joining his own was under heavy attack.
" 'No sweat,' he'll say. 'They're good soldiers.' "
The facts on most of these most prevalent "huts'"
are so clear and so reassuring that people welcome
the truth. As that truth gets wider and wider
circulation around the country, I'm sure we'll find
that more people are more in favor of the United
Nations than they think they are.
This leads me back to my statement earlier this
evening about the importance of this audience. It
is by your energy, your organizational skill, your
influence with all of the media of mass communi-
cation, that we can get the truth about the United
Nations and its accomplishments spread across the
nation and incorporated into the thinking of every
single American citizen. We don't have to sell
the United Nations idea to the American people.
They bought that long ago. The ideas and prin-
ciples of the Charter are fundamental to our whole
American philosophy. What we have to do is
get out the facts and when the facts are known
those of us who believe in the United Nations
must believe that the truth will sell itself.
Perhaps it is not too much to say — and I say
this in all humility — national humility as well as
personal humility — that the issue of war or peace,
freedom or slavery, poverty or human fulfilment,
are in your hands and will finally be decided by
the people in this room.
Peace in Korea does not lie in our hands alone.
As Ambassador Lodge has so forcefully stated
just this last week in the General Assembly,^ only
the Kremlin can name the day when the fighting
in Korea is to come to an end, on honorable terms.
But our enlightened leadership of free men
everywhere can hasten the day when the Krem-
lin will be forced to recognize that violent law-
lessness is no longer practical.
For I am one of those who believe that this
country derives its strength not so much from its
rich land as from its free institutions. For the
same reason I believe that time is bound to be on
the side of the free world. The one element with-
out which all power eventually defeats itself is the
vitality of free men. Of this element of strength,
the free world enjoys a complete and unchallenged
monopoly.
We have the opportunity to mobilize this un-
failing power, shared with free men everywhere,
to mobilize on behalf of a just and lasting peace.
Not by what we say here, but by what we say and
do after we leave this room.
' BULLETIN of Mar. 9, 1953, p. 382.
U.S.S.R. Offers Nothing New on Korea
Statement hy Henry Cahot Lodge^ Jr.
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly'^
U.S./ U.N. press release dated March 2
The Soviet representative has admitted that
the Soviet Union has been assisting the Chinese
Communist forces. They are, therefore, assisting
those whom the United Nations has branded as
aggressors, those who have been found guilty by
the Security Council and by the General Assembly.
You will recall, Mr. Chairman, the Security Coun-
cil resolution of June 27, 1950, and the General
Assembly resolution of February 1, 1951, as re-
gards the Chinese Communists. In all the utter-
ances which the Soviet delegate made considering
the matter of aggression, he talked all around the
subject but he clid not get to the heart of the mat-
ter, which was the early report by the United Na-
tions Commission on Korea. That Commission
consisted of India, as Chairman, Australia, China,
El Salvador, France, the Philippines, and Turkey,
which clearly and finally found that North Korea
had launched the attack. I quote from the re-
port; it is a brief quotation :
The invasion launclied by tlie North Korean forces on
June 25 cannot have been Uie result of a decision talcen
.suddenly in order to repel a mere border attack or in re-
taliation for such an attack. Such an invasion involv-
'Made before Committee I (Political and Security) on
Mar. 2. For Ambassador Liodge's initial statement on
Korea, challenging Andrei Vyshinsky to deny charges of
Soviet assistance to the Chinese Communists and North
Koreans, see Biti-etjn of Mar. 9, 1958, p. 382.
March 76, 7953
419
Ing amphibious landings and the use of considerable
numbers of troops carefully trained for aggressive action,
and in relation to the area of great quantities of weapons
and other war material presupposes a long premeditated,
well-prepared and well-timed plan of aggression. The sub-
sequent steady advance of the North Korean forces sup-
plies further evidence, if further evidence is needed, of
the extensive nature of the planning and preparation
for the aggression. It is the considered opinion of the
Commission that this planning and preparation was de-
liberate and an essential part of the policy of the North
Korean authorities. The objective of this policy was to
secure by force what could not be attained by any other
means. In furtherance of this policy, the North Korean
authorities on June 2.5, 1050, initiated a war of aggres-
sion without provocation and without warning.
Mr. Chairman, those are not the words of the
United States. Those are the words of the U.N.
Commission which was composed of the nations
whose names I have just read.
I think that clears up pretty well the question of
who is the aggressor, a question which has been
decided by this organization on several occasions.
Then the Soviet representative accused the
United States of wanting to continue the Korean
Soviet Assistance to Chinese Communists
The following is an excerpt from the verbatim
text (V.N. doc. VS/A/C.1/2552 dated Mar. 2, 1953,
pp. 46 and 49-50) of Soviet delegate Andrei Vy shin-
sky's remarks before Committee I on March 2:
. . . He [Mr. Lodge] did not saying anything new
when he said that the U.S.S.R. was selling arma-
ments to China. . . .
The Soviet Union has never concealed the fact
that it sold and continues to sell armaments to its
ally, China. As is well known, the Soviet Union
concluded with China in 1945, even before the Cen-
tral People's Government of the Chinese People's
Republic had come to power, a treaty of friendship
and alliance. That treaty was confirmed in 1950
in a new treaty with tie new Government of China.
It was a treaty of friendship, alliance and mutual
assistance, concluded between the U.S.S.R. and the
Chinese People's Republic. In line with these trea-
ties the Soviet Union has sold and continues to sell
armaments to China, while China sells to the Soviet
Union various t.vpes of raw materials, including
strategic raw materials; and this is quite nat-
ural. . . .
We do sell weapons and we have sold weapons
to our friend and ally, the Chinese People's Repub-
lic; of course we do and of cour.se we did. There
was a treaty to that effect concluded as early as
1945 and re-concluded in 1950. We never concealed
that. It is on the record and is an open book. . . .
action, of rejecting his so-called peace proposals.
He referred to my quotation from the speech of
Chou En Lai and, as he read the text of Chou En
Lai's statement of February 4, he probably un-
wittingly read the statemen't from Chou Eii Lai
that I had quoted, so I think that that statement
can stand as quite accurate.
The Soviet representative says now, as he has
said before, let us have a cease-fire and talk about
prisoners of war later. He said everybody who
wants to end the Korean war hold up their hands.
Nobody holds their hands up so, therefore, every-
body except him favors a continuation of the war.
You saw that.
Of course, his proposal, the proposal which the
Soviet representative made at the first part of the
session as part of the Soviet resolution, also set up
a commission to consider the prisoner question and
other political questions in such a way that the
Soviet camp would in effect have a veto. You
will recall that he called for a commission of 11
states of whom 4 would be Communists, and in-
sisted that there be a two-thirds vote to reach a
decision. You can remember that, and you can
figure what is two-thirds of 11. The Soviet dele-
gate doesn't have to be a clever mathematician to
figure that out and we have figured it out, too.
The Soviet representative talks about a cease-
fire now — have a cease-fire now and leave the ques-
tion of prisoners to be decided later. It reminds
me of the Communist willingness to have a cease-
fire after their forces had overrun most of the
territory of the Republic of Korea during the
early days of their aggression. They knew then,
as they know now, that there could be no cease-fire
which leaves the fruits of aggression in their
hands, or which is otherwise inconsistent with
the principles for which we are fighting. Even
if we took them at their word and assumed that
they would in fact agree to a cease-fire now, what
would it mean? As the Australian Ambassador
so eloquently pointed out, it would be a cease-fire
on condition that we leave in Communist hands
thousands of United Nations and Republic of
Korea soldiers as hostages; that we allow them
to hold these hostages indefinitely; that we give
the Communists the opportunity to use these host-
ages to blackmail the United Nations into agree-
ing to return the Communists by force — tens of
thousands of prisoners who would violently resist
efforts to return them to the fate which awaits
them at the Communists' hands. And while they
held these hostages and bargained over their fate,
the Communists would be building up their air-
fields and maintaining a constant threat that if
the prisoner question is not settled to their satis-
faction they might start their aggression over
again.
No, Mr. Chairman, no country participating in
the fighting in Korea wants to abandon its pris-
oners and leave them as hostages. If Russian
soldiers were involved, we do not believe the Soviet
delegate would want to abandon them. But it is
they and not we who have Asian soldiers as cannon
fodder. I quote what the Soviet delegate said.
They have Asian soldiers as cannon fodder and
not we. And, of course, they are indifferent as to
what happens to them.
420
Department of Stale Bulletin
The United States in the United Nations
[February 24-March 5]
General Assembly
The second part of the seventh session was
opened on February 24 by General Assembly
President Lester Pearson, who read a message of
welcome from President Eisenhower^ and then
made a short statement urging that remaining
items be considered in an expeditious manner.
Since Committee I was the only main committee
whicli had items remaining on its agenda, Mr.
Pearson said that meetings would be scheduled
only for this Committee unless budgetary ques-
tions came up which required the convening of
Committee V.
He noted that the People's Kepublic of China
and the North Korean authorities had replied to
his message of December 5 - and proposed that
his report containing these replies be considered
the starting point for resumed discussions on the
Korean item. Tlie item on i>ersonnel policy will
be taken up in plenary at a later date.
Committee I {Political and Security)— T\\^
Committee on February 25 resumed the debate on
the Korean question which was suspended on
December 2, 1952, pending President Pearson's
report on the replies to tlie proposals for settling
the prisoner-of-war issue.
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. (U.S.) declared that
the "somber truth'' was that the U.S.S.R. was
"actively assisting the aggressors in Korea on a
scale which makes possible the continuance of that
aggression and determines its scope." The world
should face the facts of the situation, he said, cit-
ing evidence that war equipnent and planes had
been supplied by the U.S.S.K. to the Chinese Com-
nmnists fighting in Korea. He challenged the
Soviet representatives to disprove these facts and
declared : "The rulers of the Soviet Union can stop
the war whenever they want to — and Mr. Vyshin-
sky knows it." ^
' Bulletin of ilar. 9, 1953, p. 382.
" For text of the message and excerpts from the Chinese
Communists' reply, see Hid., Jan. 12, 1953, p. 74. Test
of the North Korean reply appears on p. 422 of this issue.
For text of the resolution adopted on Dec. 3, 1952, contain-
inK proposals for settling the prisoner-of-war issue, see
ihid., Dec. 8, 1952, p. 916.
" ma.. Mar. 9, 19.53. p. 383.
Andrei Vyshinsky (U.S.S.R.) said he accepted
Mr. Lodge's challenge and would answer fully
the points raised. He insisted, however, as he
had at the first part of tlie session, that any seri-
ous debate of the Korean question would be im-
possible without the presence of representatives of
North Korea. He again introduced a motion for
an invitation to the representatives of North
Korea to attend the Conmiittee's discussion. Dur-
ing the subsequent discussion, Ambassador Lodge
pointed out that the North Koreans liad no status
in the United Nations ; that if they wanted peace,
they had only to resume negotiations at Panmun-
jom and accept the resolution adopted by the Gen-
eral Assembly on December 3.
The Soviet motion was rejected by a vote of 16
in favor to 35 against, with 6 abstentions.
In addition to the original Korean item, "Re-
ports of the United Nations Commission for the
Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea"
(Uncurk), Committee I now has before it the
item, "Reports of the United Nations Agent Gen-
eral for Korean Reconstruction" (Unkra), which
has been re-allocated from Committee II (Eco-
nomic and Financial). On a motion by the Co-
lombian delegate, it was decided at the beginning
of the February 25 meeting to discuss the Unkra
reports simultaneously with the Uncurk reports.
In addition to the Korean question, the other
agenda items, listed in the order in which the
Committee voted to discuss them, are —
Repatriation of members of the Greek armed
forces ;
Report of the Collective Measures Committee;
Interference of the United States in the internal
affairs of other states (item introduced by Czecho-
slovakia) ;
Measures to avert the threat of a new world war
and measures to strengthen peace and friendship
among the nations (item introduced by Poland) ;
Question of impartial investigation of charges
of use by U.N. forces of bacteriological warfare
(item introduced by the United States).
Chairman Joao Carlos Muniz (Brazil) noted
that the Committee still had three draft resolu-
tions on Korea before it: the 21-nation draft
March 16, 1953
421
resolution* and the drafts introduced by Mexico
and Peru. Also before the Committee was Presi-
dent Pearson's report on the Communist response
to the resolution adopted at the first part of the
session.
On March 2 Andrei Vyshinsky replied to Am-
bassador Lodge's charj2;es of Soviet assistance to
the Chinese Communists and North Koreans. He
told the Committee in the course of a 90-minute
statement that the Soviet Union had never at-
tempted to conceal the sale of armaments to its
Cliinese "ally." In an immediate rebuttal, Mr.
Lodge pointed up this admission that the
U. S. S. R. was aiding those judged by the United
Nations to be guilty of aggression. (See p. 419.)
On March 4 Poland accused the United States
of using the Indian resolution as an umbrella for
"even more feverish attempts" to extend the war,
exterminate the Korean people, and terrorize the
Far East. Renewing charges of mistreatment of
prisoners of war and use of germ warfare, the
Polish representative also alleged increasing U. S.
pressure on other countries to supply "cannon
fodder."
Ambassador Lodge observed that the Polish
speech did not justify reconsideration of the In-
dian resolution. The renewed bacteriological
warfare charges would be dealt with under the
appropriate item, he said, adding that the United
States strongly favored investigation of these
charges by an impartial commission. Recalling
that the IJ. S. S. R. had vetoed a proposal for such
a commission when his Government had introduced
it in the Security Council, he questioned the use-
fulness of making charges and refusing honest
efforts to have them investigated. "Bad faith''
was the only term for such a practice.
Mr. Lodge noted that the Communist bloc spoke
of peace but what they wanted was peace for
themselves and war for others. The "cannon
fodder" in the Korean fighting was not to be
found on the U. N. side.
Technical Assistance Conference
The third Technical Assistance Conference
took place at U.N. Headquarters on February 2(i-
27. During the meetings, 64 Governments
pledged $20,863,575 toward the expanded pro-
gram's goal of $25,000,000. Many of these offers
represented increases over contributions for earlier
years. Ambassador Lodge confirmed the U.S.
pledge of a maximum of $14,708,750, with the pro-
viso that the U.S. pledge would not exceed 60 per-
cent of total pledges and subject to congressional
appropriation of funds.'* At 60 percent of the
total pledges made during the conference, the U.S.
pledge amounts to $12,518,145. Technical Assist-
ance Administrator David Owen said three more
* Ibid., Nov. 3, 19S2, p. 680.
' Ibid., Mar. 9, 1953, p. SST,.
countries were considering contributions, which he
hoped would bring the final total to within
$4,000,000 of the target figure. The final act of
the conference remains open for signature until
April 1, 1953.
North Koreans' Reply to U.N.
Resolution on Prisoner Issue
Telegram dated December 17, 1952, addressed to the Pres-
ident of the General Assembly by the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of the People's Democratic Republic of
Korea
[Original: Russian]
U.N. doc. A/2354
Dated December 20, 1952
We have the honour to acknowledge receipt of the tele-
gram dispatched by you concerning the adoption at the
399th plenary meeting of the seventh session of the Gen-
eral Assembly of the United Nations of the so-called draft
resolution on the Korean question of 3 December 1952
in connexion with item 16 of the agenda. In this con-
nexion I am empowered to state that the Government of
the People's Democratic Republic of Korea considers that
not only does the above-mentioned draft resolution lack
the legal basis which a genuine draft resolution on the
solution of the Korean question must have but is also
an unjust decision resulting from the hypocritical policy
of the U.S.A. which is aiming at Intrigues behind the
scenes designed to secure a further continuation and ex-
pansion of the criminal and aggressive war in Korea.
The resolution i.s therefore absolutely powerless to bring
about an immediate end of the criminal and aggressive
war which the United States is waging in Korea and a
peaceful and .iust settlement of the Korean question.
The Government of the People's Democratic Republic of
Korea, acting in accordance with the peaceful desires and
insistent demands of the Korean people and of peace lov-
ing peoples throughout the world who have raised their
voice against war and in defense of peace considers this
draft resolution to be unacceptable.
On the instructions of the Government of the People's
Democratic Republic of Korea a statement was sent by
me on 17 October to the effect that the Government of
the People's Democratic Republic of Korea requests that
the interested party — the legal representatives of the
People's Democratic Republic of Korea — be given an
opportunity of participating in the discussion of the
Korean question at the General Assembly and at the same
time stating that it will regard as illegal any discussion
and any decision taken without the participation of its
representatives. It is an elementary truth to every edu-
cated person of today that the grant to the interested
parties and legal representatives of an opportunity to ex-
press the views of their people at an international con-
ference at which the fate of Interested states and peoples
is being discussed is not only a basic prerequisite for a
.lust solution of the question but is a principle which is
fundamental to international conferences claiming to de^
fend freedom and democracy. The so-called majority
group in the United Nations, acting upon instructions of
the ruling circles of the United States has nevertheless
declined to permit our legal representatives and the rep-
resentatives of the Chinese People's Republic an oppor-
tunity to participate in the discussion of the Korean ques-
tion, despite the just request of our government and has
Invited only representatives of the puppet regime of Syng-
man Rhee, who have absolutely no legal right to represent
the Korean people and are an object of hatred to the entire
Korean people.
What is the explanation for the fact that the majority
422
Department of State Bulletin
group in the United Nations, obedient to the dictates of
the United States, declined to admit representatives of
the People's Democratic Republic of Korea to the Gen-
eral As.sembly despite the fact that the presence of both
interested parties is essential to a just solution of the
Korean question? The explanation is first, that the ma-
jority group in the United Nations is not interested in
a just solution of the Korean question; second, this
group fears that representatives of the People's Demo-
cratic Republic of Korea vcill expose the crimes com-
mitted by the Americans in Korea under the United
Nations flag. In those circumstances the draft resolu-
tion on the Korean question manufactured behind the
scenes in the United Nations by means of American dol-
lars not only has no legal force but Is an unprecedented
document in that it constitutes a crime against the moral
principles and conscience of mankind; I therefore pro-
test against this illegal draft resolution fabricated on the
Instructions of the United States in order to deceive pub-
lic opinion and all people of goodwill throughout the
world. The decision you have adopted cannot be ac-
cepted by our government from the standpoint of a so-
lution of the question of the repatriation of the prisoners
of war. Contrary to established international standards
and despite the existing principles clearly laid down in
the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949, the decision
taken by you is based on the principle of so-called vol-
untary repatriation dictated by the Americans. This
unprecedented demand, as the whole world now knows, in
fact signifies the use of force and the exertion of pres-
sure on our country's patriots now in captivity. It means
compulsory "screening" and "interrogation" by the use
of severe repressive measures, even the mass shooting of
unarmed men. The purpose of this inhuman principle is
merely to retain a large proportion of the Korean and
Chinese prisoners of war on their side by any method.
Such a principle corresponds to the aggressive purposes
and intentions of the United States and its satellites which
are aiming at ending the Korean war not by peaceful
means but by a military decision. It is time it was re-
alized that no deception and no military threat on the
part of the United States military speculators can ever
intimidate or subjugate the Korean people, which knows
full well that it is fighting for its freedom and inde-
pendence. If the United Nations really intends to do
everything possible to achieve the rapid conclusion of
the war in Korea, as emphasized in your cablegram, this
should not be merely a good intention ( ? of no practical
value) but a real effort must be made to achieve a gen-
uinely just solution of the Korean question and, above all,
to secure an immediate cease-fire in Korea.
In view of the foregoing I request you, as President
of the present session of the General Assembly, to take
the following appropriate steps forthwith: 1. To revoke
the above-mentioned "resolution" illegally adopted by
the General Assembly to camouflage the aggressive United
States policy of prolonging and extending the Korean
war ; 2. To condemn the fighting in Korea and to take the
necessary steps to bring about an immediate cease-fire
in Korea and achieve a peaceful settlement of the Korean
question on the basis of the U.S.S.R. proposals of 10 and
24 November 1952 which are wholeheartedly supported and
approved by all peace-loving nations ; 3. To give represent-
atives of the Pdrk [People's Democratic Republic of
Korea] an opportunity to participate in the discussion on
the Korean question in the organs of the United Nations,
as the true representatives of the Korean people ; 4. To
call to account the representatives of the American side
who are responsible for the breakdown of the Panmunjom
negotiations, having unilaterally broken off indefinitely
the truce negotiations in Korea which had succeeded in
settling the fundamental issues except for the sole re-
maining question of prisoners of war ; 5. To put an end to
the barbarous bombing of the peaceful populations, towns
and villages of North Korea by the American aggressors
under the flag of the United Nations ; 6. To cease imme-
diately the barbarous procedure of forcibly detaining our
prisoners of war and the inhuman treatment and mass
murder of and brutality towards the inmates of prisoner-
of-war camps; 7. In accordance with international law
and the conscience of mankind, to punish severely the
American war criminals who, hypocritically trampling
upon the standards of international law and the prin-
ciples of human morality, are using bacterial, chemical
and other weapons for the mass slaughter of the peace-
ful inhabitants of North Korea, so that a repetition of
such barbarous crimes may be impossible in the future.
If these just proposals which accord with the aspirations
of the Korean people and of all peace-loving nations are
rejected by the (majority) group in the United Nations,
may the entire responsibility for the continuation of the
war in Korea rest with those members of the United
Nations which overtly or covertly are supporting the
United States aggression in Korea.
I have the honour, Mr. President, to request you to
make this statement known to all members of the United
Nations.
I have the honour to be, etc.
Pakh Hen En
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the PDRK
[People's Democratic Republic of Korea]
THE DEPARTMENT
Statement by Administrator, Bureau off
Security and Consular Affairs
Press release 122 dated March 3
The folloioing statement was made lyy Robert W. S.
McLeod on March 3, after he -was sworn in as administra-
tor. Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs.
This is a very complex job and the area of responsibility
is extremely wide. While I have some definite personal
convictions. I have no preconceived conclusions regard-
ing the task which confronts me. I plan to proceed in
a calm, orderly way in accordance with the policies of
President Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles. I would
much rather tell the press what I have done than what I
plan to do.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Confirmations
The Senate on March 2 confirmed Mrs. Clare Booth
Luce as Ambassador to Italy.
March 16, T953
423
March 16, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 716
Aid to Foreign Countries
NETHERLANDS: Expresses gratitude to VS.
military forces 416
American Principles
Council of Free Czechoslovakia receives U.S.
messages of hope (Elsenhower, Dulles,
Smith) 400
Developing and consolidating Western Europe's
defenses (Gordon) 405
An expression of faith in the United Nations
(Dulles) 402
Mobilizing for a Just and lasting peace (Wads-
worth) 417
Asia
KOREA:
North Koreans' reply to U.N. resolution on
prisoner issue 422
The question of war or peace in Korea (Brad-
ley) 412
U.S.S.R. offers nothing new on Korea (Lodge) . 419
Claims and Property
Deadline for filing claims for German public
service pensions 401
Communism
•The question of war or peace In Korea (Brad-
ley) 412
Europe
•CZECHOSLOVAKIA :
Council of Free Czechoslovakia receives U.S.
messages of hope (Eisenhower, Dulles,
Smith) 400
U.S. again attempts to enlighten Czechoslo-
vakia on provisions of the Mutual Security
Act (texts of notes) 409
Developing and consolidating Western Europe's
defenses (Gordon) 405
EDC foreign ministers meet at Rome (text) . . 408
GERMANY:
Deadline for flUng claims for public service
pensions 401
International Bank to send study mission . . 401
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Mar. 2-7, 1953
Releases may lie cibtainecl from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
No. Date Subject
tll3 0/2 Canadian fishery convention
tll4 3/2 Saudi-Arabian prince calls
4ll5 3/2 Transfer of .Japanese assets
116 3/2 Dulles : Faith in the U.N.
tll7 3/3 Holland disaster fund
tllS 3/3 Tripartite comm. on German debts
4ll9 3/3 Gernifln debt agreement signed (com-
bined with KK))
120 3/3 Germany : Public service employee
claims
tl21 3/3 .Tohnson : Swearing in statement
122 3/3 McLeod : Swearing in statement
123 3/4 U.S. note : Czech cliarges against Msa
tl24 3/4 Dulles on Vincent case
12.5 3/4 Visit of Dutch foreign minister
*126 3/4 U.S., U.K. economic discussions
*127 3/5 Excliange of persons
128 3/5 Netherlands : Aide memoire on flood aid
•tl29 3/6 Dom. Republic: U.S. military assist-
ance
^1.30 3/7 Brazil signs Gatt protocol
131 3/7 Communique on U.S., U.K. political
talks
132 3/7 Communique: U.S., U.K. financial talks
♦Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
NETHERLANDS:
Expresses gratitude to U.S. military forces . . 416
Foreign minister visits Washington .... 400
UNITED KINGDOM:
Commonwealth economic conference commu-
nique (text) 397
U.S. representatives to Queen Elizabeth's
coronation 400
U.S. -U.K. discuss economic problems, political
developments . 395
U.S.S.R.:
Messages relating to Illness and death of
Joseph Stalin 400
U.S.S.R. offers nothing new on Korea (Lodge) . 419
Finance
Commonwealth economic conference commu-
nique (text) 397
International Bank to send study mission to
Germany 401
U.S.-U.K. discuss economic problems, political
developments 395
Foreign Service
Confirmations 423
Mutual Security
EDC foreign ministers meet at Rome (text) . . 408
U.S. again attempts to enlighten Czechoslovakia
on provisions of the Mutual Security Act
(texts of notes) 409
Near and Middle East
IRAN: U.S.-U.K. discuss economic problems, po-
litical developments 396
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Developing and consolidating Western Europe's
defenses (Gordon) 405
Prisoners of War
North Koreans' reply to U.N. resolution on pris-
oner Issue 422
State, Department of
Statement by Administrator, Bureau of Seciwlty
and Consular Affairs 423
Treaty Information
U.S.-U.K. discuss economic problems, political
developments 395
United Nations
An expression of faith In the United Nations
(Dulles) 402
International Bank to send study mission to
Germany 401
Mobilizing for a just and lasting peace (Wads-
worth) 417
North Koreans' reply to U.N. resolution on pris-
oner issue 422
The question of war or peace in Korea (Brad-
ley) 412
The U.S. in the U.N 421
U.S.S.R. offers nothing new on Korea (Lodge) . 419
Name Index
Bradley. Omar N 412
Dulles, Secretary 395, 400. 402
Eden, Anthony 395
Eisenhower. President 400
Gordon. Lincoln 405
Lodge. Henry Cabot, Jr 419
Luce, Mrs. Clare Booth 423
Luns. J. M. A. H 400
Marshall. George C 400
McLeod. Robert W. S 423
Smith, Walter Bedell 400
Stalin, Joseph V 400
Wadsworth. James J 417
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE; I9S3
tJfie/ ^ehcf/yimeTifi ^ t/tate/
V. XXVIII, No. 717
March 23, 1953
PROBLEMS OF TRADE WITH THE MU>DLE EAST •
by Arthur Z. Carditier 432
THE FREE WORLD'S RESPONSIBILITY FOR
KOREAN RECONSTRUCTION • Statement by Henry
Cabot Lodge, Jr 443
DEVELOPING THE SKILLS OF PACIFIC SETTLE-
MENT • Statement by mUiam Sanders 447
NATO: THE RIGHT ROAD TO PEACE •6ytord/smay . 427
For index see back cover
Boston Public I.i'irary
Superintendent of Documents
APR 3 01953
^/le ^e^ia/)t^me^t /o£ !7iaie
bulletin
Vol. XXVIII, No. 717 • Publication 4978
March. 23, 1953
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Washington 25, D.C.
Price:
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Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
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icy issued by the White House and
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by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well aa
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
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Publications of the Department, as
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currently.
NATO: the Right Road to Peace
hy Lord Ismay
Secretary-General of NATO '
It is a great privilege for me to be permitted to
address you, and through you to give an account
to the American people of my stewardship as
Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (Nato). You may not be acutely
aware of the fact, but the United States is one of
my 14 masters, in my present capacity as an inter-
national servant of Nato, and I am very proud
of the fact.
During the last war, I visited Washington on
a number of occasions as Chief of Staff to Mr.
Churchill. We were then working desperately
hard to win the most costly, the most devastating
war in history. Now, in peacetime, or what passes
for peacetime today, we are all working together
once more; but our object this time is to prevent
a war which would be catastrophic for the whole
world.
World Wars I and II casualties gave us a sam-
ple, a mere taste, of what the next world war
would cost. Allied losses in World War I were
more than 5 million killed. The French losses
alone, over a million dead, were more than the
United States have lost in all their wars.
The full balance sheet is not yet in, even now,
on World War II. The total dead have been
computed at more than 20 million, without count-
ing an additional 20 million civilian dead from
war-spread epidemics and famine. The financial
cost was astronomical; far beyond the compre-
hension of the average man making out his in-
come tax return, even though, in the long run, he
is the one who pays. The figure is more than a
million million dollars — I think you call it a
trillion.
It is my conviction that it depends primarily
upon ourselves ; upon what we do or what we fail
to do that will determine whether or not this dis-
aster, which exceeds the capacity of man's im-
agination to grasjj, is allowed to come to pass.
' Address made before the National Press Club, Washing-
ton, D. C, on Mar. 12.
Aiorch 23, ?953
The cost will be heavy not only to the taxpayers
of the United States, but to the taxpayers of all
their Allies. I submit, however, that if we suc-
ceed in deterring aggression the price we pay will
be trivial. We shall indeed have bought a bar-
gain.
We have two alternatives — either to make this
united effort in full partnership together, or to
proceed unwarily on the assumption that the So-
viet will not attempt aggression. Our choice is
clear.
Soviet Russia has already demonstrated its
mastery of the Hitler technique of gobbling up
its enemies one by one. One after another,
Rumania, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, and finally
Czechslovakia were dragged behind the Iron Cur-
tain. You have only to pick up a Communist
paper anywhere or listen to a Communist broad-
cast to be aware of the frantic efforts that are being
made to divide the members of Nato, and particu-
larly to drive a wedge between the countries of
Europe on the one hand, and the United States on
the other. Because of latent prejudices and even
some current but minor grievances on both sides,
some of this propaganda unfortunately falls on
fertile soil. We must be on guard against it at
all times.
I would like to speak to you today about some
of our work and some of our problems in Nato.
First. I ought to say a few words about how we
are getting on at Nato Headquarters. You will
remember that at Lisbon two important decisions
were taken on organization: One, that the At-
lantic Council should be in permanent session in
Paris, with effective powers of decision; and, two,
that there should be a secretary general, assisted
by an international staff.
In order to enable the Council to be in perma-
nent session, each member country appointed a
permanent representative. Ever since April we
have been meeting, once or generally twice, a week.
Of course, if there was any urgent problem for
consideration we could meet on any day at a
427
moment's notice, just us :i national cabinet does.
I want to emphasize that the Council have effec-
tive powei-s of decision. That is to say, the au-
thority of the Council is not altered by the pres-
ence or absence of ministers. The permanent rep-
resentatives can, of course, on instructions from
their cabinets, take any decisions, however
important.
Importance of Ministerial Meetings
Ministerial meetings are not necessarily sum-
moned merely to decide important points, because
the permanent representatives are quite capable of
deciding them. But it is obviously right that the
ministers principally concerned with Nato, that
is to say Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Defense,
and Finance, should meet together periodically
round the same table for the discussion of their
mutual problems. I cannot overemphasize the
importance which I attach to these meetings. It
is so much easier to do business with a man face
to face. And you must also remember that many
Nato countries have responsibilities outside the
North Atlantic area which affect their Nato
partners.
It was laid down at Lisbon that there should
be three ministerial meetings a year, but this is
under review. Anyway, there is to be a ministerial
meeting on the 'i.'jd April, at which one of the
principal matters for discussion will be the annual
review, which will set agreed force goals for 1953
and provisional goals for 1954.
I confess to being always a little nervous about
these ministerial meetings for one reason, namely
that the world and the press get it into their heads
that, because ministers meet, something spectacu-
lar is going to emerge. They are disappointed
correspondingly when it does not.
The staff under me are, like myself, truly inter-
national. They are drawn from 12 different na-
tions and I hope to get recruits from the other
two very shortly. Our total number is 14G. Of
these, 12 are American. We are still, for our sins,
in the Palais de Chaillot, a temporary building
that was jjut up for the U.N. General Assembly in
Paris in 1951 ; but the French Govermnent have
bought us a plot of land near Shape (Supreme
Headquarters of Allied Powers in Europe), and
the building of our new headquarters is about
to commence.
The Military Committee and its executive, the
Standing Group, are the militarv advisers to the
Council, in the same way as the Chiefs of Staff of
any nation are advisers to the cabinet. The
Standing Group is in permanent session in Wash-
ington and contact is maintained by a Standing
Group Liaison Oflice in my headquarters in Paris.
Underneath the Military Committee and Stand-
ing Group are the Supreme Commanders — Gen-
eral Kidgway (Shape), Admiral McCormick
(Saclant), and Admiral Edelsten (Channel
428
Command). As there appear to have been mis-
understandings on the subject, I should like to
state categorically tliat the relations between the
civil and militarj' powers are admirable.
People often say to me : "It is quite clear what
the militarv authorities do, but what does the
Council do?" To put it very briefly, I should say
that the Council acts as a North Atlantic Cabinet
insofar as Nato business is concerned. It gives
political guidance to the military, it tries to pro-
vide them with the forces, both men and equip-
ment, that tliey require, and it supports and sus-
tains them in any way that it can in such matters,
for example trying to insure that the morale of
the civil populations in Nato countries is sound
and that they understand the reason for the exer-
tions and sacrifices that Nato demands of them.
As another example, the Council has assumed re-
sponsibility for the coordination of civil defense,
especially in the countries which might be the
scene of active operations.
I should mention a word about infrastructure,
that is, the construction of commonly financed
facilities, such as airfields, communications, and
so fortli. At the last ministerial meeting, Gen-
eral Ridgway asked for an additional infrastruc-
ture program amounting to nearly 450 million
dollars. The Council at that time made provision
for about one half of this total, taking into ac-
count particularly those projects which had to be
got under way early in the spring to take advan-
tage of good building weather. Decision on the
other half was postponed.
This was unfortunately misunderstood by some
sections of tlie press as a denial by Nato of one
half of General Ridgway's requests for the de-
fense of Western Europe. In fact, the amount
of money involved amounts to less than three-
tenths of one percent of the total being spent on
defense.
In principle, the Council has now agreed that
the remaining ninnber of projects requested by
General Ridgway last December will be financed,
althougli no agi-eement has yet been reached as
to the exact share to be assumed by each country.
That is now being worked out. The Nato coun-
tries will be spending nearly 700 million dollars
in 195-] on infrastructure, two and a half times
what was spent in any previous year and we ex-
jiect to complete an average of an airfield a week
in 1953.
I hope I may be excused at this point if I cite a
few pertinent facts to you about your European
jjartners. Obviously I do not come here as a spe-
cial pleader for any individual Nato country or
group of countries. I am bound to serve all im-
partially. Indeed, when I was taking leave of Mr.
Churchill nearly a year ago, to move to Paris with
Nato, he said to me "I hope you won't find it neces-
sary to put Britain absolutely last on every pos-
sible occasion."
Deparfmenf of State Bulletin
However, for the good of the partnci-ship, it is
important that the members should realize that
they are in it not in any spii-it of charity, but in
"enlightened self-interest," to use an American
phrase. Living in your rich and extraordinary in-
ventive and productive country, with broad oceans
to the East and AVest, it may sometimes be diiUcult
for you to realize how drastically the balance of
power in the workl would shift if the manpower
and productive capacity of Western Europe should
fall under Soviet exploitation.
NATO's Industrial and Manpower Resources
European Nato members have a total popula-
tion of more than 200 million, including the great-
est re.servoir of skilled labor in the world. In the
major indices of industrial production, coal, crude
steel, electric power, for example, they substan-
tially exceed the Soviet bloc. In steel alone the
United States and Canada have a combined pro-
duction of roughly a 100 million tons. "Western
European production is about 56 or 57 million
tons, a little more than half of ^forth America's
production, but still considerably greater than the
40 million tons of the Soviet bloc. The North
American and Western European production to-
gether give a great potential in time of emergency,
nearly four times the production of the Soviet
bloc. But subtract Western European production
and add it to that of the Soviet bloc, then the two
figures are nearly equal.
But let me sound another note of warning. Re-
cent studies indicate that Soviet industrial expan-
sion is proceeding at a rate which is cutting down
the margin of Western European supremacy and
giving added force to my argument. The U.N.
Economic Commission for Europe recently re-
ported that by 1960 the Soviet Union will be pro-
ducing more of the major industrial raw materials
than the seven most industrialized countries of
Western Europe, if the present rate of Soviet
expansion is maintained. By 1955 the Soviet
Union will have more oil available than Western
Europe is consuming at the present time. This is
an ominous note, particularly when we realize that
the U.S.S.R. is estimated to be producing this year
over twice as much steel as it needed per year to
wage the last war.
1 have been speaking of the industrial and man-
power resources of your Allies and making the
obvious point that with their resources and yours
pooled on the same side, the Atlantic Community
is potentially strong enough to discourage any ag-
gressor. The corollary, which I believe is ines-
capable, is that with Europe's potential added to
the growing industrial capacity of the Soviet bloc,
America would in time be forced to give up the
political institutions and way of life to which you
are all so devoted today.
To demonstrate that there has been no slacken-
ing oif in the defense effoi-t of your European
Allies, I am today releasing Nato defense expendi-
ture figures, country by counti-y, for the years
1949-50 to 1952-53. I will not read them to you
in detail, but you will find them attached as an
annex to the advance text of my speech.
Buildup in Defense Effort
You will find there, I hope, clear-cut evidence of
a steady, year by year, buildup in the defense ef-
fort of these European countries. From the year
1949-50 up to the current year, defense expendi-
ture in the European countries has increased by
120 percent. The first year after the signing of
the North Atlantic Treaty, these countries devoted
20 percent more to defense. Defense expenditure
figures for 1951-52 jumped more than 47 percent
over 1950-51. And the current year shows a fur-
ther increase amounting to 24 percent.
These defense figures are reflected, partially,
also in an over-all increase in the number of men
under arms in the Nato countries. In 1949 the
European members of Nato had a total of approx-
imately 2,450,000 men under arms. Today that
global figure has risen to nearly 3,300,000. In ad-
dition to a net increase in numbers, there has also
been a steady improvement in equipment, quality,
and training.
Through the combined efforts of European de-
fense production and end-item aid deliveries from
North America, air forces of European countries
will by the end of 1953 be equipped with over
4,000 planes, more than double the number on
hand at the beginning of 1952. Furthermore,
most of these planes will be modern jet types.
Similarly, in a key naval item like minesweepers,
the total available to European forces by the end
of this year will be almost 75 percent greater than
the number in existence in mid-1952.
Just before I left Paris a fortnight ago, that
wise and accomplished oilicer. General Gruenther,
who accompanied General Eisenhower on his mis-
sion to Europe as Chief of Staff, and who is still
Chief of Staff to General Ridgway, told me that
we are much further ahead today than he and
General Eisenhower had estimated that we would
be at the end of 2 years. He told me that when
he and General Eisenhower arrived in Paris early
in 1951 to set up Supreme Headquarters Allied
Powers Europe, they had little more to build on
than the United States, British, and French Occu-
pation Forces then stationed in Western Germany,
Austria, and Trieste. By the end of last year,
the Lisbon goals of 50 divisions had been sub-
stantially met.
By the end of 1953 these divisions will be in-
creased in number, not as much as we or the mili-
tary would like to see, but increased nonetheless.
More important, there will be a very substantial
increase in the quality of the existing forces and
in their logistic support.
Let me conclude with a testimony of my own
March 23, J 953
429
faith. I believe witli every fiber of my bein<i; that
in the North Athintic Treaty lies the'best, if not
the only hope of peace. I believe that we are on
tlie right road and that we are gaining every day
in strength, in purpose, and in unity. I have no
doubt that there is a long way still to go and that
the road may be rough. That we shall have our
little quarrels is very likely. This happens in the
best regulated families. But that there will be
persistent efforts to drive a wedge between us is
certain. There is nothing that the Soviets are
more anxious to accomplish. That prolonged
exertions and sacrifices will be required from us all
goes without saying. Nevertheless, I am wholly
convinced that given continued patience and in-
creasing power, given fortitude and faith, given
unity and unselfishness, we shall secure for our
children and our children's children peace, justice,
happiness, and prosperity.
ANNEX
NATO Defense Expenditures
The following table represents the defense expenditures
of member countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organ-
ization, year by year, from 1949-50 to 1952-53. Except
where noted otherwise, the figures are calculated on the
Nato year (July 1 to June 30) . Because thev have been
adjusted to an agreed Nato definition of what constitutes
defense expenditures and because in many cases they have
been adjusted also to the Nato year, "the figures" given
do not necessarily agree exactly to defense budgets voted
in member countries:
Total Defense Expenditures of Nato
NATO Year (July 1-Jiine SO)
(in millions of dollars)
Countries
Country
1949-60
1960-61
1951-52
1952-53
Belgium . .
155. 04
196. 95
346. 56
483. 82
Canada . . .
441. 20
763. 30
1, 643. 40
' 2, 125. 70
Denmark . .
53.00
56.04
87.75
131. 33
France . . .
1, 458. 20
2,041. 00
3, 219. 88
4, 047. 02
Greece . . .
124. 09
172. 16
203. 96
206. 18
Italy ....
520. 29
613. 33
813. 06
996. 51
Luxembourg.
2. 79
4. 15
8. 16
9. 82
Netherlands .
230. 83
228. 45
309. 80
423. 75
Norway . .
49.59
67.07
96. 22
146. 13
Portugal . .
45. 66
48. 06
50. 91
75. 83
Turkey . . .
274. 35
284. 27
315. 99
324. 13
United King-
dom . . .
2, 450. 00
2, 750. 00
4, 095. 00
' 4, 995. 00
United
States . .
12, 809. 00
21, 947. 00
43, 374. 00
'■49,500.00
Total Nato
Europe . .
5, 363. 84
6, 461. 67
9, 547. 29
11,839.52
Total Nato
Countries .
18, 614. 04
29, 171. 78
54, 564. 69
63, 465. 22
■ National Fiscal Year April-March.
■> U. S. Defense Expenditure figures do not include
economic aid or defense support a.ssistance (the amount of
which in 1952-53 will be approximately 1 billion dollars
for Nato countries). The bulk of the local currency
counterpart of current defense support assistance is
included in the defense expenditure figures of recipient
Nato countries.
Beginning of the Eisenhower Era
Press Conference Statement hy Secretary Dulles ^
C.S./D.N. press release dated March 9
I have often been to the United Nations as a
delegate of the United States. This is the first
time that I am here as Secretary of State. I am
proud to be here in that capacity under the new
Administration of President Eisenhower.
The Eisenhower era begins as the Stalin era
ends.
For 10 years the world has been dominated by
the malignant power of Stalin. He capitalized on
the prestige which was won by the Red army de-
fenders of Stalingrad, and when the Red armies
moved into Eastern Europe, Stalin used them to
establish his Communist satellite regimes. In
Asia, Stalin's plans, laid 25 j'ears ago, achieved
a dramatic success through the Communist civil
war which brought 450 million Chinese under
Stalin's sway.
Now Stalin is dead. He cannot bequeath to
anyone his prestige.
As Stalin dies. General Eisenhower, the man
who liberated Western Europe, has become Presi-
dent of our great Republic with a prestige un-
matched in history. A new era begins, one in
which the guiding spirit is liberty, not enslave-
ment, and when human relations will be those of
fraternity, not one-man domination. Then, in
the words of our Charter preamble, the nations,
large and small, may come to enjoy equal rights
and dignity and peace.
That is the Eisenhower faith which I share and
seek to serve.
The Duties of Free Peoples
Statement iy Secretary Dulles^
O.S./U.N. press release dated March 10
Those who know war best are the ones who hate
it most. It is therefore natural that you, the
Am\'ets, should dedicate your efforts to prevent
any repetition of the ghastly event which was
World War II. I am deeply honored that you
feel that I may have contributed somewhat to the
preservation of peace and that you deemed me
worthy of receiving your Annual Peace Award.
There is no art more difticult than that of pre-
serving peace. That is proved by the fact that
throughout the ages men have sought it and never
yet have won it, except for brief passing intervals.
The task is complicated by the fact that peace
is not an end for which all else should be sacrificed.
There are things even more precious than peace.
Peace, of a kind, is usually obtainable by always
giving in to the threats of the bellicose. Peace, of
' Made at U.N. Headquarters, New York.
^ Made on Jlar. 10 at U.N. Headquarters, N.T., on re-
ceiving the third Annual World Peace Award of Amvets.
i
430
Department of State Bulletin
a kind, can perhaps be had if human beings are
turned into a species of domesticated animals seek-
ino- only survival and indifferent to the preserva-
tioii of human dignity within the framework of
moral law. However, indignity and injustice are
not tolerable to those who take a spiritual view of
the nature of man and who believe that men have
a duty to comprehend and apply moral principles.
Today, vast power resides in the hands of a few
men who deny the existence of moral law, who
conceive that peace is a condition where the great
mass of human beings surrender their dignity and
individuality in order to achieve conformity.
They believe that world peace depends upon sub-
jecting all men to that cruel and materialistic
discipline.
In the face of such a threat, the free peoples
have three clear duties :
1. They must show strength both in military
ways and in ways which proclaim strikingly the
richness— material, intellectual, and spiritual —
of a free society.
2. They have the duty to make sacrifices in
order to create the conditions necessary for the
defense of their heritage of freedom.
3. They have the duty to make their intentions
so clear that they will thus reduce the risk that
war might come about through miscalculation on
the part of the aggressors.
It is not very profitable to try to guess the
future and to act on the basis of such guesses. It
is more profitable to concentrate on playing our
part in shaping the future.
The American people are, I believe, preparecl to
do their part in this great endeavor. By so doing
they can make an indispensable contribution
toward the achievement of a just peace.
Secretary Dulles To Visit the Near East
and South Asia
Press Conference Statement hy the Secretary '
U.S. /U.N. press release dated March 9
President Eisenhower is keenly aware of the
importance of the Near East and South Asia.
The peoples of that part of the world have a rich
culture on which we of the United States have
largely drawn. The President has, therefore,
asked me to go personally to the Near East and
South Asia to show our friendship for the gov-
ernments and peoples of these areas.
' Made at U.N. Headquarters, N.Y.
I hope to find it possible to leave the United
States in May and spend as much time as my
schedule will permit in the area. Final details of
the trip will be announced later.
I should like to mention, however, the under-
lying approach which will guide me during this
trip. I am going to get firsthand information.
I shall listen carefully to what I am told and
consider the problems presented to me with utmost
sympathy. I shall not bring with me any spe-
cific plan or program, nor do I expect to ask the
governments I visit for any decisions. I am
going to renew old friendships and, I hope, make
new ones.
Needless to say, I am looking forward to this
trip with keen anticipation. I shall be the first
Secretary of State to visit these countries. I look
upon this trip as an opportunity to dispel misun-
derstandings and to develop close relations be-
tween the United States and these friendly nations.
Consultants To Serve With
National Security Council
White House press release dated March 11
The President has asked seven prominent citi-
zens to come to Washington on March 11 to serve
for a short time as consultants to the National
Security Council on general problems relating to
its policies and programs.
The President emphasized that these citizens
will be coming as individual consultants rather
than as a committee, because, as the President
said, "What is desired is the individual view of
each person on a particular problem or problems,
rather than the collective view of the group."
The seven consultants, representing many fields
of endeavor and different parts of the country,
are:
Dillon Anderson, Houston, Tex.
James B. Black, San Francisco, Calif.
John Cowles, Minneapolis, Minn.
Eugene Holman, New York, N. Y.
Deane W. Malott, Ithaca, N. Y.
David B. Robertson, Cleveland, Ohio
Charles A. Thomas, St. Louis, Mo.
An administrative assistant to the President
will be in charge of all arrangements for the con-
sultants, which will include conferences with rep-
resentatives of the Department of State, Depart-
ment of the Treasury, Department of Defense,
Mutual Security xVgency, Central Intelligence
Agency, Atomic Energy Commission, Civil De-
fense Administration, the Bureau of the Budget,
and others.
March 23, 1953
431
Probrems off Trade With the Middle East
by Arthur Z. Gardiner
EcoTiomic Adviser, Bureau of Newr Eastern, South Asian and African Affairs '
I welcome this opportunity to think aloud with
you on some of the problems, political and eco-
nomic, that underlie all that you are doing in
furthering trade between countries of the Middle
East and the West. I cannot give you the answer
to these problems. At tliis time it is difficult to
do niore than indicate to you the probable policies
which may guide the efforts of your Government
in this area. On the other hand, I think that, if
we can identify some of the problems and suggest
possible methods by which peoples and govern-
ments may move to solve them, we may have made
a contribution to the very important work of your
association at its midyear meeting.
What is the area of our concern? For our
present purposes, I would suggest that it starts
at its westernmost point with Egypt, where the
Suez Canal is the gateway for most of your
cargoes that move from Asia to Europe and to
North America, and that it extends eastward
through the subcontinent to Indonesia. Prob-
lems of Egypt are involved with other problems
of concern to peoples living in the Arab countries
of tlie Middle East, and the relations of the Arab
peoples to us affect your daily living. Still more
directly, you are concerned with problems of
Pakistan, of India, of Ceylon, and of Indonesia,
where so much of the material wealth which passes
through your hands originates.
Peoples in the countries of this region have
many points in common. In the first place, they
have newly acquired independence. The political
independence of 7 countries of this region dates
snice the conclusion of World War II, and of 4
more since the conclusion of World War I— this
of a total political aggregation of 1,5 countries.
This region represents, by and large, an area
of neutralism as between the forces of Communist
Russia on the one hand and the strength of the
free world on the other.
' Adtlres.s made before the Tea A.ssoiiation of the United
States at New York on Mar. 3.
432
In the region are found the natural resources
that underlie a very substantial proportion of the
foreign trade of the United States and of Europe.
Aside from tea, I would mention rubber, tin, man-
ganese, mica, jute, and other fibers, and, perhaps
as important as any of the foregoing, petroleum
reserves of the Arab States of the Near East. All
these nations, if they are to prosper, are bound to
link their economies in greater or lesser measure
with the economy of tlie AVest. Like us. they have
in common a vital interest in such trade.
Tensions Created by Newly Won Independence
A further factor which all these peoples have
in common, 600 millions of them, is the fact that
by and large the populations are categorized by
the economist as "underdeveloped." This means
that neither their human nor their material re-
sources are being used to anything approaching
capacity. The fact that this great mass of peoples,
now becoming politically conscious, looks for
greater material benefits to follow in the wake
of newly won independence is a factor with which
not only the Government of the United States
must reckon but is one which you in the business
community also must ponder. New found politi-
cal consciousness leads on tlie one hand to friction
with the West, on issues which rightly or wrongly
are often linked with such "isms" as colonialism,
imperialism, and commercialism.
Whatever may be the merits of such characteri-
zations, the attitudes of the people who give voice
to them are factors which must be taken into daily
account on the international balance sheet. On
the other hand, this new political consciousness
has also led to deep-seated friction between
neighboring states in the region and to quarrels
which in many cases have defied patient efforts
to conciliate them. Tensions with the Western
World have been conspicuous in Egypt and in
Iran; issues of conflict between states within the
Departmenf of State Bulletin
region, nevertheless of worldwide concern, are
conspicuous in the Palestine and Kaslunir
incidents.
What a region ! 600 millions of people— great
potential resources— the prize in the current strug-
gle between totalitarian states and the democratic
nations of the free world.
In facing the political and economic problems,
it may sometimes seem that the United States
speaks with two voices. This is because, on the
one hand, we are a conservative people, rooted m
conservative trading practices, rooted in estab-
lished commercial habits which are closely akin
to the practices of our friends in Europe. This
side of our nature craves stability and looks, fre-
quently, longingly, back at the days when the
issues of nationalism had not appeared to make
life more difficult.
Sympathy With Struggles for Independence
But there is another side to our nature, and it
has been expressed over the past few decades in
increasing measure in our approbation of the
struggles for independence of these new nations
of the Middle East and of other parts of the world,
and our efforts to make sure that their voice is
given due weight in the community of nations,
in sessions of the United Nations, and elsewhere.
Following the traditions of the founding fathers
of our own Republic, we feel that political inde-
pendence must be a good end in itself. In the
tradition of AVashington's Farewell Address, we
understand what our friends in the Middle East
mean when they seek the opportunity to be left in
peace to develop their own newly won institutions
underlying their national independence.
We know that, in the long pull, our security—
and their's— lies in the growth of maturity and
responsibility in the entire family of nations, and
that we cannot set back the political clock. In
the United States there is increasing realization
of the grave risk that all of this region may be
lost to other forces alien to our nature, those with
whom we cannot see any present way to cooperate
in the commercial field or in other fields of human
activity. On our side, we are going to be called
upon to summon reserves of patience, will, de-
termination, and strength to maintain our associa-
tion with the Middle East. We must preserve for
ourselves and for our children the basis of free-
dom of interchange of goods, of ideas, and of
peoples.
We cannot hope to be successful in this effort
unless we join in full and friendly cooperation
among the leadei-s of Middle Eastern countries
with whom we now have such friendly contacts
and from whom you will hear representative
voices speaking to you this afternoon. Part of
our joint task may well be to reconcile with these
friends the relationships between political inde-
pendence on the one hand and economic realities
March 23, J 953
on the other. On our side we have a task to lend
our moral and material strength to the efforts of
the leaders of Middle Eastern countries to assist
their peoples to achieve that degree of hope m
their future— political future and economic fu-
ture—which will serve to justify their continued
leadership of independent nations.
While I am not qualified to speak on the merits
of the recent arrangements which have been made
by the Tea Association of the United States on
the one hand, representing the importing and dis-
tributing trade, and the Governments of certain
Asian countries on the other, representing the pro-
ducing countries, to take positive measures here
to improve the marketing of tea, such a coopera-
tive effort certainly appears to be a positive step
in the right direction. I can only express my own
personal and devout wish that it will not only be
successful in its immediate purposes but that it
will still further forge solid links in our relations
with the countries of Asia through the joint effort
made by representatives of all the nations con-
cerned in meeting a common problem and in work-
ing to a single end.
It may be worthwhile to view briefly some of the
likely steps that our own Government may be
taking in the course of the next few years to pro-
vide you and other traders with a background m
which your ventures can prosj)er.
U.S. Policy in the Middle East
In the first place, I think it has been made clear
by the leaders of the new Administration that the
United States interest in the improvement of our
relations with the countries of Asia in general and
the Middle East in particular will continue to be
genuine and real. While lines of action in all
phases of Middle Eastern affairs may not yet have
been clearly established, I would hope that we
could rely on certain policies which have been
practiced by the Government in the past and will
probably continue to be guidelines in the future.
We can, for convenience, separate the issues
primarily political in nature from those primarily
economic. Turning to the political side, we are
aware of several burning issues. Perhaps the
most significant today are those concerning Egypt,
Israel-Arab relations, Iran, and Kashmir.
In the cases of Egypt and Iran, our concern is
to assist in establishing rapprochement with the
West as a friend of both parties to disputes of
long standing. A very signal advance has been
made in Anglo-Egyptian relations through recent
agreement on the issue of the Sudan. What lies
ahead is a solution to the problem of the Suez and
the establishment of new agreements to provide
for the defense not only of this vital installation
but of the political independence of all the
friendly states of the area. I am certain that our
Government will continue to lend friendly counsel
and support to such understandings. We cannot,
433
today, be as hopeful in commenting on the diffi-
culties which face Iran, but if we fail it will not
be for lack of trying.
In the cases of Kashmir and Palestine, our ef-
forts have been centered and will most likely con-
tinue to be centered in the appropriate organs of
the United Nations. And here I think it fair and
just to emphasize to you that the organization of
the United Nations has proved an indispensable
vehicle for jiresenting the issues in these two cases
to world opinion, and in providing to the parties
in dispute the moderating counsel of able and
wise statesmen of nations not directly concerned
in the special issues. There can be no substitute
for an orderly clearinghouse of debate in such
cases. In providing the means of conciliatory
attempts in these two instances alone, the United
Nations has justified its existence. The fact that
issues in Palestine and Kashmir are still imsettled,
and will probably continue to test the good will
and ingenuity of all interested parties for some
time to come, need not detract from this tribute
to a nobly conceived instrument of international
policy. I would predict that we will continue
to support the U.N. organization in its efforts to
solve the outstanding problems of Palestine, Kash-
mir, and of other issues. And I am equally cer-
tain that you who are concerned with the trade
of the Middle East, be it tea or any other item
of international trade, have a vital interest in the
peaceful settlement of all these disputes.
I,
"Trade— Not Aid"
Now what of the economic side? We can sep-
arate out several fields of activity. In the fii-st
place, we can hope for continued interest on the
part of our Government in the negotiation of
treaties of friendship, commerce, and navigation.
These treaties are designed to create conditions
under which trade between nations can be con-
ducted more freely, and to improve the prospects
of the investment of private funds in enterprises
abroad. If we analyze thinking in this country
today, when the slogan "Trade — Not Aid" is a
current catchword, it may be fair to assume that
this is a policy which the United States is likely
to continue. It is a policy that offers attractive
po.ssibilities to all friendly countries of Asia.
Without adherence to the princijiles embodied in
these treaties, how can the capital required to
develop their economy be attracted in any volume?
A basic aim of the standard treaties is to provide
safeguards for investors against the many non-
business hazards of foreign opei-ations. While the
investor must take economic risks of loss to which
venture capital is always subject, it is believed
that agreements on the international level can
overcome other risks which presently cause private
capital to shy away from investment overseas.
These hazards assume many forms, with which
you are more familiar than I. They may arise
from inequitable tax statutes, confiscatory expro-
priation laws, rigid employment controls, special
favors to state-owned businesses, drastic exchange
restriction, and other discriminations against
foreign capital. It is hoped that both the invest- ;
ment climate and the trading climate can be im- i
proved if some of these risks are removed by
treaties which establish mutually agreed upon
standards of treatment for the citizens and enter-
prises of both contracting parties.
We also look to the programs of investment
guarantee and of reciprocal tax treaties to improve
the investment outlook.
i
Effort To Eliminate Trade Barriers '
In the second place we may hope for a continu-
ation of the policy which originated in the thirties
and which looks to the removal of restrictions in
our own import program, and in the import pro-
grams of other countries; to the elimination of
barriers to trade, which provide an undesirable
and unwarranted degree of protection for domes-
tic markets. If other countries are to earn the
dollars which they need to enable them to pur-
chase our exports, they must be able in turn to
sell more freely to the United States. Failure to
give practical ap]>lication of this truism in our
own policies will set back the clock of world co-
operation. Positive steps, administrative and
legislative, to liberalize our trading practices can
go far not only to provide the basis for expanded
trade but also to help by our own example to im-
prove investment climate abroad which is a desid-
eratum of substantially all of our heterogeneous .
national interests. I
Technical Assistance Programs I
A third element of the economic policy of our
Government, and also of the United Nations, is
found in the programs of technical assistance
which have such widesiiread support today
throughout the Nation. While this program has
been a long time getting on the road, so to speak,
it is now becoming a firmly established arm of
foreign policy. On the U.S. rolls alone we count
1,500 technicians serving with their colleagues in
various countries abroad, 3.5 nations altogether
having agreed to join in this cooperative effort.
Here jjeople of high principle and good intent
are endeavoring to work alongside their colleagues
in other countries in order to adapt the most suit-
able methods and practices in the fields of agricul-
ture, health, education, and other basic fields to
conditions which they find on the spot. We have
in a sense made the medical missionary and the
agi'icultural missionary a part of national policy,
both through our programs of aid rendered di-
rectly by the United States and through our sup-
port of the programs of the United Nations.
While this is necessarily bound to be a long-term
434
Department of State Bulletin
effort, and its results will not always be immedi-
ately apparent, it is in the long run a basis on
which we can hope for better things, better living,
more stable political conditions throughout all of
Asia. In the short run the demonstrable fact
of our interest has already gone far to counteract
the design of the enemies of the AVest. Apprecia-
tion of the benefits of this program and a clear
understanding that it is not to be confused with
such terms as imperialism have been forcefully
expressed recently by many delegations to the
Conference of the Economic Commission of the
Far East. The idea is catching on and doing
good. This is not to say it is all plain sailing or
that a program of such wide scope can be wholly
successful and always conducted to best
advantage.
In addition to the progi-ams of technical assist-
ance, but closely connected with them, are pro-
grams involving the use of governmental capital
funds abroad for large-scale developments mainly
centered in the fields of water utilization, land
reclamation, and transportation. Tools at hand
include the Export -Import Bank and the Interna-
tional Bank for Eeconstruction and Development,
to which the United States has made a large sub-
scription and whose obligations are marketed in
the money market of the United States as well as
the market of Western Europe. These institu-
tions are technically equipped to make very sub-
stantial contributions to the economies of the
Middle East. While we have seen on occasion
frustrating delays in the application of their
funds, these delays largely stem from considera-
tions of a technical nature. The engineering
homework must be done first before construction
can start and capital be put to work. These well-
managed and highly regarded institutions will
have an increasingly important I'ole to play in the
days to come.
Extension of Grant Aid
Another and more controversial element in our
policy has been the extension of grant assistance
to the underdeveloped countries. Over and above
technical assistance, and over and above the bor-
rowing capacity of the countries with whose inter-
ests we are associated, there can be made a case in
certain instances for direct grants. This is ad-
mittedly a dangerous field, as it is unsound and
unwise to permit grants to be a substitute for re-
sources which otherwise might be turned into capi-
tal account. If "borrowing dulls the edge of hus-
bandry,"' grants may dull it more. On the other
hand, temporary grant assistance can be justified
in certain special cases where emergencies cannot
otherwise be met. Technical services cannot
always be effective without ready sources of
supply. Therefore the element of judicious grant
aid is one to which I am certain that the Govern-
ment will continue to give its attention.
In closing, let me repeat that the new Admin-
istration is working out the emphasis and the de-
tail of these and other policies. My remarks are
not intended to convey any impression of finality,
but are merely to paint a broad picture. Our
Western community is faced with a great chal-
lenge in joining its moral and material interests
with the interests of the Middle East. It is going
to take all our will, all our strength, all our de-
termination, and the wise use of our human and
material resources to meet this challenge.
East-West Trade Controls
To Be Tightened
The Director for Mutual Security, Harold E.
Stassen, on March 3 announced a 7-point -program
to tighten up East-West trade controls under the
Battle Act. The text of Mr. Stassen's announce-
ment follows:
Communist-made weapons and munitions are
now being used in the Korean war to comrnit
aggression against the United Nations and to kill
and wound men of the United Nations forces in-
cluding soldiei-s of the Republic of Korea, United
States, Belgium, Canada, Colombia, Ethiopia,
Luxembourg, New Zealand, Australia, Greece,
France, the Netherlands, Philippines, Thailand,
Turkey, and the United Kingdom.
Conununist-made weapons and munitions are
being used in the Indochinese war against the
Vietnamese and French forces in a violent illegal
action seeking to overthrow the established
Government.
Under these circumstances every possible effort
should be macle to prevent strategic supplies from
reaching the Soviet bloc. Much has been done by
the free and sovereign nations, including the
United States. Much more needs to be done.
Much more will be done under President Eisen-
hower's new Administration.
Our increased efforts will include these meas-
ures :
(1) Special moves against what I call the
"Triple C Men." These are the "Capitalist-Com-
munist-Collaborators" who operate beyond the
law and, in a greedy drive for profits, carry on an
underground trade sending strategic materials
into the Communist area.
(2) Peaceable but effective measures to stop
the sly movement of ships carrying strategic ma-
terials on a transshipment basis from the West to
the Communist area. Special attention will be
given to ships originally built and owned by the
United States and later sold to foreign nationals
or registered under foreign flags.
(3) Cooperation with the appropriate investi-
gating committees of the Congress to develop the
facts and devise any remedies necessary.
(4) Study and consultation with the Foreign
March 23, 1953
435
Relations and Foreign Affairs Committees of any
furtlier legislative measures needed to carry out
more effectively the intent of the Battle Act.
(5) Appropriate jjai-ticipation in the negotia-
tions conducted by the Department of State with
other free nations for the more effective control
of strategic materials and of shipping.
((i) Coordination with the Departments of
State. Treasury, Defense, Commerce, and other
Departments and Agencies in a combined progi'am
of pertinent administrative action.
(7) Appointment of Gen. William J. Donovan
as special consultant in East -West trade control.
"A Trade and Tariff Policy in the National interest
>»
SUMMARY OF THE BELL MISSION'S REPORT'
A Trade and Tariff Policy in the. National In-
terest is the title of a llU-page repoi't received by
President Eisenhower from the Public Advisory
Board for Mutual Security. This report was pre-
sented to the President on behalf of the Board by
its acting chairman, Daniel W. Bell, president of
the American Security and Trust Company,
Washington, D. C, and former Under Secretary
of the Treasury.
In releasing the report on March 5, Mr. Bell
quoted the President as expressing his apprecia-
tion to the members of the Board for their work
in the preparation of the report. The President in-
dicated further that he would refer it to various
departments of the Government for consideration.
The report warns that "if this country does not
soon take measures to facilitate an increase in im-
ports, U.S. exports will decline and American in-
dustry and agriculture will be seriously affected."
Moreover, the report tinds certain U.S. trade
policies to be in conflict with U.S. foreign policy,
thereby weakening American leadership and
threatening the strength of the free world.
The report recommends 10 steps to encourage
an increase in imports to help pay for exports :
1. That decisions on trade policy be based on
national interest, rather than the interest of par-
ticidar industries or groups; that in cases where
choice must be made between injury to the national
interest and hardship to an industry, the industry
be helped to makt adjustments by means other
' This sumniiiry was leloased to the press on March .5
by the I'ublic Advisory I'-oiird for JIutual Security. Copies
of the report may be obtained from the Superintendent
of Documents.
For text of President Truman's letter of July 13, 1952,
reijupsting the Board to undertake a survey of U.S. trade
policies, and a list of the Hoard's members, see Bulletin
of .luly 21, 1052, p. 104.
than excluding imports — such as through exten-
sion of unemployment insurance, assistance in re-
training workers, diversification of production,
and conversion to other lines.
2. That a new simplified tariff act be adopted,
providing for general reductions of duties and
eliminating present uncertainties in the classifi-
cation of goods by consolidating the many hun-
dreds of present tariff rates into seven basic
schedules: a Free List, four groupings of com-
modities bearing duties of 10, 20, 30, and 40 per-
cent ad valorem, a Specific List for basic agri-
ctdtural and mineral raw materials, and an
Extraordinary List where commodities might be
placed whose importation, for security or other
reasons, should be limited by quotas or other re-
strictions, or by exceptionally high rates; that
Congress establish appropriate standards for such
an act and authorize the President to develop and
carry out its details.
3. That the President be authorized to enter
into reciprocal trade agreements without limit
of time and with power to reduce tariffs, within
specified limits, in return for reductions in tariffs
or restrictions by other countries.
4. That, as an interim measure, customs pro-
cedures be simplified by prompt passage of a bill
similar to that recommended by the Treasury and
passed by the House of Representatives in lO.'')! ;
that a commission be created to study and pro-
pose further measures of customs simplification.
5. That tariffs be reduced, and quotas on agri-
cultural products be liberalized to allow the freer .
import of goods that are not produced in this
country in sufficient quantity at world prices;
that Section 104 of the Defense Production Act,
436
Department of Sfofe Bulletin
restricting the import of certain agricultural prod-
ucts, be repealed.
6. That tariffs be reduced and in some cases
ultimately eliminated on metals and minerals of
which imports are a major part of U.S. supplies ;
that, where necessary for defense reasons, domestic
production be encouraged through special pur-
chases or contracts rather than tariffs.
7. That import excise taxes now applying to
petroleum products be dropped; that, if mi ports
reach a level where they impede domestic explo-
ration and development, other measures be taken
to assure a domestic industry adequate to defense
needs.
8. That cargo preference, by which 50 percent
of the cargo on aid and loan shipments is reserved
to domestic carriers, not be applied to countries
that let American shippers compete on a fair basis.
9. That the procurement policies of the Govern-
ment which raise the cost of goods bought by the
Government be reconsidered in the light of the
principles and objectives of a foreign trade policy
in the national interest.
10. That the Congress take the necessary steps
to enable the United States to join in establishing
an international organization to promote the ob-
jectives of the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (Gatt) ; that active participation be con-
tinued in other international organizations to
promote fair exchange and fair labor practices
and the flow of investment capital.
The Choice Before Us
The report points out that from 1946 to 1952 the
rest of the world received 34 billion dollars more
goods from the United States than it sold here.
While the gap has been reduced, it is still so large
as to pose this problem : Shall this country accept
a decline in its foreign sales, or shall it attempt to
maintain these sales by taking more goods from
abroad in payment? That is the choice before
the American people — unless they are willing to
pay taxes to continue large-scale aid programs.
There is no question which answer other coun-
tries would prefer. They want to continue to buy
from us and would like to pay their way by selling
more to us.
The Board suggests that it is equally in the U.S.
interest to sell more by buying more. The U.S.
stake in world trade is large. Exports of manu-
factures amounted in 1951 to 10 billion dollars
while agricultural expoi'ts for the same period
were i billion dollars, or nearly one-eighth of total
cash farm receipts. Were this trade to be dimin-
ished substantially, the whole economy would suf-
fer. The report warns
The inability of otlier countries to earn more dollars
will compel them to restrict imports from the United
States as aid is reduced. . . . The free world, if the dollar
March 23, 1953
problem continues, will be divided into dollar and non-
dollar blocs; the economic situation of the nondollar
reijious will deteriorate; the exports of the United States
will be sharply reduced; and restrictions and discrimina-
tions against American exports will inevitably be
intensified.
How Can Imports Be Increased?
The Board believes that imports by themselves
cannot be expanded sufficiently within the foresee-
able future to close the entire dollar gap. It sug-
gests, however, that prompt enactment of its rec-
ommendations would enable foreign countries to
expand their sales to us by 700 million to 1 billion
dollars annually within 3 to 5 years. Together
with measures that should be taken by other coun-
tries, this would make possible a constructive solu-
tion of the free world's dollar payments problem.
The Board does not believe that completely free
trade is feasible in the immediate future. Its pro-
posal for consolidating, simplifying, and reducing
tariffs is suggested as a practical means of achiev-
ing trade policy objectives. "A widespread but
moderate reduction in tariff rates could have a
substantial effect in encouraging imports," it
points out. "At the same time, its moderation
would avoid extreme needs for adjustment" m
domestic industries.
As for customs laws and regulations, the report
observes that "many goods take longer to pass
through customs than it took Columbus to dis-
cover America." A customs simplification law is
urgently needed. Other restrictions, such as
quotas on certain agricultural commodities which
U.S. farmers do not produce in sufficient quantity
to meet domestic needs, should be reduced or re-
moved. This country should offer to remove the
50 percent cargo preference provision on aid and
loan shipments where other nations permit Amer-
icans equal competitive opportunities with their
own merchant marine. The "Buy American"
Act, which adds a 25 percent supertariff to the
cost of goods bought by the Government, should
be reconsidered.
Adjustment to Increased Imports
Tlie report, in arguing for a foreign-trade pol-
icy in the interest of the nation as a whole, points
otit that the "Escape Clause" and "Peril Point"
provisions of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements
\ct are concerned exclusively with the interest of
domestic producers faced with threat of competi-
tion from imports. The study states:
There is nothing to Indicate that consumers have a
right to buy the goods they prefer whether domestic or
imported. There is nothing in the law to indicate that
American business, agriculture and labor have a right
to exiiort the goods they produce and that a penalty on
imports is a penalty on exports. There is nothing m the
law to indicate that a higher level of trade and better
balance in international payments and the effect of trade
on foreign relations are relevant matters for considera-
437
tion in fletPrmining whether imports are to come into the
United States.
The report recognizes that an increase in manu-
facturing imports might "displace the output of
00.000 to 90,000 workers" or less than one out of
1.000 workers, and well under the normal dis-
)>lacement occurring from a variety of other fac-
tors. The actual displacement, however, might
well be less than half this figure because many
industries would convert to otlier products.
The report recommends that the Federal Gov-
ernment help with the reconversion problem by
retraining workers and longer-than-ordinary un-
employment insurance benefits, and that consider-
ation also be given to loans for industries for ad-
justment purposes. While there are problems in
reconciling a liberal trade policy with the objec-
tives of domestic agricultural programs, ways
should be found to accomplish the latter objective
without prejudicing tlie former. Agriculture's
interest in export markets is particularly great.
The conclusion reached by the report is that the
choice the United States should make is one which
recognizes its interest in continuing its present
export program by increasing imports. This
means that the United States, which for years has
been hobbled by inconsistencies between its trade
and foreign policies, must undertake a new trade
policy.
That policy must be based on the interest of the nation
as a whole, not alone on the special interests of any small
groujis of producers. High and unnecessary tariffs on
many goods discourage imports. The complexity of the
tariff structure and the cumliersome customs procedure
made importing an expen.sive and uncertain business.
And there are quotas and prohibitions on imports of agri-
cultural products whicli severely limit and even exclude
goods that should be imported. These restrictions do
great harm to the American economy. The reduction of
such barriers to trade would be an essential part of any
trade policy based on the national interest.
MSA Submits Report on Formosa's
Postwar Development
The Mutual Security Agency (Ms.\) reported
on March 3 that one of the "great difficulties"
facing the Chinese Government on Formosa is
"the continuing problem of supporting the heavy
military burden.
In its latest monthly report to its Public Ad-
visory Board released on ]\Iarch •]. Ms.^ said that
the prol)lem of supporting the military effort is
one of three economic diiliculties which the Gov-
ernment of the Republic of China "recognizes . . .
remain ahead." Describing tlie other two as the
problems of meeting the needs of a steadily in-
creasing population and warding off the ever-
present pressures of inflation, the report added:
"But the Chinese have taken a constructive step
forward toward overcoming these difficulties by
developing a specific plan of action to guide the
efforts of both the Government and the people
on Formosa."
A special section of the new Msa report is titled
"The Republic of China on Formosa — Economic
Problems and Progress." Highlighted with sta-
tistical graphs and charts, it traces the agricul-
tural and industrial development of the Chinese
island since it became tlie headquarters for the
Government of the Republic of China.
As a result of its need to maintain a strong mili-
tary position, the report said Formosa has faced
four major economic problems — financing the
military budget, raising production levels, over-
coming a trade deficit, and combating inflationary
pressures.
The Chinese Government, the report noted, has
drawn up a 4-year plan under which the island
can become economically self-supporting. Cover-
ing the period 1953-56, the plan, based on an-
nually decreasing amounts of American aid, calls
for (1) further expansion of agricultural and in-
dustrial output; (2) budgeting annual export and
import requirements; (3) increasing national in-
come; (4) balancing the national budget ; and (5)
greater encouragement to private investment.
Elaborating on the last point, the Msa report
said:
Realizing that neither Government funds nor Msa
assistance, by themselves, can fully develop Formosa's
resources, the Chinese are trying to encourage greater
private investment — both domestic and foreign — in For-
mosan industry. To aid these efforts, tlie Msa indus-
trial guaranty program — which guarantees American
investors against inability to convert foreign currency
receipts and against loss from expropriation or confisca-
tion— was made applicable to Formosa in June 1952.
In its detailed discussions of the various pro-
grams, the report listed accomplishments of the
agriculture-development program carried on
through the Joint Commission on Rural Recon-
struction, with emphasis on land-reform progress.
As one phase of the industrial-development pro-
gram, the report noted, the Chinese are stressing
output of a number of items which the Japanese
had previously supplied to Formosa from their
own homeland resources. For example, particular
emphasis has been put on textile and fertilizer
manufacture. Textile industries now have almost
130,000 spindles where virtually none existed be-
fore the war. Production of chemical fertilizer
has reached more than 135,000 tons annually, as
compared to about 30,000 tons in 1941.
The report pointed out that "although For-
mosa's products in 1952 were sold to some 30
countries, Japan continued to remain the island's
largest trading partner." Almost half of For-
mosa's foreign trade is with Japan.
The Msa defense-support program finances
such items as petroleum for the military forces,
cloth for uniforms, equipment for military hos-
pitals, and construction materials for military
installations.
In addition, the report said :
438
Department of State Bulletin
MsA has also helped strengthen Formosa's military
potential by promoting the construction and improvement
of basic facilities— such as highways, bridges, and har-
bors—which can be used jointly by the armed forces for
strategic purposes.
Giving a statistical report of Msa aid to For-
mosa for the period between June 5, 1950, and
December 31, 1952, the report said that authoriza-
tions for commodity purchases totaled 236.8 mil-
lion dollars, of which 41.9 million dollars was for
military-support items. The total also included
56.3 million dollars for commodities in the field
of agriculture, forestry, and fisheries. Another
major classification was 23.7 million dollars for
the field of transportation, power, and other pub-
lic works. These figures are exclusive of about
27 million dollars of American aid to Formosa
prior to June 5, 1950.
Working Committee To Discuss
Transfer of Japanese Assets
Press release 115 dated March 2
Article 16 of the Treaty of Peace with Japan
requires that Japan transfer its assets in countries
which were neutral during World War II or which
were at war with any of the Allied Powers, or, at
its option, the equivalent of such assets, to the In-
ternational Connnittee for the Eed Cross for the
benefit of former prisoners of war and then-
families. Ways and means of carrying out the
provisions of article 16 will be discussed by a
Working Committee, composed of representatives
of the principal beneficiary countries, which is to
meet at London on March 4, 1953. These bene-
ficiary countries are Australia, Cambodia, Canada,
Ceylon, France, Indonesia, the Netherlands, New
Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, Vietnam,
United Kingdom, and the United States.
The U.S. representative on the Working Com-
mittee will be Arthur E. Ringwalt, First Secretary
of the American Embassy at London. Mr. Ring-
wait will be assisted by Mayte B. Greene, of the
Office of Northeast Asian Affairs, Department of
State, and Stanley D. Metzger, Assistant Legal Ad-
viser for Economic Affairs, Department of State.
The full text of article 16 of the Treaty of Peace
with Japan reads as follows :
As an expression of its desire to indemnify those mem-
bers of the armed forces of the Allied Powers who suf-
fered undue hardships \yhile prisoners of war of Japan,
Japan will transfer its assets and those of its nationals in
countries which were neutral during the war, or which
were at war with any of the Allied Powers, or, at its
option, the equivalent of such assets, to the International
Committee of the Red Cross which shall liquidate such
assets and distribute the resultant fund to appropriate
national agencies, for the benefit of former prisoners of
war and their families on such basis as it may determine
to be equitable. The categories of assets described in
Article 14 (a) 2 (II) (ii) through (v) of the present
Treaty shall be excepted from transfer, as well as assets
of Japanese natural persons not residents of Japan on the
March 23, J 953
first coming into force of the Treaty. It is equally under-
stood that the transfer provision of this Article has no
application to the 19,770 shares in the Bank for Interna-
tional Settlements presently owned by Japanese financial
institutions.
Terms of Settlement of German
Obligations for Austrian Debts
Press release 118 dated March 3
Following is the text of a press release issued
at London on February 27, 1953, by the Tripartite
Commission on German Debts at the time of the
signing of the Intergovernmental Agreement on
German External Debts :'^
Terms of settlement regarding the obligations
of the German Federal Republic in respect of debts
due under Austrian external loans and certain
other Austrian debts, which accrued during the
period of the Anschluss, have been agreed by the
parties concerned. Under the terms of the Agree-
ment on German External Debts signed today
these agreements on Austrian debts have to be
approvecl by the Governments represented on the
Tripartite Commission on German Debts. These
three Governments have indicated their approval
of these agreements subject to the completion of
satisfactory validation procedures, where such
procedures are applicable.
The following is a summary of the terms of
settlements referred to:
Seven percent International Federal Loan 1930
of the Republic of Austria
The Federal Republic of Germany will pay to
the paying agents, in the currencies required for
the various tranches, the sums necessary for the 75
percent redemption of the coupons of the 7 per-
cent International Federal Loan of the Federal
Republic of Austria, 1930, which has become due
for the period between 12th March 1938 and 8th
May 1945. These funds will be allocated for the
Coupon maturity dates on
1 Julv 193S 1 July 1953
1 January 1939 and 1 July 1939 1 July 1954
1 January 1940 1 July 1955
1 July 1940 and 1 January 1941 1 July 1956
1 July 1941 1 July 1957
1 January 1942 and 1 July 1942 1 July 1958
1 January 1943 1 July 1959
1 July 1943 and 1 January 1944 1 July 1960
1 Juiv 1944 1 July 1961
1 January 1945 1 July 1962
At the same dates the Federal Republic of Ger-
many will reimburse the paying agents and the
trustee for the costs, fees, and expenses for the
coupon maturity dates concerned, calculated ac-
cording to the amounts actually disbursed.
• Btoletin of Mar 9, 1953, p. 373.
439
Austrian Credit-Anstalt Bonds 1936
The Federal Republic of Germany will pay
to the paying agents in the currencies required
for the various tranches the sums necessary for
the redemption of the amortization coupons of
the Austrian Credit- Anstalt-Government Bonds
1936 which have become due for the period be-
tween 12th March 1938 and 8th May 19-45. These
funds will be allocated for the
Redemption maturity dates on
1 SeptembtT lO.'SS, 1 March 1939 and 1 Sep-
tember 1939 1 July 1953
1 March 1940, 1 September 1940 and 1 March
1941 1 July 1954
1 September 1941, 1 March 1942 and 1 Sep-
tember 1942 1 July 1955
1 March 1043, 1 September 1943 and 1 March
1944 1 July 1956
1 September 1944 and 1 March 1945 ... 1 July 1957
Austrian Loans Serviced through the Caisse
Commune
( i ) Austrian Government Gold Rentes, 4 percent ;
(ii) Austrian 4i/> percent redeemable Treasury
Notes 1914;
(iii) Au.stro-Hungarian Chartered State Rail-
way (Steg) Bonds
The Federal Republic of Germany will pay to
the Caisse Commune, in settlement of all claims
which could be advanced against it for any reason
regarding the above-mentioned loans, a total
amount in the currencies involved to the equiva-
lent of :
4,154,213 DM
which shall be paid by yearly instalments at the
rate of exchange ruling on the appropriate date
as follows :
equivalent of 689, 895 DM on 1st July 1953
749, 120 D.M on 1st July 1954
818, (!G3 DM on 1st July 19.")5
900, 323 DM on 1st July 1956
996, 212 DM on 1st July 1957
Five Percent Guaranteed Funding Bonds 1923
and 1926 of the Republic of Austria
The Federal Republic of Germany will pay,
to the paying agent, in full settlement of all claims
which can be advanced against it in respect of the
above-mentioned bonds in French hands, a total
amount in French francs equivalent on the basis
of the rate of exchange ruling on 1st July, 1953
to 135, 795 DM plus expenses.
Austrian Government International Guaranteed
Loan 1933 and the Austriam, Guaranteed Con-
version Loan 1934
The German Federal Republic will pay, in
settlement of all claims of whatever nature due
to the Guarantor Governments (with the excep-
tion of Czechoslovakia), arising out of the above-
mentioned loans, in respect of the period 12th
March, 1938 to 8th May, 1945, a global sum in
440
various currencies which, expressed in sterling at
the present rates of exchange, amounts to
£3,000,000. The foreign currency quotas in which
this amount will be payable will be communicated
to the German Delegation in due course.
The resultant amounts, established in accord-
ance with the rates of exchange at present ruling
between the Jb-sterling and the various currencies,
will be payable in fifteen annual instalments on
1st July of each j'ear, beginning on 1st July, 1953.
Contributions to Netherlands
Disaster Fund
Press release 117 dated March 3
At a meeting in Secretary Dulles' office on March
3, the Secretary received a report from Clarence
G. Michalis, national chairman of Holland Flood
Relief, Inc., that cash contributions to his organi-
zation now total more than $750,000. Mr. Michalis
said that the personal property losses of flood
victims are still many times the amount that has
been contributed to date to the Netherlands Dis-
aster Fund by his and other organizations, and
that the cost of rehabilitating farms and homes
may reach the equivalent of $100,000,000.
Secretary Dulles said that the strength of the
free world solidarity had been demonstrated by
the immediate wave of sympathy by people every-
where for the personal tragedy that had struck
thousands of Dutch, Belgians, and British.
Contributions to the Dutch from many coun-
tries, through the League of Red Cross Societies,
now total more than (5 million dollars. In addition
to the money and many tons of clothing con-
tributed through Holland Flood Relief, Inc.,
Americans have contributed to the three countries,
through established relief agencies, at least
$550,000. The agencies involved include the
American Red Cross, CARE, Church World
Service, National Catholic Welfare Conference,
American Baptist Relief, Foster Parents Plan,
Save the Children Federation, Mennonite Central
Committee, Salvation Army, and the Lutheran
World Relief.
Mr. Michalis is president of the Seamen's Bank
for Savings, New York. He was accompanied by
Albert Balink, national executive secretary of
Holland Flood Relief, Inc.
Prince Faisal of Saudi Arabia
Makes Courtesy Calls
White House Call
White House press release dated March 2
The President received His Royal Highness
Prince Faisal, Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia
on March 2 at the White House. During the
meeting matters of mutual interest to Saudi
Arabia and the United States were discussed. The
President expressed his great pleasure at having
Department of State Bulletin
the opportunity of receiving so distinguislied a
representative of a country with which the United
States enjoys especially close relations. He ex-
pressed his concern over some evidence that there
had lately occurred a deterioration in relations
between the Arab nations and the United States.
He stated that it would be his firm purpose to seek
to restore the spirit of confidence and trust which
had previously characterized these relations and
he hoped that the Arab leaders would be inspired
by the same purpose.
The President alluded to the many strong edu-
cational and cultural ties which had developed
between the Arab world and the United States
over a period of many decades and stated that he
was confident that this provided a foundation of
good will on which to build during the coming
years to mutual advantage. The President also
emphasized his great personal interest in the wel-
fare and progress of Saudi Arabia and the other
States in the Near East. The President requested
Prince Faisal to convey his cordial greetings to
His Majesty King Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud.
Call on Secretary Dulles
Press release 114 dated March 2
His Royal Highness Prince Faisal Al Saud,
Foreign INIinister of Saudi Arabia, called on Secre-
tary Dulles on March 2.
Prince Faisal, second son of His Majesty King
Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud, is Vicero}' of the Hejaz
as well as Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia. He
arrived in the United States to act as chairman of
his country's delegation to the Seventh General
Assembly, and since the close of the first part of
the session has made an extensive tour of the
United States.
He called on Secretary Dulles to pay his respects
on behalf of His Majesty King Abdul Aziz Ibn
Saud, and to discuss matters of mutual interest
between the United States and Saudi Arabia.
Dr. Adenauer To Be Guest
of the President
White House press release dated March 6
Dr. Konrad Adenauer, the Chancellor of the
Federal Republic of Germany, will be in Wash-
ington as the guest of the President from April 7
to 9. The Secretary of State during his recent
trip to Europe conveyed the President s invitation
to the Chancellor for a visit to the United States.
Since the Secretary's return to the United States,
the dates of April 7, 8, and 9 have been agreed
upon as satisfactory by the two Governments.
During Dr. Adenauer's stay in Washington he
will be the guest of the President, staying at Blair
House and attending a luncheon at the White
House. It is also expected that President Eisen-
hower will participate in talks with the head of
the Government of the Federal Republic insofar
as his schedule may permit. No agenda for the
talks has yet been determined, but broad problems
of mutual interest will be covered.
Visit of French Ministers
White House press release dated March 6
On behalf of the President, the Secretary of
State, during his recent trip to Europe, conveyed
an invitation to the Prime Minister of France,
M. Rene Mayer, and to the Foreign Minister,
M. Georges Bidault, to visit the United States.
The dates for this visit have now been set for
March 26, 27, and 28. The Prime Minister will
also be accompanied by the Minister of Finance,
M. Maurice Bourges-Maunoury and the Minister
for the Associated States of Indochina, M. Jean
Letourneau.
During the French Ministers' visit, they will
stay at Blair House and attend a luncheon at the
White House. It is expected that President Eisen-
hower, insofar as his schedule may permit, will
participate in the talks of the French Ministers
with officials of his administration. No agenda
for the talks has yet been determined, but broad
problems of mutual interest will be covered at that
time.
Belgian Foreign Minister
Visits U.S.
Press release 136 dated March 14
Paul Van Zeeland, Foreign Minister of Belgium,
will arrive at Washington on March 14 and will
remain until March 18.
During his stay here he will meet with the
Secretary of State and other Government officials.
He will be entertained by the Secretary at dinner
on Monday evening and at lunch by Representative
Robert B. Chiperfield on Tuesday, March 17. He
will address the National Press Club at a lunch
on Wednesday, ilarch 18. Baron Silvercruys,
Ambassador of Belgium, will give a dinner in his
honor on Tuesday evening.
On leaving Washington, M. Van Zeeland will
go to U.N. Headquarters in New York where he
intends to spend a few days.
U.S., Canada Sign Halibut
Fishery Convention
Press release 113 dated March 2
Representatives of the Government of the
United States and of Canada on March 2 signed at
Ottawa a Convention for the Preservation of the
Halibut Fishery of the Northern Pacific Ocean
and Bering Sea. The convention was signed on
behalf of the United States of America by the
March 23, 1953
441
Charge d'Affaires ad interim, Don C. Bliss, and
by the Special Assistant for Fisheries and Wildlife
to the Under Secretary of State, William C. Her-
rington, and on behalf of Canada by the Minister
of F'isheries, James Sinclair, and the Minister of
Veterans Affairs, Hugues Lapointe.
The Prime Minister of Canada, L. S. St. Lau-
rent, presided at the ceremony which celebrated
the 3Uth anniversary of the signing of the first
halibut fishery convention between the United
States and Canada. This convention established
the International Fisheries Commission, now to be
known as the International Pacific Halibut Com-
mission.
Military Assistance Agreement
With Dominican Republic
The Departments of State and Defense an-
nounced on March 6 that a bilateral military-as-
sistance agreement was concluded with the Gov-
ernment of the Dominican Republic.
The agreement was signed in Washington on
behalf of the United States by John Foster Dulles,
the Secretary of State, and on behalf of the Do-
minican Republic by Generalissimo Rafael Leoni-
das Trujillo Molina, Commander in Chief of the
Armed Forces and Foreign Minister of the Do-
minican Republic. Negotiations looking toward
the conclusion of this agreement were commenced
in Ciudad Trujillo on September 22, 1952.i
The agreement is the eighth bilateral military-
assistance agreement which the United States has
concluded with another American Republic. The
other agreements, all very similar, are with Bra-
zil, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, Peru, and
Uruguay. The program of grant-aid military
assistance to be carried out under these agree-
ments was authorized by the Mutual Security Act
of 1951, as amended, and is designed to assist the
countries concerned in developing their capabili-
ties to join in hemisphere defense missions which
are important to the security of all the American
Republics.
The agreement concluded with the Dominican
Republic is consistent with, and conforms to, in-
ter-American instruments already in effect, such
as the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal As-
sistance (the Rio treaty), the resolution on inter-
American military cooperation approved at the
Washington Meeting of Foreign Ministers of 1951,
and the continuous planning of the Inter- Ameri-
can Defense Board.^
" Bulletin of Oct. 6, 1952, p. 537.
^ For text of the agreement, see Department of State
press release 129 of Mar. 6.
Credit to Brazil To Assist
Liquidation of Commercial Arrears
The Board of Directors of the Export-Import
Bank of Washington on February 21 announced
the extension of a line of credit of up to 300 mil-
lion dollars to assist Brazil in liquidating its past
due U.S. dollar accounts.
The granting of the credit follows months of
negotiation between the Governments of the
United States and Brazil subsequent to the visit
to the United States in September 1952 of Min-
ister of Finance Lafer of Brazil. These negotia-
tions were conducted on behalf of Brazil by Am-
bassador Walther Moreira Salles. In December
1952, technical experts of the Banco do Brasil
spent several weeks in Washington with repre-
sentatives of the Export-Import Bank discussing
and analyzing Brazil's foreign-exchange position,
including its arrearages on U.S. dollar accounts.
In the first 2 weeks of January of this year two
representatives of the Export-Import Bank went
to Brazil and had further discussions with repre-
sentatives of the Bank of Brazil and the Ministry
of Finance on the details of the problem.
During the course of these lengthy negotiations,
Brazil was engaged in setting the stage for insti-
tuting a free exchange market. In December the
Congress of Brazil enacted legislation providing
for such a market, which legislation was approved
by President Vargas on January 7, 1953. Appro-
priate regulations have been promulgated provid-
ing for the institution of the free exchange market
on February 21, 1953. While the free exchange
market will be a limited one, particularly at the
outset, it is hoped that it will play a vital part in
increasing Brazil's exports and the flow of private
capital into Brazil.
The credit is being extended to the Banco do
Brasil and will bear interest at the rate of 3i^
percent per annum and will be repayable over a
period of 3 years beginning next fall.
By supplementing the credit with its own re-
sources, Brazil will undertake to be current on
U.S. dollar account by July 1, 1953, and to insti-
tute and maintain a prompt remittance system
for current impoi-ts from the United States.
Brazil is carrying forward a broad program to
solve its economic problems and the payment of
the commercial backlog is essential to the success
of this plan. The liquidation of commercial ar-
rears and the institution of a prompt payment
system represents the determination of Brazil to
re-establish normal and healthy relations with the
U.S. business community. The success of the loan
negotiations is also in the best tradition in the
long history of friendly political, economic, and
military cooperation between the two countries.
442
Department of State Bulletin
The Free World's Responsibility for Korean Reconstruction
Statement hy Henry Cahot Lodge, Jr.
V.S. Representative to the General Assemhly ^
U.S./CN. press release dated March 7
In the brief remarks wliicli I shall make, I shall
speak first of the resolution on economic assistance
to Korea - and then conclude with a few observa-
tions on the broad underl3'ing proposition of
ending the fighting.
The Communist aggression in Korea has not
only caused great military burdens. It has also
created grave economic problems. Destruction,
hunger, sickness, grief, and misery have over-
whelmed millions of South Koreans. Both mili-
tary commanders and U.N. agencies early recog-
nized that extraordinary steps would be necessary
to combat these ravages. Fifty-two countries,
both members and nonmembers of the United Na-
tions, have contributed to that end, and I shall
review briefly some of the achievements because
they are impressive.
In the first weeks of the Communist onslaught,
the U.N. Civil Assistance Command in Korea
comforted more than 2 million refugees and war
sufferers. Special feeding stations and medical
teams were established along the main refugee
routes to provide emergency rations and medical
care. Special provisions were made for housing.
In preparation for the winter, tents for the civil-
ian population were ordered by the thousands,
blankets by the hundreds of thousands, dried milk
and soap by the ton.
As the U.N. armies turned the tide and moved
northward, another 900,000 refugees from Corn-
munist aggression increased the size of the multi-
tude needing care. Later, when the Chinese Com-
munists joined the aggression, the U.N. Command
was faced with the movement of stricken hu-
manity unprecedented in modern times, which
according to the military relief authorities' report
of September 30, 1951, was greater even than that
in Europe at the end of World War II. That is
'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on the
Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea.
' U.X. doc. A/C. 1/L. 21 dated JIar. .">. The Committee
approved the resolution on Mar. 0 by a vote of .5.5 to 5
(Soviet bloc).
a fact I think that many people do not realize.
Nearly 5 million persons, including hundreds of
thousands who fled from North Korea, required
outside help in order to survive.
One of the remarkable international emergency
human-welfare operations of our day occurred at
this time. While the U.N. forces were still locked
in battle in the Pusan perimeter, medical and
sanitation supplies were taken in by airlift from
Japan. Teams of Korean doctors, nurses, and
technicians were organized to use them. Later,
in a 7-month period in 1951, 67 percent of the
Korean population were immunized against ty-
phus, 87 percent against typhoid, and 70 percent
against smallpox. By the end of the summer of
that year, 75 percent of the population had been
protected against communicable diseases by being
dusted by i)DT powder.
In the critical first 9 months of 1951, inpatient
care was provided by special medical units to over
1,750,000 persons, and outpatient care to more
than 5,250,000 persons. This 9-month total ex-
ceeds the combined population of Boston, Milan,
Cairo, New Delhi, Valparaiso, and The Hague.
These are the facts, in sketchy form, covering
only the early critical months of the Korean con-
flict. But, moving as they are, they represent
simply a support operation for the Korean people
themselves. The Korean people have been sturdy
under a great trial. They have been resourceful
in using the materials at hand. They have been
patient in extreme adversity. Their contribution
to the defense of freedom in this bitter struggle
can never be computed nor can the free world
calculate its debt to them. By their incalculable
sufferings they have earned our confidence and
profound admiration.
As the war continues, their resistance requires
our continued aid. We must be alert to the danger
that by the sapping of civilian strength the ag-
gressors might achieve the goal they have failed
to win by military assault. The United Nations
has played and must continue to play a vital role
in this operation.
March 23, 1953
443
From the very first, the United Nations has
been the vehicle and the agent by which extensive
amounts of relief have been funneled to the Ko-
rean people from both governments and private
organizations. In the early days the Security
Council by its resolution of July 31, 1950, put all
emergency relief in the hands of the Unified Com-
mand. By the end of 1952, more than 30 govern-
ments, both members and nonmembers of the
United Nations, had contributed to the program.
Contributions since the outbreak of hostilities
have totaled $358,000,000. Of this sum, $321,-
688,000, exclusive of services, was contributed by
the U.S. Government, and $17,389,000 by other
governments. In addition, the U.N. specialized
agencies and private voluntary organizations in
many countries have contributed almost $20,000,-
000 through gifts of funds, clothing, medicines,
and other supplies.
This is what is called the emergency program.
Through it the U.N. Command prevented mass
starvation and epidemic disease under extremely
difficult conditions. This is no small feat in a
country where a large proportion of the people
have been displaced and where active military op-
erations continue.
In addition, the U.N. Command has made sub-
stantial repairs to mainline railroads, bridges, and
highways, to municipal water systems, and to
power generating and distributing systems. These
are considerable accomplishments. But they have
not been enough to secure for the Koreans that
rehabilitation of their economy which is the only
real answer to the Communist destruction.
The Korean Rehabilitation Program
The need for such rehabilitation was seen by
the General Assembly as early as December 1950.
To fit that need the Fifth Assembly created the
U.N. Korean Reconstruction Agency. This re-
construction program was to be undertaken as a
supplement for the general recovery program of
the Korean people. Emphasis was to be placed
on rehabilitation. Its purpose was to get them
back to the point where they could stand on their
own feet and develop their own country in their
own way.
Upon the passage of the resolution creating the
Reconstruction Agency, a Negotiating Committee
was set up by the General Assembly to solicit con-
tributions toward an initial fund of $250,000,000.
Pledges were received totaling $205,000,000, of
which the United States offered $102,500,000.
In the meantime, the continuation of the Korean
conflict has severely restricted the scope of opera-
tion of the organization. All of the peninsula is
a war area. In these circumstances, the full-scale
rehabilitation work of the Reconstruction Agency
could not be undertaken. "With the aid of the
specialized agencies it has. however, provided ex-
tensive assistance to the Civil Assistance Command
by supplying teams of experts in specialized fields
such as agriculture, health, and sanitation. Some
130 of these experts are now in Korea with the
U.N. Command, all paid for with Reconstruction
Agency funds.
In recent months it has been possible to under-
take an expansion of U.N. Korean Reconstruction
Agency activities, and, in cooperation with the
Unified Command, a program of $70,000,000 has
been approved, some of which is now under way.
Under it, grain and consumer goods are being im-
ported to help combat inflation. The rehabilita-
tion of the Taegu Medical College and Hospital
is m progress. Supplies are being purchased for
the production of vaccines at the National Veteri-
nary Laboratory; preparations are under way for
dredging and restoring the harbor of Kunsan,
thereby relieving other ports. Engineers are sur-
veying the possibilities of increasing coal produc-
tion, and \vork has been started in housing, educa-
tion, vocational training, school repair, and health
clinics.
This is only a beginning but it is symbolic. In
the struggle for freedom, those who pay the
greatest price, whose native land bears the scars of
conflict— these, the valiant, must not be abandoned
to the barren prospect of a victory of devastation.
The totalitarian aggressor is the enemy of democ-
racy ; no less an enemy is starvation, disease, and
despair of the future.
The sol>er truth is that no free nation anvwhere
is immune to attack by the same callous force that
has chosen hapless Korea as a testing ground for
violent aggression. Let us thank God that the
Korean people had the courage to hold the line
until other free men could come to their aid — and
that they have persevered and have not lost faith.
We must justify that faith by proving that the
collective resources of the free "world truly stand
behind those who do resist. We cannot aifford to
allow free Koreans to suffer destruction and deso-
lation without aid in the reconstruction of their
economy any more than we could allow them to be
overrun without coming to their assistance.
If we furnish this necessary help, lovers of free-
dom everywhere can take hope in the face of the
colossal Communist design for tyranny which the
world confronts.
The U.N. Korean Reconstruction Agency is
symbolic of our collective international concern
and responsibility to supply the means by which
the Korean people can begin to rebuild their un-
happy land, to bind up their wounds. It will re-
quire continued contributions and sacrifice on the
part of every nation and every people. But it is
worth the sacrifice since it is indispensable toward
the goal of lasting peace.
It is with this jjurpose that the United States,
in collaboration with Canada. Denmark. France,
the Philippine Republic. Thailand, and the Ignited
Kingdom, has introduced the resolution now be-
fore this Committee. Since this resolution was '
444
Department of State Bulletin
introduced, an amendment has been offered and
circulated by the delegation of Egypt.' This
amendment the sponsors gladly accept.
That concludes the statement that I wish to
make about economic assistance. I will conclude
my remarks completely with a few words on the
basic issue of ending the fighting in Korea.
Waiting for the Soviets
Let me say that one of the enlightening results.
to me that is', of our deliberations here in this Com-
mittee in the past 10 days has been the clear evi-
dence of the apparent contempt which the dele-
gates from the Communist bloc have not only for
us who are assembled in this room, to which I
imagine we are accustomed, but a similar contempt
for the intelligence of the everyday men and
women throughout the world. It is obvious, of
course, that they do not expect any of us here to
believe the things which they say, and it is also
obvious that they do not much care whether we
believe them or not. Therefore, the only possible
inference that can be drawn is that they do expect
someone outside of this room to believe them.
Yet, even when this proposition is submitted to
a careful analysis, it becomes manifestly absurd.
How could any person in any part of the world
believe, for example, that the United States was
the aggressor in Korea when within 2 weeks after
the Korean war broke out the handful of U.S.
forces which were rushed to Korea pursuant to
the Security Council appeal were almost pushed
back into the sea?
You know, that reminds me of an anecdote
which was written by an American humorist who
lived back in the ISGO's, at the time of our Civil
War when Abraham Lincoln was President. In
fact, Abraham Lincoln used to read some of his
works to give himself some relaxation from the
horrors of our Civil War. This man's name was
Artemus Ward, and one of the things that he
wrote described a contest, in which the man said.
"Inserting my nose carefully between my op-
ponent's teeth, I felled him to the floor."
Well, to accuse us of being the aggressor is on
a par with that. No one could believe that.
How could anyone believe all this talk about
ruling circles ? 1 hear this phrase "ruling circles"'
all the time. I do not know what the phrase is
in Russian, and I can't help but wonder whether
it is being translated correctly. There aren't any
ruling circles in this country. Anyone who fol-
lowed the election last November, when there was
a complete change of government, knows that
there are no ruling circles. Anyone who knows
anything about America, which you all do as you
all live here in Xew York, knows that there are
no ruling classes and that the Government in this
country is operated in accordance with the opinions
' U.N. doc. A/C. 1/L. 22 dated Mar. G.
March 23, 1953
of the people and the aspirations and the aims of
the i^eople.
1 think perhaps the greatest absurdity of the
many absurdities which I have heard in the last
10 days is the idea that the American people want
war in Korea. I just suggest, and I speak with
some personal experience, to the Soviets that any
of the delegates of the Communist bloc here ask
one single American family who have a son or a
brother or a husband in Korea whether they want
peace in Korea. It is the craving of the American
people for peace in Korea that is in considerable
measure responsible for the election of the new
Administration. And it is to satisfy that ardent
desire for peace that the U.S. Government, which
I have the honor to represent here, is dedicated.
I mention this not because I think the state-
ments by the representatives of the Communist
bloc do us any harm. They do not do us any harm
because they are too fantastic, but they do not do
anyone any good. I just suppose they niust fill
some obscure mystic need in the Communist dream
world. . .
Now, I close by first summarizing the position
of the Soviet Union as it was revealed here in
the last 10 days, and then reiterating the stand
of the free world. This position I think can be
summarized this way :
The Soviet Union will not agree to peace in
Korea. It will not allow the Chinese Communists
and the North Koreans to make i^eace in Korea.
It insists that the war continue to the last Korean
and the last Chinese. It insists on continuing the
program of subjugating a free Asian nation to
f oreio-n tyranny and continues its futile attempt to
garb the aggressors in sheep's clothing. It is the
stark truth that there could be peace in Korea to-
morrow if the Communists accepted the Indian
resolution and dropped their insistence that force
must be used against prisoners.
xVt least 95 percent of the 10 facts which I sub-
mitted here in my opening speeech* concerning
the help which the Soviet Union is giving to
the aggressors in Korea was admitted by Mr.
Vyshinsky— a really staggering admission of guilt
which has already liad a resounding effect on world
opinion and the fundamental nature of which will
o-row and become more and more evident as the
months go by. The figures and facts which I gave
about the guns and the tanks, the naval mines and
the radar equipment, the conventional planes, and
even the most modern and the latest jetplanes, have
been admitted by Mr. Vyshinsky to be about 95 per-
cent. That is a very stark contemplation.
On the other hand, the free world remains de-
termined to stand by the Indian resolution and
the principle that no prisoner should be returned
against his will— a human principle if ever there
w^is one; a principle which clearly delineates the
difference between us because it shows where man
' Bulletin of Mar. 0, 1953, p. 382.
445
is considered to be the master of the state and
where man is considered to be the servant of the
state.
We refuse to support a cease-fire which leaves
thousands of U.N. prisoners as hostages in Com-
munist hands. Communist intransigence compels
us to face the facts with courage and determina-
tion and to continue to strive against aggression
until the moral and physical power of the United
Nations has had its inevitable effect, which I think
will be soon in coming.
We, therefore, are resolved that the action in
Korea must be brought to a successful conclusion
as soon as possible and with a minimum of blood-
shed. The United Nations is ever ready to solve
the Korean problem honorably by peaceful means.
Soviet Foreign Policy Based on Fear
Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the General Assemlly ^
U.S./D.N. press release dated March 11
It has been obvious from the foundation of the
United Nations that it cannot, alone, create peace
as long as one of the major powers is dead set the
other way. At the last session, the United Nations
adopted the Indian resolution which made an ex-
tremely fair offer for ending the fighting in
Korea— an offer which was acceptable to atl of
the members of the United Nations except the
Soviet Union and its satellites. The Indian reso-
lution, representing the opinions of 54 nations, was
contemptuously rejected by the Chinese Commu-
nists.2 Chou En Lai, the Foreign Minister of the
Chinese Communist regime, even went so far as
to say in his political report of February 4, that
the Korean war "has greatly", and I quote', "re-
inforced the strength and influence of the world
canip of peace and democracy headed by the Soviet
Union." This extremely damaging statement
showed first, that Chou En Lai approves of the
Korean war and second, it shows the place from
which he gets his instructions.
At the opening of the present resumed session,
I submitted 10 facts showing that the Soviet
Union was actively assisting the aggressors in pro-
viding guns, tanks, radar, naval mines, conven-
tional planes, and jet planes. And somewhat to
my astonishment, the truth of virtually all of these
statements was admitted by the then representa-
tive of the Soviet Union ; a staggering event, the
effects of which on world opinion will become more
and more evident with the passage of time.
This morning we have heard the representative
of the Soviet Union attack the U.S. Army and
'Wade on Mar. 11 in a plenary session on Korea
IJur.LETiN of .Jan. 12, 10.53, p. 7.5. For test of the
Nortli Korean rejection of the resolution, see ibid Mar
16, 105.3, p. 422.
446
speak of alleged crimes and acts of terror com-
mitted by the U.S. Army. I would like to say to
him here that the U.S. Army, which you have
sought to smear here today, is the same U.S. Army
that stood beside the Russian Army to defeat
nazism in World War II. The men in the U.S.
Army in Korea today are the sons and the younger
brothers, and in some cases they are the same men,
who made up the U.S. Army 'in World War II.
The U.S. Army was good enough for you in 1942
1943, 1944, and 1945. It has not changed. It
should be good enough for you now, and would be
if your Government's position had not so tragi-
cally changed.
Slillions of Americans remember the time when
the Germans made their last great offensive
through the so-called Bulge in Belgium and
Luxembourg. Throughout the whole front Amer-
ican troops were at that time constantly alerted
to German attack. And many of us can well re-
member the relief with which they heard the
news that a few days later on the German eastern
front the Russians were again attacking. We
remember that with appreciation. In those days,
Mr. Representative of the Soviet Union, your
country was held in great respect. You had many
friends, but you have lost a great deal of that
friendship and respect in the years that have gone
by.
You have lost them because of the fear which
seems to motivate everyone in an official position
in your country. This fear is not a rational fear
of attack from the outside. The Soviet leaders
know full well that they need not have any fear
of any aggression aga'inst Russia by the free
world. It must be a fear of their own people, a
fear that stems from the tyranny which they im-
pose on the Soviet people. It is this fear which
motivates Soviet imperialism and which gives
to the Kremlin leaders these dreams of world
dominion.
In 1950, as a delegate to the Fifth General As-
sembly, I urged the Soviet Union not to be afraid.
The more I study the subject, the more I am con-
vinced that fear is at the bottom of all the violent
words and violent deeds which distinguish the
foreign policy of the Soviet Union. And yet you
are trying to block the irresistible onward march
of the human race because that onward race is in
the direction of increased human rights and in-
creased belief in the dignity of the individual.
At the Political Committee meeting last week,
the Soviet representative said to me, "You are
going to lose Asia anyway." That astounding
remark made me realize how far apart his view
of humanity is from mine. The United States is
not trying to get Asia. We have never thought of
Asia as some sort of object inhabited by slaves
which was to be won or lost by outsiders. We
believe that the people of Asia, like the American
people and like all other people, have the right to
live their own lives and to develop themselves in
Department of State Bulletin
Itheir own way. If, instead of talking about Asia
as a prize in some game of power politics, the
Soviets would join us in the economic and tech-
nical-assistance conferences to help the people of
Asia in eradicating disease, in draining the
swamps, in irrigating the deserts, in increasing
the food supply, then we would be taking a big
step toward peace. But their only answer, so far,
is a foreign policy consisting entirely of violent
words and violent deeds. This kind of foreign
policy will never bind up the wounds of the world,
and we look for the day when this truth will be
apparent to all, even to the rulers of the Russian
people.
Developing the Skills of Pacific Settlement
Statement hy William Sanders
U. S. Representative to the General Assemlly ^
U.S./U.N. press release dated March 12
The 11-power draft resolution now before us^
carries forward the program of the Uniting for
Peace Resolution. It merits the support of every
nation which voted for that resolution. Perhaps
it is not too much to hope that it would receive the
support it should have from every signer of the
Charter of the United Nations.
The draft resolution sponsored by the 11 powers
merely confirms and reinforces the program on
which, during the last 2 years, we have achieved
a wide measure of agreement. I think our dis-
cussions in the interval have greatly increased our
understanding of the meaning and implications of
the Charter idea of collective security contained m
the Uniting for Peace Resolution.
The draft resolution now before us offers to
the member states and to the Collective Measures
Committee a program solidly founded on certain
principles expressed in the Uniting for Peace
Resolution, all of them inherent in the Charter
itself.
These principles are :
1. That the temporary incapacity of the Se-
curity Council to fulfill its Charter obligations
'Made on JIar. 12 before Committee I (Political and
Security) on "Methods Which Might Be Used to Maintain
and Strengthen International Peace and Security in Ac-
cordance With the Purposes and Principles of the Charter :
Report of the Collective Measures Committee."
" U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.27, dated Mar. 12. The 11 powers
which sponsored the resolution were Australia, Belgium,
Brazil, Canada, France, the Philippines, Turkey, the U.K.,
the U.S., Venezuela, and Yugoslavia.
The General Assembly on JIar. 17 approved the resolu-
tion by a vote of .50 to 5 (Soviet bloc). India and Indo-
nesia abstained from voting.
March 23, 7953
to maintain the peace must not be allowed to in-
capacitate the whole United Nations.
2. That the General Assembly must develop its
own Charter resources for the maintenance of in-
ternational peace and security.
3. That each Member State has an obligation to
develop its own capacity to deter or to suppress
aggression.
4 That, pending the conclusion of the agree-
ments provided for in Article 43 of the Charter,
the United Nations must develop means whereby
the Member States can effectively and promptly
act together in defense of the peace.
The draft resolution we are now considering,
like the Uniting for Peace Resolution, expresses
the Assembly's recognition that it must assist
member states to prepare themselves to meet the
challenge of an interdependent world.
The interdependence of nations, like a small
house which shelters a large and growing family,
is an argument for peaceful cooperation. It is
at the same time a breeder of difficulty and dis-
sension. In such a world, any threat of violence
or act of violence is a worldwide danger. Our
geographic connection or separation from the
potential victim is irrelevant.
The meaning of the U.N. action m Korea goes
beyond the fact that aggression in Korea was
met by collective action. Additional significance
lies in the warning that in the future a would-be
aggressor must take into account not only the
st^rength of the immediate victim but the com-
binecf strength of the United Nations.
The Uniting for Peace program makes it plain
to would-be breakers of the peace that U.N. col-
lective action in Korea is not an accident. It is
a precedent.
447
Program's Sole Aim To Deter Aggression
The resolution and the report ■' now before us
deal with instruments of peace. The increased ca-
pacity of the members of the United Nations to
combine their strength in case of need will act as
an incentive to jjacific settlement. Would-be ag-
gi-essors are tempted to commit aggression only
when they think they can get away with it. We
ai-e not faced with a choice between collective se-
curity and the i^acific settlement of disputes. Col-
lective security protects the road to the conference
table.
At San Francisco, when we agreed to take "ef-
fective collective measures for the prevention and
removal of threats to the peace," the aggressor we
were organizing to deter and to resist was a
nameless, faceless, unidentified figure. By late
1950, when this Assembly ai)proved the Uniting
for Peace Resolution, the United Nations had
been forced to take the field to put an end to a
specific act of aggression. Nevertheless, the
Uniting for Peace Resolution was not directed
against the North Koreans nor against their allies.
It was not directed against any specific nation or
nations. The resolution was directed solely
against the act of or the threat of aggression.
The resolutions which develop the Uniting for
Peace program have no punitive clauses. They
say no derogatory word about any member na-
tion. Their whole purpose is the defense of the
peace, and they contain no provision which is not
directed to that purpose.
Tlie Soviet Union, however, attacked the Unit-
ing for Peace Resolution, and last year's related
resolution, as illegal.
The tragedy is that the Soviet Government
should actually see, or claim to see, enmity against
themselves in this action. They see threats where
there is no threat. The face of the enemy seen
by the men in the Kremlin can only be their own
reflection cast back upon them by the barrier they
have raised between themselves and the rest of
the world.
It would be less than honest to deny that the
present policy of the Soviet Union, as it reveals
itself here and around the world, does give a spe-
cial urgency to the defensive planning of all free
nations — in our own capitals, in our regional ar-
rangements, and here in the United Nations. And
yet, I niust repeat, neither on paper nor in pur-
pose is the resolution before us, nor previous
resolutions of the General Assembly, directed
against anyone. They are directed only against
aggression. Their whole job is to devise methods,
in the words of the Uniting for Peace Resolution,
which "might be used to maintain international"
peace and security in accordance with the pur-
poses and the principles of the Charter, taking
account of collective self-defense and regional
arrangements." A careful reading of these res-
' U.N. (ioc. A/2215 dated October 1952.
olutions, and of the two reports of the Committee,
cannot help but convince any free mind that no
one who plans to live within the framework of
the Charter need fear the Uniting for Peace
program.
Any nation which feels itself threatened need
only join with fellow members of the United Na-
tions in our efforts to mobilize our power to pre-
vent the abuse of power.
In our electronic age, decisive units of time are
no longer measured in weeks and days, but in
hours, minutes, and even seconds. A 2-day delay
in Korea might have seen the aggressor trium-
phant. We must use the time, bought at such
high cost in men and goods in Korea, to develop
the means to strengthen universal peace.
The need for speed in mustering resistance to
sudden attack obviously puts a premium on ad-
vance planning, or at least on preliminary and
preparatory thinking of the kind reflected in the
two reports of the Collective Measures Committee.
If this is true for a single nation, how much
more important it is to discuss and think through
in advance the complicated preparation required
for the united and coordinated action of many
nations. The preparatory work done in advance
by individual members or the Committee can be
counted as a timesaving asset for all of us, which
may some day be converted into lifesaving time
for the cause of peace.
In its second report, noted in the resolution now
before us, the Committee presents a series of con-
crete suggestions. It does not ask of states the
impossible. Their varying capacities are recog-
nized. While member states are expected to ac-
cept their responsibility to unite their strength
and effort in furtherance of Charter principles,
each state determines for itself, in accordance with
its own constitutional procedures and its own
capacity, the contribution it can make to the
common cause.
During the past year, the Collective Measures
Committee gave particular attention to prepara-
tory steps which might be taken by states in re-
spect to armed forces, assistance and facilities,
and legislative and administrative arrangements
which would enable them to cooperate effectively
in collective measures. It considered the role of
specialized agencies in a collective-security pro-
gram. It explored further the problem of the
equitable sharing of burdens and of economic
assistance to the victims of aggression.
Maximum Participation in Minimum Time
The report suggests the possibility of establish-
ing an ad hoc negotiating committee to deal
directly with states at the time of collective action
by the Security Council or the General Assembly.
This is an excellent example of the kind of flexi-
bility that must characterize the work of the
Collective Measures Committee, which is neces-
sarily directed toward a wide variety of unspeci-
448
Department of State Bulletin
fied and unpredictable situations. It does not call
upon states to make decisions in advance of the
events which must determine these decisions. It
does establish a method available to the Council,
or to the Assembly, of expediting the slow business
of decision and coordination in order to achieve
maximum participation of members in minimum
The list prepared this year by the Committee, of
arms, ammunition, implements of war, and of
other strategic items, is another timesaving device
now available to speed up the effectiveness of any
embargo which may be decided upon or recom-
mended by the Security Council or the General
Assembly.
The Committee this year once again reempha-
sized the importance of mutual assistance in the
application of collective measures. Cases may
arise in which economic and financial assistance
may have to be provided to relieve inordinate bur-
dens on cooperating states. In my Government's
view, help should be provided on an equitable basis
by all cooperating countries.
So far, the Committee has been able to give no
more than preliminary consideration to the Sec-
retary General's proposals for a U.N. Voluntary
Reserve. The proposals envisage reserves within
national military establishments which could be
made available to the United Nations. They were
designed to overcome some of the difficulties in-
volved in the creation of a U.N. Legion completely
outside national military establishments. The
Committee has not been able to explore the pro-
posals sufficiently to take any decision on the
merits of their political possibilities or military
feasibility. This is a problem to be further ex-
plored, and it points up the usefulness of having
a Committee which can give such proposals the
careful stucly they require.
In our view, Mr. Chairman, the work of the
Collective Measures Committee has been of great
value in outlining the problems which confront
the General Assembly and the member states in
developing and maintaining an effective collective-
security system and in pointing ways toward their
solution.
We believe that it is important for the Collective
Measures Committee to continue its studies of ways
and means for strengthening the capacity of the
United Nations, particularly in light of the prob-
lems revealed by the information received and to
be received from states. It is already obvious that
some states, which genuinely desire to cooperate m
a collective-security system, find it difficult to
maintain particular forces available for U.N ac-
tion anywhere. It is possible that further study
by the Collective Measures Committee might re-
veal other and more flexible means for such nations
to develop the armed assistance which would, un-
der varying circumstances, be promptly made
available for collective U.N. action.
Tlie Uniting for Peace program is a long-range
Morch 23, T953
program. It will take time and mutual encourage-
ment for each state to become fully aware of the
meaning of its responsibilities to an effective sys-
tem of collective security. A full acceptance of
responsibility cannot help but reveal new ranges
of practical difficulties. The Collective Measures
Committee can be of continuing help to all of us
in thinking through our problems and preparing
to meet our responsibilities.
The Committee can also learn much from a
study of the preparatory work undertaken in the
several states. New ideas may be expected to
emerge from the lessons of experience. Such an
expanded view of the meaning and possibilities of
collective action should encourage wider partici-
pation. Thus, regional and collective self-defense
arrangements can make important contributions,
and even nonmember states are enabled to join
their strength with that of the United Nations.
In this way, the purpose of the Charter to combine
the efforts of All peace-loving states in an effective
system of coordinated collective security is carried
forward.
We welcome the opportunity to join with our
colleagues in evei-y active effort to build and re-
inforce the structure of a just peace. If we deplore
the suspicion with which a few of our fellow mem-
bers look upon these efforts and their refusal to
add either their labor or their good will, it is not
because we intend to belittle in any way the ac-
complishments of the Collective Measures Com-
mittee in the past, nor its possible usefulness m
the future. It is because we recognize the unhappy
fact that the achievement of real security must
wait until the day when all states are ready to
work actively together to fulfill the promises of
the Charter.
Meanwhile, we can work with what we have.
The better the system we develop, the less likely
we are to have to use it. Any system of collective
security will have fulfilled its real purpose only if
all of our soldiers remain at home, our planes
pursue only the commerce of peace, and all of our
studies remain in the inactive files.
We cannot escape the paradox inherent in this
reality. As has been said : "Justice without force
is impotent, force without justice is tyranny." The
United Nations is organized to reserve all force
for the service of justice, but this aim cannot be
achieved until we all assume our full responsibility
to see that justice is not impotent.
Looking upon the world as it is, we cannot help
but recognize the urgent need to develop the most
effective means we can find to prevent the unlawful
use of force and to develop the skills of pacific
settlement.
For all of these reasons, my Government sup-
ports the resolution continuing the constructive
work of the Collective Measures Committee. We
do so in the fervent hope that it will help us to act
together with foresight and witli energy to achieve
a world devoted to peaceful activities.
449
U.N. Consideration of Greek
Repatriation Issue
Statement hy Jamea J. Wadsworth
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly'^
U.S. /U.N. press release dated March 9
The question now before us in this Committee,
like the tragic problem of Greek children, is not
new. As pointed out in the explanatory memo-
randum submitted by the delegation of Greece,
the General Assembly adopted a separate resolu-
tion on this problem "on December 1, 1950. That
resolution was adopted after consideration of the
unanimous conclusions of the U.N. Special Com-
mittee on the Balkans concerning those members
of the Greek armed forces who were captured by
the Greek guerrillas and taken into countries
north and east of Greece where, with the exception
of Yugoslavia, they are still being detained.
The Special Committee on the Balkans, in its
1950 report to the General Assembly, pointed out
that the members of the Greek armed forces in
question cannot be regarded as prisoners of war
of the states by whom they are detained and that
there is, in fact, no valid basis under international
law for their continued detention. In its 1950
resolution on the subject, the General Assembly
recommended the repatriation "of all those among
them who express the wish to be repati'iated," and
called upon the states concerned to take the neces-
sary measures for speedy implementation. The
International Red Cross Organizations were re-
quested to insure liaison with the national Ked
Cross Societies of the states concerned with a view
to implementing the resolution.
The Cominform countries have refused all co-
operation with the International Committee of
the Red Cross which sought to ascertain from
them the names and whereabouts of the Greek
military personnel within their territories. The
sole exception to this sorry picture is the course
followed by Yugoslavia, which has rendered the
necessary cooperation and has repatriated to
Greece a number of these individuals. The cen-
tral point, of course, in the General Assembly's
efforts to resolve this basically humanitarian prob-
lem is that those among the" Greek military per-
sonnel concerned who "express the wish to be re-
patriated" should be freely allowed to do so. No
other procedure is admissible or defensible. Of
course, it was contemplated by the General As-
sembly that the true wishes of the individuals
concerned, once they could be clearly identified
and located, would be verified where necessary by
the impartial representatives of the Internati"onal
Committee of the Red Cross. The detaining
countries of the Cominform bloc, whatever their
motives may be, have rejected or ignored the at-
'Made on JIar. 9 in Committee I (Political and Se-
curit.v) on Repatriation of Greek Military Personnel Re-
tained in Various Countries of Eastern Europe.
tempts made to ascertain clearly who and where
these members of the Greek armed forces are, and
to provide them with an opportunity to state
freely their desire as to repatriation. This be-
havior constitutes not only contemptuous defiance
of the will of the General Assembly but cynical
disregard of fundamental humanitarian princi-
ples and of accepted international practice.
In Korea the Soviet-Communist position is that
hostilities must continue unless all prisoners of
war, regardless of their wishes, are forcibly repa-
triated. In the present case, the persons con-
cerned cannot be considered as prisoners of war
since at no time during the Greek guerrilla fight-
ing were any of the detaining powers engaged in
direct belligerent action against Greece. Despite
this fact the Soviet Communists maintain in prac-
tice that none of the members of the Greek armed
forces should be repatriated, and they block all
steps which might help to determine the true
wishes of the Greek military personnel. Under
no possible interpretation of international law is
there any right to continue the detention of those
members of the Greek armed forces who wish to
return to their homeland.
During the sixth General Assembly, this prob-
lem was not discussed except for the statement,
which was fully accepted by the Ad Hoc Political
Committee on January 31, 1952, that the pertinent
General Assembly resolution of 1950 was to be
considered as continuing in force until or unless
the Assembly were to take contrary action. More
than 2 years have passed since the Assembly rec-
ommended the proper and humane procedure to be
followed which would permit those of the Greek
military personnel who wish to do so to return
to their native land and their families. The
United States fully agrees that the General Assem-
bly "cannot remain silent in the face of such a
negative attitude towards a resolution with so
high a humanitarian purpose. . . ." The guer-
rilla war was concluded in 1949 ; the Greek soldiers
concerned have been arbitrarily and illegally de-
tained in the various countries of Eastern Europe
with the exception of Yugoslavia, for from 3 to 4
years. What is the purpose of this inhuman and
cruel policy on the part of the Eastern Euro-
pean states within the Soviet system? Perhaps
they will seek to pretend that these individuals
(as was argued by them on the subject of Greek
children) can lead freer, happier, and more pros-
perous lives behind the Iron Curtain behind which
they have disappeared. Surely they will not ex-
pect us to take such arguments seriously. Or per-
haps they may argue that, because these people
have been gone for several years, the Greek Gov-
ernment might treat them severely if thej' were to
be returned. May I remind the Committee that
all that has been sought is the return of those who
definitely desire repatriation and who are enabled
freely (and I emphasize the word freely) to ex-
press that wish. It would be absurd to imagine
450
Department of State Bulletin
that such individuals would be received in Greece
other than with rejoicing of their families and
with the warm welcome of their own national
government.
The U.S. delegation believes that the Secretary
General and the International Red Cross Organi-
zations deserve our sincere appreciation for the
continued efforts they have made in this humani-
tarian cause. It is consistent that the General
Assembly should address an earnest appeal to the
Governments concerned to conform their attitude
in this question with the generally acknowledged
principles of international law, for this will serve
to buttress the recent request, reported in General
Assemblv document A/2365 of February 17, 1953,
of the International Committee of the Red Cross
to the National Red Cross Societies of Albania,
Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Ru-
mania, and the U.S.S.R. urging them to inform
the International Committee "of their govern-
ments' intentions with regard to the problem of
the Greek nationals and of any conditions which
their Governments might wish to place on the re-
patriation of these persons." It is consistent also
that the General Assembly should request its Pres-
ident to consult to this end with the Commform
Governments in question, and that the Secretary
General should keep this humanitarian issue
under review and notify member states of im-
portant developments in this issue.
My delegation believes that the draft resolution
sponsored by Denmark, New Zealand, and Peru -
is consistent with the moral, humanitarian, and
legal position which the General Assembly has
alwavs taken on this problem and will therefore
wholeheartedly support that draft resolution.
General Clark Denounces
Revived "Germ Warfare" Charges
Following -is the text of a statement made on
February 2Ip ly Gen. Marh Glarh, United Nations
Commander in Korea:
Lest silence regarding it be misinterpreted m
any way, I feel under compulsion to denounce the
word-warring Peiping radio's latest attempt to
revive the totally baseless and totally discredited
allegation that the United Nations Command has
engaged in so-called germ warfare.
Instead of meaningless jargon of pseudo-
scientists, it now introduces incredible statements
linked with the names of captured American per-
sonnel. Whether the statements ever passed the
lips of these unfortunate men is doubtful. If they
did, however, too familiar are the mind-annihilat-
ing methods of the Communists in extorting what-
ever words they want for there to be any mystery
as to how they were fabricated. The men them-
= U.N. doc. A/C. 1/L. 23 dated Mar. 9. Tlie General
Assembly on Mar. 17 approved the resolution by a vote
of 54 to 5 (Soviet bloc).
March 23, 1953
selves are not to blame, and they have my deepest
sympathy for having been used in this abominable
way. , • 1
The only possible explanation for this broad-
cast is that the Communists, in anticipation of new
outbursts of disease among their miserable people
with the spring thaws, must be seeking desperately
to conceal their own criminal responsibility for
chaotic public-health services by making these fan-
tastic and utterly false charges against the United
Nations Command. They will see to it, we can
be sure, that no reputable and qualified authorities
from outside the Iron Curtain will be allowed
within to reveal the truth.
I reaffirm with the utmost emphasis that neither
the United Nations Command nor any component
of its forces ever has engaged in bacteriological
warfare, or anything that might be mistaken for
it in Korea or anywhere else.
Current United Nations Documents:
A Selected Bibliography'
Economic and Social Council
The Problem of Statelessness. Information transmitted
by States in pursuance of Economic and Social Coun-
cil resolution 352 (XII) relating to the problem of
statelessness. E/2164/Add.5, Sept. 20, 1951. 26 pp.
mimeo.
Revised Calendar of Conferences for 1953. E/2316/Rev.
1, Feb. 11, 19.53. 5 pp. mimeo.
Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Other Forms of Servitude.
E/2357, Jan. 27, 1953. 83 pp. mimeo.
Social Conditions and Development in the Non-Self-Gov-
erning Territories. Note by the Secretary-General.
E/235S, Jan. 29, 1953. 7 pp. mimeo.
International Co-operation on Cartography. Report by
the Secretary-General. E/2362, Feb. 11, 1953. 35
pp. mimeo.
Recognition "and Enforcement Abroad of Mamtenance
Obligations. Note by the Secretary-General. E/2364,
Feb. 13, 1953. 5 pp. mimeo.
Reports of the Fourth and Fifth Sessions of the Sub-
Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and
Protection of Minorities. Note by the Secretary-
General. E/CN.4/679, Jan. 28, 1953. 5 pp. mimeo.
Control of the Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs. Note by
the Secretary-General. B/CN.7/257, Jan. 30, 1953.
4 pp. mimeo. .
United Nations Opium Conference. Compilation of Ob-
servations of Governments on the Draft Protocol for
Regulating the Production of, International and
Wholesale Trade in, and Use of Opium. Note by the
Secretary-General. E/CONF.14/1, Feb. 4, 1953. 52
lip. mimeo.
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia
University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N.Y.
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents)
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the
United States. ,,,,.., ^
The United Nations Secretariat has established an
Official Records series for the General Assembly, the Se-
curity Council, the Economic and Social Council, the
Trusteeship Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission,
which includes summaries of proceedings, resolutions,
and reports of the various commissions and committees.
Information on securing snibscriptions to the series may
be obtained from the International Documents Service.
451
The United States in the United Nations
[March 6-12]
Security Council
The Security Council met in private on March
11 to consider the question of the recommendation
for the appointment of the Secretary-Creneral of
the United Nations. Tlie United States proposed
that tlie Council should recommend the appoint-
ment of Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Eomulo (the Philip-
pines) ; the representative of the U.S.S.R. pro-
posed Stanislaw Skrzesezewski (Poland) ; and the
representative of Denmark proposed Lester B.
Pearson (Canada).
General Assembly
On March 11 the General Assembly adopted a
resolution reaffirming the objective of the United
Nations "to provide relief and rehabilitation in
assisting the Korean people to relieve their suf-
ferings and to repair the great devastation and
destruction in their country"' and calling upon
all to help, within their financial and constitu-
tional limitations, in meeting this "great and con-
tinuing need."
The vote was 55-5 (Soviet bloc)-0. A Soviet
proposal "to discontinue the United Nations Com-
mission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of
Korea as being incapable of discharging the tasks
assigned to it" was then put to a vote and rejected
by a vote of 5-54-0.
Anthony Eden (U.K.), in an explanation of
vote, said that history might show that "by taking
up the challenge in Korea," the United Nations
had "averted the horrors of a third world war."
North Korea and Communist China would have
no real intei'est in prolonging the Korean conliict,
and must in time realize tliat it did not pay to
pursue a policy that tmited the free world
against it.
If there were evidences of a change of heart,
he went on, "there will be no lack of response from
our side," for the United Nations was "resolutely
and absolutely sincere in its desire to end the war."
It lay in the power of "those wlio began the con-
flict" to agree now to an armistice; the opportunity
and responsibility were theirs.
Andrei Gromyko, explaining the U.S.S.R. dele-
gation's vote, renewed Soviet charges of U.S. re-
luctance to end the war and of atrocities committed
452
against jn-isoners of war by the U.N. Command.
Kis statement was immediately refuted by Am-
bassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., who pointed
out that the Indian resolution for ending the war
had been acceptable to all but the Soviet L'nion
and its satellites, who had "contemptuously re-
jected" it.
Mr. Lodge went on to say :
. . . we have heard the repre.sentative of the Sn\iet
Union attack the U.S. Army and speak of alleged crimes
and acts of terror committed by the U.S. Army. I would
like to say to him here that the U.S. Army, which you
have sought to smear here today, is the same U.S. Army
that stood beside the Russian Army to defeat nazism in
World War II. The men in the U.S. Army in Korea
today are the sons and the younger brothers, and in .«ome
cases they are the same men. who made up the U.S.
Army in World War II. The U.S. Army was good
enough for you in 1942, 194.3, 1044, and 1945. It has not
changed. It should be good enough for you now, and
would be if your Government's position had not so
tragically changed. ( For full text, see p. 446. )
At the first plenary meeting of the resumed
seventh session, held on March 10, President Lester
B. Pearson (Canada) informed the delegates that
he had found unanimous support among the mem-
bers of the General Committee for immediate
consideration in plenary session of the Secretary-
General's report on personnel policy. Discussion
would begin at once if there was no objection to
this procedure. No objections were raised, and
Mr. Pearson called on Secretary-General Trygve
Lie to present his report.
Mr. Lie began his statement by explaining that
he had proposed the personnel policy item for the
agenda because he believed that the Assembly
should consider the situation, jiarticularly with
respect to U.S. nationals on the Secretariat. Re-
viewing his 7 years as Secretary-General, he noted
that he had "exercised and firmly defended the
political responsibilities that the Charter and
organs of the United Nations conferred" upon his
office. All U.N. members except the Soviet Union
and its satellites
have respected my right as Secretar.v-General to speak ;i
and act as I did, while e.xercising their own right to sup-
port or oppose me either privately or publicly. . . . Be-
cause of the stand I took in support of the United Nations
action against armed aggression in Korea, these Hve mem-
ber governments have refused since 19.")0 even to recog-
nize me as Secretary-Oeneral. For almost :'> years I have
Departmenf of State Bulletin
borne with this situation in silence, overlooliing the many
violations of established procedure that followed. Now,
however I lielieve the tiiue is appropriate for me to say
that this action, in my opinion, is by far the most serious
violation of article 100 of the Charter that has occurred.
The policy of the Soviet Government and its allies has
been and continues to be, a policy of the crudest form of
nres.^ure, not only against me but against any future
Secretary-General who may incur the displeasure of the
Soviet Union for doing his duty as he sees it under the
Charter It is to a large extent because of this Soviet
attitude that I have offered my resignation and requested
the General Assembly to appoint my successor during the
present session.
Mr. Lie then outlined tlie problem of the U.N.
Secretariat as it relates to the United States, with
particular reference to the hearings of the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee. Because of the
complexity of the problem, he had appointed a
Commission of Jurists to advise him. It was
because of his reservations about some aspects of
their report that he had not placed it before the As-
sembly for discussion but liad submitted a report
of his own.
As the Security Council began its consideration
of the appointment of his successor, he concluded,
he would say, "God bless your endeavors to find
the best person for Secretary-General of the
United Nations."
Committee I {Political and Security)— At the
opening of the March 6 meeting. Chairman Joao
Carlos Muniz (Brazil) asked the Soviet delegate
to convey to his Government and people the Com-
mittee's condolences on the death of Joseph Stalin,
and at the chairman's request members of the
Committee rose for a minute of silence. Andrei
Vyshinsky, expressing his gratitude, noted that
Stalin had been a founder of the United Nations
and declared that the foreign policy he had in-
spired "has been and continues to be" one of inter-
national cooperation.
Continuing debate on the Korean item, Ben C.
Limb, representing the Eepublic of Korea, as an
observer, reminded the Committee that the
troubles in Korea had not been caused by the
Korean people. The war was not the fault of the
Republic nor even of "the unfortunate captive
people" of the North; the leadership of "the Com-
munist puppet regime in the North" had been
identified as being composed primarily of citizens
of the Soviet Union, "operating directly under the
orders of the Kremlin."
Describing the economic plight of his people,
Mr. Limb said, "Our whole population has been re-
duced to a state of absolute desperation.'" Recon-
struction is badly needed, and needed now.
Restoring the means of self-support is "essential
to winning the war, for successful battles cannot
be fought in the midst of a dying citizenry." He
added that "the slow strangulation of a popula-
tion" was as tragic and final as a deliberate
attempt to destroy it.
The representative of the Republic of Korea
March 23, J953
paid tribute to the nations and the specialized
agencies that had helped his people and are help-
ing them now in relief and rehabilitation. He
urged support for the joint draft resolution call-
ing for U.N. aid in "resurrecting" Korea; the
record of assistance thus far was "impressive in-
deed," but the need was ever-growing.
At the March 7 meeting, during which the Com-
mittee completed general debate on the Korean
question, Valerin A. Zorin (U.S.S.R.) reverted
to the theme stressed earlier by Andrei Vyshinsky :
that "Syngman Rhee troops," aided and abetted
liy the United States, had been the real aggressors
in Korea. He declared that Ambassador Lodge
had not refuted any of the evidence to this effect
adduced by the Soviet delegation. The main
question, however, was how to put an end to the
bloodshed, he went on. The claim that the "just,
precise, and simple" Soviet proposals had the
hidden aim of using the prisoners of war for pur-
poses of a "political horse-trade" was a "slanderous
invention," he declared.
The most important pre-condition for the recon-
struction of Korea, according to Mr. Zorin, was an
immediate cease-fire and the complete withdrawal
of all foreign troops. He concluded : "The Soviet
delegation will tirelessly continue to struggle to
put an end to this criminal war, because, as was
said by the great banner-leader of peace, General-
issimo Stalin, the U.S.S.R. is interested in the
liquidation of the war in Korea."
Speaking for the U.S. delegation, Ambassador
Lodge enumerated the various forms which aid to
Korea had taken thus far. This reconstruction
work was only a beginning, but it was symbolic of
the collective international concern and responsi-
bility in Korea. He then turned to the Soviet
position as revealed in the current debate. Mr.
Vyshinsky had admitted practically 95 percent of
the "10 facts about Soviet aid to the aggressors"—
"a staggering admission of guilt" which had
already had an effect on world opinion. (For full
text, see p. -143.)
On March 9 the committee adopted the 7-power
draft requesting all governments, specialized
agencies, and nongovernmental organizations to
assist in meeting the needs of the Korean people.
An amendment introduced by Egypt and accepted
by the sponsors added the phrase, "withm the
limits of their financial possibilities and in accord-
ance with the provisions of their constitutions and
statutes." The vote was 54-5 (Soviet bloc), with
no abstentions. A last-minute Soviet proposal to
abolish Unctjrk was rejected by a vote of 5 (So-
viet bloc)-5-l-0. Mr. Zorin, in introducing the
proposal, charged that both Unctjkk and Unkra
were subsidiaries of the "U.S. Command.'' The
reconstruction and rehabilitation being carried out
under Unkra auspices were aimed at meeting the
military needs of the United States.
Deba'te on the Greek Armed Forces item began
at the afternoon meeting March 9. Alexis Kyrou
453
(Greece) opened the discussion by paying tribute
to efforts of the Secretary-General and the Inter-
national Committee of the Red Cross to implement
the General Assembly resolution which recom-
mended "repatriation of all those detained mem-
bers of the Greek Armed Forces who expressed the
wish to be repatriated." But these efforts had so
far been of no avail, he noted, and lately even the
rare opportunities originally accorded the de-
tained soldiers to exchange correspondence and
receive relief parcels were being suppressed.
The number detained is estimated at about 3,000,
Mr. Kyrou went on. The Greek Army General
Staff knows the identity of many of these and, in
most cases, their whereabouts in Albania, Bulgaria,
Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Rumania, and
the U.S.S.R. He emphasized that the captured
soldiers are not prisoners of war and hence the
detaining states are obligated under international
law to release them. His Government was asking
for the repatriation only of those who "freely"'
expressed the wish to return, Mr. Kyrou pointed
out, adding that there should of course be adequate
safeguards for this expression.
Victor Belaunde (Peru) then introduced the
Danish-New Zealand-Peruvian draft resolution,
which notes the latest Icec efforts, appeals to the
governments concerned for their cooperation, and
asks the president of the General Assembly to
consult with them to this end and to report back
befoi-e the close of the present session.
James J. Wadsworth (U.S.) declared that the
retention of the Greek soldiers by the Cominform
States revealed contemptuous defiance of the Gen-
eral Assembly's will and cynical disregard for
humanitarian principles. He observed that in
Korea the Communists insisted on forced repatria-
tion but took the opposite stand in this instance,
despite the fact that the detained men were not
even prisoners of war. The 3-State draft was con-
sistent with the Assembly's moral, humanitarian,
and legal attitude. Ambassador Wadsworth con-
cluded, and was also in line with the latest Icrc
effort. (For full text, see p. 450.)
In a brief statement on March 12, shortly before
the vote which concluded the Committee's work
on this item, G. N. Zarubin (U.S.S.R.) asserted
that the Greek complaint was completely ground-
less and intimated that the ])ersons referred to
were "political refugees." The real aim of the
item, he contended, was the propagation of slan-
derous attacks on the U.S.S.R.
The vote on the draft, which meanwhile had
been slightly amended by Lebanon, was 54-
5 (Soviet bloc )-l (India).
Discussion then turned to the report of the Col-
lective Measures Committee. Speaking for the
U.S. delegation, William Sanders said that both
the report and the joint draft under consideration,
which would continue the Committee's work until
the ninth regular session of the General Assembly,
were concerned with the defense of peace. The
454
draft resolution was not directed against anyone;
no one who planned to live within the framework
of the Charter need fear the Uniting for Peace
program.
The need for speed in mustering resistance to
sudden attack put a premium on advance plan-
ning, Mr. Sanders commented, citing the proposed
establishment of an ad hoc negotiating committee
as an excellent example of a flexible, time-savinc-
plan. The Collective Measures Committee's work
had been of great value, and its studies (including'
the voluntary reserve) should be pursued. ReaL
security must wait until all states were ready to'
work together to fulfill Charter promises, he con-i
eluded; meanwhile, the better the system that is
developed, the less likely the need to use it. (For'
text, see p. 447.) i
THE DEPARTMENT
Secretary Dulles' Memorandum
on John Carter Vincent
Press release 124 dated March 4
I. BacJcground
Among the inheritances which the present Ad-
ministration took over from the past Adminis-
tration is the so-called "Vincent Case."
John Carter Vincent, a Foreign Service officer,
with the rank of career minister (the highest
rank), has since 1951 been the subject of inquiry
and controversy because of his conduct in rela-
tion to China and Japan, particularly during the
war and postwar period (1941-47).
Charges of disloyalty against Mr. Vincent,
made in November 1951, were heard by the De-
partment of State Loyalty Security Board. It
unanimously decided that no reasonable doubt
existed as to Mr. Vincent's lovalty to the Govern-
ment of the United States and that his continued
employment did not constitute a risk to the De-
partment of State. This decision was twice
reconsidered by the Department's Board, to takft
account of new evidence. In each case the origi-
nal decision was confirmed. Wlien, however, the-
matter was reviewed by the Civil Service Loyalty
Review Board, it found, by a 3-2 decision ren-
dered December 12. 1952.> that there was reason-
able doubt as to Mr. Vincent's loyalty to the-
Government of the United States. Accordingly,,
the Board recommended that his services should
be terminated.
This conclusion of the Loyalty Review Board
' Bulletin Jan. 19, 1953, p. 121.
Department of State Bulletim
was merely advisory to the Secretary of State.
The then Secretary set up a special panel to
.examine the matter again and advise him as to
what disposition they thought should be made of
tlic cuso.*^
After I became Secretary of State, I received
an inquiry on behalf of the members of the special
panel as to whether I wished them to continue to
study the case under the mandate they had re-
ceive"d from my predecessor in office. In reply I
said that I felt it unnecessary for them to con-
tinue their advisory study .^ Both law and Exec-
utive order placed the ultimate responsibility on
me and I saw no way to shed that responsibility.
Since then, I have carefully studied the record
with a view to discharging my legal responsibility
in a way which will both protect the interests of
the United States and do personal justice.
II. Jurisdiction
My jurisdiction in this case stems from three
sources :
1. I have authority to terminate Mr. Vincent'i
services on "security" grounds (Public Law 733,
81st Cong., Aug. 26, 1950).
2. I have authority to terminate Mr. Vincent's
services on "lovalty" grounds (Ex. Order 9835,
Mar. 21, 1927, "as amended by Ex. Order 10241,
Apr. 28, 1951).
3. I have authority in my "absolute discretion"
to terminate Mr. Vincent's services if I deem this
"necessary or advisable in the interest of the
United States" (Public Law 495, 82d Cong., July
10,1952).
III. The Facts
Mr. Vincent served in China almost continu-
ously from 1924 to 1936 in consular capacities
or as a Chinese language officer. From 1936 to
1947, except for a short interruption, he served
in key positions in China and in Washington in
relation to Chinese, Japanese, and Far Eastern
matters. During this later period he was largely
relied upon by his superiors, notably the Presi-
dent, the Secretary of State, and General Mar-
shall, when he headed a special Presidential
mission to China in 1945 and 1946.
Mr. Vincent's part in these matters and his
associations during this time are brought out in
detail in the records which I have examined.
They have led me to conclude that Mr. Vincent's
employment as a Foreign Service officer should
not be continued.
IV. Reasons
Under Public Law 495 I am not required to
give reasons for my decisions under that law.
They are a matter of""absolute discretion." How-
ever, in view of the public interest which at-
taches to this case, I feel that I should state :
1. I do not believe the record shows that Mr.
Vincent is a "security" risk within the usually
accepted meaning of that term and within the
meaning which up to now has customarily been
given to that term in Public Law 733.
2. I do not find that "on all the evidence, there
is reasonable doubt as to the loyalty" of Mr. Vin-
cent to the Government of the United States
within the meaning of Executive Order 10241. _
3. I have, however, concluded that Mr. Vin-
cent's reporting of the facts, evaluation of the
facts, and policy advice during the period under
review show a failure to meet tlie stanclard which
is demanded of a Foreign Service officer of his
experience ancl responsibility at this critical time.
I do not believe that he can usefully continue to
serve the United States as a Foreign Service
officer.
Public Law 495 recognizes the special respon-
sibilities which, at this time of dangerous inter-
national tensions, devolve on the Secretary of
State and reflects an intent that he should act to
safeguard what he, in his discretion, deems the
interests of the United States. I believe that that
legislative purpose is sound and I am responding
to it according to my best judgment.
V. Conclusion
While this memorandum was in course of prep-
aration, I talked with Mr. Vincent and told him
generally of my views. Subsequently, Mr. Vincent
submitted his resignation as Minister to Morocco
and Diplomatic Agent at Tangier and placed in
my hands his application for retirement. I am
granting his application for retirement effective
March 31, 1953.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
'Ibid., I,. 122.
' Ibid., Feb. 9, 1953, p. 241.
Confirmations
George V. Allen
The Senate on March 11 confirmed George V. Allen as
Ambassador to India and to Nepal.
Ft-ancis White
The Senate on March 11 confirmed Francis White as
Ambassador to Mexico.
Alorch 23, 1953
455
March 23, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 717
American Principles
Beginning of the Elsenhower era (Dulles) . 430
Duties of free peoples (Dulles) 430
Soviet foreign policy based on fear (Lodge) 446
American Republics
BRAZIL: Credit to assist liquidation of com-
mercial arrears 442
DOMINICAN REPUBUC: Military assistance
agreement 442
Asia
CHINA: MsA submits report on Formosa's post-
war development 438
JAPAN: Working committee to discuss trans-
fer of assets 439
KOREA:
Free World's responsibility for Korean recon-
struction (Lodge) 443
General Clark denounces revived "germ war-
fare" charges 451
SAUDI ARABIA: Prince Faisal makes courtesy
calls 440
Secretary Dulles to visit the Near East and
South Asia 431
Canada
U.S., Canada sign halibut fishery convention . . 441
Claims and Property
Terms of settlement of German obligations for
Austrian debts 439
Europe
BELGIUM: Foreign minister visits U.S. ... 441
FRANCE: Visit of French ministers .... 441
GERMANY:
Dr. Adenauer to be guest of the President . . 441
Terms of settlement of German obligations
for Austrian debts 439
GREECE: U.N. again considers Greek repatria-
tion issue (Wadsworth) 450
NETHERLANDS: Contributions to disaster
fund 440
U.S.S.R.: Soviet foreign policy based on fear
(Lodge) 446
Finance
Credit to Brazil to assist liquidation of commer-
cial arrears 442
Terms of settlement of German obligations for
Austrian debts 439
Working committee to discuss transfer of Japa-
nese assets 439
Fisheries
U.S., Canada sign halibut fishery convention . . 441
Foreign Service
Confirmations (Allen, White) 455
Human Rights
U.N. again considers Greek repatriation issue
(Wadsworth) 450
International Meetings
Working committee to discuss transfer of Japa-
nese assets 439
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Mar. 10^14, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the OflSce of the
Special Assistant for Pi'ess Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D.C.
Press releases issued prior to Mar. 10 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Buixetin are Nos. 113 of
Mar. 2, 114 of Mar. 2, 11.5 of Mar. 2, 117 of Mar. 3,
lis of JIar. .3, 124 of Mar. 4, and 129 of Mar. 6.
No. Date Subject
tl33 3/10 Climatology and Meteorology (Wmo)
tl34 3/13 Czech- attack on U.S. airci aft
Exchange of persons
Belgian Foreign Jlinister's visit
•135
136
3/13
3/14
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later Issue of the Bulletin.
Mutual Defense
NATO: the right road to peace (Lord Ismay) . . 427
.Mutual Security
"A trade and tariff policy in the National in-
terest." Summary of the Bell Mission's
report 436
East-West trade controls to be tightened . . . 435
Military assistance agreement with Dominican
Republic 442
MsA submits report on Formosa's postwar de-
velopment 438
National Security Council
Consultants to serve 431
Near and Middle East
Problems of trade with the Middle East
(Gardiner) 432
Secretary Dulles to visit the Near East and
South Asia 431
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NATO: the right road to peace (Lord Ismay) . 427
Prisoners of War
General Clark denounces revived "germ war-
fare" charges 451
State, Department of
Secretary Dulles' memorandum on John Carter
Vincent 454
Trade
"A trade and tariff policy In the National in-
terest." Sunimary of the Bell Mission's
report 436
East-West trade controls to be tightened . . . 435
Problems of trade with the Middle East
(Gardiner) 432
Treaty Information
Military assistance agreement with Dominican
Republic 442
Terms of settlement of German obligations for
Austrian debts 439
U.S., Canada sign halibut fishery convention . . 441
United Nations
Developing the skills of Pacific settlement
(Sanders) 447
Duties of free peoples (Dulles) 430
Free world's responsibility for Korean recon-
struction (Lodge) 443
General Clark denounces revived "germ war-
fare" charges 451
Soviet foreign policy based on fear (Lodge) . . 446
U.N. again considers Greek repatriation Issue
(Wadsworth) 450
U.N. documents: a selected bibliography . . . 451
U.S. In the U.N 452
Name Index
Adenauer, Dr. Konrad 441
Allen, George V 455
Anderson, Dillon 431
Bell, Daniel W 436
Black, J. B 431
Clark, General Mark 451
Cowles, John 431
Donovan, Wm. J 435
Dulles, Secretary 430,431,440,454
Eisenhower, President 430, 440
Faisal, Prince 440
Gardiner, Arthur Z 432
Holman, Eugene 431
Ismay, Lord 427
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 443, 446
Malott, D. W 431
Mayer, Ren6 441
Michalis, Clarence G 440
Ringwalt, Arthur R 439
Robertson, D. B 431
Sanders, William 447
Stassen, Harold E 435
Thomas, C. A 431
Van Zeeland, Paul 441
Vincent, John Carter 454
Wadsworth, James J 450
White. Francis 455
U S GOVERNMENT PRINTINS OFFICE: 1953
JAe/ ^ehct/ylTneni/ /(w cnaie^
J. XXVIII, No. 718
March 30, 1953
RELATIONS WITH LATIN AMERICA:
Developing Mutual Trust and Respect • by Secretary
Dulles 459
'^V.S. Capital Inyestnxent 9 by Assistant Secretary Cabot . 460
DISARMAMENT AS ONE OF THE VITAL CONDITIONS
OF PEACE • Statement by Ernest A. Gross 476
SPREADING THE DOCTRINES OF FREEDOM • by
Mrs. Osteoid B. Lord '*°''
TIDELANDS LEGISLATION AND THE CONDUCT OF
FOREIGN AFFAIRS • Statement by Jack B. Tate . . 486
CREATING AN EFFECTIVE FREE WORLD
ECONOMY • by Myron M. Cotcen 471
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
APR 3 0 1953
<""'j^'».
*sy^w.yy.. bulletin
Vol. XXVIII. No. 718 • Publication 4993
March 30, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Price:
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Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
bo reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government u-ith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of tlie Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Developing Relations of Mutual Trust and Respect
Address by Secretary Dulles ^
I am happy to meet with this distinguished
group of representatives of the American Repub-
lics. Our Council, where all of our 21 countries
meet as equals, symbolizes the unity and fraternity
of our inter-American fellowship.
This fellowship holds a special place in the in-
ternational relations of the United States. Hemi-
spheric solidarity was our earliest major foreign
policy, and it remains central with us. Today,
that solidarity is illustrated by this building in
which we meet [the Pan American Union] and
by what goes on within it.
I have on many occasions, notably at Assem-
blies of the United Nations and at the Japanese
Peace Conference, enjoyed and profited by the
opportunity of working with representatives of
your countries. Now, as Secretary of State, I
shall have an even wider and more continuous
opportunity.
The profit which we derive from that relation-
ship relates not merely to our fellowship in time
of war as comrades in arms. We also profit from
the achievements of the peoples of Latin America
in many fields of endeavor. The ailists, musi-
cians, and writers of Latin America contribute
greatly to our culture. Your statesmen, jurists,
and men of other professions have greatly pro-
moted the science of human relations. As a law-
yer, who has long devoted himself to international
affairs, I have studied with admiration and ad-
vantage the work of your international lawyers
and the doctrines of international law which they
have espoused, and which the civilized world has
largely accepted.
The Organization of American States consti-
tutes one of the outstanding achievements in the
history of our 21 countries. It reflects the highest
aspirations of our people for peace, liberty, and
well-being. In its manifold activities, it gives
expression to the political, economic, and cultural
' Made before the Council of the Organization of Amer-
ican States at Washington on Mar. 23 (press release 153).
aspects of our national lives. Finally, its success
in establishing a system of cooperation for secu-
rity and welfare cannot fail to strengthen our
faith that an equally effective and beneficial rela-
tionship may be established among all the nations
of the world. That is indeed the purpose of the
United Nations, a purpose to which we all sub-
scribe.
Because the United Nations does not yet realize
all the hopes of its founders, and because abuse of
the veto power has weakened its capacity to pro-
vide security, it is necessary to have regional
collective-security organizations. The first and
most embracing of such regional associations is
that which was created by the Inter-American
Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance concluded at Rio
de Janeiro in 1947. I well recall the struggle at
San Francisco to eliminate from the Dumbarton
Oaks proposals the clause which would have pre-
vented, or at least given the Soviet Union a veto
power over, such a regional and collective-security
arrangement as was created by the Rio Pact. For
that result, the late Senator Vandenberg, one
of your great friends, is entitled to lasting
recognition.
It is good that, at San Francisco, we opened the
way to regional associations for collective security
despite the strong objection of the Soviet Union.
That prime objector of 1945 has now become a
source of grave danger. That danger makes it
vital that there be intimate and strong pan-
American solidarity. We must demonstrate in
terms of the lives of our peoples that the free na-
tions can provide a better way of life. Also we
must strengthen our capacity to defend ourselves
from a foe that can attack both from without and
from within — by open aggression or by subversion.
Subversion, we should remember, has been the pre-
ferred method which has already brought some
800 million people into Ixindage, which is degrad-
ing and which denies the spiritual nature of man.
You may be confident that the Government of
Alorch 30, T953
459
the United States will seek to do its part to invigo-
rate tlie spirit of solidarity and cooperation, which
has joined our people in the past, and on the con-
tinuance of wliich the future of human dignity so
largely depends.
I can assure you that President Eisenhower has
a deep interest in the development of good rela-
tions between our nations. His interest in Nato
and in Korea is matched by his interest in the
Americas. I recall his visit "to Brazil and Mexico
when he was Chief of Staff. He and I often talk
together about hemispheric solidarity and I can
say with assurance that it is the purpose of this
administration to pursue with increased vigor and
effectiveness the development of relations of
nuitual trust and respect with our sister Republics.,
U.S. Capital Investment in Latin America
'by John M. Cabot
Assistant Secretary for Inter- American Affairs
You have asked me to speak to you as the re-
cently appointed Assistant Secretary of State for
Inter-American Affairs, and I deeply appreciate
your invitation. You want to hear my thoughts
about our relations with our sister Republics, and
I should like to give you some idea of the perplexi-
ties I am aware of as I assume office. I hope that
nearly 20 years of varied experience in this field
may tend to light my path and not to obfuscate
my vision.
Practically everybody in the United States
agrees on our policy objectives in this hemisphere.
We want good relations with our sister Republics.
We want to cooperate with them. We want peace
and democracy and continental solidarity and due
process of law and sovereign equality and mutual
assistance against aggression. Amid such noble
sentiments and overflowing good will my job
ought to be easy — but it isn't. For these lovely
phrases conceal but do not destroy a great many
hard ugly facts wliich make it difficult to attain
our objectives in this hemisphere. In other words,
any fool can see what we want to do ; the question
is in what way, practically speaking, can we go
about doing it, and how do we get people to give
up their own interests and prejudices for the
common good?
One of the difficulties of diplomacy is that in
public we must generally deal in mellifluous
' Address made before the Joint Meeting of the Export
Managers Club and the Export Advertising Association at
New York on Mar. 17 (press release 139).
phrases, but in our work we must deal with hard
facts. If they admit of an easy solution it is
fine — practically no one ever hears of the incident
and that's that; but if there is no easy solution,
then everyone jumps to the conclusion that the
diplomats have put their foot in it again, and in
the ensuing public uproar the diplomats' task be-
comes yet harder. I might add that diplomats
aren't paid to solve easy problems. Let me
illustrate.
At the recent Caracas conference ^ our delega-
tion was confronted by a series of more or less
strongly expressed views. Many other delega-
tions felt that their countries had been unfairly
treated in terms of trade; that over a period of
years the raw materials they produced had tended
to fall in price in relation to the prices of manu-
factured goods they had to import. Others
wanted to stop the development of synthetics
which competed with their natural products. A
number felt that it was unfair that the dollar re-
serves tliey accumulated during the war by selling
to us should have dropped sharply after the war
in terms of what they then wanted to buy from us.
You would probably say that these positions
were unreasonable. Perhaps they were ; but other
points made by our Latin friends in Caracas were
not so unreasonable. They complained of our
^Mr. Cabot headed the U.S. delegation to the Inter-
American Economic and Social Council's conference at
Caracas in February. For text of an address which he
made there on Feb. 11, see Bulletin of Mar. 2, 1953, p. 338.
460
Department of State Bulletin
customs barriers, which keep out their products
and force them to send us raw materials rather
than semimanufactured items. They wanted us
to give some tax advantage to American invest-
ments abroad to encourage such investments.
And they frankly found it hard to understand that
we gave them practically no grant aid. I do not
think they quite approved the blunt appeal of
one delegate: '■^divisas, no sonrimn'''' (foreign ex-
change, not smiles), but they unquestionably felt
that those who made a nuisance of themselves
were better rewarded than those who cooperated.
To give another illustration of the kind of thing
that disturbs them : In September 1952, we signed
a trade agreement with Venezuela. From our
viewpoint it was intended to protect an important
export market and incidentally to safeguard im-
portant American investments. From the Vene-
zuelan viewpoint it was intended to secure a vital
foreign outlet on which the entire economic life
of tlie country depended. Today there are some
21 bills before Congress which would in effect
repudiate this agreement. I am not going to de-
scribe to you at length what is likely to happen
if one of these bills should pass; you yourselves
will readily appreciate that if we should thus
break an international commitment it will not
only damage j'our business in Venezuela but also
prejudice our interests throughout the Americas.
Cooperation — A Two-Way Street
In other words, cooperation is a two-way
street, and we must be sure it is kept so. I know
how keenly j'ou here appreciate that, and how
hard you are working to see that the paths of
international trade are not blocked. 'VVliatever
we do to hamper trade will not only be reflected
in our trade with our sister Republics, it will be
reflected in their political orientation, and in the
defense of the free world against Communist
aggression. We simply cannot afford to take a
naiTow view of our national interest.
We had a striking illustration at Caracas of
the willingness of other republics to cooperate
with us when benefits to both sides were apparent.
At the very beginning of the conference, the Co-
lombian delegation, strongly backed by several
others, said that they were disturbed by the ef-
fects on the confidence of foreign investors of re-
cent attacks on foreign capital in various countries
and by the reaction in the United States to a re-
cent U. N. resolution. Heartened by President
Eisenhower's statement in his State of the Union
message that foreign investment should be en-
couraged, they insisted on introducing a special
resolution emphasizing, with no qualifying
phrases, the importance of instilling confidence
in foreign investors. They wanted to make it
clear that the gi-eat majority of our sister Re-
publics welcome American capital, because they
Moreh 30, 7953
have discovered that on the balance it brings them
very substantial benefits.
The resolution passed with but one abstention.
Our sister Republics grasped the hand which
President Eisenhower had extended. And what
happened? Practically nothing. The people of
the United States — even the business com-
munity— were apparently too busy.
Benefits of Foreign Capital Investment
Practically everyone in North and South
America alike agrees on the importance of foreign
capital investment in underdeveloped countries.
That isn't the question. From the viewpoint of
the investor, the question is : "Will my capital be
safe, and will the rate of return be adequate con-
sidering the risks involved ?" Unless he considers
the circumstances favorable, he is not going to
put his capital in unfamiliar surroundings. By
the same token, the country in which the invest-
ment is to be made will ask : "Will this investment
be to our national advantage ? Will it develop our
economy and raise our living standards, or will it
merely mean that gi-eedy foreigners will despoil
our national resources, gouge our people, and op-
press their employees?"
In candor let us say that both sides can point to
horrible historical examples. At the same time,
let me say — and I think you will agree with me —
that in\'estments of foreign capital can bring great
benefits both to the investor and to the country in
which the capital is invested. More and more
foreign countries and American investors are
working together to produce such situations.
To this end we have sought to negotiate invest-
ment treaties with a number of countries. Such
treaties can serve a very useful purpose by laying
down agreed rules under which American invest-
ments in foreign countries may operate. I want
to emphasize, however, that it is the spirit rather
than the letter which really matters in the protec-
tion of American investors. The most solemn
treaties and constitutional guarantees can be torn
up, and have been torn up. A foreign company
is not even protected by the fact that it is demon-
strably benefiting the country in which it is lo-
cated. Its real and ultimate protection is a heliej
among the people of that counti^ that it is to their
advantage that the company should continue to
operate.
This is a very real challenge. In our sister Re-
publics there is much poverty and illiteracy; ideas
cannot, as with us, find their own price level in
a free market. The peoples to the south of us are
aflame with determination to improve their ma-
terial lot — stimulated alike by the, to them, fabu-
lous American living standards and by strident
Communist agitation. They realize the need for
social reforms to con-ect age-old abiises, and it is
not surprising that foreign companies are among
the earliest victims of such progi-ams of reform.
Obviously they are immense aggregations of
461
■wealth, their American employees enjoy a much
higher standard of living than their local em-
ployees, and they are foreign. Note that each of
these points leaves a corroding impression on the
unwary mind, and none of them is at all pertinent
to the real question : "Is it really beneficial to
the country to have the company operating in it?"
Safeguards for Investors
There, I feel, is a field in which American com-
panies operating in Latin America still have a
great deal to do. We must not only prove to our-
selves that those operations are benefiting the
countries and are enlightened in a social and labor
sense. It is increasingly important that the broad
masses in Latin America should be convinced that
it is to their direct interest that foreign companies
operating in their countries should have proper
safeguards. Our companies are aware of the im-
portance of public relations in the United States.
In Latin America, where the swings in public emo-
tion— and action — are so vastly wider and the
hazards to invested capital correspondingly
greater, the importance of favorable public
opinion is vital.
For the most part American companies operat-
ing in Latin America have nothing to be ashamed
of ; on the contrary, they usually pay better wages,
provide better housing and working conditions
and, in general, give their employees more bene-
fits than local employers. If some are less far-
sighted than others — if some, for example, do not
realize that developed, responsible trade unionism
is one of the best guarantees against violent eco-
nomic radicalism — few of them today can be ac-
cused of exploitation. On the contrary, American
companies operating in Latin America are often
leading the way to that higher standard of living
to which Latin Americans aspire. I do not, I am
sure, need to tell you that nationalization has hurt
rather than helped Latin America ; it has not pro-
duced the national benefits either for the workers
or national economies as a whole that private en-
terprise could have produced. On the contrary,
by disturbing the confidence of investors, both for-
eign and domestic, it has tended to perpetuate
those lower living standards in our sister Repub-
lics which we are seeking to cooperate with them
to raise.
Let me nonetheless reiterate to you the vital
need of convincing public opinion in the other
American Republics of the benefits accruing from
American investments. Social reform is coming.
It may come by evolution or by revolution. There
are reactionary elements in every country in this
hemisphere which do not want social reform.
They are willing to tie down the safety valve and
to wait for the boiler to burst. In many countries,
liberal elements, confronted by such intransigent
opposition, have more and more fallen under Com-
nmnist influence. To my mind there is nothing
more dangerous from the viewpoint of long-range
American policy than to let Communists, with
their phoney slogans, seize the leadership of social
reform. We simply cannot afford to identify our-
selves with the elements which would tie down the
social safety valve. That wouldn't protect our
national interests ; it wouldn't even for long pro-
tect our investments.
The problems of Latin America today are
largely economic. A vital element in their solution
must be a flow of capital into our sister Republics
in an atmosphere of mutual confidence. That is
the way that the United States developed, and
that is the best and surest way for them to develop.
Today the atmosphere is somewhat poisoned. The
Communists and their allies, witting and unwit-
ting, have made American companies the target
of their agitation, despite the fact that American
companies have often been spearheads of social
progress. It is essential that they be identified
with social progress not only in fact but also in
the public mind.
A vital job, then, confronts us. It is to convince
the peoples of the other American Republics that
the way of life we practice and recommend has
definite, tangible benefits for them. Your Gov-
ernment is doing its best to put that thought across,
but it cannot do it alone. We need the cooperation
of every American who has any business with our
sister Republics. This is one facet of the implaca-
ble challenge we face today. With your pride in
individual enterprise, I am sure that you will help
us to meet it worthily. Let us work together to
solve this important problem, and let us take a
long-term view of it.
Letter of Credence
Mexico
The newly appointed Ambassador of Mexico,
Manuel Tello, presented his credentials to the
President on March 18, 1953. For the text of the
Ambassador's remarks and for the text of the
Pi-esident's reply, see Department of State press
release 143 of March 18.
462
Department of State Bulletin
Military Assistance to Latin America
1 There has been some criticism of the military assistance frogram in
Latin America on the grounds that it violates the lest interests of the Latin
American countries themselves. Is this charge valid ? . . • tt
2 100 percent of our vanadium imports come from Latin America. Mow
many other strategic materials in short supply do we get from our (jood
%^\nemv submarines scored heavily in this hemisphere during World
War II What steps are being taken to prevent this from happening again <■
L A major proUem of hemisphere defense is the military weakness of
nwst Latin American nations. What are we doing in this important area to
create stronger defensive forces? i .• 4
This survey provides the answer to these and other questions relating to
cooperaiive military assistance arrangements in the Western Hemisphere.
During World War II, the security of the West-
ern Hemisphere was safeguarded by the collective
efforts of the American Republics. A submarine
offensive against American shipping early m
World War II came perilously close to driving
American vessels from the Atlantic sea lanes.
Its success would have resulted in the virtual
isolation of every American country, and m the
modern world no nation can survive in isolation.
The economies of many American Republics
were in danger of collapse. Those nations, for
example, which depend on petroleum from the
United States and Venezuela would have been
without oil. Those which depend on wheat im-
ports would have been short of bread. Despite its
wealth of natural resources, the United States
would have faced economic problems of extreme
gravity. .
The American nations were spared these dis-
asters only because they united to build strong
defenses. When the Axis threat was turned back,
these countries resolved that they would set up
permanent defenses to guard against future ag-
gression. They had learned that the preserva-
tion of peace and security in the Americas de-
pends on cooperation. _
The Foreign Ministers of the American Re-
publics who met at Washington in 1951 laid the
Editor's Note: This survey is also available as De-
partment of State publication 4917. For text of a typical
agreement in the series which comprises the program of
military assistance to Latin America— the agreement
signed with Ecuador on Feb. 20, 1952— see Bulletin of
Mar. .3, 19.52, p. 336.
Morch 30, 1953
foundation for effective military cooperation by
putting the lessons of World War II to valuable
use. They directed the Inter-American Defense
Board, on which each country is represented, to
plan for the general defense of the hemisphere.
They also recognized that preparations for de-
fense, in the event of attack, would require self-
help and mutual aid on the part of American
Republics in the military and economic fields.
The United States mutual security program in-
cludes provisions for assisting Latin American
countries to carry out their responsibilities with
1 To recommend to the American Republics that
thev orient their military preparation in such a way
that through self-help and mutual aid, and m ac-
cordance with their capabilities and with their con-
stitutional precepts, and in conformity with the
inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance,
they can, without prejudice to their individual self-
defense and their internal security: (a) increase
those of their resources and strengthen those of
their armed forces best adapted to the collective
defense and maintain those armed forces in such
status that thev can be promptly available for the
defense of the Continent; and (b) cooperate with
each other, in military matters, in order to develop
the collective strengtii of the Continent necessary
to combat aggression against any of them.
— From Resolution III of the
Final Act of the Fourth Meet-
ing of Consultation of Minis-
ters of Foreign Affairs of the
American States, Washington,
D. C, March^April 1951.
463
respect to these decisions of the Foreign Minis-
ters. In the Mutual Security Act of 1951, the
Congress voted $38,150,000 for direct military as-
sistance to Latin America. In 1952 the Congi-ess
added $51,685,750 to that sum. The money will
be used to provide U. S. military assistance to
those American Republics whose participation in
missions important to the defense of the Western
Hemisphere has been found by the President to
be required in accordance with defense plans.
Before providing assistance to any country, the
United States enters into a bilateral military as-
sistance agreement with that country.
Reasons for Military Assistance
The United States is giving military aid to Latin
American countries because of three fundamental
facts :
1. This hemisphere is threatened by Communist
aggression from within and without;
2. The security of strategic areas in the hemi-
sphere and of inter-American lines of communi-
cation is vital to the security of every American
Republic ; and
3. The protection of these strategic areas and
communications is a common responsibility.
A major problem of defense is the present lim-
ited military capability of the nations of Latin
America. Although many are willing to do their
share of the defense job, they are unable to de-
velop and support adequately equipped and
trained forces. Therefore, if these American Re-
publics are to assume a greater share of the burden
of continental defense, we must help them
strengthen their forces. By doing this we can re-
lease thousands of U.S. soldiers for other duty.
Types of Military Assistance
We have offered three types of military assist-
ance to Latin American nations :
1. Direct grants of equipment and other assist-
ance to certain countries to prepare their forces for
specific hemisphere defense missions ;
2. Opportunities for purchasing U.S. weapons
and equipment which Latin American countries
require for their own and hemisphere defense ; and
3. The establishment of U.S. Army, Navy, and
Air Force missions to help train Latin American
armed forces.
The money which the Congress has appropriated
for direct aid to Latin America will provide train-
ing and military equipment to protect key instal-
lations and communications and help to assure the
production and delivery of strategic materials in
emergency periods. This aid is granted only for
specific programs consistent with the defense plans
of the Inter- American Defense Board. Our mili-
464
tary advisers will assess the military and equip-
ment requirements in each of the countries.
Latin American countries receiving equipment
have specifically agreed to use it exclusively for
missions important to the defense of the hemi-
sphere. It consists of specialized items for air
and marine antisubmarine patrol ; for defense of
coastal regions against naval, air, and submarine
attack; and for the protection of strategic
installations.
Agreements with five American Republics —
Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, and Peru — have
already entered into force. Agreements with
Brazil and Uiniguay have been signed but require
ratification before they become effective. Ne-
gotiations for an agreement with the Dominican
Republic ai'e in progress.
The second type of assistance permits purchases
of our military equipment for cash when approved
by U.S. officials, as authorized in the Mutual De-
fense Assistance Act of 1949. Procurement help
in filling militai^ requirements is also offered.
For example, in 1951, Argentina, Brazil, and Chile
each bought two light cruisers. Peru acquired
three destroyer escorts and Uruguay, two. Co-
lombia bought a U.S. frigate. These and other
sales of equipment from excess U.S. stocks, at low
prices, were pennitted after explicit assurances
that the vessels purchased would be devoted to
hemisphere defense requirements. The presence
of stronger naval forces in South American waters
will free U.S. naval units for North Atlantic
patrol and convoy duties, if the need arises.
The third form of military assistance is the
establishment of U.S. training missions in Latin
America, at the request of the other governments.
Training missions are now operating in most
countries. These missions are purely advisory,
and the principal costs are borne by the local
governments.
The over-all cost of these programs is smaU
compared with our total foreign commitments.
But these comparatively small programs make a
major contribution to free-world strength by pre-
paring Latin America to defend itself.
The security of the peoples of Latin America
and their political independence would be gravely
endangered by an attack on any one of them. No
country in the Western Hemisphere is self-suffi-
cient; none could survive cut off from its neigh-
bors and the rest of the free world. Each ha's a
stake in the security of one of the world's richest
storehouses of strategic materials. Thus the eco-
nomic and political vulnerability of our Latin
American neighbors imposes the burden of hemi-
sphere defense on them as well as on us.
1
Peace in the Americas
Peace in the Western Hemisphere depends not
only upon peaceful relations among the American
Republics but also upon their peaceful relations
Department of State Bulletin
with other nations. The first requisite for peace
in the Americas has been established and guaran-
teed by the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal
Assistance (the Eio Treaty of 1947) and by other
inter- American agreements. Through these
aoreements, the American Republics have pledged
themselves to settle their disputes by negotiation
rather than by war. They have forbidden the use
of force or the threat of force in bargaining for
economic or other concessions from a neighbor
aovernment. Each American state is equal under
faw, and the rights of each are respected by the
others. .
The second requisite — world peace — is yet to be
realized. There is no guaranty of world peace
so long as the Soviet Union and its satellites re-
fuse to honor their international commitments
under the United Nations Charter. It is there-
fore essential that the Americas keep their guard
up and their defenses strong.
Continental Defense in World War II
As early as 1936, at Buenos Aires, the Ameri-
can Republics realized what an Axis attack would
mean to this hemisphere. At other inter- Ameri-
can meetings from 1938 to 1942, they agreed to
act together to repel any threat to the American
continents. n i j
It was not long before events showed the de-
cision to be wise. Although the battle lines of
World War II never penetrated Latin American
shores, the fighting spread to hemisphere waters.
Axis submarines sank thousands of tons of mer-
March 30, 7953
465
chant shipping vital to the war effort and to the
American economy.
On February 16, 1942, a Nazi submarine shelled
shore instalhitions on the Caribbean island of
Aruba. On the same date, in the vicinity of the
island, enemy raiders torpedoed two British
tankers, one U.S. tanker, one Dutch tanker, and
three light draft tankers from Venezuela. All
seven vessels carried Venezuelan oil urgently
needed for hemisphere defense.
To the south, after losing a dramatic engage-
ment with two British cruisers, the crew of the
German pocket battleship, the Graf Spee^ scuttled
her in the Rio de la Plata.
Ashore, Axis agents engaged in espionage and
sabotage and evoked vigorous countermeasures
from Latin American governments. The hand-
writing on the wall became apparent even to the
doultters.
Tlie torpedoing of a Mexican vessel in the Gulf
of Mexico, May 13, 1942, was followed within a
few days by Mexico's declaration of war. After
losing five ships to Axis torpedoes in early August
1942, Brazil also declared war on August 22.
Defense Measures
To meet the threat, the United States diverted
to Latin America a substantial part of its mer-
chant marine and segments of its fleet and air
force. During the early days of the war that
diversion meant great sacrifice because of the
shortage of merchant carriers, warships, and
planes. Many ships and a large number of lives
were lost. For months no one was certain that
we could maintain all the vital lines of commu-
nication. It was only with the military assistance
of a number of the other American Eepublics
that the submarine campaign was stopped.
With the consent of the nations concerned, over
100,000 members of U.S. military forces were sta-
tioned south of this country during World War II.
Our southern neighbors freely volunteered the use
of important air and naval bases as part of their
contribution to the Allied cause. (These bases,
incidentally, were just as freely returned to their
owners by the United States at the conclusion
of the war.)
The best-known air bases were on the southern
air route to Africa and Europe, particularly those
on the Brazilian "hump." The North African
and Mediterranean campaigns could hardly have
been so successful without them. The naval bases
were a significant factor in beating off the Axis
submarines that, in 1942, had threatened to cut
surface contact with Europe.
Latin American armed forces were strength-
ened with the assistance of U.S. military and
naval missions. A Brazilian infantry division
fought valiantly in Italy, and Mexico made an
air unit available for action in the Pacific. Latin
American naval forces and facilities also con-
tributed to the Allied war effort.
In short, security was a hemisphere concern in
World War II. All the American Republics were
fully aware that none could be safe without the
support of the others. Nothing has happened
since to alter that principle.
The Communist Threat
The actions of the Soviet bloc show little prom-
ise of an early end to the obstructionist tactics of
the Communists. They refuse to comply with
traditional democratic standards of fair play and
honest compromise of disagreements. They pa\
lip service to the United Nations Charter, but tlu'y
violate its spirit. They talk of negotiation h\li
refuse to honor their pledges to refrain from
aggression. They frequently speak of their desire
for peace, but they persist in using naked force in
Korea.
Although the Soviet armies may not pose an
immediate military threat to this hemisphere, we
must always be prepared to meet naval and air
attacks. Such attacks would seek to destroy, by
blockade and isolation, the economy of every
American Republic. Furthermore, the agents of
communism, active throughout the Americas, con-
stitute an internal menace.
The Communists can, with tongue in cheek, en-
dorse any aspiration of the Latin American people
without fear of involving the Soviet Union.
They can back any program, however irresponsi-
ble, because they will not have to carry it out while
they are not in power. Their purpose is to pro-
mote neutralism and break up the unity of the
hemisphere.
One of their main targets is the United States
military assistance program. Their propaganda
against it has been loud and long. They have even
convinced some responsible Latin American lead-
ers that it violates the interests of the American
Republics. Our best method of countering both
propaganda and opinions based upon inadequate
facts is to explain the military assistance program
to the people of Latin America and to coordinate
it with technical assistance for economic develop-
ment. In this way the people can judge for them-
selves how much they have to gain through inter-
American cooperation.
Charges Against the Program
Numerous false charges have been leveled
against the program of military assistance to Latin '
America. Some critics make these charges be-
cause they do not understand the nature and scope
of the program ; others, because they hope to profit
from a propaganda campaign of distortion and
misrepresentation. Among the charges most fre-
quently heard are the following — |
The Charge: The military agreements will re-
quire the sending of Latin American troops to
Korea.
466
Department of State Bulletin
The Truth : The conunitments are limited
strictly to hemisphere defense.
The Charge: They oblige Latin American
troops to defend the United States.
The Truth: They relate only to defense prob-
lems south of the United States.
The Charge : They are solely for the convenience
of the United States.
The Truth : They directly involve the highest
national interests of every American Republic,
since their purpose is to protect communications,
to defend coastal areas, and to protect strategic
areas vulnerable to enemy attack.
The Charge: The military agreements invite
aggression.
The T)nith: They deter potential aggressors and
help preserve the peace, because they increase the
ability of the American Republics to repel aggres-
sion.
The Charge: The agi-eements expand the obli-
gations assumed by the American Republics under
the Rio Treaty.
The Truth : They merely increase the ability of
the countries receiving aid to carry out those ob-
ligations.
The Charge: The United States is acting con-
trary to the principles of inter- American solidar-
ity in entering into these agreements.
The Truth: None of these agreements runs con-
trary to the principles, practices, or obligations of
hemispheric solidarity.
The Charge: Our military assistance will give
some of the countries of Latin America an unfair
advantage over others.
The Truth: The program is directed toward
encouraging unity among the American Republics
and strengthening them for a common defense
against aggression.
U.S. military assistance is no one-way street.
Tlie guiding principle of inter- American military
relations is that defense must be a collective re-
sponsibility. The aim is to raise the ability of
Latin American states to carry their share of the
load. Every Latin American patrol vessel, every
antiaircraft battalion, every fighter squadron
which is committed to hemisphere defense and
adequately equipped and trained is a step toward
full security.
This is not a question of whether the Latin
American countries or the United States gain more
from such cooperation. Just as security is in-
divisible, so are its specific benefits. For Latin
America, it is important to protect the flow of es-
sential civilian supplies. For the United States
and the rest of the free world, the strategic ma-
terials of Latin America are vital.
Latin American countries import from the
United States machinery, iron, steel, chemicals,
foodstuffs, vehicles, electrical and agricultural
equipment, and textiles. Our four major imports
from Latin America are coffee, sugar, copper, and
petroleum. In addition, Latin America supplies
us with many other strategic materials necessary
to defense production.
Percentage of Total U. S. Imports of Selected
Strategic Materials in Sftort Supply Received from
Latin America (1950)
Percent Material
100: vanadium, quebracho
Over 90: quartz crystals
Over 80 : castor bean oil, crude petroleum, fuel oil
Over 70 : cordage sisal
Over 60 : antimony, copper
Over 50 : beryl, bismuth, lead, cadmium
Over 40 : tungsten, zinc
Note. — A significant percentage of Imports of chromite,
mnnila fibers, manganese, tin, wool, Iron ore is also
received from Latin America.
The adjacent table shows a few of these vital
materials we get from Latin America. It illus-
trates graphically why sizable U.S. forces were
diverted during World War II to protect hemi-
sphere sea lanes and key installations. We and
our neighbors in countries south of the Rio Grande
are working hard to insure the future safety of
these strategic areas and shipping lanes. This is
the goal of current hemisphere defense arrange-
ments.
The Rio Treaty of 1947 provides the basis for
inter-American mutual defense. The Washing-
ton meeting of Foreign Ministers in 1951 applied
the concept of collective defense to the realities of
the present critical world situation. The actual
putting into force of practical military measures
for assuring adequate defense requires that the
American Republics continue to work closely to-
gether. This is the essence of the U.S. military
assistance program — to make it possible for the
American Republics to play an increasingly active
role in collective measures for the preservation and
security of the hemisphere.
Evaluating Speeches of Soviet Premier
Press Conference Statement ly Secretary Dulles
Press release 150 dated March 20
I have been asked about the speeches of the new
Soviet Premier who succeeded Stalin. I can say
that we evaluate these speeches and we also try to
evaluate the speeches of the top Russian leaders to
see if we can find in them any hope of peace and
any change in their past hostile intentions. I can
say that we have evaluated these speeches but we
do not receive any great comfort and we have
not received any overtures through diplomatic
channels.
Morch 30, 7953
467
Brazil Signs Torquay Protocol to GATT
Press release 130 dated March 9
The Department of State has been informed
that on February 19, 11)53, the Government of
Brazil signed the Torquay Protocol to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Gatt) at the
headquarters of the United Nations in New York.
The provisions of the Protocol require that the
tariff concessions negotiated between the United
States and Brazil, which have been withheld
pending Brazil's signature of the instrument, be
Sut into effect 30 days after Brazil's signature, on
[arch 21, 1953.
The scope of U.S. negotiations with Brazil at
Torquay in 1951 was limited because the two
countries had concluded much more extensive
negotiations at Geneva in 1947. The concessions
exchanged at Torquay, however, supplement those
previously negotiated at Geneva and should there-
fore be considered as a jwrt of a comprehensive
whole.
The new concessions which Brazil will make
effective on March 21 include reductions in duty
on presei"ved asparagus from 2.80 cruzeiros to 2.40
cruzeiros per legal kilo, and on electric motors,
dynamos, alternators, and closely related elec-
trical equipment from 5.40 cruzeiros to 4.56
cruzeiros. The present favorable import duty on
wrapper leaf tobacco was bound against increase.
On its part, the United States will make the
following new concessions effective on March 21 :
Reductions in duty on parana pine plywood from
40 to 25 percent ad valorem, on certain cerium and
thorium compounds from 35 to 30 percent ad
valorem, and on copaiba balsam from 5 to 21^
percent ad valorem. The United States bound
tucum nuts on the free list.
Following is a copy of a letter sent by the Pres-
ident to the Secretary of the Treasury^ giving
notice that the specified concessions negotiated by
the United States with Brazil at Torquay will not
be withheld after the day indicated :
Mabch 6, 1953
My dear Mr. Secretary :
Reference is made to the President's Proclamation of
June 2, 1951 (16 F. R. 5381) carrying out the Torquay
Protocol to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
and for other purpo.ses.
As P.razll signed the Torquay Protocol on February 19,
1953, I hereby notify you that the following item and
parts of items in Part I of Schedule XX annexed to the
Torquay Protocol shall not be withheld pursuant to para-
graph 4 of that Protocol on or after March 21, 1953 :
' 18 Fed. Reg. 1347.
Itfjtn
10-so much as relates to copaiba balsam
87-all
405-so much as relates to parana pine plywood
1727-so much as relates to tucum nuts
Sincerely yours,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
Mexican Mines To Deliver
Manganese to U.S.
Signing of four contracts which call for delivery
to the United States of 230.500 tons of manganese
ore from 30 to 40 small Mexican mines was an-
nounced on March G by Howard I. Young. Deputy
Administrator of the Defense Materials Procure-
ment Agency (Dmpa).
These contracts are part of a 3-year project to
assist in the development of new deposits of man-
ganese in Mexico, and this project, in turn, is part
of a larger program aimed at developing addi-
tional sources on this continent.
Mr. Young said that the Mexican project calls
for the production of 550.000 tons of manganese
ore from a number of areas below the border. The
ore will be delivered to a depot at El Paso, Tex.,
for later processing to meet requirements of the
steel industry. Dmpa plans to negotiate with a
private concern for the construction and operation
of a processing plant.
With 50.000 tons already under contract, the
agreements bring the total thus far signed for to
280,500 tons. Contracts for the remaining 269,500
tons are under negotiation. The whole 550.000
tons are expected to be delivered to the El Paso
depot within the next 3 years.
When the entire project is under way, ore will
be coming from 60 to 100 mines employing up-
wards of 2.000 Mexican miners.
The price to the Government imder the con-
tracts will be $19.30 per long ton for 25 percent
ore (equivalent to 77.2 cents per long ton unit),
f. o. b. freight cars at the depot, with a premiinn
of 70 cents per ton for each 1 ])ercent of manganese
content above 25 percent and a penalty of $1 per
ton for each 1 percent below 25 percent, down to
and including 20 percent. Ore containing less
than 20 percent manganese or more than 20 per-
cent silica will not be accepted. The shipments
will be inspected at the border.
Mines as far as l.Oi'O miles below the border
are involved in the program. The ore will come
from five States in Mexico — Chihuahua. Durango,
Zacatecas, San Luis Potosi, and Jalisco.
468
Department of State Bulletin
Growth of European Unity
hy James B. Conant
U.S. nigh Commissioner for Germany ''^
I am speaking to you tonight as U.S. High Com-
missioner for Germany, but I hope that before
long this position w-ill disai^pear and be replaced
by that of Ambassador. I should like to bring to
my hearers the best wishes of the people of the
United States and to assure you that I shall do
everything within my power to build further on
the sure foundations laid by my predecessors in
this office. I pledge you that I shall do all I
can to further the good relationship between the
United States and Germany and to help solve the
difficult problems that confront us both.
These are critical days for the future of free-
dom in its struggle against the Communist men-
ace, and I have ah-eady discovered in the less than
a month that I have been here in Germany in
how many vital ways the German people are
proving the vitality of the Federal Republic, as
well as gallantly holding Berlin as an outpost of
freedom.
I have been impressed by the spirit of the Ger-
man people and the healthy growth of the Ger-
man economy and by the success of the German
Government in the last few years. But what has
interested me even more as a newcomer to Ger-
many since the war is the fact that everyone I
have spoken to has been so seriously concerned
with European unity. It is not too much to say,
perhaps, that I have found a movement so strong
that it might be called a genuine '■'■Drang nach
ein-em europaeischen Zusammeiischluss.'" This
feeling is not restricted to Germany but is likewise
widespread among the industrial and cultural
leaders of other European countries. That that
is so is not only of interest to me as an ^\jnerican
but is a most hopeful omen for the future.
The evidence of a strong movement toward
European unity is steadily mounting. First, the
Schuman plan is already a functioning reality.
' Address made over the Bavarian radio at Munich,
Germany, on Mar. 11.
I have received reports from more than one busi-
ness group which has traveled throughout Europe
of the gi'eat interest of industrial leaders in some
form of closer integi'ation of the economy of the
European nations. The ties that bind the free
trade unions of Europe together are being steadily
strengthened, and through a common effort the
free trade unions are beating back the attempts of
Communists to disrupt their movement.
Plan for Political Union Completed
I would also call your attention to the work of
the Council of Europe: Only the day before yes-
terday a historic event occurred in Strasbourg.
The temporary committee which has drawn up a
political constitution for Europe has completed
its work and has just presented this plan to the
foreign ministers of the six states who have
already agreed to the Schuman plan union. I
need hardly refer to the Edo (European Defense
Commimity) treaties whose signature by the for-
eign ministers somewhat less than a year ago was
a matter of so much importance, and whose rati-
fication the nations concerned believe must be
accomplished within a relatively short time. I
believe they will be ratified because there is no
practical alternative that can be envisaged. That
we in the United States are deeply interested in
this whole problem of defense of Europe goes
without saying, for the security of all free nations,
including our own, is closely linked to the devel-
opment of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion. This in turn requires the formation of a
European defense force as provided in the Edc
treaties.
As regards the aims of the Edc, no instrument
of aggression is being forged. Let me make this
plain. It will be the aim of the Edc and the sup-
porting nations, among which the United States
and Great Britain will play an important role, to
March 30. 1953
469
defend Europe against aggression. . . .^ When
the treaties have been ratified, the basis will have
been laid for the participation of the Federal Re-
public in the defense of Germany. For the
moment the defense line of the free world against
Soviet tyranny here in South Germany is manned
by American troops, farther north by British and
French troops, but I cannot believe that the Ger-
man people would desire for any length of time
to have their freedom depend solely on foreign
troops.
Cultural Unity
But far more fundamental, though for the
moment not more important than the military de-
fense of Western Europe, is the realization of
European unity. There are many historical rea-
sons for the belief that the six nations which signed
the Edc will knit more and more closely the eco-
nomic, political, and military ties amongst them.
I should like to point especially to the cultural
unity of Europe which deeply impresses the visitor
from overseas. This cultural unity has developed
over more than a thousand years, and we in the
United States are the inheritors of the great tradi-
tion which has been made here in Western
Europe.
It is about this tradition that I want to speak
particularly tonight, and I think I might do so
appropriately from the city of Munich, which is
a symbol of one part — and a very important
part — of the German contribution to this cultural
tradition. For generations people from all over
the world have come to Munich to study art, music,
and all manner of scientific subjects. Indeed, I
was here myself in 1925 for a considerable period
of time because for so long Munich has been one
of the great centers of the physical sciences.
The fact that this unity has persisted in spite
of the increased nationalism of the 18th and 19th
centuries gives historical grounds for believing in
the possibility of a political and economic union
of Europe in the 20th century. We in the United
States are especially concerned in the development
of a closer union between the European nations
because we share in the cultural tradition of these
countries. So if the tide of Communist ideology
and tyranny should spread over Western Europe
and Communist troops should be on the Atlantic
coast, then we realize that this would represent the
end of all creative cultural life in Europe. For
us, too, this would be an irreparable loss.
What are the hallmarks of this European cul-
tural tradition ? What are the characteristics of
the world outlook which we in America have in
common with you here in the free nations of Eu-
rope and which we both hold so dear? Might it
not all be summed up by saying that what we are
concerned with is the dignity and the freedom of
the individual?
' Garbled in transmission.
From this belief in the sacredness of human life
come our accomplishments of the last few hundred
years; namely freedom of the press, freedom of
religion, and freedom to elect a government which
really represents the people. This same respect
for the importance of the individual is the founda-
tion of Western literature, of our art, and of all
those studies which we rightly call humanistic.
...'■' It seems doubtful to us Americans that
Western culture can survive in Europe if Europe
does not take the road to political unity. If Euro-
pean culture cannot survive here but succumbs to
the Soviet wave, then all over the world there
must be a tremendous change in the cultural
orientation.
With some such thoughts in mind I accepted the
post as High Commissioner for the United States
in Germany when it was offered to me by President
Eisenhower. With such thoughts and anxieties I
came to Germany, and I was deeply impressed and
delighted to find how many manifestations there
were of this ^^drang nach einem europaeischen
Zusammenschluss.''^ Unless I am much mistaken,
we are already seeing the beginnings of a new era.
The organization of the North Atlantic Treaty,
the Schuman plan, the signing of the Edc treaties,
and now, to repeat, the completion of the work of
the Political Committee, all adds up to a new hope
for us today. That I, as High Commissioner for
Germany, may be able to do something to further
this great movement is my sincere hope. Anyone
who can take a part, however small, in furthering
European unity will be furthering the cause of
our common civilization.
With a firm confidence that you, with the other
European nations, will make still further progress,
I bring you once again the greeting of the free
people of the United States.
Germany Ratifies Contractuals
and EDC Treaty
Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 146 dated March 19
I am indeed happy that the Bundestag, or lower
House, of the German Federal Republic has rati-
fied the contractuals and the European Defense
Community Treaty. This marks a truly signifi-
cant step forward in the cause of fiuroisean
strength and unity.
"Wliile the Bundesrat, or upper House of the
Parliament, must now pass on the agreements, the
historic Bundestag action means that the agree-
ments have at last been sanctioned by a conti-
nental European lawmaking body for the first
time.
There is now increasing likelihood that the
European Defense Community will become a
reality.
470
Department of State Bulletin
Creating an Effective Free World Economy
iy Myron M. Cowen
Ambassador to Belgium ^
It is fitting and appropriate that we should dis-
cuss today the reduction of the barriers to inter-
national trade because this subject has been re-
ceiving increasing attention on both sides of the
Atlantic Ocean. It is one of the major parts of
the great problem before the nations of the free
^orid— the creation of an effective and integrated
economy on this side of the Iron Curtain.
It is the common awareness of this problem, both
in Europe and in the United States, that has been
responsible for the wide acceptance of such phrases
as "trade, not aid."
As you know, President Eisenhower and becre-
tary of State Dulles have expressed the views of
the new Administration about barriers to inter-
national trade. In the State of the Union Mes-
sao-e,^ the President recommended to Congress
that'the Eeciprocal Trade Agreements Act be ex-
tended, and he asked for revisions of our customs
regulations to remove procedural obstacles to
trcidc.
Since he has taken oflice Mr. Dulles has told a
Senate committee that it should be a policy of the
United States to "encourage the volume of world
trade on a mutually advantageous basis."
The Thinking of U.S. Business Groups
Within the last 6 months some of the most
powerful and influential business and industrial
groups in the United States have taken an active
leadership in speaking for the revision of our
tariff laws and the reduction of trade barriere.
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce in one of its
recent Washington reports called for "a program
for removing actual as well as psychological
barriers facing the European exporter." The
chamber's report said :
If the United States is to strive for balance in trade
based on a freer access to American marl^ets, it Is reason-
' Excerpts from an address made on Mar. 4 before the
Brussels Chamlier of Commerce at Brussels, Belgium.
' Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 207.
March 30, 1953
able to ask whether we can't do more to encourage Euro-
pean producers to compete.
The very influential Detroit Board of Commerce
recently issued a statement of policy in which they
said:
we advocate a complete revision of the Tariff Law
of 1930 and the establishment of a tariff law consistent
with the economic facts of our time — leading towards tiie
eventual elimination of all tariff barriers in the United
States and the world.
I have cited these last two statements because I
believe them illustrative of a trend in the thinking
of business and industrial groups in the United
States. In addition, when we consider the Ameri-
can attitude today toward a general reduction of
trade barriers, it is also worth recalling that the
Democratic Party has been for years the consistent
sponsor of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act.
The great and broad problem that we are faced
with today is the creation of an effective and
integrated" economy among the nations of the free
world. It is only by making the maximum use
of our physical assets and our productive capacity
that we can create among the free nations the
strength which alone is the guaranty of their
security.
To build this strength, we must work for the
achievement of the maximum circulation of raw
materials, processed goods, and services among
various parts of our free-world economy. _ To
achieve this, one of the very important steps is to
reduce the barriers to international trade. This
problem is receiving much attention at this time,
and I believe we are going to see increasing signs
of tangible progress toward its solution.
But there is another problem equally important
in building up our strength. That is to work
toward the achievement of the maximum produc-
tivity among the nations of the free world.
A phenomenon of the last 50 years that distin-
guishes them from any other similar period of
history has been the 'fantastic increase in the
471
amount man has been able to produce. This is
generally measured in terms of productivity of
man-hours of work. Especially since the First
World War, the United States has been able to in-
crease the productivity of an hour of man's work
until today we have far surpassed the standards
that exist anywhere else in the world. To cite
just one example, in 1950 one half a million coal
miners in the United States dug more coal than all
of Europe's two million coal miners.
I have said that tlie United States has achieved
greater output per man-hour than exists in any
other part of the world, not because we have any
childish desire to boast but because a high level
of output per man-hour is essential to the free
world. I think that we in the United States have
some experience in productivity that is valuable.
And the free world must maintain a higher pro-
ductivity than the slave world back of the Iron
Curtain or the free world will perish.
Many reasons are advanced to explain the high
level of American productivity : The size of the
United States ; its wealth as it is measured in temis
of natural resources; and sometimes the size of
what is called our internal market. This reason-
ing is, I think, mistaken. There are larger areas
and more populated ones, and we do not control a
preponderance of the world's physical assets.
America's High Level of Productivity
The answer lies in other factors and one of the
most important of these is the relationship that
exists between labor and management.
This I would particularly like to emphasize
today for three reasons : first, because the develop-
ment of good relations between labor and manage-
ment has contributed tremendously to the high
level of productivity in the United States; second ,
because we have learned from mistakes in such
relatively recent years that the experience is fresh
in our consciousness; and third, because I believe
that some of the lessons we have learned in our own
social relations have value in other industrial
economies similar to ours.
We have, in a relatively very short time, gone
through an extreme evolution in the relationship
between labor and management. Well into the
19th century labor organizations were still re-
garded as "conspiracies" and "unlawful combina-
tions." It was not until the middle of the 1930's
that there was general recognition in our indus-
trial society of the right of workers to be repre-
sented by unions of their choice in their negotia-
tions with management. And it has been within
the last 1.5 years tliat there has been nnitual recog-
nition that labor, through its union organization,
and management can both make constructive con-
tributions to industrial enterprise.
For 100 years one of the driving forces in the
American economy has been the feeling on the
part of the worker that he could share in its
profits. By the middle of the 1920's, the Ameri-I
can industrialist had taken the initiative in the
expression and working out of a philosophy of
industrial society. As technical improvements
and new inventions added to the productivity of
industry, this formula was expressed as being a
division of the gains from increased productivity
between three groups: the manufacturer, the
consumer, and the worker.
The formula was there, and it had been ex-
pressed in the 1920's, but it worked very unevenly.
For the average worker the formula was forgotten
under tlie pressure of the great depression of 1929.
But witli the new resurgence of business activity
in the middle thirties, the formula was remem-
bered. The competitive pressures upon the
American manufacturer in the years after the
first great war made him constantly seek a higher
level of consumption in order to get a greater vol-
ume of trade. To achieve increasingly greater
consumption he kept tiying to cut prices of his
product and to make luxuries available for a mass
market.
Thus it became true in the United States in the
1920's that what had been luxuries to one genera-
tion became necessities to another. Two examples
will illustrate this: the telephone and the
automobile.
In the 1930's, the United States experienced a
series of bitter labor-management struggles.
Labor, on its part, remembered the cut wages and
layoffs of the depression while at the same time
wishing to share in the fruits of American pro-
ductivity. Labor organized itself rapidly in these
years into unions, and tliere were long and bitter
fights while unions fought for recognition by
management. For a long time management
fought stubbornly against the new unions. It
regarded them as a threat to the rights to manage.
Slowly at first, but increasingly rapidly, this
struggle has clianged as management has come
first to accept the existence of labor unions and
then to encourage their cooperation.
Today the acceptance of the labor union as an
important institution in American industrial life
can be measured "by the estimated 100,000 or
more'' agreements that are in effect that have been
negotiated between labor and management.
Confidence Between Labor and Management
But more important than any quantitative mea-
sure of the value of labor's participation in
America's industrial life is the qualitative mea-
sure of the climate of confidence that is increas-
ingly developing between labor and management.
We have not reached Utopia in our labor-
management relations, but we have been able to
establish bearings on a course that we wish to
pursue. Each year American industrial society
produces more examples of honest, creative co-
operation between management and labor; exam-
ples where the industrial process is construed as
472
Department of State Bulletin
a partnership to which each contributes skill and
techniques.
I have talked to you frankly about the progress
we have made in labor-management relations be-
cause I believe we can share our common experi-
ence in this field as we share it in others like
finance and business.
Our Embassy here has followed with great in-
terest the new approach that you have developed
in the postwar years to secure labor participation
in the making of economic policy. We have
been interested in the machinery that you have
established under your "Reforms of Structure
Program" for joint labor and industry participa-
tion in industrial problems. Your institutional
process calls for meetings between labor and in-
dustry at the plant level in your Works' Council ;
at the industry level, and at a national level in
the Central Economic Council.
I have been very interested to leani that the
Central Economic Council is now making a study
of the "Green Pool"' project for the integration of
Western European agricultui'al production.
Your recognition that labor can make a con-
structive contribution to the resolution of broad,
international economic problems is another ex-
ample of the progressive quality of Belgian society.
Your free unions, like ours, have taken an active
role in the support of j'our foreign policies. As
our unions gave vigorous support to the Marshall
plan and the Mutual Security Program, your
unions gave strong support to Belgian participa-
tion in the Eui'opean Coal and Steel Community.
I have emphasized the part that organized labor
has played in building up our productivity and the
contributions that it has made, here and in the
United States, to the development of foreign pol-
icy. These values are real and are not to be under-
estimated. But organized labor has had another
role to play that is vital to the future of our civil-
ization.
Our industrial age has had some great defects.
It has brought large quantities of men away from
the community life of the village and the country.
It has dropped them as rootless and friendless
transients in great cities. It is always a risk of our
machine age that it may value man only as a ma-
chine. For many years our industrial society val-
ued man for his hands and forgot to value him for
his head and his heart.
We have never been so rich that we could afford
this poverty that we forced upon ourselves. One
of the gi-eat roles that our unions have played has
been to bring back the participation of man as a
thinking as well as a toiling unit of society, and
perhaps the greatest role the unions have played
has been to allow our workers to regain their dig-
nity as equals among equals.
Secretary Dulles and Belgian Foreign
Minister Exchange Views
Press release 142 dated March 17
The Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paul
Van Zeeland, and Secretary of State John Foster
Dulles have had a very cordial exchange of views,
March 16 and 17, regarding the several questions
of common interest to their two Governments.
This was a continuation of the talks which they
had when the Secretary of State was in Brussels
in February.
During the course of their conversations they
reviewed among other questions, the following:
1. Tlie developments in the common defense
action within the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization.
2. The progress in connection with European
military, political, and economic integration.
3. The economic and financial problems of in-
terest to the two countries.
The position of Belgium within the North At-
lantic Treaty Organization as well as the steps
which Belgium has taken to date to achieve rati-
fication and to further the establishment of the
Eurof)ean Defense Community have been ac-
corded the special attention of Mr. Van Zeeland
and Mr. Dulles. They have recognized the im-
portance of an early ratification of the European
Defense Community Treaty which, although of
European inspiration, is of great interest to the
United States.
President's Message to Turkey
on Earthquake Disaster
Press release 148 dated March 20
On March 19 President Eisenhower sent the
follov'ing message to CelalBayar, President of the
Republic of Turkey:
I am deeply grieved over reports of the earth-
quake which has brought disaster to so many of
your countrymen. Please accept my heartfelt
sj-mpathy, and that of the American people. The
American Red Cross stands ready to assist in any
way that it can. Best personal regards.
D WIGHT D. ElSENHOWEK
March :iO, J 953
473
strong Protests Made Against Czechoslovak Attack on U.S. Aircraft
On March 11 Ambassador George Wadsworth
delivered a note to the Czechoslovak Mmistry of
Foreign Affairs at Prague in protest of an attach
iy Czechoslovak aircraft upon U.S. aircraft in the
U.S. Zone of Germany on March 10. The Czecho-
slovak Government replied on March 11 to this
note, xchereupon the United States sent a second
note categorically rejecting the Czechoslovak re-
ply. This second U.S. note also: 1) requested
assurances that such incidents icotdd not he re-
peated; 2) expressed the expectation that prompt
disciplinary measures would he taken to assure
against repetitions ; and 3) requested immediate
compensation for the U.S. plane destroyed.
Following are the texts of the first U.S. note
dated March 10 and communicated on March 11,
the Czechoslovak reply of March 11, and the sec-
ond U. S. note of A/arch 13:
TEXT OF U.S. NOTE OF MARCH 10
Under instructions of my Government, I have
the honor to protest, in strongest terms, the action
of Czechoslovak military aircraft in violating the
United States Zone of Germany and attacking
United States military aircraft at's :08 A. M.. EST,
March 10, 1953 at 12 degrees 25 minutes east longi-
tude, 49 degrees 15 minutes north latitude.
TEXT OF CZECHOSLOVAK REPLY OF MARCH 11
On instiuctions from its Government, the Min-
istry of Foreign Affairs protests most strongly
against the violation of the Czechoslovak border
and of Czechoslovak airspace by United States
military aircraft, which occurred on March 10,
195,3.
On March 10, 1953, two United States jet air-
craft F 84 entered the Czechoslovak state territory.
At 11 : 05 a. m. they met with Czechoslovak fighters
on patrol at a distance of 18 km. south-southeast
of Plzen, at a distance of 40 km. from the state
frontiers. The United States planes were called
upon to land. They did not comply with this chal-
lenge. In the engagement which ensued one of
the United States planes took flight to the West,
the second plane was hit, caught fire, and, falling
constantly, disappeared to the Southwest.
The Czechoslovak Government has on several
occasions already sharply protested against the
systematic and deliberate violations of the Czecho-
slovak airspace by United States military air-
craft. At the same time, the Czechoslovak Gov-
ernment pointed out categorically that the full
responsibility for the overflights of Czechoslovak
territory by United States aircraft, as well as
for the consequences of these overflights, rests
solely with the Government of the United States.
Faced by irrevocable facts and irrefutable proof,
the Government of the United States in numerous
instances was obliged to admit the violation of
Czechoslovak airspace and repeatedly assured the
Czechoslovak Government that it has taken
measures to prevent the violation of the Czecho-
slovak aerial border. The Embassy of the United
States even stated that the pilots of high-speed
aircraft were under instruction not to fly within
10 miles of the United States zonal boundary
bordering on Czechoslovakia. In spite of the
urgent warnings of the Czechoslovak Goverimient
as to tlie consequences of the violation of the
Czechoslovak border by United States aircraft,
and in spite of the repeated assurances on the part
of the Government of the United States, the syste-
matic and deliberate entries by United States air-
craft of Czechoslovak territory have continued.
The new penetration of United States military
aircraft over Czechoslovak state territory on
March 10, 1953, is only a continuation of the prov-
ocations committed hitherto.
The Czeclioslovak Government protests most
strongly against the violations of Czechoslovak
territorial integrity by United States aircraft and
affirms once more that the full responsibility for
the overflights of United States planes over
Czechoslovak territory and for the consequences
of such overflights rests solely with the Govern-
ment of the United States of America.
The note of the Ambassador of the United
States, No. 2 of March 11, 1953, is but an unsuc-
cessful attempt to distort the true facts and thus
to escape responsibility. On instructions from its
Government, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
therefore, categorically rejects this note.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs assures the
Embassy of the United States of America of its
consideration.
474
Department of Slate Bulletin
TEXT OF U.S. NOTE OF MARCH 13
Press release 134 dated March 13
I am further instructed by the United States
Government, in supplement to my Government s
protest of March 10 communicated to Your Ex-
cellency in my note of March 11 to reject the note
of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs dated March 11
concerning the incident of March 10 in which two
United States F-84 planes were attacked by
Czechoslovak MIG aircraft over the United States
Zone of Germany.
Further investigation of this incident immedi-
ately protested by the United States shows that
the two F-84 aircraft in question were under
United States radar surveillance at all times.
The radar reports indicate conclusively the fol-
lowing facts :
The American aircraft did not cross the Czech-
oslovak border at any time.
The United States planes were sent up to in-
vestigate after unidentified aircraft were detected
on the radar scoj^e. They were met by two MIG
aircraft approaching from the east at 12 degrees
25 minutes east longitude and 49 degrees 15 min-
utes north latitude. A MIG plane closed on the
tail of one of the F-84 aircraft to less than 100
yards and opened fire. The American plane was
hit in the right stabilizer and the tip tank was
knocked off. The plane which could no longer
be controlled crashed immediately afterwards in
the United States Zone, and the pilot also came
down by parachute in the United States Zone.
It is thus established beyond question that the
MIG planes crossed the border into the United
States Zone and attacked the United States air-
craft and that the actual shooting occurred within
the United States Zone.
The Czechoslovak Government's attempted ex-
planation of this provocative incident is a falsi-
fication of facts designed to cover its responsibility
for this inexcusable action.
The United States in the interest of border
tranquillity and international amity, has always
taken strict measures to avoid violations of the
Czechoslovak border by the United States air-
craft. In the same spirit, if after careful investi-
gation it has been found that an inadvertent
violation had in fact occurred in spite of such
measures, the United States acknowledged the
violation and took renewed precautions. In the
great majority of Czechoslovak protests of fron-
tier violations investigation has disclosed that the
Czechoslovak charges were false.
On its side the United States has not issued any
protest of the repeated Czechoslovak violations of
the zonal frontier without firm assurance of the
correctness of the facts presented in the protest.
The United States has had frequent occasion in
the past to call the attention of Czechoslovakia
to its attitude of not recognizing a violation on
its part no matter to what extent its representatives
were culpable and of failing to state what meas-
ures were being taken to prevent such incidents.
After repeated representations along these lines
the Embassy elicited a statement from the Min-
istry in a note dated August 10, 1951 that the
Czechoslovak Air Force was instructed to keep at
a distance of 20 kilometers from the United States
Zone of Germany, and the Ministry admitted
thereafter several incidents of violations of the
frontier by Czechoslovak aircraft.
The flagrant incident of March 10 indicates,
however, that the Czechoslovak Government has
reverted to its previous practice of misrepresenta-
tion. The facts in this case indicate that the as-
surance that the Czechoslovak Air Force does not
fly within 20 kilometers of the frontier and that
precautions are taken not to violate the frontier
is no longer operative. Moreover, it is incontro-
vertible that in the present incident Czechoslovak
aircraft, acting recklessly and without giving
warning of any kind, opened fire on a United
States aircraft engaged in normal and peaceful
patrol activity over the United States Zone of
Germany.
In view of this attitude of the Czechoslovak
Government, the United States authorities in Ger-
many will take the measures necessary to prevent
any further violations of the border of the United
States Zone by Czechoslovak aircraft and any
repetition of the present incident.
The United States Government calls upon the
Czechoslovak Government for an expression of
regret for this irresponsible action and an assur-
ance that no such incidents as this will occur
again. It furthermore expects that the Czecho-
slovak authorities will take prompt disciplinary
measures to insure against wanton actions of this
kind in the future. Since the Czechoslovak Gov-
ernment is clearly responsible for the destruction
of the United States aircraft shot down, the
United States Government expects immediate
compensation for the value of the property
destroyed.
Sulphur Allocations Discontinued
The Sulphur Committee of the International
Materials Conference announced on March 2 that
its member governments have accepted its recom-
mendation to discontinue international allocations
for sulphur, effective March 1, 1953.
The Committee noted that the substantial im-
provement which had taken place in the sulphur
position over the last 6 months of 1952 was con-
tinuing in the current half year. The Committee's
review of the situation also indicated that there are
prospects for a reasonable balance between world
supply and demand for the remainder of 1953.
March 30, 1953
475
Disarmament As One of the Vital Conditions of Peace
Statement hy Ernest A. Gross
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly '
\
I
U.S. /U.N. press release dated March 18
This session of the General Assembly, like those
before it, is concerned with some of the great
issues of war and peace. We live in a world in
whicli armed aggression is being employed as an
instrmnent of national policy, in which whole
nations are subjected to foreign tyranny, and in
which despotic governments use the weapons of
secrecy, hatred, and fear to poison men's minds
and to paralyze their will to resist tyranny.
In such a world, as the President of the United
States said in his Inaugural Address:
... we hold it to be the first task of statesmanship to
develop the strength that will deter the forces of ag-
gression and promote the conditions of peace. . . .
The problem of first priority is, of course, to
deal vigorously with issues invohnng life and
death of men on the battlefield. The aggression
in Korea casts black shadows on all the other
issues which demand solution. There is no room
in the modern world for conquest of othei-s,
whether by arms or by stealth. We shall not
forsake those who have been put under bondage
by foreign masters. It remains our purpose also
to make the most determined efforts to preserve
and expand free institutions and individual
liberties everywhere.
Under these circumstances, what is the true sig-
nificance of our efforts to achieve disarmament?
To some, it may seem foolish to press onward with
these efforts at a time when we are necessarily de-
voting so much of our energy and resources to
the creation of strength in the free world. We
do not hold to this point of view. As the means
of waging war steadily increase in deadly effec-
tiveness, it is the highest part of responsibility to
continue efforts toward disarmament.
Tliis we regard as one of the vital conditions
of peace. It is proof of the fact that the Ameri-
' Made on Mar. 18 in Committee I (Political and
Security ) .
can people have an abiding concern in attaining
a peaceful world.
The work of the Disarmament Commission and
its obstruction by the Soviet Government sharply
reveals conflicting attitudes toward peace. As
we see it, peace is a relationship between nations
in which they can practice tolerance and live with
one another as good neighbors. There is no room
in this conception for surrender by one nation to
threats or domination by another.
The Soviet Government, both under its past
and present leadership, has talked much about
"peace." I hope that in Prime Mini-ster Malen-
kov's speech the word "peace" is used as it is
understood by the rest of the world.- There are
many ways by which this can be put to the test
by deeds. Disarmament is one of the clearest test-
ing points of all.
It seems to me right and proper to ask two sim-
ple questions of the Soviet representative sitting
here with us. To these questions we want no
quick debaters' answers. Instead, we would prefer
the considered reply of the Soviet Government.
Here, then, are my two questions :
1. Is this a time when the Soviet Government
is willing to discuss constructively the subject of
disarmament which the Charter recognizes is so
important for the attaiimient of conditions of
peace ?
2. Is this a forum in which the Soviet repre-
sentative will negotiate with his colleagues in or-
der to give tangible form in this particular field
to what the Soviet rulers claim is their "tried and
tested policy of peace" ?
The Soviet Government should recognize the
challenge in our renewed suggestion that they
negotiate in good faith on the problem of dis-
armament. An effective system of disarmament
' Reference here is to Georgi Malenkov's address before
the Supreme Soviet on Mar. 15.
476
Department of State Bulletin
will provide the best insurance against aggression
by anybody against anybody, for it will remove
the armed strength which makes aggression pos-
sible. •■ ■ ^1 -n.-
We are proud of our own record in the Dis-
armament Commission and of the useful contri-
butions made to its work by all of its members,
excepting alone the Soviet Government. Let me
summarize the honest and practical proposals we
advanced, in several instances, along with the
United Kingdom and France. Then, contrast this
with the attitude of the Soviet Union.
Resume of U.S. Proposals on Disarmament
(1) Essential Principles— Obviously, consider-
able progress could be made in the field of dis-
armament if there could be agreement upon the
essential principles of a disarmament program.
The General Assembly in its resolution of Janu-
ary 11, 1952,^ approved certain general principles.
Plans for disarmament should provide for the
regulation, limitation, and balanced reduction of
a?/ armed forces and all armaments. They should
make possible the elimination of all major weap-
ons adaptable to mass destruction. Disarmament
plans should provide for effective international
regulation and control of atomic energy to insure
the prohibition of atomic weapons and the use of
atomic energy for peaceful purposes only. Also,
a genuine system of disarmament must include
all kinds of armed forces and armaments. It
must be accepted by all nations whose military
resources are such "that their failure to acce])t
would endanger the system. And it must include
safeguards to ensure the compliance of all such
nations.
Although the adoption by the General Assembly
of these principles was a good start, we felt that
there were certain additional principles which
must underlie any program. We therefore intro-
duced such principlesin the Disarmament Com-
mission in April 1952.*
In the first place, we pointed out that the goal
of disarmament is to prevent war, not merely to
regulate the armaments to be used in war. All
nations, and most particularly those who use ag-
gression as an instrument of policy, should be de-
prived of the temjitation to wage war by removing
the means of waging war.
This goal can be achieved only through coopera-
tion of all states to establish an open and sub-
stantially disarmed world. In such a world, the
level of armed forces and armaments would be so
low that no state would be in a condition of armed
preparation sufficient to start a war. An oiTen
world is one in which no state could make prepa-
rations for war without other states knowing
about it.
In addition, we have to keep in mind the kind
' P.mxETiN of Mar. ?>1, 19.52, p. 507.
* Ibid.. May 12, 1952, p. 752.
March 30, 1953
of international agreements needed to achieve
disarmament.
We start with a situation in which the Soviet
Union has a large preponderance of arms and of
armaments in many fields. This superiority is
dangerous to international peace ancl security.
Any disarmament program which fails to take
this fact into account would be a peril to peace
rather than progress toward peace. ^Yhat is
essential is a full and coordinated program, bal-
anced throughout the process of reduction so as
to avoid tilting the scales against peace. Tins
has as its objective a drastic reduction of national
armaments and the complete elimination of mass
armies and other instruments of mass destruction,
including atomic and bacteriological weapons.
But we insist that during the entire process of
disarmament there shall be no unbalancing of
armed strength dangerous to international peace
and security. In other words, we insist that any
program must at all stages be fair to all coun-
ti-ies— to the free world as well as to the Soviet
Union. In contrast, the Soviet Union insists
upon a program which if carried out would com-
pletely upset the balance of armed strength.
Their proposals would make the rest of the world
helpless to resist Soviet aggression during the
period when the program was being carried out.
It would be an incentive to aggression rather than
a deterrent.
(2) Disclosure and Verification— In the resolu-
tion of January 11, 1952, the sixth General Assem-
bly directed the Commission to consider from
the outset plans for progressive and continuing
disclosure and verification of all armed forces and
armaments. This was recognized as the necessary
first step in carrying out the disarmament pro-
gram. It simply" means telling the truth and giv-
fng proof that what you tell is true.
We submitted to the Commission on April 5
specific proposals on this matter.'
We do not, and we never have, regarded reveal-
ing the truth concerning armaments as a substi-
tute for disarmament. On the contrary^ it is an
essential part of a reduction program. You don't
know how to get where you're going unless you
know where you're starting from. We regard
information "as the starting point— not the
destination.
Then we suggested that disclosure and verifaca-
tion should be carried out progressively, step by
step. We did this because we wanted to si^eed up
the disarmament program. In the existing world
tension it would not'be possible for states to dis-
close at the outset their most secret weapons and
installations. This must wait for the develop-
ment of greater international confidence. Ac-
cordingly, we believe that disclosure and verifica-
tion should proceed from the less secret to the
more secret information. This would prevent
'/6i<J., Apr. 14, 1952, p. 586.
477
premature disclosure of more secret information
until substantial pood faith and cooperation had
been demonstrated. Moreover, it is a good place
to stait because the less secret information is easier
to verify.
However, we suggested a very sizeable disclos-
ure in the first state. It is our opinion that in the
field of atomic energy, upon the successful com-
pletion of the first stage of disclosure and veri-
fication, as outlined in our proposals, all govern-
ments would have a clear, although general, indi-
cation of the existing atomic strength of all other
states. It goes without saying that all govern-
ments would also have a clear indication of the
existing strength in armed forces and nonatomic
armaments of all other states. We believe that
the successful completion of this first stage would
do much to inspire international confidence and
good will. In fact, it is difficult to conceive of
any step in the armaments field which would con-
tribute more to international peace and security.
At all stages, the disclosure and verification of
atomic weapons would roughly parallel the dis-
closure and verification in nonatomic fields. Wb
made clear that these proposals are not to be con-
sidered as final and unchangeable in any sense of
the word. . . .
(3) Numerical Limitation of Armed Forces —
Along with the United Kingdom and France, we
submitted in May 1952 proposals to fix numerical
ceiling on the armed forces of all states.^ The
Three Powers emphasized that limiting the num-
bers of armed forces was only a part of the Dis-
armament Commission's task. It is necessary, for
example, also to limit the types and quantities of
armaments which should be allowed to support
permitted armed forces. In our view, however,
even tentative agreement on ceilings for permitted
armed forces would greatly ease the way to agree-
ment on other fundamental matters.
The essence of our proposals was the suggestion
that there should be equal maximum ceilings for
the United States, the U.S.S.R.. and China of, say,
between 1,000,000 and 1,500,000; that the maxi-
mum ceilings for the United Kingdom and France
should be equal, say between 700,000 and 800,000.
As for all other states having substantial armed
forces, there should be agreed maximum ceilings
fixed in relation to the ceilings agreed upon by the
Five Great Powers. We thought these ceilings
might be normally less than one percent of the
population and nomially less than current levels.
These proposals differ considerably from the
Soviet scheme, which calls for a reduction by an
arbitrary percentage of one-third from unknown
levels. Our proposals would lead to reduction in
the armed forces of the United States and of the
Soviet Union far in excess of the 331/3 percent re-
duction proposed by the Soviet Union. Moreover,
they differ from the Soviet proposals in suggesting
fixed ceilings in balance with each other, so that
'Ibid., .Tune 9, 1952, p. 910.
none of the Five Powers would have cause to fear I
attack from the other. And they cover all states '
with substantial armed forces, while the Soviet I
scheme deals only with the Five Powers. In other '
words, our plan would have the effect of eliminat- I
ing the imbalance of armed strength which causes '
some nations to fear that they live only at the '
whim of a more powerful neighbor. I
(4) Control of Atomic Energy — The General
Assembly, in its resolution of January 11, 1952, '
suggested that the Disarmament Commission be '
guided by the following principle in regard to con- '
trol of atomic energy :
Unless a better or no less effective system is devised,
the United Nations plan for international control of
atomic enerfry and tlie prohibition of atomic weapons
should continue to serve as the basis for the international
control of atomic energy and to ensure the prohibition of
atomic weapons and the use of atomic energy for peaceful
purposes only.
In the light of this resolution, we continued to
support the U.N. atomic energy plan, reaffirming
our willingness to examine seriously and with an
open mind any other proposals for atomic control
which might be presented.
x\s I have stated, our proposals for disclosure
and verification of armed forces and armaments
expressly provide for the disclosure of atomic
armaments. This was a new proposal.
We recognize that the disclosure and verification
system, in and by itself, is not enough to protect
the world against the danger of violation of agree-
ments eliminating atomic weapons. However, it
is obviously impossible to have an effective system
of controls of atomic energy which does not include
the disclosure and verification of atomic installa-
tions and atomic weapons.
The Soviet Government has so far rejected our
proposal for an effective system of disclosure and
verification. They have refused to explain the
meaning of their vague proposals. They have
been utterly silent regarding the kind of inter-
national inspection which would be acceptable to
them and yet not subject to Soviet veto in its appli-
cation. In the light of this attitude, whicn we
hope will change, we saw little point in going into
detailed discussions of other controls.
(5) Bacteriological Warfare — We also pre-
sented to the Disarmament Commission our views
favoring the elimination of bacteriological
weapons from national armaments, the method
of achieving this result, and the relationship
of this problem to the broader problem of
disarmament.
( 6 ) Summary of United States Proposals — Our
proposals covered the main topics with which we
must deal if we are to have an effective disarma-
ment progi-am. We did not go into minute de-
tail in the Commission ; we did not pretend that
our suggestions represented the last word that
could be spoken.
I affirm, however, that our proposals were a
sincere and constructive effort to reduce inter-
478
Depariment of State BuUefin
.national tensions and to advance the cause of
lasting peace. If, in the future, we make real
progress toward removing the causes of mutual
. iear and distrust among nations, so as to make
possible drastic reduction in armed forces and
, armaments, the framework for such reduction wdl
! bear a great similarity to the proposals which we
' advanced iu the Disarmament Commission.
All members of the Disarmament Commission,
with the exception of the Soviet Government,
' welcomed every one of our proposals. I do not
imply that they endorsed the proposals in their
entirety. To the contrary, they criticized certain
of the proposals and made suggestions to improve
. them. However, they recognized the genuine
, efforts which we were making to break the logjam
leading to the constant increase in size and fear-
fulness of all armed establishments.
The Soviet Attitude
' Only the Soviet Govennnent rejected our efforts
to secure international cooperation in a construc-
tive approach to the disarmament problem.
There is nothing new about the pattern of ob-
structionism which the Soviet Union pursued in
the Disarmament Commission: the pattern of
bringing up irrelevancies and seeking to prevent
international organizations from carrying out the
responsibilities assigned to them.
Outside the United Nations, in the meetings of
the Austrian Treaty deputies, Soviet delegates
meet concrete proposals for the reconstruction of
Austrian independence with irrelevant demands
concerning Trieste or denazification. The U.N.
Commission to investigate conditions for free elec-
I tions in Germany is an example of a commission
created by the General Assembly, and continuing
j in existence, which has been completely thwarted
I in the performance of its mission solely by the ob-
structive tactic of denying the Commission access
to the Soviet Zone in Germany. The tactics ini-
tiated by the U.S.S.R. in the Disarmament Com-
mission were strikingly similar.
During the same meeting of the Disarmament
Commission, in which we appealed to all nations
to join in honest efforts toward disarmament, the
Soviet representative responded by making the
utterly false charge that the United Nations was
waging bacteriological warfare in Korea. All
members of the Commission were outraged. They
at once protested that this charge was intended
merely to poison the atmosphere of the Commis-
sion and to prevent any real progress.
A similar example of Soviet obstruction came
up in connection with the adoption by the Com-
mission of a plan of work. As if to boast of its
contempt for the work of the Commission, the
Soviet Government proposed as a so-called "plan
of work" nothing more or less than the same old
proposals which they have been advancing for
years and which the General Assembly has con-
March 30, 1953
sistently rejected. Far from being a "plan of
work," it was an ultimatum. For, if the Soviet
suggestion had been adopted, the Disarmament
Commission would have been able to consider only
the Soviet proposals— nothing different and noth-
ing more.
The Soviet Union submitted nothing to the
Commission beyond this so-called "plan of work."
It is true that the Soviet Government used slightly
different language than it had previously used.
In particular, the Soviet representative spoke of
an appropriate system of guarantees for the observation
of the General Assembly's decision on the prohibition of
atomic weapons and the reduction of armaments to con-
duct inspections on a continuing basis without the right
to interfere in the domestic affairs of states.
What do these phrases mean ? Repeated efforts
were made by members of the Disarmament Com-
mission to find out. The Soviet representative de-
scribed all these efforts to determine the meaning
of his proposal as "playing at questions and an-
swers." He flatly declared that uidess the U.N.
atomic energy plan were withdrawn "there is no
need for me to give any details."
Despite this attitude, we feel a responsibility to
persevere in our efforts to find a solution. It is
a good and useful thing that the governments of
the free world, and their peoples behind them,
should understand the issues involved and reach
agreement upon them. The assembled might and
the moral unity of the free world will provide
the unshakeable foundation of peace.
We have therefore joined with other states in
cosponsoring a resolution continuing the Commis-
sion and requesting it to report again to the Gen-
eral Assembly and to the Security Council no later
than September 1, 1953.' We believe that the Gen-
eral Assembly, in this resolution, should reiterate
its desire that constructive proposals be submitted
to the Commission.
In concluding, let me repeat the basic policies
to which my Government has pledged itself
through its adherence to the U.N. Charter. All
members of the United Nations have agreed ' to
refrain in their international relations from the
threat or use of force against the territorial in-
tegrity or political independence of any state, or
in'^any other manner inconsistent with the pur-
poses of the United Nations." In itself, this com-
mitment is a pledge against aggression with any
weapon or in any form. It is a pledge against the
use of armed force "save in the common interest.
The United States reaffirms this pledge. It is
a commitment not merely to avoid the use of any
particular weapons, but to refrain from the use
of force in any form contrary to the Charter of
the United Nations. That is why we loyally sup-
port the work of the Disarmament Commission.
We look forward to the day when the blind and
reckless forces which now obstruct it will be
brought to a realization of their error.
' U.N. doc. A/C. 1/Ii. 30, dated Mar. 17, 1953.
479
Spreading the Doctrines of Freedom
hy Mrs. Oswald B. Lord
U.S. Representative to the General Assemhly'
U.S./U.N. press release dated March 10
Sometimes it takes practical people, the people
who make things run, a long time to learn how to
use ideas that poets and prophets have always
known. The brotherhood of man, the oneness of
all people, has been recognized for thousands of
years m schools and churches and temples and
rnosques. Now it has become the working prin-
ciple upon which all wise and free governments,
and of course only free governments can be wise,
must base their policies.
In his inaugural address ' President Eisenhower
showed his profound understanding of this great
basic truth ; and he brought it, alive and inspiring,
into practical politics in the best sense of the
word — of both words.
He showed us a world in which some countries
are richer, much richer than others— our own the
richest of them all— but we are all bound together
by common needs as well as by common dangers.
The telephone, on whose wires all of our lives
seem to be strung these days, requires raw ma-
terials from 17 different countries. That's just
one of many material facts that bind us all' to-
gether into one big round package.
He showed us a world in which not only people
and places are tied together. All of our problems
and all of our policies are interconnected, too.
His speech talked of natural resources but it also
talked about faith. He talked about the enemies
of freedom and the terrible conflict which "strikes
directly at the faith of our fathers and the lives
of our sons." But in dealing with this conflict
and America's leadership of the free world, when
he talked of armaments he also talked about food.
He spoke of economic health, but that led im-
mediately into the importance of equal rights for
all mankind.
Adflress made bpfore the Philadeliiliia Bulletin Forum
at Philadelphia on Mar. 11. Mrs. Lord was confirmed on
Jan. 30 as U.S. representative on the Commission on
Human Rights.
' Bulletin of Feb. 2, 19.53, p. 167.
480
In sucli a world we could not possibly get along
without a world organization which was designed
to tackle all of these problems on a worldwide
basis. Some people think the United Nations
should concentrate on political problems and stop
fooling around with w4iat they call its idealistic,
or charitable, or even do-goodish social and eco-
nomic problems. Others think the United Nations
should stick to the economic and social problems —
where tlie Russians won't help, but can't stop the
work — to get more food to more people, and leave
the political questions to power politics where
they've always been.
It seems to me that the Charter of the United
Nations makes sense just because it sees the inter-
dependent world as it is and sees it whole.
Any attempt to consider problems of human
rights apart from political problems, or strategic
problems apart from human j^roblenis, couldn't
be any more successful than the old magician's
trick of cutting a woman in half. It might fool
the audience but it never fools the woman.
As we cannot tackle any jn-oblems apart from
all problems, so we cannot tackle them alone. Any
attempt to do so would be foolhardy and extrava-
gant. Since Aesop told the fable of the quarreling
brothers trying in vain to break a bundle of fag-
ots, men have realized that in union there is
strength.
In this city Benjamin Franklin said that: "We
must all hang together, or assuredly we shall all
hang separately." Both Aesop and Franklin
talked primarily of the value of unity in self-
defense. Unity, common effort for a common
cause, is equally valuable in the offensive against
hunger, poverty, disease, and violence. ,
Once we have faced the fact that it is in our
natmnal interest to have strong allies, prosperous
and loyal, we see that all U.N. programs to in-
crease food supply, to eliminate crippling disease,
to end the desperate terrors of poverty, are pro-
grams which support the fundamenta"l purposes
of our foreign policy.
Department of State Bulletin
The Preventive Medicine Approach
Let us look at one example of a U.N. economic
program from this point of view. In 1946 the
great workshop of Europe had stalled on dead
center. The United States embarked on the un-
precedented Marshall plan in order to start the
wheels turning once again. But while it was get-
ting under way, experts of the Economic Commis-
sion for Europe, a Commission under the U.N.
Economic and Social Council, were analyzing the
basic continuing causes of the difficulties Europe
faced.
They concluded that the economy of Europe
was trapped within a vicious circle. Weak and
undernourished, many European miners were un-
able to produce coal in the volume needed. The
shortage of coal held back steel production; and
without steel, farm implements could not be pro-
duced in quantity. Agricultural ]")roduction in
turn was held back to a considerable extent by
the shortage of farm machinery. Without more
food, the coal miners could not produce more
coal.
An analysis revealed, however, that much high-
grade coking coal, coal of strategic value in mak-
mg steel, was being wasted on less important uses,
such as heating hoizses which could be done as
well with a lower grade of coal. Upon the rec-
ommendation of the Commission, the countries
of Western Europe agreed on a system of allocat-
ing high-grade coal. The i-esult was an increase
of steel production amounting to hundreds of
thousands of tons, a major contribution toward
European recovery.
This kind of preventive medicine costs almost
nothing. Representatives of governments sat
arounci a table. They talked, they decided, and
they acted. Their decisions and the result was a
substantial improvement in their way of life, and
in the strength of their economy and of their gov-
ernments, and thus in the strength of the whole
free world.
But the free world these days extends far be-
yond Western Europe. It includes 15 nations
which only since the war have gained their inde-
pendence, are running their own domestic affairs,
are fixing their own foreign policies. Six hun-
dred million people live within these countries —
India, Pakistan, Indonesia, Jordan, Israel, Ko-
rea, Libya, to name a few.
Unity with these nations must be a part of our
foreign policy. Indonesia is withholding stra-
tegic rubber from Communist China in response
to a U.N. embargo. Should Indonesia change its
mind and decide that its best friends are the Com-
munists, we might soon notice the difference in
Korea.
It is important to us that these countries, now
in their formative years, learn and adopt the
practices of freedom and democracy. Commu-
nism is fighting hard for the minds of the people
of Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin
America. In many ways we are handicapped in
this struggle, for Western civilization is identified
with colonialism to many people in these regions.
Colonialism, while bringing advancement in many
ways, also left deep scars of resentment against
past practices.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
approved by the United Nations General Assem-
bly at Paris in 1948, has been of tremendous value
in spreading the doctrines of democracy. Sec-
tions of it which express the basic principles of
our own Bill of Rights — freedom of speech, free-
dom of the press, freedom of worship — have been
incorporated into the constitutions of several of
these new States.
The significance of this fact cannot be under-
estimated. It means that millions upon millions
of children are now being taught to honor the
fundamental tenets of liberty in their own basic
legal structure, just as our own children are
taught to honor our own Bill of Rights. The Dec-
laration of Human Rights is doing more to ad-
vance the cause of freedom, which must always
be the American cause, than thousands of Ameri-
can teachers could ever do, even if we could afford
to send them.
It is important not to undervalue the creative
constructive power of the Declaration of Human
Rights, even though it is without legal force. _ It
is doing an important job right now in preparing
the world for the time when it may be possible
to agree on an actual legal covenant or covenants
in the field of human rights. The educational
job of preparing the minds of men everywhere
to understand the meaning and responsibility of
freedom must make real progress before any cov-
enant can hope to stand up as law. A law which
does not have its roots in the popular will has no
more vitality than a plant in a thin soil.
As the Secretary of State said in Washington
last week "gi-eat changes, great developments,
usually come about slowly and not by a very sud-
den development. Sometimes they seem to come
about by a sudden development, but only if a great
deal of preparatory work has already been done
so that the ground has been laid." ^
Benjamin Franklin had another expression
which we might appropriately apply to foreign
affairs. In Poor Richard''s Almanac he wrote "It
is hard for an empty bag to stand upright." He
meant that poverty places a man's honesty to a
severe test. Adapting this adage to our foreign
relations, we might say that it is difficult for de-
mocracy to survive in the abysmal conditions of
poverty, disease, and ignorance prevailing among
two-thirds of the people of the globe. A starving
man will take four sandwiches before the four
freedoms, as it was so aptly put by the Pakistan
delegate to the United Nations.
Tlie necessity of spreading the doctrines of
'md.. Mar. 16, 1953, p. 402.
March 30, 7953
481
freedom is one of tlie main reasons for our foreign-
economic i)ro<;rams. In executing; them, we have
found that the jrreatest possibilities for improv-
ing living conditions lie in the people of the
countries needing help.
In the mountainous areas of Greece there was
fertile land, uncultivated, and willing farmers
with weeks of idle time each year and all because
there were no roads to take extra produce down to
the markets. If they planted more potatoes than
tliey could eat, the potatoes rotted. Through a
program set up by a member of the U.N. Social
Advisory Board, in cooperation with the Greek
Government, tens of thousands of men and women
organized their own voluntary road building
projects. Using picks and shovels made in their
local blacksmith shops and bought with their own
money, they constructed over 1,500 kilometers of
roads in 18 months.
The cost to the United States was a little more
than a third of the salary of one man. Value to
Greece: more work and more food for years and
years to come, grown by willing workers on their
own land. Enough food for its people is essen-
tial to the stability of the free Government of
Greece, as of any government. Value to the
United States: a more stable economy in a stra-
tegic part of the world.
Thus a small investment, a small amount of
assistance, can act as a catalyst stirring to life the
innate skills, ingenuities, and energies of large
numbers of people.
These are long-range matters, however. One
may rightfully ask, what is the evidence of U.N.
effectiveness in urgent questions of the hour?
Let me answer with another illustration.
Focusing World Public Opinion
In 1946 the Soviet Union declined to honor its
treaty with Iran and withdraw its occupation
troops after American and British forces had re-
tired. The diplomacy of another day might have
required a show of force, warships to the eastern
Mediterranean, bombing planes concentrated at
Near East bases.
Instead, the United States sent its Secretary of
State to the Security Council of the United Na-
tions. His attack, and that of others, on the con-
duct of the Soviet Union caused the famous walk-
out of Mr. Gromyko. That walkout became sym-
bolic, for the censure of the peoples of the world
became so strong that Russian forces marched out
of Iran.
Again in 1948, after a 2-week "police action,"
Dutch armies were in complete control of Indo-
nesia. The Republic's forces were defeated.
Their leaders were in jail. One year later, Indo-
nesia was a free republic. Its leaders were ruling
their people. A treaty had be«n signed with the
Netherlands. Dutch troops were withdrawing in
an orderly fashion. Yet no outside armies had
intervened.
Again, world public opinion, focused through
the United Nations, had gone to work. The con-
ciliations of a U.N. Good Offices Committee had
speeded the result. In two urgent cases, armies
were made to retreat without a shot being fired.
The United Nations played a key role in both
cases. Can there be any question that it is a tool
of extraordinai-y usefulness in foreign policy^ I
think not.
We cannot measure the value of these accom-
plishments in terms of the million and even bil-
lions of dollars saved. Surely it makes each U.S.
citizens' IG cents jjer year for his share of the
assessment for the United Nations and its special-
ized agencies seem like the greatest tax bargain
of all time.
I think the U.N. idea is just beginning to come
into its own, just beginning to be appreciated by
the American people. The flurry of frightened
attacks on the United Nations and the whole idea
of international organization have gotten far
more attention than they deserve not because they
represent American opinion, but because they
represent the unusual, and it's the unusual that
makes news.
Support for the United Nations doesn't make
news because it has become a fundamental of
sound American thinking about the world and our
place in it. Both parties included support for
the United Nations in their platforms. In the
last opinion polls, 77 percent of the American
people expressed their continued belief in the
United Nations. Thousands of visitors pom-
through the new U.N. buildings every week. Last
year, more than 5,200 communities celebrated
U.N. Day.
And here's the thing that's most encouraging to
me as I read my mail and talk to visitors at the
U.S. Mission and at headquarters. This support
is not the wide-eyed, slightly naive optimism that
too many people entertained for a while after San
Francisco. They don't expect to work magic and
pull a peaceful solution to all man's problems out
of a table of organization and some rules of
procedure.
They know that the United Nations is good and
important because it gives us all an organization,
an instrument, to work with which has just begun
to prove its usefulness. Every kind of a tool or in-
strument, from a hoe to a tractor, grows rusty if
it isn't used and if it isn't used properly, but that
doesn't mean that there's anything wrong with
hoes and tractors.
Almost everyone has some sort of an idea for
improving the United Nations, and that's good,
too. Of course it can be improved, and I won't
start worrying about the vitality of the United
Nations until people stop thinking of ways to
im])rove it.
These people seem to me to be showing the
highest kind of patriotism. They know that
patriotism is blind which cannot see beyond the
482
Deparfmenf of Sfate Bulletin
borders of our own country. When we love our
country, just as when we love our friends, or our
husbands, and our children, we must see it as it is.
And when we see it as it is, an interdependent part
of a big round spinning world, we see that true
patriotism requires us to work for our counti-y by
working for a just and peaceful world in which
all free nations can flourish.
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Climatology and Synoptic Meteorology
Commissions <WIVIO)
The Department of State announced on March
10 (press release 133) that at the invitation of the
Government of the United States, the Commissions
for Climatology and for Synoptic Meteorology of
the World Meteorological Organization (Wmo)
will hold their first sessions at Washington March
12-30 and April 2-29, respectively.
These are two of eight technical commissions
created at the First Congress of Wmo, held at
Paris in March and April 1951, to keep abreast
of and promote meteorological developments both
in the scientific and applied field and to standard-
ize methods, procedures, and techniques in the ap-
plication of meteorology. Each member of Wmo
may designate technical experts to participate in
the' work of the commissions.
Wmo was established, in the words of the Wmo
convention of 1917, "with a view to coordinating,
standardizing, and impi-oving world meteorologi-
cal activities and to encouraging an efficient ex-
change of meteorological information between
countries in the aid of human activities," such as
aviation, shipping, and agriculture.
Climatology is the study of the weather in par-
ticular areas of the world over long periods of
time. Under the terms of reference adopted for
it at the First Congress of Wmo, the Commission
for Climatology is required to study such matters
as the meteorological observations and networks
required for climatological investigations of sur-
face and upper air conditions, and of the applica-
tion of climatological data to the activities and
well-being of the peoples of the world.
The terms of reference will be reviewed by the
Commission for Climatology at its first session.
Reports will be made on recent scientific develop-
ments in the field of responsibility of the Com-
mission. Questions relating to the organization
of the Commission, and of working groups to
carry on its work between sessions, will be con-
sidered. Provision is also made in the agenda for
the study of several special technical questions:
(1) observational and recording procedures, in-
cluding networks of climatological, aerological,
and hydrological stations, the classification and
outfitting of stations, the elements to be observed,
forms of record ; (2) the processing of data ; (3)
Morch 30, 7953
the dissemination of data through such means as
national and international publications, clima-
tological broadcasts, and world weather records;
and (4) the application of climatological data,
particularly to hydrology.
The U.S. Government will be represented by
the following delegation :
Delegates
H. C. S. Thorn, Cliairnian, Assistant Chief, Climatological
Services, U.S. Weather Bureau, Department of Com-
merce
Woodrow C. Jacobs, Director, Military Climatology, Air
Weather Service, Department of the Air Force
Advisers
Joseph W. Berry, U.S. Weather Bureau, Department of
Commerce
J. J. Keyser, Department of the Navy
J. P. King, Lieutenant Commander, USN, Department
of the Navy
W. F. McDonald, U.S. Weather Bureau, Department of
Commerce
Franklin Newhall, Department of Agriculture
W. O. Spreen, Department of the Air Force
C. K. Vestal, U.S. Weather Bureau, Department of
Commerce
The Commission for Synoptic Meteorology will
be concerned with the provision and standardiza-
tion of means for the study of the weather, as of
any given time, in widely scattered areas of the
world. Under its terms of reference, it is respon-
sible for such matters as the formulation of ob-
servational requirements for synoptic meteorol-
ogy, the preparation of code forms and tables of
specifications for all meteorological purposes,
meteorological identification systems and index
numbers, and the coordination of international re-
quirements and arrangements for the exchange
and dissemination of data, including analyses,
forecasts, and warnings. The agenda for its first
session contains some 80 items on such specific
topics as synoptic code forms, upper wind reports,
international analysis code, representation of
wind speed on charts, weather analysis symbols,
meteorological telecommunications, and frequency
of synoptic and aerological observations.
The U.S. Government will be represented by
the following delegation :
Deleijates
I R Tannehill, Chairman, Chief, Division of Synoptic
Reports and Forecasts, U.S. Weather Bureau, De-
partment of Commerce
Frederick A. Berry, Jr., Captain, USN, Officer in Charge,
Fleet Weather Central, Department of the Navy
Robert D. Fletcher, Director of Scientific Services Divi-
sion, Air Weather Service, Department of the Air
Force
Advisers
C. J. CaUahan, Department of the Air Force
\ S Hardin, Department of the Air Force
Norman A. Matson, U.S. Weather Bureau, Department
of Commerce
W. B. Paulin, Commander, USN, Department of the Navy
0. G. Reeves, U.S. Weather Bureau, Department of
Commerce
A. K. Showalter, U.S. Weather Bureau, Department of
Commerce
483
The United States in the United Nations
Security Council
[March 12-18] General Assembly
Consideration of the recommendation for the
appointment of the Secretary General continued
at the Council's March 13 meeting. In the voting,
conducted by secret ballot, all three proposals
placed before the Council failed of adoption.
The U.S. proposal for the recommendation of
Carlos P. Romulo received five affirmative votes,
two negative votes, and four abstentions; the So-
viets' candidate, Stanislaw Skrzesezewski, re-
ceived one affirmative vote, three negative votes,
and seven abstentions. Thus, neither received the
required seven affirmative votes. The Danish pro-
posal for recommending Lester B. Pearson re-
ceived nine affirmative votes, one negative vote,
and one abstention, but since the negative vote
was cast by a permanent member, this proposal
also failed of adoption.
The permanent members were requested to hold
consultations concerning the recommendation
and to report to the Council by March 19. On
March 18 the permanent members announced that
they had exchanged views on the following
candidates :
Mrs. Vijaya Lakslimi Pandit, chairman of the Indian
delegation to the General Assembly :
Sir Benegal N. Rau of India, a judge of the Interna-
tional Court of Justice ;
Prince Wan Waithayaljon, permanent representative
of Thailand to the United Nations ;
_ Nasrollah Entezam, chairman of the Iranian delega-
tion to the General Assembly and president of the fifth
session of the General Assembly ;
Dr. Luis Padilla Nervo, Foreign Minister of Mexico,
until recently Mexico's permanent representative to the
U. N., and president of the sixth session of the General
Assembly ;
Eduardo Zuleta Angel of Colombia, who was president
of the Preparatory Commission of the United Nations and
a representative of Colombia to various sessions of the
General Assembly ;
Prof. Ahmed S. Bokhari, permanent representative of
Pakistan to the United Nations ;
Dr. Charles Malik, chairman of the delegation of Leba-
non to the General Assembly and Lebanon's representative
on the Security Council ;
Erik Boheman, Swedish Ambassador to the United
States and a past representative of Sweden to the
General Assembly.
They had, however, come to no agreement as to
■what proposals to make to the Council.
484
Without debate, the Assembly on March 17 con-
firmed Committee I's resolutioiis on the repatria-
tion of Greek soldiers and on the extension of the
Collective Measures Committee's (Cmc) work until
the ninth regular session. The votes were, respec-
tively, 54-5-0 and 50-5-3 (Argentina, India, Indo-
nesia) . In both cases the negative votes were cast
by the U.S.S.R. and its associates. Alexis Kyrou
(Greece) expressed gratitude to the sponsors of
the resolution on the Greek item, and to Committee
I itself, and indicated that settlement of this hu-
manitarian issue was simply a matter of good will.
The only vote explanation on the Collective
Measures Committee's resolution was tliat of
Valerian Zorin (U.S.S.R.), who reiterated his
delegation's views that collective-security efforts
were in contravention of the Charter and the
Security Council.
Committee I {Political and Securiti/) — During
the Committee's debate on the 11-power resolution
noting the Collective Measures Committee's report
and requesting the Cmc to continue its work until
the ninth regidar General Assembly session, David
M. Johnson (Canada) on March 13 noted that
nothing in the Cmc report nor in the joint draft
went beyond the framework of principles enunci-
ated in the Uniting for Peace Resolution. Neither
was there anything which could be interpreted as
committing any government to undertake any-
thing more than it was already pledged to do under
the Charter itself. The purpose of the Cmc's
studies was to facilitate rapid action by govern-
ments in the event of aggression. However, the
decision as to what any particular government
inight do in any particular case remained in the
final analysis entirely up to that government.
The establishment of an international collective-
security system was incumbent on every U.N. mem-
ber, Mr. Johnson emphasized, pointing out that a
few countries could not continue indefinitely to
bear nearly all the burden. He had little doubt
that the resolution, and the work of the Cmc,
would again be attacked by that small group of
countries which would apparently prefer that the
world outside its own borders should have no
collective security at all.
Pointing to the incorrectness of the Soviet argu-
Department of Sfate Bulletin
ment that the General Assembly had no business
meddling in the peace and security field, the
Canadian representative said he failed to see what
was so "sinister, illegal, and aggressive" about
steps taken in the United Nations toward the
eventual building of a universal collective-security
system. He also failed to see why it was incom-
patible with U.N. membership for any group of
members, in exercising the right of collective self-
defense under article 51, to organize supplemen-
tary regional pacts and agreements such as Nato.
He concluded by observing that it was not just
a committee wliich woidd be kept alive by the
joint resolution but "the kernel of a great idea."
On March 16 Committee I approved the 11-
power draft by a vote of 52-5 (Soviet bloc) -2
(India, Indonesia). Several of the Arab States
expressed reservations, chiefly concerning the im-
position of measures on a state without its consent.
In a vote explanation. Valerian Zorin repeated
Soviet objections to the "illegal" activities of the
Cmc, which he claimed was established in viola-
tion of the Charter as a substitute for the Security
Council. It was not the veto, he claimed, but the
efforts of the United States and the United King-
dom to circumvent the Security Council that had
caused the present situation in the Council.
Ambassador Ernest A. Gross (U.S.) opened
discussion of disarmament on March 18 with a
challenge to the Soviet Union to back up the peace
protestations of its leaders with good faith in
negotiations in the Disarmament Commission.
The field of disarmament, he suggested, provided
an excellent testing-ground for the U.S.S.R. to
give tangible evidence of what the Soviet rulers
claimed was their policy of peace. (For text, see
p. 476.)
Current Legislation on Foreign Policy
Seventh Semiannual Report of United States Advisory
Commission on Information. Letter from Chairman,
the United States Advisory Commission on Informa-
tion Transmitting The Seventh Semiannual Report
of the United States Advisory Commission on Infor-
mation Dated January 19.53, Pursuant to Section 603
of Public Law 402, 80th Congress. H. Doc. 94, S3d
Cong., 1st Sess. 23 pp.
International Agreements or Understandings. Communi-
cation from the President of the United States Rela-
tive to An Appropriate Resolution, Making it Clear
That We Would Never Acquiesce in the Enslavement
of any People in Order to Purchase Fancied Gain
for Ourselves, and That We Would Not Feel That Any
Past Agreements Committed Us To Any Such En-
slavement. H. Doc. 93, 8.3d Cong., 1st Sess. 2 pp.
Studying the Escapee and Refugee Situation in Western
Europe. Report (To accompany S. Res. 68). S. Rapt.
40, S3d Cong., 1st Sess. 1 p.
Extending Authority For the Investigation With Respect
to the Efifpctiveness of Foreign Information Programs.
Report (To accompany S. Res. 44). S. Rept. 44, 83d
Cong., 1st Sess. 2 pp.
Second Supplemental Appropriation Bill, 1953. Report
(To accompany H. R. 3053). H. Rept. 46, 83d Cong.,
1st Sess. 32 pp.
Report of Activities of the National Advisory Council on
International Monetary and Financial Problems.
Message From the President of the United States
Transmitting A Report of the National Advisory
Council on International Monetary and Financial
Problems Covering Its Operations From April 1, 1952,
to September 30, 1952, and Describing in Accordance
With Section 4 (b) (5) of the Bretton Woods Agree-
ments Act, the Participation of the United States in
the International Monetary Fund and the Interna-
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development For
the Above Period. H. Doc. 60, 83d Cong., 1st Sess.
74 pp.
Copper Import-Tax Suspension. Minority Views (To
accompany H. R. 568). S. Rept. 35, Part 2, S3d Cong.,
1st Sess. 2 pp.
The State of the Union. Address of the President of the
United States Delivered Before a Joint Session of
the Senate and the House of Representatives Relative
to the State of the Union. H. Doc. 75, 83d Cong., 1st
Sess. 15 pp.
Copper Import Tax Suspension. Hearings Before the
Committee on Finance, United States Senate, Eighty-
Third Congress, First Session on H. R. 568, An Act To
Continue Until the Close of June 30, 1954, the Suspen-
sion of Certain Import Taxes on Copper. February 3
and 4, 1953. 73 pp.
Nomination of Walter Bedell Smith. Hearing Before the
Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate,
Eighty-Third Congress, First Session on the Nomina-
tion of Walter Bedell Smith To Be Under Secretary
of State. February 4, 1953. 39 pp.
Nomination of James B. Conant. Hearings Before the
Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Sen-
ate, Eighty-Third Congress, First Session on the
Nomination of James B. Conant To Be United States
High Commissioner for Germany. February 2 and 3,
1953. Ill pp.
Under Secretary of State for Administration. An Act To
amend Public Law 73, Eighty-first Congress, first ses-
sion (63 Stat. Ill), to provide for an Under Secretary
of State for Administration. Public Law 2 — S3d
Congress, Chapter 2 — 1st Session, S. 243. Approved
February 7, 1953. 1 p.
Copper Import-Tax Su.spension. Report (To accompany
H. R. 568). S. Rept. 35, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 3 pp.
Overseas Information Programs of the United States. In-
terim Report of the Committee on Foreign Relations
Pursuant to the Provisions of S. Res. 74, 82d Congress,
2d Session. Presented by Senator Fulbright. S.
Rept. 30, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 7 pp.
Providing For an Under Secretary of State for Administra-
tion. Hearing Before the Committee on Foreign
Affairs. House of Representatives, Eighty-Third Con-
gress, First Session on S. 243 and H. R. 1377, Bills
To Provide For an Under Secretary of State for
Administration. January 28, 19.53. 20 pp.
Inaugural Address of Dwight D. Eisenhower, President
of the United States, Delivered at the Capitol, Wash-
ington D. C, January 20, 1953. S. Doc. 9, 83d Cong.,
1st Sess. 5 pp.
Extension of Investigation of Overseas Information Pro-
grams. Report (To accompany S. Res. 44). S. Rept.
24, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 2 pp.
Overseas Information Programs of the United States.
Hearings Before a Subcommittee of the Committee on
Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Eighty-
Second Congress, Second Session on Overseas Infor-
mation Programs of the United States. November 20
and 21, 1952. 227 pp.
Institute of Pacific Relations. Composite Index to Hear-
ings and Report Before the Subcommittee To Investi-
gate the Administration of the Internal Security Act
and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee
on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Eighty-
Second Congress, Second Session on the Institute of
Pacific Relations. Part 15. 251 pp.
March 30, 1953
485
Tidelands Legislation and the Conduct of Foreign Affairs
Statement by Jack B. Tate
Deputy Legal Adviser^
1 appear at the request of the Committee to
testify on questions concerning the international
relations of the United States which have arisen
in the course of the hearings of this Committee on
control and development of mineral resources in
submerged lands off the coasts of the United
States.
I should make it clear at the outset that the
Department is not charged with responsibility
concerning the issue of Federal versus State own-
ership or control. It is concerned solely with the
effect which the legislation might have upon the
conduct of foreign affairs.
I shall summarize first the historic position of
the United States with respect to the question of
control which a coastal state may exercise in the
waters adjacent to its coasts. I shall review briefly
the policy reasons which lead this Govei-nment to
follow and maintain this position. And I shall
finally examine the points which appear to involve
a possible conflict with our traditional position in
this field of foreign relations.
The position of the United States with respect
to the control which a coastal state may exercise
involves three areas: inland waters, territorial
waters, and high seas.
The relevance of considerations concerning in-
la^ waters is this. The belt of territorial waters
measured from the coast. On the land poition
lof the coast, the line from which territorial waters
/are measured is the low water mark of the tide.
Since bodies of waters such as bays, gulfs, rivers,
etc., also open on the coast, it is necessary in such
cases to use a fictional line from which to measure
territorial- waters. The position of the United
States is that the waters of bays and estuaries less
than 10 miles wide (or which are, at the first point
above such openings, less than 10 miles) , are inland
waters of the United States, and the territorial
limit is measured from a straight line drawn across
these openings. A strait, or channel, or sound
' Mado on Mar. ,3 before the Committee on Interior and
Insular Affairs of tlie House of Kepresentatives.
486
af
which leads to an inland body of water is dea .
with on the same basis as bays. But the waters of
a strait which connect two seas having the char-
acter of high seas are not inland waters.
It is an essential feature of inland waters that
they are assimilated for all intents and purposes
to the land territory of the coastal state, and for-
eign vessels may not claim in such waters a right
of innocent passage. Foreign vessels may, how-
ever, claim a right of innocent passage through
straits connecting high seas. A detailed review of
the traditional position of the United States re-
garding the determination of territorial waters
was furnished by the Department to the Attorney
General in a letter dated November 13, 1951, and
a copy of this letter, as well as of a supplementary
letter dated February 12, 1952, has been furnished,
I believe, to the Committee.
Jefferson's Position
As early as 1793, this Government had to face
the question of the breadth of territorial watei-s.
At that time Jefferson, while reserving a final de-
cision, took the position that the United States
should consider territorial waters "as restrained
for the present to the distance of one sea league
or tlu-ee geographical miles" from the seashore.
This position has never been changed. The
United States supported the 3-mile limit at the
1930 Hague Conference for the Codification of
International Law. And in the last few years,
this Government has on a number of occasions re-
affirmed this position and protested the claims
of other states to limits broader than 3 miles,
including the claim of the Soviet Union to 12
miles.
In adhering to the 3-mile limit, the United
States does not preclude itself, of course, from
taking all steps necessary to prevent or repel
threats to its national security.
Preventive measures such as the establishment
of Defensive Sea Areas for national defense pur-
poses have been established in the past, and some
Department of State Bulletin
are still in eifect under current legislation. (62
Stat. 799, 18 U. S. C. 2152, deriving from the Act
of Mar. 4, 1917.)
Nor does the United States preclude itself from
exercising jurisdiction on the high seas, beyond
the 3-mile limit, for certain purposes. A good
example is the legislation, enacted as early as 1790,
providing for the exercise of jurisdiction within
12 miles from the coast for purposes of customs
control. Legislation for the same purpose is in
effect (Anti-Smuggling Act of Aug. 5, 1935, 49
Stat. 517, 19 U. S. C. 1701-1711) .
The claim made by the United States in the
Presidential Proclamation of September 28, 1945,-
to jurisdiction and control of the national re-
sources of the subsoil and seabed of the continental
shelf off its coast is one more example of the com-
patibility between the U.S. position on the 3-mile
limit and the protection of its interests. This
Government did not claim sovereignty, or an ex-
tension of its boundaries beyond the limit of 3
miles of territorial waters. Indeed it specified in
the proclamation that the character as high seas
of the waters above the continental shelf and the
right to their free and unimpeded navigation are
in no way affected.
Freedom of the Seas
I now turn to the reasons for the adoption and
maintenance of this position. The purpose of this
Government has been, and still is, to give effect
to its traditional policy of freedom of the seas.
Such freedom is essential to its national intei'ests.
It is a time honored concept of defense that the
greater the freedom and range of its warships and
aircraft, the better protected are its security in-
terests. Likewise, the maintenance of free lanes
and air routes is vital to the success of its shipping
and air transport. And it is becoming evident
that its fishing interest depends in large part upon
fishing resources in seas adjacent to foreign states.
The maintenance of the traditional position of
the United States is vital at a time when a number
of foreign states show a tendency unilaterally to
break down the principle of freedom of the seas
by attempted extensions of sovereignty over high
seas. A change of the traditional position of this
Government would be seized upon by other states
as justification for broad and extravagant claims
over adjacent seas. This is precisely what hap-
pened when this Government issued its proclama-
tion of 1945 regarding jurisdiction and control
over resources of the continental shelf. It pre-
cipitated a chain reaction of claims, going beyond
the terms of the U.S. proclamation, including
claims to sovereignty extending as much as 200
miles from shore.
The Department is concerned with such provi-
sions of prof)Osed legislation as would recognize
' Bulletin of Sept. 30, 1945, p. 485.
or permit the extension of the seaward bound-
aries of certain States beyond the 3-mile limit.
In international relations, the territorial claims
of the States and of the Nation are indivisible.
The claims of the States cannot exceed those of
the Nation. If the Nation should recognize the
extension of the boundaries of any State beyond
the 3-mile limit, its identification with the broader
claim would force abandonment of its traditional
position. At the same time it would renounce
grounds of protest against claims of foreign states
to greater breadths of territorial waters. This is
without reference to the question as to whether the
States should be permitted to exploit the resources
of the continental shelf beyond State boundaries.
The Department believes that the grant by the
Federal Government of rights to explore and de-
velop the mineral resources of the continental
shelf off the coasts of the United States can be
achieved within the framework of its traditional
international position.
THE DEPARTMENT
Office of Under Secretary
for Administration Established '
1. Public Law 2, 83rd Congress, establishes in the De-
partment of State the position of Under Secretary of State
for Administration. The OflSce of the Under Secretary
for Administration was created :
o. To relieve the Secretary and the Under Secretary,
to the greatest extent possible, of the management prob-
lems of the Department in order to allow them to con-
centrate on Foreign policy problems and negotiations;
and,
b. To insure that the Department of State is organ-
ized and operated so as to promote maximum efBciency
and effectiveness.
2. Jlr. Donold B. Lourie has been appointed Under Sec-
retary of State for Administration. It Is the Secretary's
desire that Mr. Lourie have responsibility for the manage-
ment and organization of the entire Department. He
will give particular attention to policy problems with re-
spect to loyalty and security. In carrying out these re-
sponsibilities, Mr. Lourie will be assisted by the Deputy
Under Secretary for Administration.
3. The following oflicei-s are primarily responsible to
the Under Secretary for Administration :
The Technical Cooperation Administrator (TCA)
The International Information Administrator (IIA)
The Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations
(H)
The Legal Adviser (L)
The Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs (P)
The Special Assistant for Intelligence (R)
The Science Adviser (O/SA)
li. The routing symbol for the Under Secretary for
Administration is O.
' Excerpt from Department Circular No. 12, dated
Feb. 20.
March 30, J 953
487
March 30, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 718
American Principles
Disarmament as one of the vital conditions of
peace (Gross) 476
Growth of European unity (Conant) .... 469
American Republics
BRAZIL: Signs Torquay Protocol to Gatt . . 468
Developing relations of mutual trust and
respect (Dulles) 459
MEXICO:
Letter of credence 462
Mines to deliver manganese to U.S 468
Military assistance to Latin America .... 463
U.S. capital Investment in Latin America
(Cabot) 460
Arms and Armed Forces
Strong protests made against Czech attack on
U.S. aircraft (texts of notes) 474
Claims and Property
Tldelands legislation and the conduct of foreign
affairs (Tate before House Comm.) . . . 486
Congress
Current legislation on foreign policy listed . . 485
Tldelands legislation and conduct of foreign
affairs (Tate before House Comm.) . . . 486
Disarmament Commission
Disarmament as one of the vital conditions of
peace (Gross) 476
Europe
BELGIUM: Secretary Dulles and Belgian minis-
ter exchange views 473
CZECHOSLOVAKIA: Strong protests made
against attack on U.S. aircraft (texts of
notes) 474
GERMANY: Ratifies contractuals and Edc
Treaty (Dulles) 470
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Mar. 16-23, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D.C.
Press releases issued prior to Mar. 16 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 130 of
Mar. 9, 133 of Mar. 10, and 134 of Mar. 13.
Subject
Seventh session of Ecosoc
Work on plantations committee (Ilo)
Cabot : Relations with sister Republics
U.S. note to Hungary
World symposium on Sferics
Belgian Minister visits U.S.
Letter of credence: Mexico
Soviet attack on U.S. plane
Point l<"'our in Egypt expanded
Germany ratifies Edc treaty
Technical assistance committee
( Ecosoc )
Message to Turkey on earthquake
Dulles : Security processes
Dulles: Soviet Premier's speeches
Dulles : The conduct of public affairs
Termination of VOA contracts
Dulles: Oas Council meeting
a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
tl37
3/16
tl3S
3/16
139
3/16
tl40
3/17
tl41
3/17
142
3/17
143
3/18
tl44
3/lS
tl4.5
3/19
146
3/19
tl47
3/20
148
3/20
tl49
3/20
150
3/20
tl51
3/20
tl52
3/20
153
3/23
t Held for
U.S.S.R.:
Disarmament as one of the vital conditions
of peace (Gross) 476
Evaluating speeches of new Soviet premier
(Dulles) 467
European Defense Community
Germany ratifies contractuals and Edc Treaty
(Dulles) 470
Finance
U.S. capital Investment In Latin America
(Cabot) 460
Human Rights
Spreading the doctrines of freedom (Lord) . . 480
Industry
Creating an effective free world economy
(Cowan) 471
International Meetings
Sulphur allocations discontinued 475
U.S. DELEGATIONS: Climatology and Synoptic
Meteorology Commissions (Wmo) .... 483
Mutual Aid and Defense
Developing relations of mutual trust and respect
(Dulles) 459
Growth of European unity (Conant) .... 469
Mutual Security
Military assistance to Latin America .... 483
Secretary Dulles and Belgian minister exchange
views 473
Near and Middle East
TURKEY: President's message on earthquake
disaster 473
Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property
Strong protests made against Czech attack on
U.S. aircraft (texts of notes) 474
State, Department of
Office of Under Secretary for Administration
established 487
Strategic Materials
Mexican mines to deliver manganese to U.S. . . 468
Sulphur allocations discontinue 475
Trade
Brazil signs Torquay Protocol to Gatt .... 468
Creating an effective free world economy
(Cowen) 471
Treaty Information
Brazil signs Torquay Protocol to Gatt .... 468
United Nations
Climatology and Synoptic Meteorology Com-
mission (WiMO) 483
Disarmament as one of the vital conditions of
peace (Gross) 476
Spreading the doctrines of freedom (Lord) . . 480
The United States in the United Nations . . . 484
Name Index
Cabot, John Moors 460
Conant, James B 469
Cowen, Myron M 471
Dulles, Secretary 459, 467, 470, 473
Eisenhower. President 468, 473
Gross, Ernest A 478
Lord, Mrs. Oswald B 480
Lourle, Donold B 487
Tannehlll, I. R 483
Tate, Jack B 486
Tello, Manuel 462
Thom, H. C. S 483
Van Zeeland, Paul 473
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFlCEi 19»S
i
niSiSifl
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