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Full text of "Department of State bulletin"

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VOLUME XXVIII: Numbers 706-731 

January 5— June 29, 1953 



Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

MAR 1 6 1954 






INDEX 

Volume XXVIII: Numbers 706-731, January 5-June 29, 1953 






ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS INDEX 



DMPA. Defense Materials Pro- 
curement Agency 

ECAFE, Economic Commission 
for Asia and tlie Far East 

ECE. Econonric Commission for 
Europe 

ECOSOC. Economic and Security 
Council 

EDC. European Defence Com- 
munity 

EPD. European Payments Union 

FAO. Food and Agriculture Or- 
ganization 

GARIOA. Government and Re- 
lief In Occupied Areas 

GATT. General Agreement on 
Tariffs and Trade 

HICOG. United States High 
Commissioner for Germany 

IBRD. International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment 

ICAO. International Civil Avia- 
tion Organization 

ICRC. International Committee 
of the Red Cross 

IIA. International Information 
Administration 



IIAA. Institute of Inter-Amer- 
ican Affairs 

IJC. International Joint Com- 
mission 

ILO. International Labor Or- 
ganization 

IMC. International Materials 
Conference 

IPS. International Press Serv- 
ice 

ITU. International Telecommu- 
nication Union 

MSA. Mutual Security Agency 

NAC. North Atlantic Council 

NATO. North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization 

NSC. National Security Council 

OAS. Organization of American 
States 

OEEC. Organization for Euro- 
pean Economic Cooperation 

PHS. Public Health Service 

PICMME. Provisional Intergov- 
ernmental Committee for the 
Movement of Migrants from 
Europe 

ROK. Republic of Korea. 



SHAPE. Supreme Headquarters 
Allied Powers Europe 

TCA. Technical Cooperation Ad- 
ministration 

U.K. United Kingdom 

U.N. United Nations 

UNC. United Nations Command 

UNESCO. United Nations Educa- 
tional, Scientific and Cultural 
Organization 

UNICEF. United Nations Inter- 
national Children's Emergency 
Fund 

UNKRA. United Nations Korean 
Reconstruction Agency 

UNRWA. United Nations Relief 
and Works Agency for Palestine 
Refugees in the Near East 

UNTA. United Nations Techni- 
cal Assistance 

UPU. Universal Postal Union 

U. S. S. R. Union of Soviet So- 
cialist Republics 

VOA. Voice of America 

WHO. World Health Organiza- 
tion 

WMO. World Meteorological Or- 
ganization 



Acheson, Dean, Secretary of State: 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 
Department employees, farewell to, 161 
Farewell press conference, 129 
North Atlantic CJoundl, farewell remarks to, 5 
Correspondence : 
Chelf, Rep. Frank L., Departmental Investigative 

IMJiicy, 57 
President Truman : resignation as Secretary of State, 
162; John Carter Vincent loyalty case, 122 
Tributes to, at Paris meeting of North Atlantic Cotmcil, 
addresses (Kraft, Eden, Schuman, de Gasperi, 
Claxton), 7, S 
Adenauer, Konrad, Chancellor of Federal Republic of 
Germany : 
Statements : 
Arrival in U.S., 569 

Cultural exchange between U.S. and Germany, 568 
German-owned property in U.S., termination of 
confiscation, 720 
Visit to U.S., 441, 529; meeting with President 
Eisenhower, text of communigue, 565 



Afghanistan : 

Export-Import Bank loan for purchase of U.S. wheat 

and flour, 103 
Immigration quota, inclusion in Asia-Pacific triangle 
established by Immigration and Nationality Act 
(1952), 238 
U.S. Ambassador to (Ward), continuation, 859 
Africa : 
Morocco. See Moroccan question. 
Policy of U.S. toward, address (McKay), 267 
Railway from Rhodesias, Export-Import Bank loan to 

Portugal for construction of, 223 
Strategic materials : 
Export-Import Bank loans to expedite movement of, 

222, 223 
Importance to democratic nations, address (McKay), 
268 
Tunis. See Tunisian question. 

World Meteorological Organization, Regional Associa- 
tion for Africa, U.S. delegation to 1st session, 194 
Agricultural Act, section 22, proposed amendment re 

trade restrictions, statement (Linder), 653 
Agriculture, domestic market, effect of U.S. trade policy 
on, statement (Linder), 651 



Index, January to June 1953 



935 



Aid to foreign countries. See Economic cooi)eration, 
Mutual defense assistance, Mutual security. Tech- 
nical assistance. Technical cooperation, and itidivid- 
ual countries. 
Air Force mission (U.S.), agreement with Venezuela, 

signed, 220 
Air navigation conferences: 

International Civil Aviation Organization, U.S. dele- 
gation, 347 
South Pacific Resional Air Navigation Meeting, U.S. 
delegation, 159 
Air power of NATO nations, present status of, report 

(Ridgway), 901 
Air transport agreement with Cuba, signed, text, 839 
Aircraft (foreign), damage caused to third persons on 

the surface, convention on, 221 
Aircraft, U.S. : 

Attacks upon. See under Arms and armed forces. 
Dispatch to Indochina to support resistance to Viet 
Minh invasion of Laos, 708 
Aldrich, Winthrop W., U.S. Ambassador to U.K.: 
Address on development of world economy, 915 
Confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to U.K., 283 
Allen, George V., U.S. Ambassador to India: 
Address on U.S.-Indian relations, 523 
Confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to India and Nepal, 
455 
AUison, John M., confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to 

Japan, 553 
American Association for the United Nations: 

Contribution to effectiveness of U.N., addresses (Dulles, 

Wadsworth), 402, 417 
President Eisenhower's message of appreciation to, text, 
402 
American Council on NATO, establishment, text of Secre- 
tary Dulles' message to Council, 291 
American property in Soviet Zone of Germany, treatment 
of, exchange of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218, 219 
American Republics: 
Addresses and statements on : 

Inter-American cooperation : Cabot, 338 ; Dulles, 459 
Inter-American Highway, statement (Holland), 105 
Technical cooperation programs in (Cabot), 780 
Trade relations with U.S. (Cale), 716 
U.S. capital investment in (Cabot), 460 
U.S. policy in (Dulles), 605 
U.S. relations with (Smith), 706 
Conferences : 

Adult education seminar (Dominican Republic), U.S. 

representative, 627 
Inter-American Conference, 10th, U.S. representa- 
tives, 790 
Inter-American seminar on national income, U.S. par- 
ticipants, 119 
Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission, consid- 
eration of program by U.S.-Ecuadoran conference 
on fishery relations, 759 
Organization of American States. See Organization 

of American States. 
Pan American Highway Congress, Extraordinary, 
U.S. delegation, article (Scott and Osborne), 104 



American Republics — Continued 
Conferences — Continued 

I'an American Railway Congress (8th) : statement 

(Faricy), 788; U.S. delegation, SS4 
Pan American Railway Congress Association, Na- 
tional Commission of, appointments to, SS3 
Countries. See individual ccntntries. 
Institute of Inter-American Affairs: 

Transfer to Foreign Operations Administration, 850, 

851, 852, 853 
Year-end statement of acting president (Rowe), 47 
Military assistance to, background summary, 463 
Mutual security programs (1954), request for authoriza- 
tion of funds for technical and military assistance 
in, 739, 741 
OAS. See Organization of American States. 
Pan American Day, commemoration of, address (Eisen- 
hower) and text of proclamation, 563, 5(54 
Radio broadcasts in : 

San Francisco Broadcasting Corporation, HA authori- 
zation for use of shortwave transmitters, 821 
Time previously occupied by Voice of America, use 
by HA for locally produced broadcasts, 926 
Trade : 

Bolivian tin concentrates, U.S. attitude re purchase 

of, 14 
U.S. trade relations with American Republics, ad- 
dress (Cale), 716 
Treaties, agreements, etc. See Treaties, agreements, 

etc. 
Visits of Assistant Secretary Cabot and Milton Eisen- 
hower, 706 
American Veterans of Foreign War.s, presentation of 
Annual World Peace Award, statement (Dulles), 430 
Anderson, Frederick L., U.S. deputy special representa- 
tive in Europe : 
Address on status of Atlantic alliance, 290 
Resignation, 792 
Andrews, Stanley, Administrator, Technical Cooperation 
Administration, addresses, etc. : 
Joint U.S.-U.N. public health conference, 346 
Point 4 program, mutual benefits to U.S. and under- 
developed areas, 306 
Anglo-Egyptian Accord, signing of. texts of Secretary 
Dulles' messages to British Foreign Secretary and 
Egyptian Foreign Minister, 305 
Arab-Israeli dispute, tripartite declaration (U.S., U.K., 
France) re prevention of frontier violation, text, 
S34n. 
Arab refugees from Palestine. See Palestine question. 
Argentina, trade restrictions under section 104 of De- 
fense Production Act, text of note of protest, 559 
Arms and armed forces: 
Attacks on U.S. planes : 

Czechoslovak attack, tests of U.S. and Czechoslovak 

notes, 474, 475 
Hungarian seizure of U.S. plane, detention of crew, 

51, 257, 496 
Soviet attacks : Hokkaido, 11 ; North Pacific Ocean, 
577 
Disarmament Commission. See Disarmament Com- 
mission. 



936 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



Arms and armed forces — Continued 
Korea. See Korea. 
Maintenance of armed strength for free-world security, 

address (Bradley), 412 
Militai-y assistance. See Military assistance. 
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 
U.S. Seventh Fleet, withdrawal, statement (Eisen- 
hower), 209 
Withdrawal of Chinese troops from Burma, statement 
(Lodge), 664 
.\sia : 
Defense-support programs (Mutual Security Agency) 

in southeast Asia, 13, 138 
EC.\FE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the 

Far East. 
Secretary Dulles visit to South Asia, 431, 705, 707 
South Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting, U.S. 

delegation, 159 
U.S. policy in Asia and the Pacific, address (Cowen), 
331 
Asia-Pacific triangle, establishment for quota purposes, 

Immigration and Nationality Act (1952), 238 
Associated States of Indochina. See Indochina. 
Atkinson Field, British Guiana, use of radionavigational 
services. Memorandum of Agreement (U. S. and 
British Guiana ) , signed, 264 
Atomic energy, international control of : 

President Truman's annual message to Congress, ex- 
cerpt, 93 
Report on work of Disarmament Commission (Cohen), 
151 
Anerliach, Frank L., address on revision of visa functions 

under Immigration and Nationality Act (1952), 642 
Austin, Warren R. : 
Acceptance of honorary chairmanship of U.S. Com- 
mittee for U.N. Day, 920 
Address on progress of United Nations, 106 
Australia : 
Double taxation conventions, income, estate, and gift; 

negotiation, signature, 723, 819 
Trade restrictions under section 104 of Defense Pro- 
duction Act, text of note of protest, 556 
U.S. Ambassador to (Peaslee), confirmation, 927 
U.S. consulate at Adelaide closed, 792 
.\ustria : 
German debts due under Austrian external loans, terms 

of settlement, 439 
Government (U.S.) in occupied areas, transfer of in- 
formation program functions to U.S. Information 
Agency, 851, 854 
Purchase of U.S. cotton, extension of Export-Import 

Bank credit for, 263 
Refugees from communism, establishment of U.S.- 
Austrian reception center, remarks (Thompson), 837 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

State treaty negotiations. See Austrian state treaty 

negotiations. 
Unitication of exchange system, agreement with Inter- 
national Monetary Fund signed, 7.51 
Austrian state treaty negotiations : 
Backgroimd review, 805 



Austrian state treaty negotiations — Continued 

General Assembly resolution: adoption, 37; address 

(Cohen), and text, 67, 68 
Losses incurred through occupation, text of annex 5 of 

Austrian memorandum to State Department, 814 
Meeting of deputies : 

Department announcement and texts of U.S. and 

U.S.S.R. notes, 259, 260 
Proposal of meeting, text of U.S. and similar British 

and French notes to U.S.S.R., 135 
Soviet refusal to attend, texts of Ambassador Malik's 
letter to Secretary-General, and Treaty Deputies' 
joint note of reply, 815 
Suspension of meetings, statement (McDermott), 305 
U.S. deputy representative (Dowling), 751 
U.S.S.R. requested to submit text of treaty acceptable to 
them : text of U.S. note, 873 ; Soviet note of refusal, 
text, 815 
Aviation. See Air, Aircraft, Atkinson Field, and Inter- 
national Civil Aviation Organization. 

Bacteriological warfare. See "Germ warfare." 

Balance of payments, Japanese position, U.S. support, 

statement (McDermott), 611 
Baltic States, U.S. greetings to peoples of, statement 

(DuUes),330 
Battle Act. See Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act 

(1951). 
Belgium : 

Flood victims, U.S. aid and sympathy, texts of White 
House announcement and President Eisenhower's 
cablegram to King, 256 
Visit of Minister of Foreign Affairs (Van Zeeland) to 
U.S., exchange of views with Secretary Dulles, 441, 
473 
Bell, Daniel W., acting chairman of Public Advisory Board 
for Mutual Security, summary of report on U. S. trade 
policy, 436 
Benelux Union (1947), statement (Cox), 711 
Berlin : 

American property in Soviet Zone, treatment of, ex- 
change of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218, 219 
Economy, U.S. proposals for Implementation of, 328 
Mutual Security Program funds for West Berlin, 262, 

380, S98 
Refugees, emergency grant-in-aid for, 380 
Soviet repressive measures in East Berlin condemned, 

text of joint (U.S., U.K., France) message, 897 
U.S. position in, address (Conant), 327 
Bidault. M. Georges, Minister of Foreign Affairs, France, 

visit to U.S., 441, 492 
Bill of Rights, dedication of shrine, address (Truman), 9 
Bingham. Hiram, chairman of Loyalty Review Board, 
letters to Secretary Acheson re loyalty cases (Davies, 
Vincent), 121 
Blockade of China coast, remarks (Dulles), 335 
Bohlen, Charles E., confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to 
U.S.S.R.. and statement (Dulles), 519 

Bolivia : 

Exchange system, simplification by International 

Monetary Fund, 783 
Tin concentrates, U.S. attitude re purchase of, 14 



Index, January fo June 1953 



937 



Bowie, Robert Richardson, appointment as Director of 
Policy Planning Staff and Department representative 
on National Security Council, 821 
Bradley, Gen. Omar N., address on maintenance of armed 

strength for free-world security, 412 
Brazil : 

Export-Import Bank loans, 140, 442, 754 
Torquay Protocol (GATT), signature, 468 
Brier pipes, duty on, President's letters to chairmen of 
Tariff Commission and Congressional committees re- 
questing further study, 354 
British Guiana : 

Atkinson Field, use of radionavigational services, 

agreement signed with British Guiana. 264 
Consulate at Georgetown closed, 242 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment, mission for economic survey, 265 
Brown, Ben H., Jr., Acting Assistant Secretary for Con- 
gressional Relations, letter to Representative Rogers 
re military oi)erations in Korea, 120 
Bruce, David, K. E. : 

Assignment as U.S. observer to Interim Committee of 
European Defense Community, and U.S. representa- 
tive to Euroi)ean Coal and Steel Community, 3.52 
Resignation as Under Secretary of State and U.S. 
Alternate Governor of International Bank for Re- 
construction and Development, 162 
Brussels Pact (1948), cited in addresses (Cowen, Cos), 

50, 711 
Budget (U.S.) estimate for fiscal 1953, table, 96 
Burma ; 

UNESCO educational services in, results of, 8S6 

U.S. aid under economic cooperation agreement, request 

for discontinuance, 530 
Withdrawal of Chinese troops, statement (Lodge), 664 

Cabot, John M., Assistant Secretary of State for Inter- 
American Affairs : 
Addresses : 

Inter-American relations, 338 

Technical cooperation program in American Repub- 
lics, 780 
U.S. capital investment in Latin America, 460 
Appointment to U.S. National Commission of Pan 

American Railway Congress Association, 883 
Nomination and confirmation as Assistant Secretaiy of 

State for Inter-American Affairs, 338n, 391 
U.S. delegate to Inter-American Economic and Social 

Council, OAS, 281 
Visit to American Republics, 706 
Cale, Edward G., Director, Office of Regional American 
Affairs, excerpt from address on U.S. trade relations 
with American Republics, 716 
Calendar of international meetings, 15, 176, 341, 501, 656, 

786 
Camp, Miriam, review of Economic Commission for 

Europe survey, 534 
Canada : 
Claxton, Brooke, Jlinister of National Defence, address 

in tribute to Dean Acheson, 8 
Libby Dam construction, U.S. withdrawal of applica- 
tion. Secretary Dulles' letter to International Joint 
Commission, 611 



Canada — Continued 
Niagara Falls remedial works, International Joint 

Commission recommendations, 783 
Prime Minister St. Laurent, visit to U.S., 500, 752 
Relations with U.S., discussions, text of joint com- 
munique, 752 
St. Lawrence Seaway Project : 
National Security Council recommendations. Presi- 
dent Eisenhower's letters to Senator Wiley and 
Federal Power Commission chairman, 698 
Report by special committee on, U.S. Cabinet ap- 
proval of, 753 
Statement (Merchant) re U.S. participation, 824 
Strategic materials, embargo on shipment to Communist 

China, 533 
Trade restrictions under section 104 of Defense Produc- 
tion Act, text of note of protest, 555 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Great Lakes fisheries convention, negotiations toward, 
39 
Halibut fishery convention (U.S. -Canada) signed, 441 
U.S. Ambassador to (Stuart), confirmation, 822 
U.S. consulates at Hamilton, Ontario, and Victoria, 
British Columbia, closed, 859 
Capital, private, investment abroad : 
Addre.sses, statements, etc., 208, 310, 460, 739, 742, 745, 

781, 913 
Mutual Security Agency investment guaranty program, 
138, 500, 682 
Captive i^oples, liberation of: 

Joint declaration (President and Congress), texts of 
draft and President Eisenhower's letter to Vice Presi- 
dent Nixon and Speaker of House Martin, 353 
Statements (Dulles), 330, 372, 606 
Cartel practices, prevention of, U.N. proceedings on pro- 
posals for agreement, 626 
Chile, Ambassador to U.S. (Jara), credentials, 381 
China : 
Defense measures in Formosa, importance of U.S. assist- 
ance, statement (Dulles), 738 
Mutual Security Agency aid to Government on For- 
mosa : investment-guaranty program, 138 ; 1950-1952 
report, 438 
Properties on mainland, clarification of transactions 

with U.S., 722 
U.S. Ambassador (Rankin), confirmation, 391 
Withdrawal of troops from Burma, statement (Lodge), 
664 
China (Communist) : 
Journalists, revised immigration laws re entry into U.S., 

340 
Naval blockade of coast, remarks (Dulles), 335 
Prisoners of war. See Prisoners of war. 
Ships enroute to, restrictions on fueling at U.S. ports, 

904 
Soviet assistance to, statement (Lodge), remarks (Vy- 

shinsky), 419, 420 
Strategic materials, shipments to : 

Control of, discussion (Dulles, McCarthy), 532 
Embargo on, text of communique on U.S. and French 
discussion, 491 ; action by other governments, 532, 
533 



938 



Deparfment of State Bulletin 



China (Communist) — Continued 

U.S. Seventh Fleet, withdrawal of, statement (Eisen- 
hower), 209 

ChiperfieUl, Robert B., U.S. Representative, letter to 
President transmitting House Resolution on European 
Coal and Steel Community, 928 

Chiriboga Villag6mez, Jos4 Ricardo, Ecuadoran Ambassa- 
dor to U.S., credentials, 12 

Civil defense, role of the Federal Government in, state- 
ment (Eisenhower), 210 

Claims : 

Austria, losses incurred through occupation, text of 
annex 5 of Austrian memorandum to State Depart- 
ment, 814 

Cuban Government, extension of time limit for tiling 
claims against, 315 

German assets in Switzerland (Swiss-German agree- 
ment) : effective date, 654; provisions respecting U.S. 
claimants, 838 

German debt settlement agreements: negotiations, 329; 
signature, 373, 374; transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665 

German dollar bonds, validation of (U.S. -Germany) : 
background information, 379; signature, 376, 569; 
text, 376, 666: transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665; valida- 
tion board, U.S. ^eprei^entative, 837 

German public service pensions, former employees now 
residing abroad, deadline for filing, 262, 401 

N.\TO Status of Forces Agreement (1951), U.S. action 
on claims provisions, 631 

U.S. against Soviet and Hungarian governments for 
1951 plane incident, summary, 496 

War damage in West Germany, deadline for filing, 303 
Clark, Gen. Mark, U.N. Commander in Korea : 

Addresses, statements, etc. ; 

Germ-warfare in Korea, denial of Soviet charges, 451 
ROK release of prisoners in South Korea, 907 

Correspondence : 
North Korean and Chinese Communist leaders, ex- 
change of sick and wounded prisoners of war, 494, 
528 
Syngman Rhee, ROK release of prisoners in South 
Korea, 907 
Claxton, Brooke, Minister of National Defence of Canada, 

address in tribute to Dean Acheson, 8 
Climatology, Commission for, U.S. delegation to 1st ses- 
sion, 483 
Coal, organization of common market under European 

Coal and Steel Community, 800 
Cohen, Benjamin V., U.S. representative to General As- 
sembly : 

Addresses, statements, etc. : 

Austrian treaty negotiations, U.S. attitude, 67 
Disarmament Commission, summary of U.S. pro- 
posals, 172 
U.N. membership, U.S. attitude, 115 

Report to President on work of U.N. Disarmament Com- 
mission, and letter of transmittal, 142, 143 
Collective Measures Committee : 

U.N. committee proceedings, 484 

Uniting for peace resolution, collective security pro- 
gram, address (Sanders), 447 



Collective security, statements on (Truman, Sanders), 91, 

447 
Colombia : 

Export-Import Bank loan for irrigation projects, 222 
U.S. diplomatic relations with, 927 
Commercial policy (U.S.), commission to review. Presi- 
dent's recommendation in letter to Vice President 
Nixon and Speaker of House Martin, 747 
Commonwealth Economic Conference, text of communique, 

397 
Communism : 
Activity in Latin America, 466 
Addresses and statements on : 

Conflict of free world with Communist imperialism, 

address (Smith), 874 
Contrast with democratic principles: article 

(Ruissell), 247; address (Gross), 386 
Indochina's struggle against aggression, statement 

(McDermott), 641 
Menace to democracy, costs of survival from, address 

(Morton), 769 
Menace to free world, excerpts of President Truman's 

annual message to Congress, 89 
North Korean broadcast propaganda, exposition of, 

statement (McDermott), 261 
Principles basic to Soviet creed, address (DuUes), 

896 
Propaganda utilization of U.S. trade restrictions, 

address (Morton), 648 
Threat in Africa, address (McKay), 268 
Threat to Atlantic alliance, addresses (Anderson, 
Ismay), 292, 427 
Charges against U.S. : 

Czechoslovakia, re aid to refugees provisions in 
Mutual Security Act : exchange of notes, 409, 410 ; 
statement (Lodge), 539, 543 
Poland, test of U.S. note in reply to charges of anti- 
Polish acts, 304 
European refugees from communism. See 'under 

Refugees and displaced persons. 
Invasion of Laos : 

Leadership of "Free Lao" movement, text of Lao note 

to U.S., 709 
U.S. support of resistance to aggression, 67S, 705, 708, 
735, 738, 909 
Prisoner of war camps, mutinies in, U.N. Command 
Operations study, summary, report, 273, 277 
Commonwealth Economic Conference, text of communi- 
que, 397 
Compton, Wilson, Administrator, International Informa- 
tion Administration ; 
Address on international information program, 252 
Text of memorandum to Secretary Acheson trans- 
mitting ninth semiannual report of IIA, 171 
Conant, James B., U.S. High Commissioner for Germany : 
Addresses ; 

Berlin, U.S. position in, 327 
European unity, progress of, 469 
Germany, U.S. policy in, 301 
Soviet policy toward East Germany, 767 
Confirmation as U.S. High Commissioner for Germany, 
283 ; statement on taking oath of office, 261 



Index, January fo June 7953 



939 



Conant, James B., U.S. High Commr. for Germany — Con. 
Public affairs program consultant (Streibert), appoint- 
ment of, 927 
Congress : 
Defen.se Production Act, section 104, recommendation 

for termination, statement (Linder), 5o4 
European Coal and Steel Community, U.S. loan for: 
President's letter to Congressional committees, reply 
(Wiley, Chiperfield), text of House Committee Reso- 
lution. 027, 02S 
Immigration and Nationality Act, articles describing 

changes under (Coulter), 19.5, 232 
International Information Administration, ninth semi- 
annual report, summary, 171 
Investigation of State Department, statement (Dulles), 

390 
Investigative policy of State Department, letter (Ache- 
son to Chelf), 57 
Legislation listed, 120, 242, 485, 533, 699, 723, 898 
Messa.i-'es, letters, reports from President Eisenhower : 
Captive peoples, liberation of : texts of draft re.solu- 
tion and President's letter of transmittal, 3.j3; 
statements (Dulles), 330, 372, 606 
European refugees from communism : recommenda- 
tion for emergency legislation for special admission, 
G.30; statement (Smith), 857 
Foreign-afTairs reorganization : objectives of new 
legislation, 849 ; plans for establishment of Foreign 
Operations Administration and U.S. Information 
Agency, 852, 8.53 
' German debt settlement agreements, recommendation 

for ratification, 665 
Immigration and Nationality Act, study of, letter to 

Senator Watkins, 730 
Mutual Security Program, recommendation for exten- 
sion, text, 735 
NATO Protocol on Military Headquarters, transmit- 
tal of, 631 
St. Lawrence Seaway Project, National Security 
Council recommendations, letter to Senator Wiley, 
698 
State of the Union message, 207 

Tariff Commission recommendations for increased 
duty, letters to Congressional committees explain- 
ing request for further study on : brier pijies, 354, 
355 ; screen-printed silk scarves, 929 
Trade Agreements Act, recommendation for exten- 
sion, QM 
U.S. commercial policy, commission to review, 747 
U.S. loan for European Coal and Steel Community, 

letter to Congressional committees, 927 
Wheat grant to Pakistan, request for, 889 ; statement 
(Dulles), 890 
Messages, letters, etc., from I'resident Truman : 
State of the Union message, 87 

U.S. aid to U.K., France, and Italy, continuance of, 

identic letter to Congressional committees, text, 79 

Mutual Security Program (1954) : text of President's 

recommendation, 735; statements (Dulles, Stassen), 

736, 740 

NATO Status of Forces Agreement (1951) : statement 

(Smith), 628; U.S. action on claims provisions, 631 



940 



Congress — Continued 
Palestine refugees, extension of UNRWA program, 

statement (Smith), 822 
Report of investigation of Katyn Forest massacre, trans- 
mittal to U.N. (Lodge), 322 
IJesolutions : 
Condemnation of Soviet persecution of minorities 

(Senate), text, 506 
Loan for European Coal and Steel Community (House 

Committee), text, 928 
Treaty-making power, proposed Constitutional amend- 
ments (S. J. Kes.), texts, 594; statement (Dulles), | 
591 
St. Lawrence Seaway Project : National Security Coun- 
cil findings and recommendations, 698; statement on, 
U.S. participation (Merchant), 824 
Territorial waters, determination, control, statement 

(Tate), 486 
U.N. Secretariat, loyalty of Americans on, statement 

(Hickerson),58 
U.S. trade policy, effect on domestic agricultural mar- 
kets, statement (Linder), 651 
Constitution of United States, dedication of .shrine, ad- 
dress (Truman), 9 
Consulates, Consular offices. See iiniler Foreign Service. 
Contractual Conventions with Germany, ratification by 

German Parliament, statement (Smith), 784 
Copper : 
Allocation by International Materials Conference, 117 
Discontinuance of allocations, 303, 549 
Cotton : 

Export-Import Bank credit for purchase of U.S. cotton : 
Austria, 2G3 
Japan, 681 
Spain, 681 

International Advisory Committee. 12th plenary meet- 
ing, U. S. delegation, 763 
Coulter, Eliot B.. articles on Immigration and Nationality 

Act (1952), 195, 232 
Council of Europe. See Europe. I 

Cowen, Myron JI., U.S. Ambassador to Belgium, addresses, 
statements, etc. : 
European unity. 48 
Free-world economy, 471 
U.S. national unity in foreign policy. 132 
U.S. policy in Asia and the Pacific, 331 
Cox, Henry B., address on U.S. attitude toward European 

unity, 710 
Cuba : 
Air transport agreement with U.S., signed, text, 839 
Claims against, extension of time limit for filing, 315 
U.S. Ambassador to (Gardner), confirmation, 822 
Cultural exchange, U.S.-German exchange of notes, texts.j 

remarks (Dulles, Adenauer). 567. 568 
Currency convertibility guaranties. See Investment. 
Customs legislation, need for simplification, addressj 
(Morton), 650 ' 

Czechoslovakia : 
Attacks on U.S. aircraft, texts of U.S. and Czechoslo- 
vak notes, 474, 475 

Department of State Butlefin 



Czechoslovakia — Continued 
Charges against U.S. : 

Provisions of Mutual Security Act, exchange of notes, 
409, 410 

Subversion, address in denial of (Lodge), 539, 543 

U.N. committee proceedings, 515 
Council of Free Czechoslovaliia, U.S. messages of hope 

to, texts (Eisenhower, Dulles, Smith), 400 
Intervention in internal affairs of other states, draft 

resolution in U.N. : address (Lodge), 539; U.N. pro- 
ceedings on, 552, 624 
Oatis, William, imprisonment by : reference in address 

(Lodge), 546; statement on relea.se of (White), 785 
Service on Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission, 

provisions in agreement on Prisoners of War, 866, 

868 

Dairy Congress, 13th International, U.S. delegation, 761 

Dairy products, importation of: 
Quotas on, background infoi'mation and text of ijroc- 

lamation, 918, 919 
Restrictions under section 104, Defense Production Act 
(1951), statement (Truman), 102 

D.iniels, Paul C, continuation as U.S. Ambassador to 
Ecuador, 859 

Davies, John Paton, Jr., loyalty case, letter (Bingham to 
Acheson), 121 

Davis, Monnett B., continuation as U.S. Ambassador to 
Israel, 859 

Declaration of Independence, dedication of shrine, address 
(Truman), 9 

Defense, addresses and statements by President Eisen- 
hower : 
Maintenance of national security, 863 
Role of Federal Government in civil defense, 210 

Defense Materials Procurement Agency (DMPA), pur- 
chase contract with Brazil for manganese ore produc- 
tion, 140 

Defense Production Act (1951), section 104: 
Notes of protest (Canada. New Zealand, Australia, Den- 
mark, Sweden, Netherlands. Italy, Argentina), texts, 
555, 556, 558, 559 

P Recommendations for repeal and deletion : Public Ad- 
visory Board for Mutual Security, 436 ; State Depart- 
ment (Linder),554 
Restrictions on imports of dairy products, statement 
(Truman), 102 
Defense-support aid. Mutual Security Agency : 

Allotment of funds for : Indochina, 13 ; Turkey, 499 ; 

Yugoslavia, 610 
Programs in southeast Asia, 138 

Suspension of aid proposed by : Denmark, 873 ; Iceland, 
778 ; Netherlands, 217 
de Gasperi, Alcide, Foreign Minister of Italy, tribute to 

Dean Acheson, 8 
DeMille, Cecil B., assistance in IIA motion picture pro- 
gram, 035, 790 
Democracy and communism in modern world, address 

(Gross), 386 
Denmark : 

Defen.se aid (MSA), agreement for suspension of, 873 



Denmark — Continued 

Note of protest against trade restrictions under section 

104 of Defense Production Act, 556 
Productivity program with Mutual Security Agency, 
819 
Dillon, C. Douglas, U.S. Ambassador to France, confirma- 
tion, 391 
Diplomatic relations with Colombia, 927 
Diplomatic representatives in U.S. : 
Credentials, presentation of: Chile (Jara), 3S1 ; Ecua- 
dor (Chiriboga Villagomez), 12; Egypt (Hussein), 
709; Lebanon (Malik), 709; Mexico (Tello), 462; 
Nepal (Shanker), 381; Rumania (lonescu), 709; 
Syria (Zeineddine), 56; United Kingdom (Makins), 
103; Venezuela (Gonzalez), 12 
Declared persona non grata by U.S. : 

Novikov, Yuri V., second secretary of Soviet Em- 
bassy, 134 
Zambeti, Christache, first secretary of Rumanian Le- 
gation, 815 
Disarmament, addresses and statements : 
Eisenhower, 601 
Gross, 476, 503 
Lodge, 582 
DisaiTnament Commis.sion : 

Continuation of work: acceptance, 624; General Assem- 
bly resolution, text. 584 ; Soviet draft resolution, pro- 
ceedings, 514 
Report on work, and letter of transmittal (U.S. deputy 

representative Cohen to President), 142, 143 
U.S. Panel of Consultants, study of armaments and 

American policy, 103 
U.S. proiwsals for effective disarmament program, 
summary (Cohen), 172; (Gross), 477 
Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-19'i5, Series 

D (1937-45), Vol. V, released, 793 
Dominican Republic : 

Adult education seminar, U.S. representative, 627 
Military assistance agreement with U.S., signed, 442 
U.S. Ambassador to (Pheiffer), confirmation, 822 
Donnelly, Walter J., U.S. High Commissioner for Ger- 
many, Linse kidnaping, text of notes to Soviet Con- 
trol Commission, 12 
Dorsey, Stephen P., address, Cliristian concept of Point 

4 program, 311 
Double taxation. See Taxation, double. 
Douglas, Lewis W., appointment as head of committee to 

survey U.S. trade relations, 498 
Dowliug, Walter C, U.S. deputy representative, attend- 
ance at meeting of Austrian Treaty Deputies, 751 
Draper, William H., Jr. : 

Letter to Senator Wiley on NATO Status of Forces 
Agreement (1951), Protocol to, and agreement on 
status of NATO, &33 
Resignation as U.S. Special Representative in Europe, 
763 
Dulles, John Foster, Secretary of State: 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 
American Council on NATO, establishment, text of 

message to Council, 291 
AMVETS Annual World Peace Award, acknowledg- 
ment, 430 



Index, January fo June J 953 



941 



Dulles, John Foster, Secretary of State — Continued 
Addresses, statements, etc. — Continued 

Appointments, nominations, etc.: A.ssistant Secretary 
for Administration (Walles), and Director of IIA 
(Johnson), 301; Charles E. Bohlen, Ambassador 
to D.S.S.R., 519 

Baltic States, U.S. greetings to peoples of, 330 

Captive peoples, purpose of resolution on liberation 
of, 330, 372, 606 

Chancellor Adenauer's arrival in U.S., 568 

Eisenhower administration : beginning, 430 ; evolu- 
tion of forei^ policy, 603, 706 

European Defense Community : attitude toward, 287, 
289, 603, 738; treaty ratification by German 
Bundestag, 470 

European trip: purpose, 217 ; visit to West Germany, 
302 

Foreign policy problems, survey of, 212 

French foreign ministers, welcome to, 492 

India, expression of friendship to i)eople of, 779 

Inter-American cooperation, 459 

Japanese peace treaty, anniversary message to people 
of Japan, 721 

Korea: armistice negotiations, 708; political settle- 
ment, 655, 908 ; prisoners of war, 495, 905 

Morals and power, 895 

Mutual Security Program for 1954, discussion before 
congressional committee, 736 

Naval bliickade of China coast, 335 

Near East and South Asia: visit to, 431, 707; report 
on situation in, 804, 831 

Netherlands self-reliance, decision to forego defense 
support aid, 217 

North Atlantic Council ministerial meeting, 646, 671 

Polish Constitution, anniversary of, 721 

Private organizations, scope of activity in technical 
cooperation programs, 681 

Soviet threat : evaluation of Premier Malenkov's 
speeches, 467; U.S. defensive policies, 524; Soviet 
tactics for prevention of European unification, 896 

Spain, U.S. relations with, 913 

State Department: message to associates, 170; greet- 
ing to employees, 239 ; Congressional investigations, 
390 ; FBI reports, 518 

Trade Agreements Act, extension of, 743 

Treaty-making power, 591 

United Nations, expression of faith in, 402 

U.S. assistance to victims of Viet Minh aggression In 
Laos, 678, 708 

U.S. wheat grant to Pakistan requested, 890 

World Trade Week, 748 
Confirmation as Secretary of State, 203 
Correspondence : 

Adenauer, Konrad, cultural exchange between U.S. 
and Germany, 567 

American Embassy at Moscow, official message of con- 
dolence re Stalin's death, 400 

British Foreign Secretary and Egyptian Foreign Min- 
ister on signing of Anglo-Egyptian Accord on Sudan, 
305 

Council of Free Czechoslovakia, message of hope, 400 

Eisenhower, President, letter forwarding NATO Pro- 
tocol on Military Headquarters, 631 



Dulles, John Foster, Secretary of State — Continued 
Correspondence — Continued 
Hand, Judge, re John Carter Vincent loyalty case, 241 
International Joint Commission, U.S. withdrawal of 

application for construction of Libby Dam, 611 
Lord, Mrs. Oswald B., U.S. policy on human rights, 

579 
NATO Secretary-General, 4th anniversary of signing 

of North Atlantic Treaty, 525 
Prime Minister of Laos on their Constitution Day, 752 
DLscussions, meetings, etc. : 

Belgian Foreign Minister Van Zeeland, 441, 473 
Canadian Prime Minister St. Laurent, text of joint 

communique, 752 
Greek Minister of Coordination re Greek defense and 

economic conditions, 7.52 
McCarthy, Senator, re control of shipments to Com- 
munist bloc, 532 
Sauiii Arabian Foreign Minister (Prince Faisal), 441 
Thai Ambassador Sarasin re Viet Minh invasion of 
Laos, 708, 709 
Loyalty charges against John Carter Vincent: corre- 
spondence with Judge Hand, 241 ; memorandum re- 
viewing charges, 454 
Report to President on U.S. flood relief in U.K. and 

Western Europe, text, 335 
Visits to : Europe, 217, 302 ; Near East and South Asia, 
431, 705, 707, 804 
Dunn, James Clement, U.S. Ambassador to Spain, con- 
firmation, 391 

ECAFE. See Economic Commission for Asia and the Far 

East. 
ECE. See Economic Commission for Europe. 
Economic and political discussions (U.S. and U.K.), texts 
of communiques, 395, 396, 397, 719 ; comments in ad- 
dress (Aldrich), 915 
Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) : 

African problems, address (McKay), 271 

Documents listed, 78, 352. 451, 538, 627, 689, 788, 888 

15th session, U.S. delegation and proceedings, 550, 552 

Fiscal Commission, 4th session, U.S. delegation, 730 

Human Rights, U.N. Commission on. See Human 
rights. 

Population Commission, 7th session, U.S. delegation, 
194 

Restrictive Business Practices, Ad Hoc Committee on. 
See Restrictive Business Practices, U.N. AD Boo 
Committee. 

Statistical Commission, 7th session, U.S. representa- 
tion, 281 

Technical Assistance Committee, U.S. representative, 
517 

Trade unions, international, U.S. denial of admission to 
representatives of, statement (Wadsworth), 625 

Transport and Communications Commission, 6th ses- 
sion, U.S. representation, 282 

Women, Commission on Status of. See Women, U.N. 
Commission on Status of. 

World economic situation, proceedings, 664 
Economic and technical aid on grant basis, agreement 
signed with Indonesia, 220 



942 



Department of State Bulletin 



Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East 
(ECAFE) : 
Industry and trade, committee on, 5th session, U.S. 

delegation, 282 
Inland Transport Committee, 2d session, U.S. delegate, 

160 
Mineral resources development, regional conference on, 

U.S. delegation, 662 
9th session, U.S. delegation, 281 

Trade Promotion of ECAFE, 2d regional conference on, 
U.S. delegation, 346 
Economic Commission for Europe (ECE), review of survey 

(Camp), 534 
Economic Conference, Commonwealth, text of communi- 
que, 397 
Economic cooperation : 

Burma, request for discontinuance of U.S. aid, 530 
Mutual security. See Mutual security. 
Technical assistance. See Technical assistance ; Tech- 
nical cooperation. 
Economic situation (world), addresses and statements on : 
Comparison of U.S. and Soviet economic systems 

(Wiley), 108 
Cost of survival in dangerous world (Morton), 769 
Development of world economy (Aldrich), 915 
Trade problems. See Trade. 
World conditions (Wadsworth), 683 
Economic study missions. International Bank for Recon- 
struction and Development: 
British Guiana, 265 
Germany, 401 
Jamaica, 141 
Economy, free-world, address (Cowen), 471 
Economy (Berlin), U.S. proposals for implementation of, 

328 
ECOSOC. See Economic and Social Council. 
Ecuador : 
Ambassador (Chirlboga VillagSmez) to U.S., creden- 
tials, 12 
Fishery relations with U.S., conference recommenda- 
tions, 759 
U.S. Ambassador to, continuation (Daniels), 859 
EDC. See European Defense Community. 
Eden, Anthony, British Foreign Secretary : 
Tribute to Dean Acheson, address, 7 
Visit to U.S., 264 
Education : 

Dominican Republic seminar on adult education, U.S. 

representative, 627 
Exchange of persons, retention of programs by Depart- 
ment of State, 850 
Exchange program activities in Africa, address (Mc- 
Kay), 270 
Status of women in field of education, address (Hahn), 

512 
UNESCO services, letter from Chairman Laves to 
Senator Mundt, 886 
Egypt: 
Ambassador to U.S. (Hussein), credentials, 709 
Anglo-Egyptian Accord, signing of, texts of Secretary's 
messages to British Foreign Secretary and Egyptian 
Foreign Jlinister, 305 
Point 4 mission, to study industrial development, 223 



Egypt — Continued 
Point 4 projects, land-development and resettlement, 

498 
Situation in, report (Dulles), 831 
Sudanese Parliament, U.S. representation at election of, 

493 
Eisenhower, Dwight D. : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 

Defense policies for maintenance of national security, 
863 

Inaugural address and prayer, 167 

Messages. See Messages. 

National unity in foreign policy, 133 

North Atlantic Treaty, 4th anniversai-y of signing, 
525 

Pan American Day, commemoration of, 563 

Peace, challenge of Soviet statements, 599 ; Soviet 
reaction, 675, 677, 078, 705, 706 

Prisoners of war, repatriation of, principles of U.N. 
Command, 816 

Three-power meeting with U.K. and France, 778 

U.S. trade policy, 719 

West Berlin, additional grant of Mutual Security 
funds for, 898 

Withdrawal of U.S. Seventh Fleet, 209 
Appointments : 

Committee on International Information Activities, 
217 

Consultants to National Security Council, 431 

Special representative for Korean Economic Affairs 
(Tasca), 576 
Cablegrams to Queens of England and Netherlands 

and King of Belgium extending U.S. aid and sympathy 

to flood victims, 256 
Correspondence : 

Chairman of Tariff Commission requesting further 
study of duty on brier pipes, 354 

Department heads and Director for lilutual Security, 
re duties of executive branch ofiicials in foreign- 
affairs reorganization, 855 

Federal Power Commission Chairman, re National 
Security Council recommendations on St. Lawrence 
Seaway Project, 698 

Gross, Ernest A., acceptance of resignation as Deputy 
U.S. representative to U.N., 390 

Intergovernmental Committee for European Migra- 
tion, aid to refugees from communism, 641 

Messages. See Messages. 

Nehru, Prime Minister, on signing of prisoners of war 
agreement, 807 

Queen Juliana, reply to request for additional aid for 
European refugees from communism, 639 

Secretary of the Treasury, re effective date of conces- 
sions to Brazil under Torquay Protocol, 468 

Syngman Ehee, on conclusion of Korean armistice, 835 
Designation of U.S. representatives to coronation of 

Queen Elizabeth II, 400 
Discussions, meetings, etc. : 

Canadian Prime Minister St. Laurent, text of joint 
communique, 752 

French foreign ministers, 441 

German Chancellor Adenauer, 441, 565 



Index, January fo June 1953 



943 



Eisenhower, Dwight D. — Continued 
Discussions, meetings, etc. — Continued 

Greek Minister of Coordination, re Greek defense and 

economic conditions, 752 
Saudi Aratjian Foreign Minister (Prince Faisal), 440 
Establishment of National Security Council Planning 

Board, 530 
Executive Orders. See Executive Orders. 
Messages : 
American Association for the U.N., appreciation to, 

402 
Congress. See Messages, letters, etc., to Congress. 
Council of Free Czechoslovakia, message of hope, 400 
General Assemlily President (Pearson), U.S. welcome 

to delegates of 7th session, 382 
North Atlantic Council, opening of 11th meeting, and 

ministerial session, 673 
Queen Elizabeth, sympathy on death of Queen Mary, 

493 
Russian people, on illness and death of Stalin, 400 
Turkish President Celal Bayar, condolence on earth- 
quake disaster, 473 
U.N. Commission on Human Rights, expression of in- 
terest in work of, 580 
Messages, letters, etc. to Congress : 
Captive peoples, draft resolution on liberation of, 353 
European refugees from communism, recommenda- 
tion for special admission of immigrants, 639 
German debt settlement agreements, recommendation 

for ratification, 665 
Immigration and Nationality Act, letter to Senator 

Watkins requesting study of, 730 
Mutual Security Program, recommendation for exten- 
sion, 735 
National Security Council recommendations on St. 
Lawrence Seaway Project, letter to Senator Wiley, 
698 
NATO Protocol on Military Headquarters, transmittal 

to Senate, 631 
Reorganization Plans Nos. 7 and 8, foreign affairs re- 
organization, 849, S.52, 853 
State of the Union, 207 

Tariff Commission recommendations, request for fur- 
ther study of duty on : 1>rier pipes, 354 ; screen- 
printed silk scarves, 929 
Trade Agreements Act, recommendation for exten- 
sion, 634 
U.S. commercial policy, recommendation for review of, 

747 
U.S. loan for European Coal and Steel Community, 927 
U.S. wheat grant to Pakistan, 889 
Proclamations. See Proclamations. 
Eisenhower, Milton, visit to American Republics, 706 
El Salvador, U.S. Ambassador to (McDermott) : nomina- 
tion, 790; confirmation, 822 
Embargo : 

Defense Production Act, section 104, protests of foreign 

countries, texts of notes, 555, 556, 558, 559 
Greek restrictions on trade with Communist China and 

North Korea, Department statement, 532 
Shipment of strategic materials to Communist China, 

communique on U.S. and French discussion of, 491 
Trade controls. See Trade. 



944 



Escapees from Communist areas, programs for aid to. 

See Refugees and displaced persons. 
Estonia, greetings to peoples of Baltic States, statement 

(Dulles), 330 
Ethiopia, mutual-defense assistance agreement with U.S., 

signed, 785 
Europe : 

Council of Europe: completion of political constitution, 

469; statement on progress (Cox), 711 
Economic Commission for Europe, review of survey 

(Camp), 534 
Economic conditions, relation.ship to U.S. national secur- 
ity, address (Merchant), 911 
Escapees from Communist areas. See Refugees and 

displaced persons. 
Migration. See Intergovernmental Committee for Euro- 
pean Migration. 
Mutual Security Agency program : summary of report, 
137 ; appointment of evaluation teams to study, state- 
ment (Stassen), 337, 338 
OEEC. See Organization for European Economic Co- 
operation. 
Supreme Allied Command. See Supreme Allied Com- 
mand, Europe. 
Trade. Sec Trade. 

Unification, addresses, statements, etc. : Conant, 469 ; 
Cowen, 48; Cox, 710; Dulles, 896; Eisenhower, 208; 
Truman, 92 ; White House, 800 
U.S. Special Representatives, resignation : Draper, 763 ; 

Anderson, 792 
Visit by Secretary of State Dulles and Mutual Security 

Administrator Stassen, 217, 302 
Western Europe : 

Importance to American security, address (Knight), 

773 
U.S. flood relief in, text of Secretary's interim report 
to President and Cabinet. 335 
European Coal and Steel Community : 

Addresses, statements, etc. on: Cowen, 50; Cox, 711; 

Vernon, 799, 877 ; White House, 800 
Monnet, Chairman, visit to U.S., 754 
U.S. loan, request for : President Eisenhower's letter to 
Congressional committees, reply (Wiley, Chiiierfield), 
and text of House Resolution, 927, 928 
U.S. representative (Bruce), assignment, 352 
European Defense Community (EDO : 

Addresses and statements: Acheson. 1.30; Anderson, 
292; Conant, 328; Dulles, 287, 289, 470, 603, 738; 
Knight, 774 ; Smith, 704, 784 
Interim Committee: assignment of U.S. observer 
(Bruce), 352; liaison with SHAPE, report (Ridg- 
way), 902 
Meeting of foreign ministers, text of cnnununique, 408 
North Atlantic Council resolutions, texts, 4, 674 
European Defense Community treaty ratification : 
Background, statement (Cox), 710 
Foreign ministers, text of communique, 40!> 
French attitude, 492, 712, 774, 776 
German Parliament action, statements: Dulles, 470; 

Smith, 784 
North Atlantic Council resolutions, texts, 4, 674 
Settlement of Saar, communique, 492 
U.S. attitude, address (Conant), 469 

Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 



European Payments Union (EPU) : 
Background, address (Cowen), 50 

Iceland, Mutual Security Agency allotment for settle- 
ment of payments position, 778 
European Productivity Agency, Italian participation in, 

838 
Ewe and Togoland unification, U.S. position, address 

(McKay), 271, 272 
Exchange systems, International Monetary Fund adjust- 
ments : 
Austria, 751 
Bolivia, 783 
Greece, 623 
Japan, 783 
Executive Orders : 

Mutual Security Agency escapee program, exemption 

to specified laws (Ex. Or. 10446), text, 611 
Pacific Islands Trust Territory, transfer of adminis- 
tration of Tinian and Saipan to Secretary of Navy 
(Ex. Or. 10408), text, 46 
Technical Cooperation Administration, transfer of su- 
pervision to Director for Mutual Security (Ex. Or. 
10458), text, 854 
U.N. Secretariat, U.S. employees on: 

Security investigation procedure (Ex. Or. 10459), 

text, 882 
Submission of information to Secretary-General (Ex. 
Or. 10422), text, 62 
Export-Import Bank, loans : 

Afghanistan, purchase of U.S. wheat and flour, 103 

Austria, purchase of U.S. cotton, 263 

Brazil: liquidation of U.S. dollar account, 442, 754; 

manganese ore production, 140 
Colombia, irrigation projects, 222 
Japan, U.S. cotton imports, 681 
Portugal, construction of African railway, 223 
Spain, U.S. cotton imports, 681 
Export-Import Bank, summary of 1952 activities, 222 

Faisal (Prince), Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia, meet- 
ing with the President and Secretary of State, 440, 
441 
Far East : 
ECAFB. See Economic Commission for Asia and the 

Far East. 
Mutual Security programs : 

Appointment of evaluation teams for study of, state- 
ment (Stassen), 337, 338 
Authorization of funds (1954) to meet Communist 

threat, request for, 738 
Defense support program, 138 
U.S. policy, addresses on: Dulles, 605; Smith, 704 
Federal Bureau of Investigation reports, statement 

(Dulles), 518 
Filberts (shelled), limit on importation of, text of procla- 
mation, 917 
Films : 

Cecil B. DeMille, assistance in IIA motion picture pro- 
gram, 635, 790 
International Film Festival (6th), U.S. delegation, 590 



Financial agreement, U.S.-Korea (1950), settlement for 

Korean currency advances under, 381 
Finland : 

Double taxation conventions, income and estate, entry 

into force, 14 
International Monetary Fund, purchase from, 14 
Fi.scal Commission (ECOSOC), 4th session, U.S. delega- 
tion, 730 
Fisher, Adrian S., Legal Adviser, Department of State, 
views on report by President's Commission on Immi- 
gration and Naturalization, 100 
Fisheries : 
Great Lakes, negotiations with Canada, U.S. delegation, 

39 
Halibut, convention with Canada, signed, 441 
International Commission for Northwest Atlantic Fish- 
eries, U.S. delegation to 3d meeting, 821 
U.S.-Ecuadoran relations, conference recommendations, 
759 
Flack, Joseph, continuation as U.S. Ambassador to Po- 
land, 8.59 
Flood relief (U.S.) in U.K. and Western Europe: 
Extension of aid and sympathy. White House announce- 
ment. President's cablegrams, and messages in reply, 
texts, 2.56 
Interim report to President and Cabinet (Dulles), text, 

335 
Netherlands, expression of gratitude for aid, text of aide 
m^moire, 416 
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) : 
Council meeting (1952), review of proceedings (Mc- 

Cormick), 343 
Council (17th session, 1953), U.S. delegation, 926 
Emergency food reserve. Council proceedings on, 344 
World rice situation, international meeting, U.S. dele- 
gation, 119 
Food survey mission (U.S.) to Pakistan, 723, 818 
Foreign Aid, Voluntary, transfer of functions of Ad- 
visory Committee from Department of State, 850, 
856 
Foreign aid programs, reorganization of. See Reorganiza- 
tion of foreign aid and information programs. 
Foreign ministers of American Republics, meeting of 
consultation. See under Organization of American 
States. 
Foreign Operations Administration, establishment, Pres- 
ident's message to Congress transmitting Reorganiza- 
tion Plan No. 7, text of plan, 852 
Foreign policy of United States, definition of. President 

Eisenhower's message to Congress, 207 
Foreign policy of United States in review, address (Tru- 
man), 43 
Foreign relations, importance to national security and 

domestic prosperity, address (Merchant), 909 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1935: 

Volume I, General; The Near East and Africa, released, 

792 
Volume IV, The American RepuMics, released, 827 
Foreign Service: 

Ambassador Murphy, temporary assignment as assist- 
ant to General Clark in Korean armistice negotia- 
tions, 689 



tndex, January fo June 7953 



945 



Foreign Service — Continued 

Ambassatliirs, appointments: Australia (Peaslee), 927; 
Canada (Stuart), 822; China (Rankin), 391; Cuba 
(Gardner), 822; Dominican Republic (Pheiffer), 822; 
El Salvador (McDermott), 790, 822; France (Dillon), 
391; India (Allen), 455; Ireland (Taft), 553; Italy 
(Luce), 423; Japan (Allison), 553; Mexico (White), 
455; Nepal (Allen), 455; Pakistan (Hildreth), 763; 
Spain (Dunn), 391; U.S.S.R. (Bohlen), 519; United 
Kingdom (Aldrich), 283 

Consulates, consular offices : 
Adelaide, South Australia, closed, 792 
Bergen, Norway, closed, 792 
British Columbia, consulates at Hamilton, Ontario, 

and Victoria, closed, 859 
Georgetown, British Guiana, closed, 242 

Loyalty cases (Davies, Vincent), letters (Bingham to 
Acheson) and texts of memoranda (Truman and 
Acheson), 121, 122 

Tributes to Foreign Service officers : Luce, 679 ; Smith, 
821 

U.S. permanent representative on North Atlantic Coun- 
cil (Hughes), confirmation, 927 

U.S. special representatives in Europe, resignations : 
Draper, 7(53 ; Anderson, 792 

Visa system under Immigration and Nationality Act 
(1952), 195, 232, 642 
Formosa, Chinese Government on. See China. 
Foster, H. Schuyler, Chief, Division of Public Studies, 

address on registration of public opinion, 712 
France : 

Arab-Israeli dispute, tripartite declaration (U.S., U.K., 
France) re prevention of frontier violation, text, 
S34n. 

Condemnation of Soviet repressive measures in East 
Berlin, text of joint message (U.S., U.K., and 
France), 897 

Economic situation, address (Knight), 775 

Foreign Ministers (Mayer, Bidault), visit to U.S., 441, 
491, 492, 493 

Indochina, U.S. .support of resistance to Communist ag- 
gression : military mission, 909; statements (Dulles), 
678, 708; (McDermott), 641 

Monnet, Jean, Chairman of the High Authority, Coal 
and Steel Commimity, visit to U.S., 754 

Moroccan question: proceedings on, 36, 359; U.S. atti- 
tude, address (Jessup), 33 

Private investment in. Mutual Security Agency guar- 
anty, 500 

Three-power meeting with U.S. and U.K., statement 
( Eisenhower ) , 778 

Trade with Communist China, restrictions on, 533 

Treaties, agreements, etc. : 
Austrian treaty negotiations. See Austrian state 

treaty negotiations. 
European Defense Community, ratification problems, 

492, 712, 774, 776 
German libraries in Italy, restoration to former own- 
ership, signed (multilateral) : text, 750; Depart- 
ment announcement, 749 
Industrial controls in Germany, tripartite agreement 
with U.S. and U.K. (1951), text of supplement to, 
263 



France — Continued 

Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 

Tripartite Commission on German Debts, signing of 
intergovernmental agreement for settlement of ex- 
ternal debts : c-ommunique, text, 329 ; statement, 
374 ; terms of settlement, 439 
Tripartite-aid program (U.S., U.K., and France) for 
Yugoslavia, Mutual Security Agency grant under, 920 
Tunisian question, proceedings on, 34, 359 
U.S. aid, continuance of. President's identic letters to 
Congressional committees, and appendix listing 
French shipments to Soviet bloc (1952), 79, S3 
U.S. Ambassador (Dillon), confirmation, 391 
Francis, Robert J., designation as Acting Deputy Adminis- 
trator, Voice of America, (535 
Free-world conflict with Communist imperialism, address 

(Smith), 874 
Free-world economy, address (Cowen), 471 
Free world security, maintenance of military strength, 

address (Bradley), 412 
Friendship, commerce, and consular rights (1923, and 
amendments) , application of, text of agreement signed 
with Germany, 877 
Friendship, commerce, and navigation, treaty with Japan, 

signed, 531 
Fueling of ships bound for Communist China, U.S. re- 
strictions on, 904 
Fund for financial reserve (international), FAO working 
party to study problems in development of, 344 

Gardiner, Arthur Z., economic adviser, address on trade 

with Middle East, 432 
Gardner, Arthur, U.S. Ambassador to Cuba, confirmation, 

822 
GARIOA. See Government and Relief in Occupied Areas. 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). See 

Tariffs and Trade, General Agreement on. 
General Assembly : 

Bacteriological warfare, impartial investigation of 
Soviet charges : committee proceedings, 552 ; resolu- 
tions, 617, 624, 663 
Collective Measures Committee, continuation of work, 

proceedings on, 484 
Disarmament. See Disarmament. 
Documents listed, 78, 230, 538, 627, 789 
Eisenhower, President, message to delegates to 7th 

session, text, 382 
Greek soldiers, repatriation of, committee proceedings 

on, 484 
Intervention in domestic affairs of other states, Czech 
draft resolution on : proceedings, 552, 624 ; U.S. 
attitude, address (Lodge), 539 
Mutual Security Act (U.S.), Czechoslovak resolution 

condemning, committee proceedings re, 515 
Palestine question, G.A. role in, U.S. attitude, address 

(Jessup), 70 
Resolutions adopted : 

Armistice in Korea (Apr. IS, 1953), 661, 663 
Austrian treaty negotiations (Dec. 20, 1952), 37, 68 
Disarmament Commission, continuation of work 

(Apr. 8, 1953), 584 
"Germ warfare" charges, impartial investigation 
(Apr. 8, 1953), 617, 624; (Apr. 23, 1953), 663 



946 



Department of State Bulletin 



General Assembly — Continued 
Resolutions adopted — Continued 

Prisoners of war : text of Nortli Korean reply to 
resolution (Dec. 3, 1952), 422; resolution (Apr. 18, 
1953), 661, 663 
Reliabilitation program in Korea, continuation (Mar. 

11, 1953), 452 
Terms of trade, article on (Cale), 718 
U.N. personnel policy (Apr. 1, 1953), 522, 622 
7th session, proceedings, 36, 421 

Tunisian and Moroccan problems, "th session proceed- 
ings on, article (Howard), 359 
United Nations membership, proceedings on question of, 

llun. 
U.N. Postal Administration, proceedings on establish- 
ment of, article (Tomlinson), 921 
U.S. representatives to 2d part of 7th session, nomina- 
tion, 345 
Geneva convention on prisoners of war. See Prisoners of 

war, Geneva convention. 
"Germ warfare:" 
Bacteriological weapons, elimination of, report ou posi- 
tion of Disarmament Commission (Cohen), 151 
Soviet charges re Korea: statements (Clark, Gross), 
451, 612 ; U.N. proceedings, 552 ; text of resolution 
(Apr. 8, 1953), 617 
Germany : 
Adenauer, Chancellor, visit to U.S., 441, 529, 565, 568, 

569 
American property in Soviet Zone, treatment of, ex- 
change of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218, 219 
Berlin. See Berlin. 
Claims, deadline for filing : 

Pensions of former employees of German public serv- 
ice now residing abroad, 262, 401 
War damages in West Germany, 303 
Cultural exchange, U.S.-German exchange of notes, 

texts, and remarks (Dulles, Adenauer), 567, 568 
Free press, postwar development of, article (Straus), 

294 
Government in occupied areas information program, 
transfer of functions to U.S. Information Agency, 851, 
854 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment mission to, for economic study, 401 
Linse kidnaping, texts of U.S. notes to Soviet Control 

Commission, 12 
Prewar assets in U.S., termination of confiscation, state- 
ment (Adenauer), 720 
Soviet policy toward East Germany, address (Conant), 

767 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

A.ssets in Switzerland ( Swiss-German agreement) : 
effective date, 654 ; provisions respecting U.S. claim- 
ants, 838 
Claims of U.S. for postwar economic assistance (U.S.- 

Germany), signed, 373, 374, 665 
Contractual Conventions, ratification by German 
Parliament, statement (Smith), 784 
Double taxation, income and estate, negotiations for, 
303 



Germany — Continued 
Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 

European Defense Community treaty ratification, 
statements on : Dulles, 470 ; Cox, 711 ; Knight, 774 ; 
Smith, 784 
External debts, settlement of (multilateral) : nego- 
tiations, 329; signing, 373, 374; terms, 439; trans- 
mittal to U.S. Senate, 665 
Friendship, commerce, and consular rights (1923 
and amendments), application of, text of agree- 
ment signed with U.S., 877 
German dollar bonds, validation of (U.S.-Germany) : 
background information, 379 ; signature, 376, 569 ; 
text, 376, 666; transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665; 
validation board, U.S. representative, 837 
Indebtedness for awards made by Mixed Claims Com- 
mission (U.S.-Germany), 373, 374, 665 
Industrial controls, tripartite agreement between 
U.S., U.K., and France (1951), text of supplement 
to, 203 
Libraries (German) in Italy, restoration to former 
ownership (multilateral), signed: text, 750; De- 
partment announcement, 749 
Obligation to U.S. for surplus property, 373, 374 
Tripartite Commission on German Debts. See under 

Tripartite (U.S., U.K., and France) actions. 
U.S. policy in, address (Conant), 301 
U.S. transfer of former German vessels to, 566 
Visit of Secretary Dulles to West Germany, statement, 

302 
West German newspapers formerly licensed by Military 
Government, list, 300 
Germany, U.S. High Commissioner for : 
Conant, James B. See Conant. 
Donnelly, Walter J. See Donnelly. 
Gonzalez, Cesar, Venezuelan Ambassador to U.S., creden- 
tials, 12 
Gordon, Lincoln, Chief of MSA mission to U.K., address 

on current status of NATO, 405 
Government and Relief in Occupied Areas (GARIOA), 

emergency grant-in-aid for Berlin refugees, 380 
Government in occupied areas (Germany and Austria), 
information program, transfer to U.S. Information 
Agency, 851, 854 
Government Organization, Committee on, statement re 

establishment (Eisenhower), 210 
Government Reorganization Act, request for extension. 

President's annual message to Congress, 210 
Graham, Frank P., U.N. representative for India and 
Pakistan, report to Security Council on demilitariza- 
tion of Kashmir, excerpts, 694 
Great Lakes fisheries convention with Canada, negotia- 
tions toward, 39 
Greece : 
Exchange system, unification of, 623 
King Paul and Queen Frederika, visit to U.S., 818 
Relations with U.S. : discussions, 752; address (Dulles), 

833 
Repatriation of Greek soldiers ; U.N. proceedings, 484 ; 

U.S. attitude, address (Wadsworth), 450 
Trade with Communist China and North Korea, re- 
strictions on, 532 



Index, January fo June 7953 



947 



Gross, Ernest A., U.S. representatiTe to General Assembly : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 
Communism and Democracy contrasted, 386 
Disarmament: Soviet draft resolution, 503; U.S. pro- 
posals contrasted with Soviet, 476 
"Germ warfare" charges, investigation of, 612, 616 
Korean question. General Assembly resolution, 661 
Prisoners of war, denial of Soviet charges against 

U.S. treatment, 17, 38 
Soviet membership in U.N., 316 
Nomination as U.S. representative, 2d part of 7th ses- 
sion. General Assembly, 345 
Eesignation as Deputy U.S. representative to U.N., let- 
ters of commendation (Eisenhower, Truman), 390 
Guaranties against loss by expropriation. See Investment. 

Hagerty, James, statement on Soviet reaction to President 
Eisenhower's speech (Apr. 16) on world peace, 678 

Hahn, Lorena B., U.S. representative on Commission on 
Status of Women: 
Addresses, 507, 546 
Confirmation of appointment, 507n. 

Haiti, investment-guaranty agreement with U.S., signed, 
6S2 

Halibut Commission, International Pacific, establishment, 
442 

Halibut fishery convention with Canada, signed, 441 

Hammarskjold, Dag, U.N. Secretary-General : 

Appointment, confirmation by General Assembly, 624 
Statement of welcome (Lodge), 619 

Hand, Judge Learned, letter to Secretary Dulles re John 
Carter Vincent loyalty case, 241 

Hanes, John W., Jr., appointment as Special Assistant to 
the Secretary, 242 

Harris, Reed, resignation as Deputy Administrator of IIA, 
609 

Harrison, William K., Jr., Lt. Gen., U.S.A., correspondence 
with : 
Gen. Nam II, resumption of Korean armistice negotia- 
tions, 608 
North Korean and Chinese Communists, BOK release of 
prisoners in South Korea, 905 

Hartman, Douglas William, appointment as U.S. repre- 
sentative on Board for Validation of German Bonds, 
837 

Health : 

Public health conference, joint U.S.-U.N. participation 

in, 346 
WHO. See World Health Organization. 

Hemispheric cooperation, address (Cahot), 338 

Hickerson, John D., Assistant Secretary for U.N. Affairs, 
address on loyalty of Americans on U.N. Secretariat, 
58 

Hildreth, Horace A., U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan, con- 
firmation, 763 

Holland, Spessard, U.S. Senator, statement on Inter- 
American Highway, 105 

HoUand Flood Relief, Inc., U.S. contributions, 440 

Howard, Harry N., article on General Assembly 7tli 
session proceedings on Tunisian and Moroccan prob- 
lems, 359 

Hughes, John C, confirmation as U.S. permanent repre- 
sentative on North Atlantic Council, 927 



948 



Human rights: 

U.X. Commission on : 

Confirmation of Mrs. Lord, U.S. representative, 242 

9th session, U.S. delegation, 549 

President Eisenhower's message, 580 

Secretary Dulles' letter to U.S. representative (Mrs. 

Lord), 579 
Statements (Mrs. Lord), 581, 842 
U.S. draft resolutions, texts, 847, 848 
U.X. Commission on Status of Women. See Women, 

U.N. Commission on Status of. 
U.S. legislation and international agreements (1951), 
report on, 178 
Humelsine, Carlisle H., resignation as Deputy Under 

Secretary for Administration, 352 
Hungary, retention of U.S. plane and contents (1951) : 
Background, exchange of notes (U.S.-Hungary), 257, 

258, 259 
Diplomatic claims of U.S., summary, 496 
Hussein, Ahmed, Ambassador of Egypt, credentials, 709 

Iceland : 

Mutual Security Agency defense-support aid, request 
for suspension, 778 

U.S. Minister to, continuation (Lawson), 859 
Immigration : 

Communist Chinese journalists denied admittance to 
U.S. under revised legislation, 340 

European refugees from communism: President's let- 
ter to Congressional leaders recommending emergency 
legislation for special admission, 639 ; statement 
(Smith), 857 

Quotas, revision by presidential proclamation (1952), 
table, 236 

Review of present legislation, recommendation in Pres- 
ident's annual message to Congress, 211 
Immigration and Nationality Act (1952) : 

Asia-Pacific triangle, establishment for quota purposes, 
238 

President's letter to Senator Watkins suggesting study 
of. 730 

Visa function, revision under: article (Coulter), 195, 
232; address (Auerbach), 642 
Immigration and Naturalization. President's Commission 
on, excerpts of report, letter of transmittal, and views 
of Department's Legal Adviser (Fisher), 97, 100 
Imports and exports. See Trade. 

India : 

Five-year program, U.S. attitude, address (Dulles), 

833 
IBRD loan, expansion of steel and iron production, 54 
Kashmir dispute. Sec Kashmir, demilitarization of. 
Mutual Security Program (1954), request for authoriza- 
tion of funds, 738, 741 
Point 4 programs: malaria control, 55; tube well, 266 
Relations with U.S.: address (Allen), 523; expression 

of friendship (Dulles), 779 
Repatriation of Korean prisoners of war, designated 
functions : Neutral Nations Repatriation Commis- 
sion, 866, 868 ; Red Cross Society of India, 867 
U.S. Ambassador to (Allen), confirmation, 455 
Vice President (Radhakrishnan), visit to U.S., 752 

Department of Slate Bulletin 



Indochina : 
Discussions with France and U.S. on measures to pro- 
mote jpeace, text of communique, 491 
I/aos. See Laos. 
Mutual Security Agency defense support program, 13, 

139 
North Atlantic Council resolution re NATO support, 

text, 4 
United Nations membership application, U.S. attitude, 

statement (Cohen), 115 
U.S. military mission, visit to discuss U.S. support of 
resistance to Communist attacli, 909 
Indonesia, economic and technical aid, continuation of, 

agreement signed, 220 
Industry and trade, committee of ECAFE, 5th session, 

U.S. delegation, agenda, 282 
Information Agency, U.S., establishment under Reorgan- 
ization Plan (No. S), S53, 854 
Information programs: 
American CouncU on NATO, text of Secretary Dulles 

message, 291 
International. See International information. 
Reorganization. See Reorganization of foreign aid and 
information programs. 
Inland Transport Committee of ECAFE, 2d session, U.S. 

delegate, 160 
Institute of Inter-American Afifairs : 
Transfer to Foreign Operations Administration, 850, 

851, 852, 853 
Year-end statement of acting president (Rowe), 47 
Inter-American Conference, 10th, U.S. representatives, 

790 
Inter-American Council of Jurists, 2d meeting, U.S. dele- 
gation, 590 
Inter-American Economic and Social Council of OAS, 3d 
extraordinary meeting: 
Addresses (Cabot), 338, 460 
U.S. delegation, 281 
Inter-American Highway, statement (EoUand), 105 
Inter-American relations, addresses and statements on. 

See American Republics. 
Inter-American seminar on national income, U.S. partici- 
pants, 119 
Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, map of 

region defined by article 4, 465 
Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission, consideration 
of program by U.S.-Bcuadoran conference on fishery 
relations, 759 
Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration: 
Activities cited in statement (Smith), 857 
Fifth session, article (Warren), 879 
Mutual security program funds for, request for authori- 
zation, 741, 742 
Provisional Committee (PICMME), 4th session pro- 
ceedings, article (Warren), 64 
Refugees from communism, aid to, President Eisen- 
hower's letter to Committee, 641 
U.S. participation in, transfer of responsibility from 
Department of State, 850, 854 
International Advisory Committee, 12th plenary meeting, 
U.S. delegation, 763 



International Bank for Reconstruction and Development 
(IBRD) : 

Bruce, David K. E., resignation as U.S. Alternate 
Governor, 162 

Discussions with Japan re financing of power projects, 
878 

Loans : 

India, expansion of steel and iron production, 54 
Yugoslavia, completion of industrial projects, 339 

Missions : 
British Guiana, economic survey, 265 
Germany, for economic study, 401 
Jamaican economy, report on, 141 

Semiannual report, summary, 265 

U.K. >>terling available to Commonwealth countries, 
IBRD announcement, 264 
International Broadcasting Service, Office of Comptroller, 
consolidation of functions with N. T. Administrative 
Office of International Information Administration, 
790 
International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) : 

Air Navigation Conference, U.S. delegation, 347 

Damage caused by foreign aircraft to third persons on 
the surface, convention on, 221 

Southeast Asia, South Pacific Regional Air Navigation 
Meeting, U.S. delegation, 159 

Standing Committee on Performance, U.S. delegation to 
meeting of, 762 
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). See 

Red Cross. 
International Criminal Jurisdiction, Committee on, ap- 
pointment of members, 37 
International Development, Act for, transfer of adminis- 
tration to Director of Foreign Operations Adminis- 
tration, 850, 851 
International Fisheries Commission, International Pacific 

Halibut Commission, establishment, 442 
International Information Activities, President's Com- 
mittee on, statement (Eisenhower), 210, 217 
International Information Administration (IIA) : 

Addresses on programs : Compton, 252 ; Johnson, 816 ; 
McKay, 270 

Consultant on telecommunications (Morton), appoint- 
ment, 635 

Deputy Administrator (Harris), resignation, 699 

Director of Information Service and VOA (Johnson) : 
Appointment, statement (Dulles), 391 
Denial of press reports of resignation, 790 

Educational exchange. See Education. 

Inaugural coverage, 171 

International Press Service, closing of New York ofiSce, 
790 

Latin America, use by IIA of radio time previously os- 
cupied by Voice of America, 926 

Motion picture program : 
Conference between Cecil B. DeMiUe and Adminis- 
trator Johnson, 635 
Denial of press statement re drafting of Hollywood 
directors, 790 

New York Administrative Office, consolidation with 
Office of Comptroller of International Broadcasting 
Service, 790 



Index, January to June 1953 

283337—54 3 



949 



International Information Administration (IIA) — Con. 
9th semiannual report to Congress, summary, text of 
Administrator's memorandum to Secretary Acheson, 
171 
Personnel reorganization, 699 

San Francisco broadcasting corporation authorized to 
use shortwave transmitters for Latin American broad- 
casts, 821 
Transfer of functions to U.S. Information Agency, 851 
VOA. See Voice of America. 
International Joint Commission (IJC) : 

Libhy Dam construction, U.S. withdrawal of applica- 
tion for. Secretary's letter to IJC, 611 
Niagara Falls remedial works, recommendations to U.S. 
and Canada re, 783 
International Labor Organization : 
Documents listed, 275 
Labor Conference (International), 36th session, U.S. 

delegation, 884 
Textiles Committee, 4th session, U.S. delegation, 283 
Work on Plantations, Committee on, 2d session, U.S. 
delegation, 517 
International Law Commission, women, report on nation- 
ality of, U.S. attitude, address (Hahn), 507 
International Materials Conference (IMC) Committees: 
Copper-Zinc-Lead : 

Copper allocation, 117 ; discontinuance, 303 
Termination of Committee, 549 
Manganese-Nickel-Cobalt : 
Allocation of nickel, 118 
Distribution of nickel and oxides, 549 
Sulfur : 
Allocation, 119; discontinuance, 475 
Termination of Committee, 689 
Tungsten-Molybdenum Committee : 

Molybdenum : allocations, 117, 548 ; guiding quotas 

for distribution, 883 
Tungsten, discontinuance of distribution, 118 
International meetings, calendar of, 15, 176, 341, 501, 656, 

786 
International Monetary Fund : 
Exchange system adjustments : Austria, 751 ; Bolivia, 

783 ; Greece, 623 ; Japan, 783 
Purchase from fund, Finland, 14 
International Niagara Falls Engineering Board, estab- 
lishment by International Joint Commission, 784 
International Organizations Employees Loyalty Board, 
establishment of, text of executive order (Ex. Or. 
10459), 883 
International Press Service (IPS), closing of New York 

office, 790 
International Regulations for Preventing Collisions at 

Sea, revision, effective date, 220 
International Rubber Study Group : 
U.S. delegation to 10th meeting, 761 
Working Party draft agreement on measures to prevent 
surpluses and shortages, 266 
International Telecommunication Union (ITU) : 
Administrative Council, opening session, U.S. delega- 
tion, 763 
Telegraph Consultative Committee, 7th plenary assem- 
bly, U.S. delegation, 820 



International Tin Study Group, Working Party, appoint- 
ment and proceedings, article (Nichols), 724 
International Wheat Council, negotiations re interna- 
tional wheat agreement, 714 
Intervention in internal affairs of other states: 
Czech charges against U.S.: address In denial (Lodge), 
539, 543 ; U.N. committee proceedings on draft reso- 
lution, 552 
Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement on non-intervention, 
Soviet violation of, address (Lodge), 541 
Investment of private capital abroad : 

Addresses, statements, etc., 208, 310, 460, 739, 742, 745, 

781, 913 
Mutual Security Agency investment guaranty program, 
138, 500, 682 
Investment programs. Mutual Security Agency : 
Guaranty programs in: France, 500; Haiti, 682 
West Berlin, additional funds for, 262 
Year-end MSA report, 138 
lonescu, Marin Florea, Ambassador of Rumania, creaeu- 

tials, 709 
Iranian oil dispute, U.S. attitude, address (Dulles), 833 
Iraq : 

Secretary Dulles' visit to, report, 832 
Technical cooperation project for land development, 610 
Ireland, U.S. Ambassador to (Taft), confirmation, 553 
Ismay, Lord, Secretary-General of NATO : 
Address, Communist threat to unity of NATO partner- 
ship, 427 
Visit to U.S., 315 
Israel : 
Arab-Israeli dispute, tripartite declaration (U.S., U.K., 
France) re prevention of frontier violation, text, 834n. 
Palestine question. See Palestine question. 
Report on situation in (Dulles), 832 
U.S. Ambassador to, continuation (Davis), 859 
Italy: 

Foreign Minister de Gasperi, tribute to Dean Acheson, 8 
German libraries in, restoration to former ownership, 
multilateral agreement signed. Department announce- 
ment and text, 749, 750 
Mutual Security Agency productivity agreement con- 
cluded, 838 
National elections, problem of, address (Knight), 776 
Trade restrictions under section 104 of Defense Pro- 
duction Act, note of protest, 558 
U.S. aid to, continuance of. President's identic letters 
to Congressional committees, and appendix listing 
Italian shipments to Soviet bloc (1952), 79, 83 
U.S. Ambassador to (Luce), confirmation, 423 

Jamaica, International Bank for Reconstruction and 

Development mission, economic report, 141 
Jammu and Kashmir. See Kashmir, demilitarization of. 
Japan : 

Assets, transfer to International Committee for Red 
Cross under treaty of peace provisions, discussion, 
439 
Economic development in, discussions with Interna- 
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development re 
financing of power projects, 878 
Export-Import Bank credit authorized for U.S. cotton 
imports, 681 



950 



Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 



Japan — Continued 

International Monetary Fund simplification of exchange 

system in, 783 
Mutual security program funds for internal security, 

statement (Dulles), 738 
Screen-printed silk scarves, U.S. Tariff Commission 
recommendation for increased duty, test of Presi- 
dent's identic letter to Congressional committees and 
chairman of Commission, 929 
Stabilization of Japanese economy, U.S. attitude, state- 
ment (McDermott),611 
Territorial air violations by Russian planes : statement 
(Acheson), 131; exchange of notes (U.S. and Japan), 
134 
Trade, need for markets, statement (DuUes), 744 
Treaties, agreements, etc.: 

Friendship, commerce, and navigation, signed, 531 

Peace treaty: anniversary message (Dulles), 721; 

text of article 16, transfer of Japanese assets, 439 

Prewar bilateral agreements with U.S. (extradition, 

narcotic drugs, postal conventions, leaseholds on 

property, liquor smuggling, taxation), continuance 

in force, 722 

United Nations membership application, statement of 

U.S. attitude (Cohen), 115 
U.S. Ambassador to: confirmation (Allison), 553; 
termination of assignment (Murphy), 689 
Jara, Anibal, Ambassador of Chile, credentials, 381 
Jessup, Philip C. : 
Addresses, etc. : 
Bey of Tunis spokesman to U.N., U.S. attitude, 34 
Moroccan question, U.S. attitude, 33 
Palestine question, Philippine amendment to draft 

resolution, U.S. attitude, 70 
Prisoners of war, denial of Soviet charges against 
U.S. treatment of, 16, 37 
Johnson, Robert L., Administrator, International Informa- 
tion Administration : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 

Announcements of changes in operation of TIA, 790 
Denial of press reports of resignation, 790 
IIA program, effectiveness, 816 
Appointment as Director of Information Service (IIA) 

and VGA, statement (Dulles), 391 
Conference with Cecil B. DeMille on use of motion 
pictures in overseas program, 635 
Jordan : 
Report of situation in (Dulles), 832 
United Nations membership application, U.S. attitude, 
statement (Cohen), 115 
Journalists, entry into U.S. under revised immigration 
laws, 340 

Kashmir, demilitarization of: 
5th report to Security Council, excerpts (Graham), 

694 
U.N. proceedings, 36, 73n. 

U.S.-U.K. resolution and Netherlands amendment, ad- 
dress re U.S. attitude (Ross), 73 
Katyn Forest massacre: 
Reference in address (Lodge), 545 
U.S. Congressional investigation, transmittal of report 
to U.N. (Lodge), 322 



Kersten amendment to Mutual Security Act of 1951, ex- 
cerpt, 541 (n. 4) 

Kissick, Harold G., designation in State Department, 83 

Knight, Ridgway B., address on importance of Western 
Europe to American security, 773 

Knuwland, William F., Senator, correspondence with 
Secretary DuUes on prisoner-of-war situation, 757 

Korea : 

"Germ warfare." See "Germ warfare." 

Korean currency advances, U.S. settlement for, 381 

Military operations in, letter from Acting Assistant 

Secretai-y for Congressional Relations (Brown) to 

Representative Walter Rogers, 120 
North Korean propaganda broadcast, exposition of, 

statement (McDermott), 261 
Political conference on conclusion of armistice, remarks 

(Dulles), 908 
President's special representative for Korean Economic 

Affairs (Tasca), appointment, 576 
Prisoners of war. See Prisoners of war. 
Soviet assistance to Chinese Communists, address 

(Lodge), and excerpt of Soviet delegate's remarks 

(Vyshinsky), 419, 420 
Soviet policy in, address (Lodge), 382 
Strategic materials, control of shipments to North 

Korea, 532 
Unified Command emergency relief program, 444 
United Nations Command operations reports : 

53d (Sept. 1-15, 1952), 155 

54th (Sept. 16-30, 1952), 224 

55th (Oct. 1-15, 1952), 276 

56th (Oct. 16-31, 1952), 348 

57th through 59th (Nov. 1-Dec. 15, 1952), 690, 692, 
693 
United Nations committee proceedings, 421 
United Nations rehabilitation program : 

Address (Lodge), 443 

General Assembly resolution adopted (Mar. 11), 452 

UNKRA. See United Nations Korean Reconstruction 
Agency. 
U.S. global policy. President's annual message to Con- 
gress, 209 
War or peace, address (Bradley), 412 
Korean armistice negotiations: 

Addresses and statements : Lodge, 445 ; Dulles, 708 
Ambassador Murphy, temporarily assigned as assistant 

to General Clark, 689 
Eisenhower, President, letter to Syngman Rhee re con- 
clusion of armistice, 835 
General Assembly resolution on Korea, adopted (Apr. 

18, 1953), statement (Gross), and text, 661 
Meetings, U.N. Command with North Korean and 

Chinese Communist representatives, summaries, 686, 

726, 728, 729, 730 
Political settlement, remarks (Dulles), 655, 908 
Prisoners of war. See Prisoners of war. 
Reopening at Panmunjom, General Harrison's letter to 

General Nam II, and summary of liaison meeting 

(April 11), 608, 609 
Kraft, Bjorn, Foreign Minister of Denmark, tribute to 

Mr. Acheson, 7 



Index, January fo June 1953 



951 



tiabor: 

ILO See International Labor Organization. 
Role of organized labor in national and international 
economy, address (Cowen), 472, 473 
Land reform, technical cooperation projects : 
Egypt, 498 
Iraq, 610 
Laos: 

Communist invasion of : 
Attack by Viet Miuh troops: U.S. expression of sym- 
pathy (McDermott), 641; V. S. aid to victims of 
aggression, 678, 705, 70S, 735 
Leadership of "Free Lao" movement, test of Lao note 

to U.S., 709 
U S support of resistance to aggression, 738, 909 
Constitution Day, text of Secretary Dulles' message to 
Prime Minister, 752 
Latin America. See American Republics. 
Lave« Walter H. C, Chairman of U.S. National Commis- 
sion for UNESCO, letter to Senator Mundt on progress 
of UNESCO and Commission, 885 
Lawson, Edward B., continuation as U.S. Minister to Ic^ 

land, 859 
Lebanon : 

Ambassador to U.S. (Malik) , credentials, 709 
Secretary Dulles' visit to, report, 832 
Lend-lease settlement, Liberia, 103 

Libby Dam, U.S. withdrawal of application for construc- 
tion of, Secretary's letter to International Joint 
Commissiuii, Gil 

Liberia : 

Lend-lease payment to U.S., 103 

Withdrawal from General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade, 917 
Libraries (German) in Italy, multilateral agreement for 
restoration to former ownership, signed. Department 
announcement, and text, 749, 750 

Libya : 

Secretary Dulles' visit to, report, >v33 
United Nations, membership in, statement of U.S. atti- 
tude (Cohen), 115 
Lie, Trygve, Secretary-General of the United Nations: 
Statement in tribute (Lodge), 618 
U N personnel poUcy, excerpt of report, 452 
Linder, Harold F.. Assistant Secretary for Economic 
Affairs ; 
Appointment, 83 

Defense Production Act, statement recommending sec- 
tion 104 deletion, 554 . . „ , 
Resignation as Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs, 

790 
U.S. trade policy, effect on domestic agricultural market, 

statement, 651 

Linse, Dr. Walter, abduction by East German authorities : 
Reference in address (Lodge), 544 
Texts of U S. notes to Soviet Control Commission, 12 

Lithuania, U.S. greetings to peoples of Baltic States, 
statement (Dulles), 330 

Locke Edwin, A., Jr., letter of resignation as U.S. repre- 
sentative on Advisory Commission of UNRWA and 
as Secretary's special representative in the Near 
Bast, 163 



952 



Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr. : 
Addresses, statements, etc.: 

Czech subversion charges against U.S., 539 

Disarmament Commission, General Assembly resolu- 
tion re continuation of work, 582 

Korea : facts of Korean situation, 382 ; rehabilitation 
program, 443 

Prisoners of war, exchange of sick and wounded, 
negotiations, 574 

Secretary-General Hammarskjold, welcome to, 619 

Soviet foreign policy : basis, 446 ; Chinese Communists, 
assistance to, 419 ; intervention in domestic affairs 
of other states, 541 

Trygve Lie, tribute, 618 

United Nations: personnel policy, 620; role of U.N. 
in promotion of peace, 658; technical assistance 
program, U.S. pledge, 384 

Withdrawal of Chinese troops from Burma, 664 
Confirmation as U.S. representative to U.N., 203 
Correspondence : 

Director Federal Bureau of Investigation (Hoover), 
request for investigation of employees at U.S. mis- 
sion to U.N., 229 

Secretary-General Lie, letter transmitting Senate res- 
olution condemning Soviet persecution of minorities, 

506 
Katyn Forest massacre, U.S. Congressional investiga- 
tion of, transmittal of report to U.N., 322 
Nomination as U.S. representative, 2d part 7Ui session 

General Assembly, 345 
Puerto Rico, cessation of U.S. transmittal of informa- 
tion to U.N., announcement, 584 
Lord, Mrs. Oswald B., U.S. representative on U.N. Com- 
mission on Human Rights: 
Addresses and statements, 480, 581, 842 
Attendance at 9th session of Commission, 549 
Confirmation as U.S. representative on Commission, 242 

Lourie, Donold B. : 

Confirmation as Under Secretary for Administration, 

323 
Establishment of office, excerpt of Department arcular 

(No. 12), 487 
Loyalty Review Board recommendations re Davies and 

Vincent cases, letters (Bingham to Acheson), 121 
Lubin, Isador, U.S. representative on Technical Assistance 

Committee of ECOSOC, 517 
Luce, Clare Booth, U.S. Ambassador to Italy : 

Address in tribute to Foreign Service officers, 679 
Confirmation of appointment, 423 
Luns, J. M. A. H., NeUierlands Foreign Minister, visit to 

U.S., 400 

MacArthur, Douglas, 2d, appointment as Counselor of the 

Department, 519 
McCardle, Carl W., confirmation as Assistant Secretary 

of State for Public Affairs, 241 
McCarran-Walter Act. Sec Immigration and Nationality 

Act. 
McCarthv, Senator Joseph, discussion with Secretary 

Dulles re control of shipments to Communist bloc, 532 
Mccormick, Clarence J., review of 1952 FAO CouncU 

meeting, 343 



Department of SfaJe Bulletin 



McDermott, Michael J. : 

Statements made as Special Assistant for Press Rela- 
tions : 
Austrian treaty deputies, suspension of meetings, 305 
High-level conference with Soviets, U.S. attitude re 

U.K. proposal, 748 
Japanese economy, stabilization of, 611 
Laos, attack by Viet Minh troops, U.S. expression of 

sympathy, 641 
North Korean propaganda broadcast, 261 
Soviet : anti-semitic policy, 131 ; proposal for 5-power 
peace pact, 714 
U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador : nomination, 790 ; con- 
firmation, 822 
Mcllvaine, Robinson, appointment as Special Assistant to 

Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs, 927 
McKay, Vernon, address on U.S. policy toward Africa, 267 
McLeod, Robert W. S., Administrator, Bureau of Security 
and Consular Affairs : 
Appointment, 391 
Statement, 423 
Makins, Sir Roger, British Ambassador, credentials, 103 
Malik, Charles, Ambassador of Lebanon, credentials, 709 
Manganese ore : 
Mined in Mexico, signing of contracts for delivery to 

U.S., 468 
Production in Brazil, Export-Import Bank loan for, 140 
Markezinis, Spyros, Greek Minister of Coordination, dis- 
cussions with President, Secretary of State, and 
Director for Mutual Security, 752 
Marshall Plan: 

Addresses and statements on : Cox, 710, 711 ; Truman, 92 

Federal Ministry for, agreement with Mutual Security 

Administration special mission, for emergency grant 

to Berlin refugees, 380 

Mayer, M. Rene, Prime Minister of Prance, visit to U.S., 

441, 493 
Merchant, Livingston T., Assistant Secretary for Euro- 
pean Affairs Policy : 
Addresses and statements : 
Foreign relations, importance to national security and 

domestic prosperity, address, 909 
St. Lawrence Seaway Project, U.S. participation, 824 
Appointment, 519 
Meteorology : 

Commissions for Climatology and for Synoptic Meteor- 
ology, U.S. delegation to 1st session, 483 
World symposium on sferics, U.S. representation, 518 
Mexico : 

Ambassador to U.S. (Tello), credentials, 462 
Arms-export violators, U.S. indictment against un- 
licensed traffic across border, 315 
Manganese ore, signing of contracts for delivery to U.S., 

468 
Registration period for holders of Mexican securities, 

878 
UNESCO educational services in, 886 
U.S. Ambassador to (White), confirmation, 455 
Middle East : 
Near East. See Near East. 
Trade, political and economical problems, address 

(Gardiner), 432 
U.S. policy in, address (Dulles), 605 



Migration from Euroi)e. See Intergovernmental Commit- 
tee for European Migration. 
Military assistance : 

Agreement signed with Dominican Republic, 442 
Air Force mission to Venezuela, agreement signed, 220 
Delivery of items to Indochina and Thailand to with- 
stand Communist aggression, 708, 709 
Mission to Indochina to discuss support of resistance 

to Communist attack, 909 
Mutual defense assistance. See Mutual defense: Mu- 
tual security. 
Program in Latin America, bacliground summary, 463 
Miller, Edward G., Jr., resignation as Assistant Secretary 

for Inter-American Affairs, 162 
Military power, place in world relationships, addresses on : 

Bradley, 412 ; Smith, 675 
Mineral resources development, regional ECAFE confer- 
ence on, U.S. delegation. 662 
Minority groups, Soviet persecution of, text of Senate reso- 
lution condemning, and letter of transmittal to U.N., 
506 
Molybdenum : 

Allocation by International Materials Conference, 117, 

548 
Guiding quotas for distribution, recommendation by 
IMC, 883 
Monnet, Jean, Chairman of High Authority of the Euro- 
pean Coal and Steel Community, visit to U.S., 754 
Morals and power, address (Dulles), 895 
Moroccan question : 

U.N. proceedings, 36, 3.'J9 
U.S. attitude, address (Jessup), 33 
Morton, Alfred H., appointment as chief consultant on 
telecommunications, International Information Ad- 
ministration, 635 
.Morton, Thruston B., Assistant Secretary for Congres- 
sional Relations: 
Addresses : 

Cost of survival in a dangerous world, 769 
U.S. trade policy, 647 
Confirmation of office, 242 

Correspondence with Senator Knowland re prisoner-of- 
war situation, 758 
MSA. See Mutual Security Agency. 
Muiioz Marin, Luis, Governor, Commonwealth of Puerto 
Rico, letter to the President re cessation of U.S. 
transmittal of information to U.N., 588 
Murphy, Robert D. : 
Appointment as Assistant Secretary for U.N. Affairs, 

519 
Termination of appointment as U.S. Ambassador to 
Japan and temporary assignment as assistant to 
General Clark, 6S9 
Mutual-defense assistance agreement signed with Ethi- 
opia, 785 
Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act (1951) : 
Embargo provisions, reference in letters to Congress 

(Truman), 79 
Trade controls under, announcement of tightening 
(Stassen), 435 
Mutual Security Act (1951) : 

Allocation of funds for productivity of industry in 
U.K., 381 



Index, January fo June 1953 



953 



Mutual Security Act (1951) — Continued 
Czechoslovak charges, U.S. denial : exchange of notes, 

40n, 410; address (Lodge), 539, 543; U.N. committee 

proceedings, 515 
Defense-assistance agreement signed with Ethiopia, 785 
Escai)ee program for refugees from communism. See 

under Refugees and displaced persons. 
Kersten amendment, excerpt, 541 n. 4 
Mutual Security Agency (MSA) : 
Defense-support aid : 

Allotment of funds for : Indochina, 13 ; Turkey, 499 ; 
Yugoslavia, 610 

Programs in southeast Asia, 138 

Suspension of aid proposed by: Denmark, 873; Ice- 
land, 778 
Discussions re Greek defense and economic conditions 

(Director with Greek Minister of Coordination), 752 
Economic cooperation. Sec Economic cooperation. 
Escapee program, exemption to specified laws (Ex. Or. 

10446), test, 611 
Evaluation teams for study of program in Europe and 

Far East, appointment, statement (Stassen), 337, 338 
Grants-in-aid to: West Berlin, 380, 898; Yugoslavia, 

135, 920 
Investment programs, 138, 262, 500, 682 
Loan to Spain for economic development, 139 
Mission to Laos for assistance to victims of Viet Minh 

aggression, 678, 708 
Ocean freight charges on relief supplies, responsibility 

for payment, 855, 856 
Productivity agreements with : Denmark, 819 ; Italy, 

838; Netherlands, 777 
Program for 1954, Congressional authorization of funds 

requested, text of President's Message to Congress, 

and statements (Dulles, Stassen), 735, 736, 740 
Proiwsals for economic development of Berlin (Richard- 
son Wood and Company), 328 
Reports : 

Chinese Government on Formosa, aid to, (1950-1952), 
438 

Public Advisory Board, summary, U.S. trade policy 
(Bell), 436 

Year-end report, summary, 136 
Trade controls under Battle Act, tightening of, an- 
nouncement (Stassen), 435 
Transfer of functions : 

Information programs, 851, 854 

MSA to Foreign Operations Administration, text of 
Reorganization Plan (No. 7), 852 

Technical Cooperation Administration, 850, 854 
Mutual-security partnership of free nations, address 

(Stassen), 336 

NAC. See North Atlantic Council. 

Narcotic Drugs, U.N. Commission on, Sth session, U.S. 
representation, 550 

National Advisory Council on International Monetary 
and Financial Problems, membership of Director of 
Foreign Operations Administration, 8.53 

National income, inter-American seminar on, U.S. par- 
ticipants, 119 



National Security Council : 
Consultants to, 431 

Functions of. statement (Eisenhower), 209 
Jlembership of Director of Foreign Operations Admin- 
istration, 853 
Planning Board, establishment, 530 
Reports of U.S. Information Agency to President, 851, 

856 
St. Lawrence Seaway Project, recommendations on, 
President's letters to Senator Wiley and Federal 
Power Commission Chairman, 698 
State Department representative (Bowie), appoint- 
ment, 821 
National unity in foreign policy, addresses: Cowen, 132; 

Eisenhower, 133 
Nationality, equality of women in field of, address 

(Hahn),507 
NATO. See North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 
Near East : 

Dulles, Secretary, visit, 431, 705, 707, 804 

Economic aid for, request for authorization of Mutual 

Security Program funds (1954), 738 
Middle East. See Middle East. 
Situation in, report (Dulles), 831 

UNRWA. See United Nations Relief and Works Agency 
for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. 
Nehru, Prime Minister of India, message to President 
Eisenhower on signing of prisoners-of-war agreement, 
867 
Nepal : 

Ambassador to U.S. (Shanker), credentials, 381 
U.S. Ambassador to (Allen), confirmation, 455 
Netherlands : 

Decision to forego defense-support aid, statement 

(Dulles), 217 
Flood victims : 
Extension of U.S. aid and sympathy. White House 
announcement, text of President's cablegram. Queen 
Juliana's reply, 256 
Gratitude for assistance of U.S. military forces, text 

of aide m^moire, 416 
Report of contributions for emergency relief, 440 
Foreign Minister (Luns), visit to U.S., 400 
Mutual Security Agency productivity agreement, 777 
Note of protest re trade restrictions, 558 
Queen Juliana, exchange of letters with President 
Eisenhower on aid to refugees from communism, texts, 
639, 640 
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission : 

Establishment, text of prisoner of war agreement, 866 
U.S. aide-memoire to five neutral nations requesting 
service on Commission, 868 
Neutrality Act, U.S. indictment against violators of arms- 
export provisions, for unlicensed traffic across Mexi- 
can border, 315 
New Zealand, note of protest re trade restrictions, 556 
Niagara Falls remedial works. International Joint Com- 
mission recommendations, 783 
Nichols, Clarence W. (IMC), article on proceedings of 
Working Party of International Tin Study Group, 
724 



954 



Department of State BuUetin 



Nickel, allocation by International Materials Conference, 

lis, 549 
Nixon, Ricliard, Vice President, statements of welcome: 
Adenauer, Chancellor, 568 
French foreign ministers, 492 
Non-self-governing territories, U.N. committee on, address 

on activities respecting Africa (McKay), 271 
North Atlantic Council (NAC) : 

Activitie.s (1952-53), review (Ridgway), 902, 903 
Ministerial meeting (December 1952) : 
Final communique, 3 
Resolutious, 4, 674 

Statements: Acheson, 5; Kraft, Eden, 7; Scliuman, 
de Gasperi, Claxton, 8 
Ministerial meeting (April 1953) : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : Dulles, 646, 671 ; Eisen- 
hower, 673 : Smith, 703 ; Ridgway, 871 
Final communique, 673 

Resolution on Euroijean Defense Community, 674 
U.S. delegation, 662 
Responsibilities, address (Ridgway), 871 
U.S. permanent representative (Hughes), confirmation, 
927 
North Atlantic Treaty : 

Additional protocol on guaranties to members of Euro- 
pean Defense Community, status cited in North At- 
lantic Council resolution, 674 
4th anniversary of signing, statements (Eisenhower, 
Dulles), 525 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) : 
Allied Command structure, development, 901 
American Council on NATO, establishment, message 

(Dulles), 291 
Background siunmary, remarks (Acheson), 5 
Defense expenditures of member countries, table, 430 
European Defense Community : German participation, 
address (Knight), 774; necessity to NATO, address 
(Dulles), 288 
Mutual Security Program funds for defense financing, 

statements (Dulles, Stassen), 737, 738, 741 
Role of NATO in world affair.?, address (Ridgway), 

869 
Secretary General Ismay, visit to U.S., 315 
SHAPE annual report (1952-53) to Standing Group, 

text, 899 
Soviet threat to NATO alliance, addresses : Anderson, 

292 ; Ismay, 427 
Status of Atlantic alliance, addresses : Acheson, 130 1 

Anderson, 290; Cowen, 50; Gordon, 405 
Status of Forces Agreement (1951), Protocol to, and 
agreement on status of NATO, U.S. action on, 628, 
631, 633 
U.S. mission to, establishment, 851 
U.S. policy, addresses : Dulles, 603 ; Smith, 703 
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Commission (Interna- 
tional), 3d meeting, U.S. delegation, 821 
Novikov, Yuri V., second secretary of Soviet Embassy, 
declared persona non grata, test of Department note, 
134 
Norway, Bergen, U.S. consulate closed, 792 
NSC. See National Security Council. 



OAS. See Organization of American States. 
Oatis, William, imprisonment in Czechoslovakia : 
Reference in address (Lodge), 546 
Statement on release of (White), 785 
Occupied areas, government in. See Government in occu- 
pied areas. 
O'Connor, Roderic L., appointment as Special Assistant 

to the Secretary, 242 
O'Day, Mrs. Buruita, designation in State Department, 

242 
Ogdeusburg Declaration (1940), U.S.-Canadian establish- 
ment of Permanent Joint Board on Defense, cited in 
communique, 753 
Oils (vegetable) and dairy products, inipoi-t quotas on, 
background information and text of proclamation, 
918, 919 
Opium, international conference on, U.S. delegation, 761 
Organization for European Economic Cooperation 
(OEEC) : 
Discussion of economic problems (U.S. and OEEC), 

summary, text of joint communique, 719 
European Productivity Agency, Italian participation in, 

838 
Statements : Cowen, 49 ; Cox, 711 
Organization of American States (OAS) : 

Council of Jurists, 2d meeting, U.S. delegation, 590 
Economic and Social Council ( Inter- American ) , 3d 
extraordinary meeting, U.S. delegation, 281 
Foreign ministers, 4th meeting, excerpt of Res. Ill of 

final act, 463 
Mutual Security Program funds, re<iuest for authori- 
zation for, 741 
Seminar on national income, U.S. participants, 119 
Technical assistance programs, U.S. participation, 
transfer of responsibility from Department of State, 
850 
Osborne, Melville E., article on Extraordinary Pan Ameri- 
can Highway Congress, 104 

Pacific area: 

Asia-Pacific triangle, establishment for quota purposes, 
Immigration and Nationality Act (1952), 238 

Pacific Islands Trust Territory, transfer of adminis- 
tration of Tinian and Saipan to Secretary of Navy, 46 

South Pacific Regional Air Navigation Meeting, U.S. 
delegation, 159 

U.S. policy in Asia and the Pacific, address (Cowen) , 331 
Pakistan : 

Immigration quota, inclusion in Asia-Pacific triangle 
established by Immigration and Nationality Act 
(1952), 238 

Kashmir dispute. See Kashmir, demilitarization of. 

Mutual Security Program (1954) request for authori- 
zation of funds, 738, 741 

Point 4 projects, 531 

U.S. Ambassador to (Hildreth), confirmation, 763 

Wheat shortage: 

Reference in report to Nation (Dulles), 833 
Request for U.S. wheat grant. President's message to 

Congress, and statement (Dulles), 889, 890 
U.S. survey mission, 723; report (Reed), 818 



Index, January to June 7953 



955 



Palestine question: 

Philippine amendment to General Assembly draft 

resolution, U.S. attitude, address (Jessup), 70 
Refugees : 

Extension of UXRWA program, statement (Smith), 

S22 
Resettlement problem, address (Dulles), 832 
Transfer of U.S. functions: U.N. Palestine Refugee 
Act (1950), to President, 850, 853; responsibility for 
participation in program. Director of Foreign 
Operations Administration, 850 
Pan American Day, commemoration of, address (Eisen- 
hower), and text of proclamation, 503, 564 
Pan American Highway Congress, Extraordinary, U.S. 

delegation and article (Scott and Osborne), 104 
Pan American Railway Congress (Eighth) : 
Statement (Faricy), 787 
U.S. delegation, 884 
Pan American Railway Congress Association, U.S. Na- 
tional Commission of, appointments to, 883 
Passports, requirements under Immigration and National- 
ity Act (1952), 199, 232 
Peace address to Nation (Eisenhower, April 16), 599; 

Soviet reaction to, 075, 677, 678, 705, 706 
Peace Award, World, presentation by American Veterans 
of Foreign Wars, statement in acknowledgment 
(Dulles), 430 
Peace pact (.5-power), Soviet proposal, statement (Mc- 

Dermott), 714 
Peaslee, Amos J., confirmation as U.S. Ambassador to 

Australia, 927 
Pensions, former employees of German public service now 

residing abroad, deadline for filing, 262, 401 
Permanent Joint Board on Defense (U.S.-Canadian). es- 
tablishment cited in communique, 753 
Pheiffer, William T., U.S. Ambassador to Dominican Re- 
public, confirmation, 822 
Philippines : 

Mutual Security Agency defense-support program in, 

139 
U.S. relations with, address (Cowen), 332 
Phleger, Herman, confirmation as Legal Adviser, 242 
PICMME. See Provisional Intergovernmental Committee 

for Movement of Migrants from Europe. 
Plantations, work on, 2d session of Committee (ILO), 

U.S. delegation, 517 
Ploesti trial of former employees of American oil com- 
panies in Rumania, text of U.S. note of protest, 333 
Point 4. See Technical cooperation program, U.S. 
Poland : 
Anniversary of Polish Constitution, statement (Dulles). 

721 
Communist charges of anti-Polish acts by U.S., text of 

U.S. note rejecting, 304 
Embassy at Washington, distribution of propaganda 

against U.S., text of U.S. note of protest, 578 
Fur imports from, suspension, text of President's letter, 

219 
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission, service on, 

866. 868 
United Nations membership, Polish "package" proposal, 

U.S. attitude, statement (Cohen), 115 



956 



Poland — Continued 

U.S. Ambassador to, continuation (Flack), 859 
Political constitution for Europe, completion by Council 

of Europe, 469 
Political developments, international, communique on 

U.S.-U.K. discussions, text, 396 
Population Commission, Economic and Social Cotmcil, 

U.S. delegation to 7th session, 194 
Portugal, Export-Import Bank loan for construction of 

African railway, 223 
Postal agreement between U.S. and U.N., article (Tomlin- 

sou ) , text of agreement, 921, 925 
I'ower projects, financing of, discussions between Japan 
and International Bank for Reconstruction and De- 
velopment, 878 
Prisoners of war : 

Communist war in POW camps, U.N. Command report, 

summary, 273, 277 
Exchange of sick and wounded. See Prisoners of war, 

exchange of sick and wounded. 
Geneva convention (1949). See Prisoners of war, 

Geneva convention. 
International Committee for Red Cross : 
Proposals re Koje-do incident, texts of aide-memoire 

and U.S. Consul General's reply, 52, 53 
Transfer of Japanese assets to, discussion by working 
committee, 439 
Release by ROK : 
Correspondence (Harrison to Communist delegation), 
905 ; ( South Korean Premier to Clark ; Communist 
commanders to Clark), 906; (Clark to Rhee), 907 
Statements (U.N. Command. Dulles, Clark), 905, 907 
Repatriation. See Prisoners of war, repatriation. 
Soviet charge of U.S. mistreatment : 
Statements in denial: Gross, 17, 38; Jessup, 16 
U.N. proceedings, 37, 38 
U.N. Command Operations reports, 155, 225, 276, 277, 348 
U.N. resolutions : 

Draft resolution (Dec. 3, 1952) : transmittal to Chin- 
ese Communist and North Korean governments, 74 ; 
replies (Chinese Communist), 75; (North Korea), 
422 ; State Department comment, 76 
Resolution adopted (Apr. 18, 1953), text, 661, 663 
Prisoners of war, exchange of sick and wounded : 
Agreement between U.N. Command and Communists, 

signed, text, 576 
Correspondence with Communist commanders : Clark, 

494, 528, 570 ; Harrison, 575, 608 
Geneva convention (1949), articles 109, 110, text, 495 
Liaison ofiioers' meetings, 570. 609 

Statements: Chou En-lai, 526; Dulles, 495; Lodge, 574; 
Molotov, 528 ; White, 495, 527 
Prisoners of war, Geneva convention (1949) : 
Pxchange of sick and wounded : articles 109, 110, text, 
495; agreement signed by U.N. Command and Com- 
munist liaison oflBcers, text, 576 
Repatriation of prisoners of war in Korea, agreement 
pursuant to provisions of convention, text, 866 
Prisoners of war, repatriation : 

Agreement signed by United Nations Command and 

Communist delegations, text, 866 
Communist proposal, text, 727 

Department of State BvUetin 



Priisouers of war, repatriation — Continued 
Correspondence : 
Prime Minister Nehru and President Eisenhower on 

signing of prisoners of war agreement, texts, S67 
Senator Knowland to Secretary Dulles, assistant sec- 
retary's reply, texts, 757, 75S 
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission : establish- 
ment, 8(J6; U.S. uide-memoire to five nations request- 
ing service on, S6S 
U.N. Command position : proposal, text, 755 ; reiteration 

of principles, statement (Eisenhower), 816 
U.S. position, 755; address (Lodge), 445 
Private capital, investment abroad : 

Addresses, statements, etc., 208, 310, 460, 739, 742, 745, 

781, 913 
Mutual Security Agency investment guaranty program, 
138, 500, 682 
Private organizations, scope of activity in technical co- 

oiieration programs, statement (Dulles), 681 
Proclamations : 

Dairy products and oils, import quotas on, background 

information, and text, 918, 919 
Filberts (shelled), limit on importation of, text, 917 
Immigration quotas (June 30, 1952), table of, 236 
Pan American Day, commemoration of, text, 564 
Trade agreement benefits (August 1, 1951), suspension 
of fur imports from U.S.S.R. and Poland pursuant to 
provisions of, 219 
World Trade Week (1953), text, 716 
Productivity, contribution of labor to national and inter- 
national economy, address (Cowen), 472, 473 
Productivity agreements (MSA) with: 
Denmark, 819 
Italy, 838 
Netherlands, 777 
Properties on Chinese mainland, clarification of transac- 
tions with U.S., 722 
Property (German-owned) in U.S., termination of con- 
fiscation, statement (Adenauer), 720 
Protection of U.S. nationals and property : 
American property in Soviet Zone of Germany, exchange 

of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218, 219 
Claims. See Claims. 

German assets in Switzerland, provisions in Swiss- 
German agreement, 654, 838 
Investments abroad. See Investment. 
NATO Status of Forces Agreement (1951), Protocol to, 
and agreement on status of NATO, U.S. action on, 
628, 631, 633 
Soviet seizure and Hungarian retention of U.S. plane 
and contents, background, and exchange of notes 
(U.S.-Hungary), 257, 258, 259 
Status of women, address (Hahn), 507 
Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for Movement 
of Migrants from Europe, 4th session proceedings, 
article (Warren), 64 
Psychological Operations Coordinating Committee, Di- 
rector of U.S. Information Agency to serve as chair- 
man, 856 
Public Advisory Board, summary of U.S. trade policy 
(Bell), 436 



Public Health Service, U.S. (PHS) ; participation in joint 

U.S.-U.N. public health conference, 346 
Public opinion. State Department registration of, address 

(Foster), 712 

Publications : 
Documents on Oerman Foreign Policy 1918-1945, Series 

D ( 1937-15 ) , Volume V, released, 793 
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1935: 

Volume I, General; The Near East and Africa, re- 
leased, 792 

Volume IV, The American Reputlics, released, 827 
Polish Embassy distribution of anti-U.S. book, text of 

U.S. note of protest. 578 
U.S. Treaties and Other International Agreements, 

volume 1, 1950, released, 242 
Publications, lists of : 

Congress, 120, 242, 485, 533, 699, 723, 898 

European Coal and Steel Community, material relating 

to, 804 
State Department, 163, 203, 323, 578, 635, 667, 794, 826, 

891, 930 
United Nations, lists of, 78, 230, 275, 352, 451, 538, 627. 

689, 788, 888 
Puerto Rico, cessation of U.S. reports to U.N. : 

Correspondence: President Truman and Governor of 

Puerto Rico (Muiioz Marin), 230. 588; Ambassador 

Liidge to U.N. Secretary-General (Lie), 584; U.S. 

memorandum, 585 
Press release, 229 

Queen Elizabeth II (U.K.) : 

Coronation, U.S. representatives to, 400 

Death of Queen Mary, President's message of sympathy, 

493 
Flood victims. President's cablegram extending aid and 

sympathy. Queen Elizabeth's reply, 256 
Queen Juliana (Netherlands) : 

Flood victims. President's cablegram extending aid and 

sympathy, Queen Juliana's reply, 256 
Refugees from communism, aid to, exchange of letters 

with President Eisenhower, 639, 640 

Radhakrishnan, S., Vice President of India, visit to U.S., 
752 

Radio : 

Atkinson Field (British Guiana), use of radionaviga- 
tional services, agreement signed with British 
Guiana, 264 
San Francisco broadcasting corporation authorized to 
use shortwave transmitters for Latin American 
broadcasts, 821 
VGA. See Voice of America. 
Railway Congress, Eighth Pan American : 
Statement (Farley), 788 
U.S. delegation, 883, 884 
Railway from Rhodesias, Export-Import Bank loan to 

Portugal for construction of, 223 
Rankin, Karl L., U.S. Ambassador to China, confirmation, 

391 
Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. See Trade Agree- 
ments Act (19.30). 



Index, January fo June 7953 



957 



Red Cross: 

India, Rod Cross Society of, designated functions in 

agreement on repatriation of prisoners of war, 867 
Japanese assets, transfer to International Committee for 

Ked Cross discussed l)y working committee, 439 
Prisoners-of-war question : Intercession, U.N. Command 
Operations reiwrts, 225, 27G; proposals, text of aide- 
memoire and U.S. Consul General's reply, 52, 53 
Reed, Harry (Purdue University), mission to Pakistan 

for food survey, 723, 818 
Refugees and displaced per.sons : 
Escapees from Communist areas : 

Berlin, problem in : address (Conant) , 327 ; emergency 

grant-in-aid (GARIOA), 380 
Correspondence respecting aid, 639, G40, 641 
Mutual Security Agency program, exemption to speci- 
fied laws (Ex. Or. 10446), text, Gil 
Reception center (U.S.-Austrian), remarks re estab- 
lishment (Thompson), 837 
Statements respecting program for aid (Lodge), 540, 

541, 543 
Transfer of responsibility for aid programs to Direc- 
tor of Foreign Operations Administration, 850 
U.S. emergency immigration legislation, statement 
(Smith), 857 
Korean rehabilitation program, address (Lodge), 443 
Mutual Security Act provisions (1951), Czechoslovak 

charges, U.S. denial, excliange of notes, 409, 410 
Palestine refugees. See niuJcr Palestine question. 
PICMME. See Provisional Intergovernmental Commit- 
tee for Movement of Migrants from Europe. 
U.S. immigration policy, excerpts of report by Presi- 
dent's Commission on Immigration and Naturaliza- 
tion, 97 
Reorganization of foreign aid and information programs : 
Department of State announcement on President's ac- 
tions, 850 
Duties of executive branch officials. President's letter to 
department heads and Director for Mutual Security, 
855 
President's messages to Congress, texts: 
Olijectives of new legislation, 849 
Reorganization Plan No. 7, establishment of Foreign 

Operations Administration, 852 
Reorganization Plan No. 8, establishment of U.S. In- 
formation Agency, 853 
Transfer of technical cooperation supervision to Direc- 
tor for Mutual Security (Ex. Or. 10458), text, 854 
Restrictive Business Practices, U.N. Ad Hoc Committee : 
Cartel practices, proposals for agreement on prevention 

of, summary, 626 
U.S. delegation to 4th session, 160 
Restrictive trade measures. See under Trade. 
Rice, world situation, intergovernmental meeting under 
auspices of Food and Agriculture Organization, U.S. 
delegation, 119 
Richardson Wood and Company, proposals for strengthen- 
ing Berlin economy, Mutual Security Agency an- 
nouncement, 328 



Kidgway, Gen. Matthew B., Supreme Allied Commander, 
Europe : 
Address on role of NATO and Supreme Allied Command 

in world affairs, 869 
Report to Standing Group of NATO, text, 899 
Koad Traffic, International Convention on (1949), cited, 

106 
Robertson, Walter S., appointment as Assistant Secretary 

for Far Eastern Affairs, 519 
Rockefeller Foundation, malaria-control program in India, 

56 
Roosevelt, Mrs. Franklin D. : 
Acceptance of honorary chairmanship of U.S. Committee 

for U.N. Day, 920 
U.N. draft convention on political riglits of women, 

29, 31 
U.S. social conditions, denial of Soviet allegations, lift 
Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement, Soviet violation of, address 

(Lodge), 541 
IJoss, John C, Deputy U.S. Representative in Security 

Council, address on U.S. position re Kashmir, 73 
Rubber Study Group. See International Rubber Study 

Group. 
Rumania : 

Ambassador to U.S. (lone.scu), credentials, 709 
Diplomat (Zambeti) declared persona mow i/rafa by U.S., 

815 
U.S. denial of fal.se charges against former employees 
of American oil companies in, text of U.S. note, 333 
Russell, Francis H., article, comparison of Communist ide- 
ology with democratic principles, 247 
Ryan, Robert J., remarks at Department presentation of 

Cabinet chair to Secretary Acheson, 161 
Ryukyu Islands, royal treasures returned by U.S., 819 

Safety of life at sea, international conference (1948), re- 
vised international regulations for preventing colli- 
sions at sea, effective date, 220 
St. Laurent, Louis S., Canadian Prime Minister, visit to 

U.S., 500, 752 
St. Lawrence Seaway Project : 
National Security Council recommendations. President's 
letters to Senator Wiley and Federal Power Commis- 
sion Chairman, 698 
Special committee. Cabinet api^roval of report, 753 
U.S. participation, statement (Merchant), 824 
Saipan, Pacific Islands Trust Territory, transfer of ad- 
ministration to Secretary of Navy, 46 
Sanders, William, U.S. representative to the General As- 
sembly, statement re Uniting for Peace resolution, 447 
Sarasin, Pote, Thai Ambassador, meeting with Secretary 
Dulles to discuss Viet Minh invasion of Laos, 708, 70ft 
Saudi Arabia 
Dulles, Secretary, visit to, report, 832 
Foreign Minister (Prince Faisal), meeting with Presi- 
dent Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles, 440, 441 
Journalists, entry into U.S., 340 

U.S. technical cooperation director (Stratton), resigna- 
tion, 50 
Schumau, Robert, Foreign Minister of France, tribute to 
Dean Acheson, 8 



958 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



Selniman I'lan. See European Coal and Steel Commu- 
nity. 
Scott, Jack G., article on Extraordinary Pan American 

Highway Congress, 104 
Sears, Mason, confirmation as U.S. representative on 

Trusteesliip CouncU, S83 
Securities, Jlexican, registration period for holders of, 878 
Security, national: 
Control over shipments to Communist China and North 

Korea, discussion (Dulles-McCarthy), 533 
Defense policies, address (Eisenhower), S63 
Federal Bureau of Investigation reports on key people 

in Government, statements (Dulles), 518, 519 
National Security Council. See National Security 

Council. 
U.N. Secretariat, U.S. employees on : 
Executive Order 10422 : text, 62, Department an- 
nouncements, 61, 62 
Executive Order 10459, text, 882 

Letter, Secretary Aeheson to Representative Chelf, 57 
Statement (Hickerson), 58 
Security Council (U.N.) : 
Appointment of U.N. Secretary-General, proceedings, 

484, 551 
Dncvmients listed, 231, 627 

Kashmir dispute. See Kashmir, demilitarization of. 
Security treaty with Japan (1951), exchange of notes 
(U.S.-Japan) re U.S. protection against violations of 
Japan's territorial air, 134 
Seymour, Frank, designation as acting comptroller of In- 
ternational Broadcasting Service, 790 
Sf erics (radio-electric-storm detection), world symposium 

on, U.S. representation, 518 
Shanker Shuni Shere Jung Bahadur Rana, Ambassador of 

Nepal, credentials, 381 
Ships. See Vessels. 

Smith, Walter Bedell, Under Secretary of State : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 
Council of Free Czechoslovakia, message of hope to, 

400 
European Defense Treaty and Contractual Conven- 
tions with Germany, ratification by German Parlia- 
ment, 784 
European refugees from communism, U.S. emergency 

legislation for, 857 
Foreign Service officers, tribute to, 821 
Free-world conflict with Communist imperialism, 874 
Military power, place in world relationships, 675 
NATO Status of Forces Agreement (1951), protocol 

to, and agreement on status of NATO, 628 
Palestine refugees, request for extension of UNRWA 

program, 822 
Policy of new administration, 703 
Confirmation as Under Secretary of State, 283 
Social conditions in U.S., statement (Mrs. Roosevelt) in 

response to Soviet criticism, 116 
Spain : 

Export-Import Bank credit for U.S. cotton imports, 681 
Miitual Security Agency loan for economic development, 

139 
Relations with U.S., address (Dunn), 913 
U.S. Ambassador (Dunn), confirmation, 391 

Index, January fo June 1953 



Stassen, Harold E., Director for Mutual Security: 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 

Evaluation teams for study of MSA program in Eu- 
rope and Far East, appointment of, 338 
Mutual Security Program (1954), presentation before 

Congressional committee, 740 
Partnership of free nations, U.S. leadership, 336 
Trade Agreements Act, extension, 746 
Announcement, tightening of trade controls under Bat- 
tle Act, 435 
European trip, statement (Dulles), 217 
State Department: 
Appointments : 

Bowie, Robert Richardson, as Director of Policy 
Planning Staff and Department representative on 
National Security Council, 821 
Cabot, John M., as Assistant Secretary for Inter- 
American Affairs, 338 n., 391 
Dulles, John Foster, as Secretary of State, 203 
Hanes, John W., Jr., as Special Assistant to the 

Secretary, 242 
Johnson, Robert L., as Director of Information Service 

and Voice of America, 391 
Linder, Harold F., as Assistant Secretary for Eco- 
nomic Affairs, 83 
Lourie, Donold B., as Under Secretary for Adminis- 
tration, confirmation, 323 
MacArthur, Douglas, 2d, as Counselor of the Depart- 
ment, 519 
McCardle, Carl W., as Assistant Secretary of State 

for Public Affairs, 241 
Mcllvaine, Robinson, as Special Assistant to Assistant 

Secretary for Public Affairs, 927 
McLeod, Robert W. S., as Administrator, Bureau of 

Security and Consular Affairs, 391 
Merchant, Livingston T., as Assistant Secretary for 

European Affairs, 519 
Morton, Thruston B., as Assistant Secretary of State 

for Congressional Relations, 242 
Murphy, Robert D., as Assistant Secretary for U.N. 

Affairs, 519 
O'Connor, Roderic L., as Special Assistant to the 

Secretary, 242 
Phleger, Herman, as Legal Adviser, 242 
Robertson, Walter S., as Assistant Secretary for Par 

Eastern Affairs, 519 
Smith, Walter Bedell, as Under Secretary of State, 283 
Wailes, Edward Thompson, as Assistant Secretary of 

State for Administration, 391 
Waugh, Samuel C, as Assistant Secretary for Eco- 
nomic Affairs, 859 
Assignment of David K. E. Bruce as U.S. observer to 
European Defense Community and U.S. representa- 
tive to European Coal and Steel Community, 352 
Conference on U.S. foreign policy, representatives of 

national organizations invited to attend, 789 
Denial of press reports re: drafting of Hollywood di- 
rectors for IIA service ; resignation of HA Adminis- 
trator (Johnson), 790 
Immigration and Naturalization, President's Commis- 
sion on. Departmental views on report by, lOO 

959 



State Department — Continued 

Investigation, statements re (Dulles) : Congressional, 
390; FBI reports, 518 

Investigative policy, letter (Acheson to Chelf), 57 

Loyalty issues (Vincent, Davies), 121, 122, 241, 454 

Prisoners of war, U.N. proposals, rejection by Chinese 
Communists, Department's comment, test, 76 

Public opinion, registration procedure, address (Fos- 
ter), 712 

Publications listed, 1G3, 203, 323, 578, (535, 667, 794, 826. 
891, 930 

Reorganization under neve administration : 
Address (Dulles), 606 

Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs, establish- 
ment, 195 
Foreign aid and information programs, 699, 849, 850, 

856 
Office of Under Secretary of State for Administra- 
tion, establishment, 487 

Resignations : 

Acheson, Dean, as Secreta:-y of State, letter to the 

President and reply, 162 
Biiice, David K. E., as Under Secretary of State, 162 
Harris, Reed, as Deputy Administrator of IIA, 699 
Humelsine, Carlisle H., as Deputy Under Secretary 

for Administration, 352 
Linder, Harold F., as Assistant Secretary for Eco- 
nomic Affairs, 790 
Locke, Edwin A., Jr., as Secretary's special repre- 
sentative in the Near East, 163 
Miller, Edward G., Jr., as Assistant Secretary for 
Inter-American Affairs, 162 

Review of charges against John Carter Vincent, mem- 
orandum (Dulles), 454 

Security processes, statement (Dulles). 518 

U.S. employees on U.N. Secretariat, Departmental an- 
nouncements re loyalty investigations of, texts, 61, 62 

Visa functions under Immigration and Nationality Act 
(1952) : articles (Coulter). 195, 233; address (Auer- 
bach), 642 
Statistical Commission of Economic and Social Council, 

7th session, U.S. representation, 281 
Steel, organization of common market under European 

Coal and Steel Community, 802 
Strategic materials : 

African sources, imiwrtance to democratic nations, 
address (JlcKay). 268 

Allocations by IMC. gee International Materials 
Conference. 

Bolivian tin concentrates, U.S. attitude re purchase of, 
14 

Loans for development of sources, summary of 1952 
activities of Export-Import Bank, 222 

Manganese ore production in Brazil, Export-Import 
Bank loan for, 140 

Mexican manganese ore, signing of contracts for de- 
livery to U.S., 468 

Mining areas of the Rhodesias, construction of African 
railway for increased export capacity, 223 

Shipment of: 

Control of shipments to Communist bloc, 491, 532 



Strategic materials — Continued 
Shipment of — Continued 
East-West trade controls, tightening of, announce- 
ment (Stassen), 435 
Naval blockade of China coast, remarks (Dulles), 

335 
Shipments made to Soviet liloc, table of, 79, S3 
U.S. imports from Latin America (1950), table, 467 
Stratton. Samuel S., U.S. director for technical coopera- 
tion in Saudi Arabia, resignation, 56 
Strau-s, Richard, article on postwar development of the 

German free press, 294 
Streiliert, Theodore C, appointment as consultant to U.S. 

High Commissioner for Germany, 927 
Stuart, R. Douglas, U.S. Ambassador to Canada, con- 
firmation, 822 
Sudan : 
Anglo-Egyptian Accord, signing of, texts of Secretary's 
messages to British Foreign Secretary and Egyptian 
Foreign Minister, 305 
U.S. representation at election of Sudanese Parlia- 
ment, 493 
Suffrage rights for women, progress, address (Hahn), 546 
Sulfur : 
Allocation by International Materials Conference. 119 
Discontinuance of allocations, 475, 689 
Supreme Allied Command, Europe : 

Role in world affairs, address (Ridgway), 869 
SHAPE report (1952-53) to Standing Group of NATO. 
899 
Sweden : 
Note of protest re trade restrictions under Defense Pro- 
duction Act, 558 
Service on Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission. 
866, 868 
Switzerland : 
German assets in Switzerland (Swiss-German agree- 
ment ) : effective date, 654 ; provisions respecting U.S. 
claimants, 838 
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission, service on, 
866, 868 
Syria : 
Ambassador (Zeineddine) to U.S., credentials, 56 
Secretary Dulles' visit, report, 832 

Taft, William Howard, III, confirmation as U.S. Ambassa- 
dor to Ireland, 553 
Tariff Commission, U.S. : 

Duty on brier pipes. President's letter to Chairman re- 
questing further study of. 354 
Proclamations, sulisequent to recommendations of : 
Dairy products and oils, imp<Jrt quotas on, background 

information and text, 918, 919 
Filberts (slielled), limit on importation of, text, 917 
Recommendation for increased duty on screen-printed 
silk scarves. President's letter to Chairman, 029 
Tariffs and Trade, General Agreement on (GATT, 1947) : 
Defense Production Act, attitude of contracting par- 
ties on trade restrictions, 555, 556, 558 
Torquay Protocol, signed by Brazil, 468 
Withdrawal of Liberia, 917 
Tasca, Henry J., appointment as President's special repre- 
sentative for Korean Economic Affairs, 576 



960 



Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 



Tate, Jack B., Deputy Legal Adviser, statement re deter- 
mination and control of territorial waters, 486 
Taxation, double, conventions with : 
Australia, income and estate: negotiations, 723; signed, 

SIO 
Finland, income and estate, entry into force, 14 
Germany, income and estate, negotiations for, 303 
Taxation, fiscal costs of sui'vival in a dangerous world, 

address (Morton), 771, 772 
Technical and economic aid on grant basis, agreement with 

Indonesia, signed, 220 
Technical assistance programs (U.N.) : 
I'ood and Agriculture Organization, analysis of progress 

(McCormick), 345 
U.S. participation : 
Mutual security program funds for UNTA, request 

for authorization, 741 
Pledge to U.N., 384, 422 

Representative to ECOSOC committee (Liibin), 517 
Transfer of U.S. functions to Director of Foreign 
Operations Administration, 850 
Technical Cooperation Administration : 
Budget, U.S. contributions, 55 
Information programs, transfer of functions to U.S. 

Information Agency, 851, 8.54 
Institute of Inter-American Affairs. See Institute of 

Inter-American Affairs. 
Public health conference, joint U.S.-U.N. participation 

in, 340 
Resignation of U.S. director (Stratton) in Saudi Arabia, 

56 
Transfer from Department of State, 850, 851, 8.53, 8.54 
Technical cooijeration xerogram, U.S. : 
Addresses and statements : 
Andrews, 306, 309 
Cabot, 780 
Dorsey, 311 
Dulles, 681 
McKay, 269 
Truman, 92 
Agreements cited in report on human rights, 193 
Agreements with : Egypt, signed, 498 ; India, 55 ; Paki- 
stan, signed, 531 
Latin America, review of progress in, text of year-end 

statement by acting president of IIAA (Rowe), 47 
Missions in : Egypt, 223 ; Iraq, 610 

Mutual Security Agency productivity and technical as- 
sistance program : 
Agreements with : Denmark, 819 ; Italy, 838 ; Nether- 
lands, 777 
Tear-end report, summary, 137 
Projects with : Egypt, 498 ; India, 55, 266, 314 ; Iran, 314 ; 
Jordan, 308, 314 ; Lebanon, 314 ; Pakistan, 531 ; Saudi 
Arabia, 314 
Telecommunications : 

International Telecommunication Union : 

Administrative Council, opening session, U.S. delega- 
tion, 763 
Telegraph Consultative Committee, 7th plenary as- 
.sembly, U.S. delegation, 820 
Radio. See Radio. 
Voice of America. See Voice of America. 



Telegraph Consultative Committee of ITU, 7th i)lenary as- 
sembly, U.S. delegation, 820 
Tello, Manuel, Mexican Ambassador to U.S., credentials, 

462 
Territorial waters, control of : 

Recommendations of U.S.-Ecuadoran conference on 

fishery relations, 759 
U.S. attitude, statement (Tate), 486 
Textiles Committee of International Labor Organization, 

4th session, U.S. delegation, agenda, 283 
Thailand : 

Ambassador Sarasin, meeting with Secretary Dulles to 

discuss Viet Minh invasion of Laos, 708, 709 
JIutual Security Agency defense-support program, 189 
UNESCO educational services, 886 

U.S. military supplies for support of resistance to Com- 
munist aggression, 708, 709 
Thompson, Llewellyn E., U.S. Ambassador to Austria, re- 
marks on escapee program in Austria, 837 
Tin concentrates, Bolivian, U.S. attitude re purchase of, 

14 
Tin Study Group, Working Party (International), ap- 
pointment and proceedings, article (Nichols), 724 
Tinian, Pacific Islands Trust Territory, transfer of ad- 
ministration to Secretary of Navy, 46 
Tomlinson, John D., adviser, OflSce of U.N. Economic and 
Social Affairs, article on U.S.-U.N. postal agreement, 
921 
Torquay Protocol, signed by Brazil, 468 
Trade : 
American Republics : 

Bolivian tin concentrates, U.S. attitude re purchase 

of, 14 
U.S. relations with, address (Cale), 716 
Blockade of China coast, remarks (Dulles), 335 
Coal, organization of common market under European 

Coal and Steel Community, 800 
Conferences : 

Commonwealth Economic Conference, communiqufi, 

397 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East, 2d 
regional conference on trade promotion, U.S. dele- 
gation, 346 
European Defense Community, Foreign Ministers 

Meeting, communique, 408 
Industry and trade, committee of ECAFE, 5th session, 

U.S. delegation, agenda, 282 
Organization for European Cooperation, and U.S. 

conferences, communique, 719 
U.S.-U.K. conversations, 395 
East-West Europe, review of economic survey (Camp), 

535 
European products, necessity for marketing, address 

(Merchant), 912 
Export-Import Bank credit extended to Japan and 

Spain for U.S. cotton imports, 681 
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. See Tariffs 

and Trade, General Agreement on. 
Middle East, jiolitical and economical problems, address 
(Gardiner), 432 



/ne/ex, January fo June 1953 



961 



Trade — Continued 

Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. See Trade Agree- 
ments Act (1030). 
Reduction of barriers, addresses (Cowen, Morton), 471, 

G47 
Restrictive measures : 

Agricultural Act, section 22, proposed amendment, 
statement (Linder), 653 

Arms-export violators, U.S. indictment against un- 
licensed traffic across Mexican border, 31.5 

Brier pipes, duty on, President's letter to Chairman 
of Tariff Commission and Congressional commit- 
tees requesting further study, 354 

Controls under I!attle Act, tightening of, announce- 
ment (Stassen), 435 

Dairy imports under Defense Production Act (1951), 
additional restrictions, statement (Truman), 102 

Dairy products and oils, import quotas on, background 
information and text of proclamation, 918, 919 

Defense Production Act, restrictions under : state- 
ment (Linder), 554; texts of notes of protest by 
foreign countries, 555, 556, 558, 5.59 

Filberts (shelled), limit on importation of, text of 
proclamation, 917 

Fuel exports for use on ships bound for Communist 
China, U.S. restrictions on, 904 

Fur imports from U.S.S.R. and Poland, suspension 
of, text of President's letter, 219 

Screen-printed silk scarves, Tariff Commission recom- 
mendation for increased duty on, texts of Presi- 
dent's letters, 929 

Security controls over trade with Communist bloc, 
532 

Shipments to Soviet bloc, by U.K., France, and Italy 
(1952) : text of President's letter to Congressional 
committees, 79; table, 83 

Strategic materials, embargo on shipments to Com- 
munist China : communiqu(5 on U.S. -French dis- 
cussion, 491 ; action by other governments, 532, 533 
Soviet concept of Western economy, statements 

(DuUes), 744, 748 
Unions, international, U.S. denial of admission to repre- 
sentatives, statement (Wads worth), 625 
U.S. policy: 

Bell mission report, summary, 436 

Commission to review U.S. commercial policy. Presi- 
dent's letter to Vice President Nixon and Speaker 
of House Martin, 747 

President's annual message to Congress, 208 

Statements on U.S. policy (Linder, Eisenhower), 651, 
719 
U.S. trade relations, committee to survey, appointment 

of Lewis W. Douglas as head, 498 
World economy, development of, address (Aldrich), 915 
World Trade Week (1953) : text of proclamation, 716; 

statement (Dulles), 748 
Trade Agreements Act (1930) : 

Escape clause limitations, summary of Bell mission 
report, 437 

Extension, President's recommendation for, 208, 634; 
statements (Dulles, Stassen), 743, 746 



Trade Agreements Extension Act (1951), su.spension of , 

fur imports from U.S.S.R. and Poland pursuant to I 

provisions of, 219 
Trade and Tariff rolicij in the Xational Interest, summary 

of Bell mission report, 436 
Trading with the Enemy Act, termination of confiscation 

of German-owned property in U.S. under provisions 

of, 720 
Transport and Communications Commission of Economic 

and Social Council, 6th session, U.S. representation, 

agenda, 282 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Air force mission (U.S.), signed with Venezuela. 220 
Air transport agreement signed with Cuba, text, 839 
Anglo-Egyptian Accord on Sudan, signing of, texts of 

Secretary Dulles' messages to British Foreign Secre- 
tary and Egyptian Foreign Minister, 305 
Atkinson Field (British Guiana), use of radionaviga- 

tional services, signed with British Guiana, 264 
Austrian exchange system, unification of, agreement be- 
tween Austria and International Monetary Fund, 

signed, 751 
Austrian treaty negotiations. See Austrian state treaty 

negotiations. 
Cartel practices, prevention of, D.N. proceedings on pro- 
posals for agreement, 626 
Claims of U.S. for postwar economic assistance (U.S. 

and Germany): signature, 373, 374; transmittal to 

U.S. Senate, 665 
Contractual Conventions with Germany, ratification by 

German Parliament, 784 
Copyright agreements with Italy and Finland cited in 

report on human rights, 193 
DamaL'e caused by foreign aircraft to third persons on 

the surface, multilateral convention on, 221 
Defense of Iceland, agreement with U.S. cited in report 

on human rights, 193 
Double-taxation conventions, bilateral : 

Australia, income and estate, negotiations, signature, 
723, 819 

Finland, income and estate, entry into force, 14 

Germany, income and estate, negotiations, 303 
Educational foundations (U.S.), agreements with Den- 
mark, Iraq, and Japan cited in report on human 

rights, 193 
European Defense Community : 

Addresses and statements : Conant, 469 ; Cox, 710 ; 
Knight, 774, 776 

Communique, Foreign Ministers, 409 

German Parliament action, statements: DuUes, 470; 
Smith, 784 

North Atlantic Council resolutions, texts, 4, 674 

Settlement of Saar, commimique, 492 
Financial agreement, U.S.-Korea (1950), settlement for 

Korean currency advances under, 381 
Friendship, commerce, and consular rights (1923 and 

amendments), application of, text of agreement 

signed with Germany, 877 
Friendship, commerce, and navigation, signed with 

Japan, 531 
Geneva convention on prisoners of war. See Prisoners 

of war, Geneva convention. 



962 



Departmeni of State Bulletin 



Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 

German assets in Switzerland (Swiss-German agree- 
ment) : efEective date, 654; provisions respecting 
U.S. claimants, 838 

German dollar bonds, validation of (U.S.-Germany) : 
backgromid Information, 379 ; signature, 376, 509 ; 
text, 376, 666; transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665; val- 
idation board, U.S. representative, 837 

German external debts (multilateral) : negotiations, 
329; signing, 373, 374; terms, 439; transmittal to U.S. 
Senate, 665 

German indebtedness for awards made by Mixed Claims 
Commission, U.S. and Germany: signature, 373, 374; 
transmittal to U.S. Senate, 665 

German industrial controls, tripartite agreement be- 
tween U.S., U.K., and France (1951), text of supple- 
ment to, 263 

German libraries in Italy, restoration to former owner- 
ship (multilateral), signed: text, 750; Department 
announcement, 749 

German obligations to U.S. for surplus property, U.S. 
and Germany, signed, 373, 374 

Great Lakes fisheries convention with Canada, negoti- 
ations toward, 39 

Halibut fishery convention with Canada, signed, 441 

Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, ar- 
ticle 4, map of region defined by, 465 

International Labor Organization convention on equal 
remuneration for men and women workers, cited in 
address (Hahn), 547 

International Regulations for Preventing Collisions at 
Sea, revision, efEective date, 220 

Investment guaranty (Mutual Security Agency), signed 
with Haiti, 682 

Japan, treaty of i)eace: anniversary message (Dulles), 
721 ; text of article 16, transfer of Japanese assets, 
439 

Japanese-U.S. prewar bilateral (extradition, narcotic 
drugs, postal conventions, leaseholds on property, 
liquor smuggling, taxation), continuance in force, 722 

ilexican agricultural workers, agreement with U.S. 
cited in report on human rights, 193. 

Military assistance, signed with Dominican Republic, 
442 

Mutual-defense assi.stance, signed with Ethiopia, 785 

NATO Status of Forces Agreement ( 1951 ) , Protocol to, 
and agreement on status of NATO, expressions of 
support (Smith, Eisenhower, Dulles, Draper), 628, 
631, 633 

Niagara River waters, uses of (U.S.-Canada, 19.50), 
International Joint Commission recommendations for 
remedial works, 783 

North Atlantic Treaty : 

Article 2, North Atlantic Council resolution on im- 
plementation of, 4 
European Defense Community, guaranties to members 
of North Atlantic Council resolution on, 674 

Organization of American States, Charter, cited in re- 
port on human rights, 192 

Political rights of women, U.N. convention, signature in 
General Assembly, 546 



Treaties, agreements, etc. — Continued 

Postal agreement between U.S. and U.N. (in conformity 
with U.N. Headquarters Agreement of 1947), text, 925 
Prisoners of war, Geneva convention (1949) : 

Exchange of sick and wounded : articles 109, 110, 
text, 495 ; agreement signed by U.N. Command and 
Communist liaison otficers, text, 576 
Repatriation, agreement signed by U.N. Command and 
Communist delegations, text, 866 
Productivity agreements (Mutual Security Agency) 
signed with : Denmark, 819 ; Italy, 838 ; Netherlands, 
777 
Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement on nonintervention in 
internal affairs of other states, Soviet violation of, ad- 
dress (Lodge), 541 
Tariffs and Trade, General Agreement on (GATT, 
1947) : 
Attitude of contracting parties toward trade restric- 
tions under U.S. Defense Production Act, 555, 556, 
558 
Torquay Protocol, signed by Brazil, 468 
Withdrawal of Liberia, 917 
Technical and economic aid on grant basis, agi-eement 

signed with Indonesia, 220 
Technical cooperation : 

Agreements cited In report on human rights, 193 
Agreements with: Egypt, signed, 498; India, 55; 
Pakistan, signed, 531 
Wheat agreement (international), signed, 714 
Treaty-making power, proposed Constitutional amend- 
ments (S. J. Res. 1, S. J. Res. 43), testimony (Dulles), 
and texts of resolutions, 591, 594 
Tripartite (U.S., U.K., and France) actions: 
Aid program for Yugoslavia, Mutual Security Agency 

grant under, 920 
Arab-Israeli dispute, declaration re prevention of fron- 
tier violation, text. 834n. 
Commission on German Debts, signing of intergovern- 
mental agreement for settlement of external debts: 
communique, text, 329; statement, 374; terms of 
settlement, 439 
Condemnation of Soviet repre.ssive measures in East 

Berlin, text of joint message, 897 
High-level meeting, statement (Eisenhower), 778 
Industrial controls in Germany, text of supplement to 
1951 agreement, 263 
Truman, Harry S. : 
Addresses, etc. : 
Dedication of shrine for U.S. documents of liberty, 9 
Farewell to nation, 127 

Restrictions on dairy imports, under Defense Pro- 
duction Act (1951), 102 
Review of U.S. national policy, 43 
Correspondence : 

Acheson : memo re Vincent loyalty case, 122 ; reply 

to letter of resignation as Secretary of State, 162 
Governor of Puerto Rico (Munoz Marin), discon- 
tinuation of U.S. report to U.N. on Puerto Rico, 
229 
Gross, Ernest A., commendation for services to U.N., 

390 
Secretary of the Treasury, suspension of fur imports 
from U.S.S.R. and Poland, 219 



Index, January to June ?953 



963 



Triiinan, Harry S — CVnitinued 
Executive Orders. See Executive Orders. 
Immigration and Naturalization, President's Commis- 
sion on, excerpts of reijort, letter of transmittal, and 
Departmental views, 97, 100 
Messages, letters, etc. to Congress : 
State of the Union message, 87 

U.S. aid to U.K., France, and Italy, continuance of, 
identic letter to Congressional committees, text, 70 
Trust territories : 

Pacific Islands, transfer of administration of Tinian 

and Saipan to Secretary of Navy, 46 
Wa-Meru case, U.N. proceedings on, 37 
Trusteeship Council : 

Documents listed, 231, 275, 627, 789 
U.S. representative (Sears), confirmation, 883 
Tungsten, distribution discontinued on recommendation 

of International Materials Conference, 118 
Tunisian question : 

Bey of Tunis spokesman to U.N., U.S. attitude, address 

(Jessup), 34 
General Assembly, 7th session proceedings, article 
(Howard), 359 
Turkey : 

Earthquake disaster, President Eisenhower's message 

of condolence, 473 
Mutual Security Agency defense support funds for, 499 
U.S. relations with, address (Dulles), 833 

Underdeveloped areas, private investment in, partnership 
basis under Point 4 program, address (Andrews), 
310 
Unified Command. See ii7ulcr Korea. 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics : 

American property in Soviet Zone of Germany, treat- 
ment of, exchange of notes (U.S. and U.S.S.R.), 218, 
219 
Assistance to Chinese Communists : statement (Lodge), 

419; remarks (Vyshinsky), 420 
Attacks on U.S. planes : 
Hokljaido attack, 11 

Hungarian seizure, detention of crew, 51, 257, 406 
North Pacific Ocean attack, 577 
Austrian treaty negotiations. See Austrian state treaty 

negotiations. 
Communist society, basic weakness of, address (Tru- 
man), 128 
Criticism of social conditions in U.S., statements in 

response (Mrs. Roosevelt), 31, 116 
Disarmament proposals : 

Addresses and statements re : Cohen, 152 ; Gross, 476, 

503 
U.N. proceedings on draft resolution, 514 
East Germany, repressive measures in : address 
(Conant), 767; text of joint message (U.S., U.K., 
France) condemning, 897 
Economic system, statement of comparison with U.S. 

(Wiley), 108 
Fur imports from, text of President's letter prohibiting, 

219 
Greek military personnel, Soviet retention of, address 
(Wadsworth), 450 



964 



Union of Soviet Socialist Republics — Continued 
High-level conference with, statement of U.S. attitude 

toward U.K. proposal (McDermott), 748 
Korea, Soviet attitude: 

Addresses on (Lodge), 382, 445 

"(ierm warfare" charges: statements re (Clark, 
Gross), 451, G12; U.N. proceedings, 552; text of 
U.N. resolution, 617 
Linse kidnaping, texts of U.S. notes to Soviet Control 

Commission, 12 
Malenkov, Premier, speeches, statement evaluating 

(Dulles), 467 
Membership in United Nations, addresses re U.S. atti- 
tude : Gross, 316 ; Wadsworth, 417 
Military strength, appraisal, SHAPE report (Ridgway), 

903 
Novikov, Turi V., second secretary of Soviet Embassy, 
departure from U.S., text of Department note request- 
ing, 134 
Persecution of non-Russian groups : 
Address (Lodge), 545 

Anti-Semitic policy, statements (Acheson, McDer- 
mott), 131 
U.S. Senate resolution condemning persecution of 
minorities, text and letter of transmittal to U.N., 
506 
Pra rda editorial on U.S. President's peace speech, state- 
ments (Smith, Hagerty), 675, 678 
Prisoners of war : 

Charges of U.S. mistreatment, statements in denial : 
Gross, 17, 38 ; Jessup, 16 ; U.N. proceedings, 37, 38 
Exchange of, statement (Molotov), 528 
Soviet foreign policy, addresses and statements re: 
Encirclement policy, U.S. counteraction (Dulles), 212 
Exploitation in Asia and the Pacific (Cowen), 331 
Fear-basis of Soviet policy (Lodge), 446 
Intervention in domestic affairs of other states 

(Lodge), 541 
Power factor of Soviet policy: Dulles, 896; Smith, 

675, 676 

Reversal of policy, peace moves: Dulles, .524, 607; 

Eisenhower, 599; McDermott, 714; Smith, 677, 705 

Threat to free world: Merchant, 910; Ridgway, 869 

Unification of Europe, Soviet prevention of (Dulles), 

896 

Western economy, Soviet concept of (Dulles), 744, 748 
Stalin, Josef, U.S. messages relating to illness and death 

of (Eisenhower, Dulles), 400 
Strategic supplies, shipment to Soviet bloc. U.S. tight- 
ening of controls under Battle Act, 435 
U.S. Ambassador to (Bohlen), confirmation, 519 
Violation of Japanese territorial air, statement (Ache- 
son ) , 131 
United Kingdom : 
Ambassador to U.S. (Makins), credentials, 103 
Anglo-American unity, role in maintaining free-world 

security and economy, address (Gordon), 405 
Anglo-Egyptian Accord, signing of, texts of Secretary's 
messages to British Foreign Secretary and Egyptian 
Foreign Minister, 305 
Arab-Israeli dispute, tripartite declaration (U.S.. U.K., 
France) re prevention of frontier violation, text, S34n. 

Departmenf of Sfa/e Bulletin 



United Kingdom — Continued 

Budget revision, possible European interpretation, ad- 
dress (Knight), 777 
Condemnation of Soviet repressive measures in East 
Berlin, text of joint message (U.S., U.K., and France), 
897 
Coronation of Queen Elizabeth II, designation of U.S. 

representatives to, 4(K) 
Death of Queen :\Iar.v, President's message of sympathy 

to Queen Elizabeth, 493 
Economic and political discussions with U.S. : texts of 
communiques, 395, 396, 397, 719 ; comments in address 
(Aldrich),915 
Eden, Anthony, Foreign Secretary : 
Tribute to Dean Acheson, address, 7 
Visit to U.S., 264 
Flood victims, extension of U.S. aid and sympathy : 
Announcement (White House), text of President's ca- 
blegram. Queen Elizabeth's reply, 256 
Secretary's interim report to President and Cabinet, 
335 
Productivity of industry, Mutual Security Agency al- 
lotment for promotion of, 381 
Proposal for high-level conference with Soviets, state- 
ment re U.S. attitude (McDermott), 748 
Shipments to Soriet bloc, 79, S3 

Sterling available to Commonwealth countries. Interna- 
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development an- 
nouncement, 264 
Sudanese Parliament, U.S. representation at election of, 

493 
Three-power meeting with U.S. and France, statement 

(Eisenhower), 778 
Trade with Communist China and North Korea, re- 
strictions on, 533 
Treaties, agreements, etc. : 

Austrian treaty negotiations. See Austrian state 

treaty negotiations. 
German libraries in Italy, restoration to former own- 
ership, signed (multilateral) : text, 750; Depart- 
ment announcement, 749 
Industrial controls in C4ermany, tripartite agreement 
with U.S. and France (1951), text of supplement to, 
263 
Tripartite Commission on German Debts, signing of 
intergovernmental agreement for settlement of ex- 
ternal debts : communique, text, 329 ; statement, 
374 ; terms of settlement, 439 
Tripartite-aid program (U.S., U.K., and France) for 
Yugoslavia, Mutual Security Agency grant under, 920 
U.S. aid to, continuance. President's identic letters to 

Congressional committees, 79 
U. S. Ambassador to (Aldrich), confirmation, 283 
Wa-Meru case, U.N. proceedings on, 37 
United Nations : 
Addresses on : 

Effectiveness of U.N. (Lord), 480 
Enlistment of public support: Dulles, 402; Wads- 
worth, 417 
Progress of U.N. (Austin), 106 
Role in promotion of peace (Lodge), 658 



United Nations — Continued 
African problems: 

Addresses re U.S. position : Jessup, 33 ; McKay, 271 
Morocco, U.N. proceedings, 36, 359 
Tunis, U.N. proceedings, 34, 359 
Agencies, specialized. See specific agencies. 
American Association for the U.N. See American Asso- 
ciation for the United Nations. 
Cartel practices, prevention of, U.N. proceedings on 

proposals for agreement, 626 
Conferences : 

Opium, U.S. delegation to international conference on, 

761 
Technical Assistance Conference, proceedings, 422 
Tin Study Group, Interaational Working Party, pro- 
ceedings, 724 
General Assembly. See General Assembly. 
Human Rights. See Human Rights. 
Kashmir dispute. See Kashmir, demilitarization of. 
Korea. See Korea. 
Membership question : 
Committee for study of: proceedings on, 38; state- 
ments of U.S. attitude (Cohen), 115 ; (Wiley), 20, 23 
Soviet membership, addresses stating U.S. attitude: 
Gross, 316 ; Wadsworth, 417 
Non-self governing territories, U.N. committee on, ad- 
dress on activities respecting Africa (McKay), 271 
Organizations. See specific organizations. 
Personnel : 

Composition of Secretariat, text of articles 97-101 of 

Charter, 59 
Report of Secretary-General (Lie) on personnel 
policy : excerpt, 452 ; General Assembly resolution, 
text, 622; statement (Lodge), 620 
Security investigation: U.S. citizens on Secretariat 
staff, 57, 58, 61, 62, 882; U.S. Mission employees, 
229 
Postage stamps, issuance of: 
Article (Tomlinson), 921 
Postal agreement with U.S., text, 925 
Universal Postal Union commemorative stamp, pres- 
entation to U.S. Postmaster General, statement 
(Johansen), 924 
Prisoners of war, proceedings. See Prisoners of war. 
Puerto Rico, discontinuance of U.S. report to U.N., 230, 

584, 585, 588 
Secretary-General : 
Appointment of, Security Council proceedings, 484 
Hammarskjold, Dag, welcome to (Lodge), 619 
Lie, Trygve: 

Reports : personnel policy, 452, 620, 622 ; memoran- 
dum on nationality of married women, review 
(Hahn), 509 
Tribute to (Lodge), 618 
Security Council. See Security Council. 
Technical assistance programs. See Technical assist- 
ance programs (U.N.). 
Trust territories, U.N. proceedings on. See Trust terri- 
tories. 
Trusteeship Council. See Trusteeship Council. 
U.N. Command operations in Korea. See under Korea. 



Index, January fo June 1953 



965 



Unltetl Nations — Continued 
U. S. representatives : 
Gross, Ernest A., resignation, letters of commencla- 

tion (Eisenhower, Truman), 390 
Lodge, Henry Caliot, Jr., confirmation, 203 
Uniting-for-peaee resolution, collective security pro- 
gram, address (Sanders), 447 
Women, status of. See Women, U.N. Commission on 
Status of. 
United Nations Day, U.S. Committee for, appointment of 

chairman (Watson), 920 
United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, 

5th session, U.S. representation, 589 
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Or- 
ganization (UNESCO) : 
Dominican Republic adult education seminar, U.S. 

representative, 627 
Report on progress of UNESCO, letter (Chairman Laves 

to Senator Mundt), 885 
U.S. National Commission, report of activities, 887 
United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund 
(UNICEF) : 
Mutual security program funds for, request for author- 
ization, 741 
U.S. participation in, transfer of responsibility from 
Department of State, 850, 855 
United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency (UNKRA) : 
Mutual security program funds for, request for au- 
thorization, 741 
Rehabilitation program, expansion of, 444 
U.S. participation in, transfer of responsibility from 
Department of State, 850, 855 
United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine 
Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) : 
Extension of program, statement before Congressional 

committee (Smith), 822 
Mutual security program funds for UNRWA, request 

for authorization, 741 
U.S. representative on Advisory Commission (Locke), 
letter of resignation, 163 
United Nations Technical Assistance (UNTA), mutual 
security program funds for, request for authorization, 
741 
United States documents of liberty, dedication of shrine, 

address (Truman), 9 
United States foreign policy, definition of, President 

Eisenhower's message to Congress, 207 
United States foreign policy in review, address (Tru- 
man), 43 
United States High Commissioner for Germany: 
Conant, James B. See Conant. 
Donnelly, Walter J. See Donnelly. 
United States Information Agency, establishment under 

Reorganization Plan (No. 8), 853, 854 
United States Military Assistance Advisory Group to 
Ethiopia, provision in mutual defense assistance 
agreement, 785 
United States National Commission for UNESCO, report 
of activities, announcement of Fourth National Con- 
ference, 887 



966 



United States Seventh Fleet, withdrawal of defense to 
Communist China, statement (Elsenhower), 209 

United States Special Representative in Europe: 

Abolition of offices, Reorganization Plan No. 7, 851, 

853 
Resignations: William H. Draper, Jr., 763; Frederick 
L. Anderson, deputy, 792 

United States Treaties and Other International Agree- 
ments, vol. 1, 1950, released, 242 

Uniting-for-peace resolution, collective security program, 
address (Sanders), 447 

Universal Postal Congress, adoption of resolution recog- 
nizing establishment of U.N. Postal Administration, 
cited in address (Tomlinson), 925 

Universal Postal Union, U.N. stamps in honor of, pres- 
entation to U.S. Postmaster General, statement 
(Johansen), 924 

UNRWA. See United Nations Relief and Works Agency 
for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. 

Van Zeeland, Paul, Belgian Foreign Minister, visit to 

U.S., 441, 473 
Venezuela : 

Ambassador (Gonzalez) to U.S., credentials, 12 
U.S. air force mission, agreement with U.S. signed, 
220 
Vernon, Raymond, article on problems of European Coal 

and Steel Community, 799, 877 
Vessels : 

Fueling of ships bound for Communist China, U.S. re- 
strictions on, 904 
Seizure of U.S. fishing vessels, U.S.-Ecuadoran con- 
ference re, 759 
Ships carrying strategic materials, East-West trade 

controls, announcement (Stassen), 435 

Transfer (U.S. to Germany) of former German vessels, 

566 

Viet Minh aggression in Laos, U.S. assistance to victims, 

678, 708, 735 

Vincent, John Carter, loyalty charges against : 

Correspondence on: letter (Bingham to Acheson) and 

texts of memoranda (Truman and Acheson), 121, 

122 ; correspondence between Secretary Dulles and 

Judge Hand, 241 

Review of charges, memorandum (Dulles), 454 

Visa functions : 

Issuance to journalists under U.S. laws of immigration, 
340 

Revision under Immigration and Nationality Act 
(1952) : 
Address (Auerbach), 642 
Article (Coulter), 195, 232 
Voice of America (VGA) : 

Francis, Robert J., designation as Acting Deputy Ad- 
ministrator, 635 

Radio time in Latin America, use by International In- 
formation Administration for locally produced broad- 
casts, 926 

Radio transmitting plants : nonrenewal of contracts for 
use of facilities, 590; termination of construction 
contracts, 518 

Department of State Bulletin 



Wa-Meru land ease, U.N. proceedings, 37 
Wadsworth, James J., U.S. representative to General As- 
sembly : 
Addresses, statements, etc. : 

American Association for the U.N., role in the free 

world, 417 
Greek military personnel, U.S. attitude toward 

repatriation, 450 
U.S. denial of admission to representatives of inter- 
national trade unions, 625 
World economic conditions, 683 
Nomination as U.S. representative at 2d part of 7th 
session. General Assembly, 345 
Wailes, Edward Thompson, appointment as Assistant Sec- 
retary for Administrarion, statement (Dulles), 391 
Ward, Angus, continuation as U.S. Ambassador to 

Afghanistan, 859 
Wari'en, George L., adviser on refugees and displaced per- 
sons, articles on 4th and 5th sessions, Intergovernmen- 
tal Committee for European Migration, 64, 879 
Watson, Thomas J., Jr., appointment as chairman of 

U.S. Committee for U.N. Day, 920 
Waugh, Samuel C, confirmation as Assistant Secretary 

for Economic Affairs, 859 
Weeks, Sinclair, appointment to U.S. National Commis- 
sion of Pan American Railway Congress Association, 
883 
Wheat : 
Afghanistan, Export-Import Bank loan for purchase of 

U.S. wheat and flour, 103 
International Wheat Agreement, signatories, table of 

guaranteed sales and purchases under, 714, 715 
Pakistan situation : mission to survey, 723 ; President's 
message to Congress requesting grant of U.S. wheat, 
statement (Dulles), 889, 890 
White, Francis, U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, confirmation, 

455 
White, Lincoln, Deputy Special Assistant for Press Re- 
lations, statements: 
Exchange of sick and w'ounded prisoners of war, 495, 

527 
Oatis, William, release from Czechoslovak prison, 785 
WHO. See World Health Organization. 
Wiley, Alexander, U.S. Representative to General 
Assembly : 
Addresses : 

Comparison of U.S. and Soviet economy, 108 
U.N. membership question, U.S. attitude, 20, 23 
Letter of reply to President Eisenhower re European 
Coal and Steel Community, 928 
WMO. See World Meteorological Organization. 
Women, U.N. Commission on Status of : 

Convention on political rights of women : addresses 
(Mrs. Roosevelt), 29, 31 (Mrs. Hahn), 546; signature, 
546 
Education, labor, resolutions for equal rights, 553 
International aspects of status of women, address 

(Hahn), 507 
7th Session: U.S. representative, 517; proceedings, 553 



World economy : 

Condition of, statement (Wadsworth), 683 

Cost of survival in dangerous world, address (Morton), 
769 

Development of healthy economy, address (Aldrich), 
915 

Economic survey of Europe (ECB), review (Camp), 
534 

Free-world economy, address (Cowen), 471 

U.N. proceedings, 664 

U.S. and Soviet economic systems, comparison (Wiley), 
108 
World Health Organization (WHO) : 

India, malaria-control program, 56 

Public health conference, joint U.S.-U.N. participation 
In, 346 

World Health Assembly (6th), U.S. delegation, 762 
World Meteorological Organization (WMO) : 

Climatology, Commission for, 1st session, U.S. delega- 
tion, 483 

Regional Association for Africa, 1st session, U.S. dele- 
gation, 194 

Sferics, World Symposium on, U.S. representation, 518 

Synoptic Meteorology, Commission for, 1st session, U.S. 

delegation, 483 

World Peace Award, presentation by American Veterans 

of Foreign Wars, statement in acknowledgment 

(Dulles), 430 

World policy outlook of the new administration, addresses 

(Smith, Dulles), 703, 706 
World Trade Week, statement (Dulles), 748 

Yugoslavia : 

Drought problem in, FAO Council proceedings on, 343 
International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment loan for completion of industrial projects, 339 
Mutual Security Agency grants for : 
Defense-support funds, 610 

Food : supplementary purchase of, 135 ; reserve sup- 
ply (tri-partite aid program), 920 

Zambeti, Christache, Rumanian diplomat, declared 
persona non grata by U.S., 815 

Zeineddine, Farid, Syrian Ambassador to U.S., creden- 
tials, 56 



Correction in Volume XXVI 11 




The Editor of the Btjixetin wishes to call atten- | 


tion to the following error : 




April 2~t: page 608, left-hand column. 


letter 


from General Harrison to General Nam 


11, the 


date in the subhead should read : 




April 16 





/ndex, January fo June 1953 



967 



Department of State publication 5299 

Released Februarj- 1954 

DIVISION OF PUBLICATIONS 



UNITED STATES 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

WASHINGTON : 1954 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing OlEce, Washington 25, D. C. - Price 25 cents. 



968 Department of State Bulletin 



tJ/i€/ ^efia/iii^en{^ /w tnate^ 




\. XXI III, 
Jumuiry 5, 1953 




RESULTS OF MEETING OF NORTH ATLANTIC 
COUNCIL, PARIS, DECEMBER 15-18: 

Text of Final Communique 3 

Remarks by Secretary Aeheson 5 

Tributes to Secretary Aeheson by Other Delegates . . 7 

ENSHRINING THE SYMBOLS OF LIBERTY • Address 

by the President •• 9 

U.S. DENOUNCES SOVIET CHARGES OF "MASS 
MURDER" OF PRISONERS • Statements by Philip C. 
Jessitp «nf( Ernest A. Cross 16 

ADMHTING NEW MEMBERS TO THE UNITED 

NATIONS • Statements by Senator Alexander Wiley . . 20 



For index see back cover 



M 



'le 




Qje/iwrtme^ A)/ ^tal^ JDUllGllIl 



Vol. XXVIII, No. 706 • Publication 4853 
January 5, 1953 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

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Note: Contents of thli publication are not 
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The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
editttd in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the De- 
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Results of Meeting of North Atlantic Council, Paris, December 15-18 



The Jf-day meeting of the North Atlantic Coun- 
cil which opened at Paris on December 15 n^as 
the tenth ichich Secretary Acheson had attended 
as head of the U.S. delegation. In view of his 
impending resignation as Secretary of State, dele- 
gates of other m-emher nations paid trihute to him 
during the closing sessioji, on December 18. 
'Print-ed below, hi addition to the text of the 
communigue issued after the meetiiig, are the 
farewell remarks made by Secretary Acheson and 
of the delegates of Denmark, the United Kingdom, 
France, Italy, and Canada. 

FINAL COMMUNIQUE 

1. The Ministerical Meeting of the North At- 
lantic Council ended in Paris today. The Chair- 
man was Mr. Ole Bj0rn Kraft, Foreign Minister 
of Denmark. It was attended by thirty-two Min- 
isters of Foreign Affairs, Finance, Economics and 
Defence. 

2. The Council received a Progress Report by 
the Secretary General, which outlined the struc- 
ture of the International Secretariat. It de- 
scribed the work accomplished in the last eight 
months by the Council, meeting regularly through 
the Permanent Representatives, and the develop- 
ment of close working relations between Nato's 
civilian and military authorities. It also dealt 
with the constructive work of the CounciPs Com- 
mittee on civil defence, and of those concerned 
with non-military aspects of the Ti'eaty covered 
by Article 2, such as over-population and social, 
cultural and informational matters. 

3. After taking note of Lord Ismay's report, 
the Council adopted a resolution (the text of which 
is issued with tliis communique) periodically to 
review the Organisation's work under Article 2 of 
the Treaty. 

4. In parallel with the Secretary General's Re- 
port, the Council considered a progress report pre- 
pared by the Military Committee. This Report 
showed a great advance in the training and effec- 
tiveness of the various national forces assigned to 
the Supreme Commanders. Combined land, air 
and sea manoeuvres had shown a marked improve- 
ment in cooperation between units as well as at the 
staff level. The Report also showed a substantial 
advance in the standardization of international 
military procedures, notably in signals. 



5. The Council approved proposals from the 
Military Committee for the establishment of a 
Mediterranean Command, so completing the 
European Command structure for the defence of 
the North Atlantic Area. Admiral Lord Mount- 
batten has been appointed. 

6. The Council considered the Strategic Guid- 
ance submitted to them by the Military Committee, 
which took account of the accession of Greece and 
Turkey to Nato. In approving it the Council 
re-affirmed their determination to defend all the 
territories and peoples of the North Atlantic 
Treaty area. 

7. The Council also had the benefit of statements 
from the Supreme Allied Commander Europe, 
and the Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic. 
General Ridgway paid tribute to the high quality 
of the forces under his command but emphasized 
that only by a continuing increase in the forces 
assigned to him would he be able to carry out his 
responsibilities. Consequently, there could be no 
relaxation: on the contrary every effort must be 
made to increase Nato armed strength as rapidly 
as possible. Admiral McCormick spoke in similar 
vein. 

8. Against this background the Council then 
considered the first report on the Annual Review 
for 1952. They noted with satisfaction that the 
increase in forces agreed to at Lisbon had been 
substantially achieved by the end of 1952, and that 
it was planned to make further individual and 
collective efforts in 1953 to increase, improve and 
strengthen the forces now in being. At the same 
time they recognised that strong defence requires 
a healthy economy. 

9. For the future, the Council directed that more 
emphasis should be given to increasing the effec- 
tiveness of the forces of the alliance and the units 
necessary for their support rather than to the pro- 
vision of greater numbers, to the extent that re- 
sources were not available for both tasks. The 
Council noted the progress being made in the co- 
ordination of production of defence equipment 
and directed that further study be given to this 
and to further standardisation in this field. The 
Council also welcomed the assistance given to 
European production by United States off-shore 
l^rocurement contracts. 

10. Agreement was reached on the financing of 
a further portion of the Infrastructure pro- 



January 5, 1953 



gramme for airfields, communications and jet fuel 
supplies, to the amount of approximately £80 
million. 

11. Durinj; the past eight months, the Council 
have regularly e.xchanged views and information 
on political problems affecting their common in- 
terests. At this meeting the Council paid particu- 
lar attention to the struggle in Indo-China, to the 
European Defence Comnuinity Treaty, and to the 
situation in Eastern Germany. They noted in 
particular that, despite the Soviet Union's re- 
peated declarations favouring a German peace 
treaty and German unification, no reply had been 
received to the proposals of the United Kingdom, 
France and the United States sent three months 
ago. The Council also received a progress report 
upon the work of the Interim Commission of the 
European Defence Community. The Council 
adopted resolutions (the texts of which are at- 
tached) on Indo-China and the European Defence 
Community. 

12. It was agreed that the next Ministerial 
Meeting of the Council should be held as early as 
possible in the Spring of 1953, when its first task 
will be to consider the final report on the Annual 
Review for 1952. 

13. In the course of the present Meeting, the 
Council considered the present situation of the At- 
lantic Community and its prospects for the future. 
In the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, four- 
teen sovereign states have developed a degree of 
voluntary co-operation without precedent in his- 
tory. By combining their resources and their 
knowledge, by sharing the material burden of de- 
fence, by the constant practice of mutual consul- 
tation and mutual assistance, member states have 
already increased their common strength, under- 
standing and unity. 

14. Member governments are more than ever 
convinced that the course they have chosen is the 
best way of protecting their free society from 
direct or indirect Communist attempts to over- 
whelm it. Such improvement as has taken place 
in the general international situation can be at- 
tributed to the efforts which member governments 
have made in increasing their collective strength 
since the foundation of the alliance. If there were 
any relaxation in these efforts, there would be a 
corresponding increase in the dangers to which 
they are exposed. The increasingly successful co- 
operation of the fourteen member governments is 
a clear proof that the avowed intentions of the 
Soviet Government to sow dissension in the free 
world will not succeed. 

15. The Council re-affirmed the purpose of their 
alliance as being for defence, for peace, and for 
security, and their resolve to extend the scope of 
their joint action, and collectively to preserve their 
common heritage of freedom. The Council wel- 
comed the sense of unity which is steadily growing 
among the peoples of the Atlantic Community. 



Resolution on Implementation of Article 2 of the 
North Atlantic Treaty 

Adopted by the North Atlantic Council on 17th 
December, 1952 

The North Atlantic Council 

CoN\iNCED of the necessity of a continuing re- 
view and of an adequate solution of economic 
problems which face member states, not only to 
provide the defence effort with a firm foundation 
but also to promote social progress and the ideals 
of freedom which are the bases of the North 
Atlantic Community ; and 

2. HAvaxG IX MIND Article 2 of the North Atlan- 
tic Treaty and the work already initiated within 
the organization to give effect to the report of the 
Committee on the North Atlantic Community, ap- 
proved by the Council at its Lisbon session and 
particularly as far as over-population problems 
are concerned 

3. Agrees that member Governments should seek 
by individual and collective measures to strengthen 
their political and economic capacities by finding 
solutions to their problems such as balance of pay- 
ments, inci'ease of output, internal financial sta- 
bility and manpower ; and that the results of their 
endeavours should be examined periodically by 
the Council. 

Resolution on Indo-China 

Adopted by the North Atlantic Council on 17th 
December, 195% 

The North Atlantic Council 

Recognizes that resistance to direct or indirect 
aggression in any part of the world is an essential 
contribution to the common security of the free 
world ; 

Having been informed at its meeting in Paris 
on the 16th December of the latest developments in 
the military and political situation in Indo-China; 

Expresses its wholehearted admiration for the 
valiant and long continued struggle by the French 
forces and the armies of the Associated States 
against Communist aggression; and 

Acknoivledges that the resistance of the free 
nations in South-East Asia as in Korea is in fullest 
harmony with the aims and ideals of the Atlantic 
Community ; 

Ami therefore agrees that the campaign waged 
by the French Union forces in Indo-China de- 
serves continuing support from the Nato govern- 
ments. 

Resolution on the European Defence Community 

Adopted by the North Atlantic Cowncil on 17th 
December, 1952 

The North Atlantic Council 

Recalling the decisions taken by the Council 
at Brussels and at Lisbon regarding German par- 
ticipation in Western defence, and the resolution 



Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 



of the 26th May 1952 by which the Council noted 
that the Treaty establishing the European Defence 
Community fulfilled the conditions embodied in 
the Brussels and Lisbon decisions; 

Taking note that this Treaty was signed on the 
27th May 1952 ; 

Taking note of the progress made towards 
European integration, in particular in the eco- 
nomic field by the creation of the Coal and Steel 
Connnunity which is already functioning; 

Having now heard the report on the activities 
of the Interim Committee of the Conference for 
the Organization of the European Defence Com- 
munity submitted by the Chairman of this com- 
mittee ; 

Reiterates that the defence of Europe, including 
Western Germany, calls for the early establish- 
ment of the European Defence Community; 

Re-affirms the importance of the reciprocal 
guarantees exchanged between the parties to the 
North Atlantic Treaty and the members of the 
European Defence Community; 

-S'/rc-ssTS the paramount importance which the 
Atlantic Community attaches to the rapid entry 
into force of the Treaty establishing the European 
Defence Community and consequently, to its rati- 
fication by all the signatories, as well as to the 
ratification of the Additional Protocol to the 
North Atlantic Treaty ^ on guarantees given by the 
parties to the North Atlantic Treaty to members 
of tlie European Defence Community. 

SECRETARY ACHESON'S REMARKS TO THE 
COUNCIL 

Mr. Chairman, Fellow Members of the Council : 
I am deeply touched and very grateful for what 
the Chairman has said about my service here with 
you. This is the last meeting which my colleagues 
and I will attend — for at least i years. It has been 
a great experience for all of us to have worked in 
the creation and the building of this great institu- 
tion. It is particularly gratifying to us that our 
tenure of office lasted long enough so that we could 
have one meeting under the new Organization 
which was set up in Lisbon and which has been 
so brilliantly managed by Lord Ismay and his 
devoted International Staff and all of us here in 
our delegation would feel very remiss if we left 
your company without expressing to Lord Ismay 
our deep gratitude for what he has done for all of 
us and for Nato. 

I am told that before the eyes of a drowning 
man his entire life passes in review and perhaps 
an expiring Minister may be permitted to review 
briefly some of his recent life in this Organization. 
And I do this, not to recall or to bore you wnth 
events which you know very well, but to suggest 
to you that we have all been part of a great move- 
ment here, perhaps the full significance of which 
we do not yet fully grasp. 

' BuLLETi.N- of June 9, 1952, p. S96. 



This movement began soon after the end of the 
war and it is characterized, as I think we can see, 
if I may review this story briefly, by two things 
which are of great significance and great impor- 
tance; I should say three things. One is the tre- 
mendous vitality and imagination of European 
statesmanship and this comes at a time when 
Europe has been through very difficult years — ex- 
hausting years — and yet we find a flowering of 
statesmanship in Europe which is both surprising 
under the circumstances and really wonderful for 
the future of the world. Secondly, the thing that 
I think is impressive is that this statesmanship 
is exercising itself in a direction which, although 
not new in the world, is new in the last 5, 6, or 7 
centuries, and that is the movement toward unity, 
toward a wider and greater unity and a softening 
of the particularisms of nationalistic feeling. 
The third thing which I think is significant is 
that the members of Nato across the sea are get- 
ting a new sense of their unity with these forces 
in Europe and, for the first time since the begin- 
ning of my country, there is a readiness, a willing- 
ness, and understanding that we must assume ob- 
ligations with you in tlie maintenance of peace 
through the common defense. If we keep these 
things in mind, perhaps it is worth while to 
look for a moment at some of the particular 
developments. 

The first which I think begins to show the evolu- 
tion of this idea was the Oeec, and here again you 
have a response from America to a European 
statesmanlike proposal — a proposal put forward 
by Mr. Bevin and Mr. Bidault to bring the Euro- 
pean countries together. At that time it was all 
of them, including the Iron Curtain countries, for 
the purpose of working out in common an eco- 
nomic program in which the United States would 
assist. Now here is the foundation of the idea of 
common action, unified action, united action to 
deal with a common problem. And then it de- 
velops in another way, and the next phase in this 
movement was taken by a man who, I think, is 
vei'y dear to the hearts of all of us here, Mr. Ernest 
Bevin. I think we all have the highest regard for 
his character and the deepest affection for the 
man himself. And I know that, in saying this, 
I would have the full support of Mr. Eden as well 
as the rest of us. 

It was in January 1948 that Mr. Bevin com- 
municated with Secretary of State Marshall and 
said that he was thinking about putting forward 
a plan, with his European associates, to create a 
Union. He had not quite decided what form it 
would take, whether it would be a treaty, whether 
it would be purely military, but it was to bring 
together in a political, spiritual, military, and a 
defensive way the Western European countries. 
General Marshall responded that the United 
States would support it vigorously, which they 
did, and that resulted in the Western Union 
Treaty, which Mr. Schuman said in a sj)eech at 



January 5, 1953 



luncheon today was really the genesis of Nato. 
And then the next step was the development of 
the Nortli Atlantic Treaty and that in turn is a 
series of developments. 

After the Western Union began to develop, 
there were discussions with Secretary Marehall 
and my colleague, Mr. Lovett. who was Under 
Secretary of State. Then Mr. Lovett worked 
with Senator Vandenberg and prepared with him 
and Senator Connally tlie Vandenberg Resolution 
which laid the foundation with the UTS. Congress 
for a receptive attitude toward the soi't of ideas 
which were coming from Europe. And the basis 
of the North Atlantic Treaty was to get, for the 
first time, a commitment from the United States 
that an attack on one of our countries was an 
attack on all of us; and that therefore we would 
not, in the event of a future war, have to wait for 
a disastrous period of time while the American 
Nation made up its mind as to what its basic 
interests were. "When I succeeded General 
Marshall and took over from Mr. Lovett, the 
ground work for the negotiation of this treaty 
had been well laid and we could carry it to a suc- 
cessful conclusion in 1949. 

Almost as soon as we organized under the North 
Atlantic Treaty and began meeting here in these 
Councils, we discovered that the idea of a guaran- 
tee through political association, important as 
that was, was not enough. Our colleagues began 
to speak to us about the fact that it was a great 
advance that the United States was ready at the 
outset to throw in its lot with the Western Euro- 
pean nations; but, if there was no preparation, 
then the United States would be liberating a con- 
tinent which would have been largely destroyed. 
Therefore, it was necessary to do more than have 
a political guarantee : it was necessary to prepare, 
and we had a meeting in London in May 1950. At 
that meeting we learned something to which I 
shall return in a moment. It was at that time that 
Mr. Schuman told Mr. Bevin and me about the 
proposal which would be brought forth in a very 
short time and which became known as the Schu- 
man Plan, which was the third great step. But 
meanwhile we went on in Nato, and at the May 
meeting we discussed the importance of what was 
then called "balanced collective forces" as against 
"balanced national forces" ; and we passed resohi- 
tions along that line ; we passed resolutions creat- 
ing a permanent Council of Deputies and other 
very advantageous measures; but we had hardly 
finished that work when we saw that it was inade- 
quate. All it had done was to continue Nato as 
a planning operation but not as an executive or 
functioning operation. There were plenty of 
plans but there was no execution. 

During that summer we had a gi-eat many sug- 
gestions including a long memorandum from the 
French Foreign Office indicating some of the steps 
which in their judgment were necessarj' to build an 
effective, closely knit organization. Then we had 



the meeting in September in New York, and tliere 
our delegation put forward a suggestion which was 
that there should be a real unilied command with 
troops, a staff, a commander, and supply arrange- 
ments so that there would be in Europe an army 
which could grow and be effective. At the same 
time it was pointed out by our military advisers 
that in order to have any effective defense of 
Europe it had to be a defense as far east as pos- 
sible, and that was particularly important to the 
northern members of this Organization — the Neth- 
erlands, Denmark, and Norway. And so we 
worked in September on a plan for a forward 
defense, and in working on that plan it became 
perfectly clear that it was not workable unless 
Germany took part in its own defense and in the 
defense of Europe. But the problem was how to 
do that and we adjourned that meeting without 
coming to a conclusion. 

Then we met in Brussels, and there we adopted 
the imified command and the idea that Germany 
should participate in its own defense and the de- 
fense of Europe. In the meantime. M. Pleven 
had put forward a proposal that would take the 
main ideas of the Schuman Plan and apply them 
in tlie military field, and we went to work on that 
and also on an alternative plan — but the more we 
worked at it the more clearly it seemed that what 
later became known as the European Defense Com- 
munity was the only proper solution to this matter, 
and we went to work very hard at that point. And 
so the treaty was finally signed, not only to create 
the Edc but also providing, as was so necessary, 
the way to bring Germany voluntarily and will- 
ingly and on a basis of equality into its own defense 
and the defense of the West. 

In the meantime the third great step — the Schu- 
man Plan — was going forward; going through all 
the difficult stages of negotiation and ratification, 
and finally it has been put into effect. I think that 
it is fair to say that at the present moment we have 
no idea how vast will be the change in the think- 
ing of Europe and of the countries outside of 
Europe as the Schuman Plan actually operates, 
because here there is, in truth, a cession of sov- 
ereignty — here is a new edict, which will create 
new types of thinking and the cohesion of new 
loyalties to it, and it is of the most profound sig- 
nificance to Europe and to the world. 

That brings us back again to where we are with 
the Edc. It is now before a number of parliaments 
for consideration. There are all sorts of difficul- 
ties of one sort or another which arise. We in the 
United States do not minimize or iniderestimate 
those difficulties. We know the great problems 
which it raises for all of you who are considering 
it. But what I want to suggest to you is that, 
in the light of the review which I have made this 
afternoon and in the light of the further provi- 
sions which are in the Edc treaty and which are 
now actually in operation through the ad hoc 
group, wliich is working on a broader political 



Departmenl of State Bulletin 



foundiition for unity in the Western world — what 
we have in the Ei)C treaty is not merely a method 
of bringing German troops to the defense of 
Europe, but rather an essential step in one of the 
great developments of history — which is iinifica- 
tion, through the Coal and Steel Community, 
through the military community, and through the 
political association which is now under discus- 
sion. 

Here you have an essential step in the building 
of this great new force in the world. And from 
the point of view of a colleague of yours across the 
sea, I cannot ovei-emphasize to you the importance 
which we attach to this movement and to this step 
m the movement. Perhaps, if I may use a figure 
of speech, it seems to me that as you create this 
strength and unity — this European entity — you 
are in effect creating a great centripetal force 
which will bring into an ever closer association 
with Europe, our British friends across the Chan- 
nel and your American and Canadian friends 
across the Atlantic Ocean. It is as this strength 
is created at the center, as this vital, new, strong 
development occurs that you will attract strength. 
If this process is reversed now, in my judgment 
you will set up a centrifugal force. If, instead of 
having unity at the center, you have disunity, you 
will have disunity and weakness throughout the 
Atlantic community. And this isn't a matter that 
people can argue about, nor is it a matter that one 
can approve or disapprove. It is in my judgment 
as inevitable as the movements of the stars in their 
courses. It would be just as silly to argue with the 
course of a star as it would be to say that there just 
must be closer and closer association between 
Great Britain, as the next neighbor, and Canada 
and the United States on the one hand, and a 
weak Europe on the other and do nothing about it. 

Whereas, if you go forward, as I know you will, 
and develop this ever-growing strength and unity, 
then you will present an ever-growing attraction 
to your British, Canadian, and American friends. 

That is tlie last message which I and my col- 
leagues would like to leave with you. We believe 
that we have all taken part in something of pro- 
found significance. It seems to us that if we are 
successful here, the twentieth century will be 
known for what has come out of our work and 
will not be known for the disasters which pre- 
ceded it. 

At your next meeting you will have other col- 
leagues from the United States. They are all, 
known to us and we know that they will work 
with you just as closely and just as enthusiastically 
as we have, and we know that you will give them 
your confidence and your friendship. They are 
as loyal and devoted as we are to our country, and 
not only to that, but to this great association which 
our country has so freely and so iinanimously 
joined, and I know that we can recommend our 
successors to you and that you will find them 
worthy of your confidence. I am deeply touched, 



Mr. Chairman, by what you have said and I am 
honored to have had this opportunity to say one 
last word before we break connections which we 
have held for so long, and at the end of this meet- 
ing, all of us will bid you an aflPectionate farewell. 

TRIBUTES OF OTHER DELEGATES 
Bjbrn Kraft, Foreign Minister of Denmark 

Before going on to other business, other items, 
I should like to say a few words on a more personal 
note to the Secretary of State of the United States. 

]\Ir. Acheson will retire next month from the 
high office he has held for nearly 4 years. I am 
sure that all members of the Council will agi'ee 
that Mr. Acheson's retirement will mean a griev- 
ous loss to our organization. Mr. Acheson was 
instrumental in the creation of Nato, and he signed 
the treaty on behalf of his Government. He has 
been working untiringly to forward the cause of 
the Atlantic community. He is indeed one of the 
master buildei'S of the organization. But even 
though Mr. Acheson will soon no longer be repre- 
senting his Government, I am sure that he will 
continue to lend his support to Nato. I was grati- 
fied to read the other day that he had promised 
to do so in a statement to the press. There could 
be no better spokesman for Nato than Mr. 
Acheson. I am sure that the Council will join 
me in thanking Mr. Acheson for his great service 
to the organization and in wishing him the best 
of luck. I call on Mr. Acheson. 

[Secretary Acheson's statement is printed 
above.] 

Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, United Kingdom 

Gentlemen, as we listened just now to the mov- 
ing account which Mr. Acheson has given us on 
the growth and development of our defense ar- 
rangements in the West, I think most of us must 
have felt how much we owe in all of this to Mr. 
Acheson himself, and it is a subject about which 
he talked least. I am indeed grateful for his 
generous tribute to Mr. Bevin which will move 
all my fellow countrymen, and yet we cannot 
forget that, in the years since he became Secretary 
of State, the foreign policy of the United States 
has evolved toward ever closer partnership with 
the free nations of the West. His most famous 
predecessor, and that responsible architect. Gen- 
eral Marshall, will be remembered and honored in 
Europe for the plan of economic aid which he 
organized on behalf of this Continent when 
stricken by the scourge of war. Wlien Mr. Ache- 
son took over the conduct of his country's foreign 
policy, it was already apparent that economic 
recovery was not enough. Strength and defense 
also we're needed to confront aggression from the 
East but we, the free nations, were divided; we 
were disorganized; we were unarmed. No other 
statesman in the free world has so clearly formu- 



January 5, 1953 



lated the ideas and the theories under which we 
were to confront this new danger as Mr. Acheson 
himself. The doctrine of creating situations of 
strength at the various danger points of the free 
world was enunciated by him as long ago as 1949. 
He has spoken out clearly from the beginning for 
the ideal of an Atlantic community. The heart of 
this ideal, as he said himself, if I may quote his 
word — I hope it won't embarrass him — they are 
very good words — is the unity of belief, of spirit, 
of interest of the community of nations repre- 
sented here. In a series of notable speeches over a 
period of j'ears he elaborated these themes. He 
showed how the free world could build up a deter- 
rent to war by unity and strength. Some of my 
colleagues were present when Mr. Acheson took 
the chair at the first working session of the North 
Atlantic Council in London; that was in May 
1950. Then the broad plan of our work was laid 
down and the machinery was set up and the long 
effort begun which was to lead out of the extreme 
peril of our defense disposition in which we then 
stood. He has been with us, I think, at every 
meeting of the Council since then. Under his 
guidance the United States has played the major 
part in building up our common defenses. We 
thank him, and with him his colleagues, Mr. Har- 
riman, Mr. Lovett, Mr. Snyder, each and all of 
whom have played so remarkable a part, in our 
work. In losing them we shall lose good friends 
and I am sure you will all agree if I say to them 
in all sincerity, "Thank you; we salute you for 
what you have done. It will have its place in 
history." 

Robert Schuman, Foreign Minister of France 

[Unofficial translaUon] 

Mr. President, it would perhaps be superfluous 
and difficult to express any better what has already 
been said, by yourself, Mr. President, and by our 
colleague Mr. Eden. But I believe that continen- 
tal Europe has the duty also to express its grati- 
tude with regard to him who, for 4 years, has rep- 
resented the great continent across the Atlantic. 

It is an exceptional declaration that we must 
make, that despite the distance, the divergencies 
of destiny, there has been, from the first contact, 
from the first day, this complete comprehension 
of the needs, the peculiarities of Europe. And if 
Europe has had the courage to think of its unity, 
to undertake it, it is because she has felt supported 
by him and by those who represent this great 
continental unity of the United States: this soli- 
darity which has been established, not for any 
considerations of self-interest but in the search 
for a unity placed on the highest level, a world- 
wide level. I am sure that that is the secret of the 
successes that we have already been able to attain. 



Mr. Acheson, permit me to say to you, for you 
and for us : You will be a great Secretary of State 
of your country, and you have been a great servant 
of the cause of the unity of Europe on one hand, 
of the unity and cooperation in the world on the 
other hand. 



Alcide de Gasperi, Foreign Minister of Italy 

[Unofficial translation] 

I associate myself with all my heart with the 
sentiments, with the votes of thanks of the Presi- 
dent, and of the speakers who have preceded me. 
I thank Mr. Acheson and his colleagues particu- 
larly for the work which they have done for us 
and also, particularly, for the last messages which 
they have left us in favor of European unity. We 
would like to make every possible effort to arrive 
at this goal. 



Brooke Claxton, Minister of 
National Defence of Canada 

Just for a minute to refer to the very moving 
speech by Mr. Acheson: There are three reasons 
why I should make a very brief comment on what 
he said so well and what has been referred to by 
the other representatives. 

In the first place Canada is a medium power. 
In the second place I believe that had our Minister 
of External Affairs, Lester B. Pearson — Mike 
Pearson as he is so familiarly known — a former 
chairman and a good frienti of all of you, been 
here, he would have felt moved to say a word or 
two not only because of his friendship and admi- 
ration for Mr. Acheson but because of his role in 
Nato. The third reason, however, is quite a per- 
sonal one and that is that Mr. Acheson was almost 
a Canadian. He is, if I may say so in French, a 
Canadjen marque. I remember first meeting him 
at the Council of Unrea in 1943 when he presided 
with such distinction over the first international 
meeting held during the war to prepare for the 
postwar period. Since then he has presided with 
equal distinction and with growing stature over 
almost every meeting which has built up the post- 
war world. He has himself in his remarks stressed 
the positive achievements that have been made by 
us here around this table and in other meetings. 
We in Canada have probably closer relations with 
the United States than any country has had with 
another : that those relations have moved along so 
well during this difficult postwar period is due in 
no small measure to his wisdom, his sagacity, his 
courage, and his friendship. On that account I 
support everything that has been said and in the 
name of Mike Pearson thank him most warmly for 
what he has done for all of us. 



Department of State Bulletin 



Enshrining the Symbols of Liberty 



Address hy the President^ 



White House press release dated December 15 

We are assembled here on this Bill of Rights 
Day to do honor to the three great documents 
which together constitute the charter of our form 
of Government. 

The Declaration of Independence, the Consti- 
tution, and the Bill of Rights are now assembled 
in one place for display and safekeeping. Here, 
so far as is humanly possible, they will be pro- 
tected from disaster and f I'om the ravages of time. 

I am glad that the Bill of Rights is at last to be 
exhibited side by side with the Constitution. 
These two original documents have been separated 
fur too long. In my opinion, the Bill of Rights 
is the most important part of the Constitution. 

We venerate these documents not because they 
are old, not because they are valuable historical 
relics but because they still have meaning for us. 
It is 161 j-ears today since the Bill of Rights was 
ratified. But it is still pointing the way to greater 
freedom and greater opportunities for human hap- 
piness. So long as we govern our Nation by the 
letter and the spirit of the Bill of Rights, we can 
be sure that our Nation will grow in strength and 
wisdom and freedom. 

Everyone who holds office in the Federal Gov- 
ernment or in the government of one of our States 
takes an oath to support the Constitution of the 
United States. I have taken such an oath many 
times, including two times when I took the special 
oath required of the President of the United States. 

This oath we take has a deep significance. Its 
simple words compress a lot of our history and a 
lot of our philosophy of government into one 
small space. In many countries, men swear to be 
loyal to their king, or to their nation. Here we 
promise to ui^hold and defend a document. 

This is because the document sets forth our idea 
of government. And beyond this, with the Decla- 
ration of Independence, it expresses our idea of 



* Made on Dec. 15 at the National Archives, Washington, 
in dedicating the new shrine for the Declaration of In- 
dependence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. 



man. We believe that man should be free. And 
these documents establish a system under which 
man can be free and set up a framework to protect 
and expand this freedom. 

The longer I live, the more I am impressed by 
the significance of our simple official oath to up- 
hold and defend the Constitution. Perhaps it 
takes a lifetime of experience to understand how 
much the Constitution means in our national life. 

You can read about the Constitution and you 
can study it in books, but the Constitution is not 
merely a matter of words. The Constitution is a 
living force — it is a growing thing. 

The Constitution belongs to no one group of 
people and to no single branch of the Government. 
We acknowledge our judges as the interpreters of 
the Constitution, but our Executive branch and 
our Legislative branch alike operate within its 
framework and must apply it and its principles in 
all that they do. 

Symbols of Faith and Liberty 

The Constitution expresses an idea that belongs 
to the people — the idea of the free man. Wltat 
this idea means may vary from time to time. 
There was a time when people believed the Con- 
stitution meant that men could not be prevented 
from exploiting child labor or paying sweatshop 
wages. 

We no longer believe these things. We have dis- 
covered that the Constitution does not prevent us 
from correcting social injustice or advancing the 
general welfare. The idea of freedom which is 
embodied in these great documents has overcome 
all attempts to turn them into a rigid set of rules 
to suppress freedom. 

As we look toward the future, we must be sure 
that what we honor and venerate in these docu- 
ments is not their words alone but the ideas of 
liberty which they express. 

We are engaged here today in a symbolic act. 
We are enshrining these documents for future ages. 
But unless we keep alive in our hearts the true 



January 5, 1953 



meaninc of these documents, what we are doing 
here could prove to be of little value. 

We have treated tlie documents themselves with 
the utmost respect. We have used every device 
that modern science lias invented to pi'otect and 
preserve them. From their glass cases we have 
excluded everything; that might harm them, even 
the air itself. This magnificent hall has been con- 
structed to exhibit them, and the vault beneath, 
that we have built to protect them, is as safe from 
destruction as anything that the wit of modern 
man can devise. All this is an honorable effort, 
based upon reverence for the great past, and our 
generation can take just pride in it. 

But we must face the fact that all this pomp and 
circumstance could be the exact opposite of what 
we intend. This ceremony could be no more than 
a niagnificeiit burial. If the Constitution and 
Declaration of Independence were enshrined in 
the Archives Building, but nowhere else, they 
would be dead, and this place would be only a 
stately tomb. 

The Constitution and the Declaration can live 
only as long as they are enshrined in our hearts 
and minds. If they are not so enshrined, they 
would be no better than mummies in their glass 
cases, and they could in time become idols whose 
worship would be a grim mockery of the tnie faith. 
Only as these documents are reflected in the 
thoughts and acts of Americans can they remain 
symbols of a power that can move the world. 

That power is our faith in human liberty. That 
faith is immortal, but it is not invincible. It has 
sometimes been abandoned, it has been betrayed, 
it has been beaten to earth again and again and, 
although it has never been killed, it has been re- 
duced to impotence for centuries at a time. It is 
far older than our Republic. The motto on our 
Liberty Bell, "Proclaim liberty throughout all 
the land unto all the inhabitants thereof," is from 
the book of Leviticus, which is supposed to have 
been written nearly 1,500 years before Christ. In 
the 35 centuries since that date, the love of liberty 
has never died, but liberty itself has been lost again 
and again. 

We find it hard to believe that liberty could ever 
be lost in this country. But it can be lost, and it 
will be, if the time ever conies when these docu- 
ments are regarded not as the supreme expression 
of our profound belief but merely as curiosities in 
glass cases. 

Today, the ideals which these three documents 
express are having to struggle for survival 
throughout the world. When we sealed the Decla- 
ration and the Constitution in the Library of 
Congress almost a year and a half ago, I had some- 
thing to say about the threat of totalitarianism and 
communism.- That threat still menaces freedom. 
The struggle against communism is just as crucial, 
just as demanding, as it was then. 

" BuiXETiN of Oct. 1, 1951, p. 528. 



We are uniting the strength of free men against 
this threat. We are resisting Communist aggi-es- 
sion and we will continue to resist the Communist 
threat with all our will and all our strength. 

Danger Threatening the Freedom Ideal 

But the idea of freedom is in danger from others 
as well as the Communists. There are some who 
hate communism, but, who, at the same time, are 
unwilling to acknowledge the ideals of the Con- 
stitution as the supreme law of the land. They 
are people who believe it is too dangerous to pro- 
claim liberty throughout all the land to all the in- 
habitants. What these people really believe is 
that the Preamble ought to be changed from "We, 
the people" to read, "Some of us — some of the 
people of the United States, but not including 
those we disapprove of or disagree with — do ordain 
and establish this Constitution." 

Whether they know it or not, those people are 
enclosing the spirit as well as the letter of the 
original Constitution in a glass case, sealed off 
from the living Nation. They are turning it into 
a mummy, as dead as some old Pharaoh of Egypt, 
and in so doing they are giving aid and comfort 
to the enemies of democracy. 

The first article of the Bill of Rights provides 
that Congress shall make no law respecting free- 
dom of worship or abridging freedom of opinion. 
There are some among us who seem to feel that 
this provision goes too far, even for the purpose 
of preventing tyranny over the mind of man. Of 
course, there are dangers in religious freedom and 
freedom of ojiinion. But to deny these rights is 
worse than clangerous; it is absolutely fatal to 
liberty. The external threat to liberty should not 
drive us into suppressing liberty at home. Those 
who want the Government to regulate matters of 
the mind and spirit are like men who are so afraid 
of being murdered that they commit suicide to 
avoid assassination. 

All freedom-loving nations, not the United 
States alone, are facing a stern challenge from the 
Communist tyranny. In the circumstances, alarm 
is justified. The man who isn't alarmed simply 
doesn't understand the situation — or he is crazy. 
But alarm is one thing, and hysteria is another. 
Hysteria impels people to destroy the very thing 
they are struggling to preserve. 

Invasion and conquest by Communist armies 
would be a horror beyond our capacity to imagine. 
But invasion and conquest by Communist ideas of 
right and wrong would be just as bad. 

For us to embrace the methods and morals of 
communism in order to defeat Communist aggres- 
sion would be a moral disaster worse than any 
physical catastrophe. If that should come to pass, 
then the Constitution and the Declaration would 
be utterly dead and what we are doing today would 
be the gloomiest burial in the history of the world. 



10 



Deparfmeni of State Bulletin 



But I do not believe it is goinff to come to pass. 
On the contrary, I believe that this ceremony here 
today marks a new dedication to the ideals of 
liberty. 

Since 1789 we have learned much about con- 
trolling the physical world around us. In 1789 
they had nothing to compare with our modern 
methods of preserving priceless documents. They 
did not know how to place these sheets under con- 
ditions that, left undisturbed, may keep them in- 
tact and legible for a thousand years. 

Perhaps our progress in learning the art of 
government has been less spectacular, but I, for 
one, believe it has been no less certain. I believe 
the great experiment that we call the United States 
of America has taught much to mankind. We 
know more than our forefathers did about the 
maintenance of popular liberty. Hence it should 
be easier, not harder, for us to preserve the spirit 
of the Republic, not in a marble shrine, but in 
human hearts. We have the knowledge ; the ques- 
tion is, "Have we the will to apply itT' 

"Wliether we will preserve and extend popular 
liberty is a very serious question, but, after all, it 
is a very old question. The men who signed the 
Declaration faced it. So did those who wrote the 
Constitution. Each succeeding generation has 
faced it, and so far each succeeding generation has 
answered, "Yes." I am sure that our generation 
wilt give the same answer. 

So I confidently predict that what we are doing 
today is placing before the eyes of many genera- 
tions to come the symbols of a living faith. And, 
like the sight of the flag "in the dawn's early 
light," the sight of these symbols will lift up their 
hearts so they will go out of this building helped 
and strengthened and inspired. 



U. S. Protests Soviet Attack 
on Air Force Plane off Hoi<l<aido 

Press release 921 dated December 16 

The American Eiribassy at Moscoiv on Deeem- 
her 16 delivered a note concerning the U.S. Air 
Force plane shot down ojf Hokkaido on Octoher ?, 
1952. The U.S. note inas in reply to a communi- 
cation from the U.S.S.R. dated November ^4, 1952. 

Text of the U.S. note together with that of the 
L'.S.S.R. follows: 

Text of U.S. Note of December 16 

The Embassy of the United States of America 
refers to the Ministry's note of November 24, 1952, 
concerning the United States Air Force plane 
shot down near the Japanese Island of HoMiaido 
on October 7, 1952. 

The United States Government notes that the 
Soviet Government has repeated its allegation 



that the United States Air Force plane violated 
the state frontier of the Soviet Union and that it 
opened fire on the Soviet aircraft. This allega- 
tion is in complete contradiction with the facts 
of the case. As the Soviet Government is aware, 
the radar plot of the tracks of the United States 
and Soviet aircraft showed conclusively that the 
United States plane was intercepted .32 miles from 
Yuri Island and approximately six miles from 
the Island of Hokkaido by Soviet fighter aircraft 
which illegally entered Japanese territory in the 
course of making this interception. The United 
States plane was entirely undefended ; in keeping 
with the routine character of its mission, it carriecl 
no bombs and its guns were inoperative. 

The United States Government therefore must 
reiterate its protest against this unprovoked and 
unjustifiable attack on the United States aircraft, 
and must request again that the Soviet Govern- 
ment make payment of appropriate compensation 
for the loss of this aircraft and the lives of the 
crew members who have perished. 

The United States Government also cannot ac- 
cept the Soviet Government's declaration that it 
does not consider it necessary to enter into dis- 
cussion of the statement of the United States 
Government that Yuri Island is not Soviet terri- 
tory. In the view of the United States Govern- 
ment, Yuri Island, together with the other islands 
of the Habomai Group, is Japanese territory under 
Japanese sovereignty and the status of these 
islands as Japanese territory has not been changed 
by the fact of their occupation by the Soviet Union. 



Text of Soviet Note of November 24 

[Unofficial translation] 

In connection with the USA Government's note 
of October 17, 1952,^ the Government of the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Eej^ublics considere it neces- 
sary to state the following. 

The Government of the USSR cannot recognize 
as satisfactory the reply of the Government of the 
USA to the Soviet Government's note of October 
12 = this year with regard to the violation of the 
state frontier of the USSR by an American mili- 
tary airplane in the region of Yuri Island. 

Instead of taking urgent measures to prevent 
violations of the Soviet frontier by American air- 
planes, the Government of the USA took the path 
of an unfounded denial of the fact of a violation 
of the Soviet frontier by an American military 
airplane on October 7 and is trying to justify the 
illegal acts of the crew of this airplane which 
opened fire on two Soviet fighter planes. Such a 
position of the Government of the USA is in clear 
contradiction with generally recognized standards 
in mutual relations between states. 



' Bulletin of Oct. 27, 1952, p. 6.^ 
^Ibid., p. 649. 



January 5, 7953 



11 



In the Soviet Government's note of October 12 
there were set forth the actual circumstances of 
this affair. It was clearly established that the 
American four-motored B-29 bomber at alxjut 
1530 o'clock October 7 Vladivostok time violated 
the state frontier of the Soviet Union in the region 
of Yuri Island. Instead of complying with the 
demand of the two Soviet figliters — to follow them 
for landing — the violating airplane, which, as the 
Government of the USA itself acknowledges in its 
note of October 17, was armed, opened fire on the 
Soviet fighters. 

In view of the fact that a violation of the Soviet 
state frontier by an American military airplane 
has been clearly established, the Soviet Govern- 
ment cannot accept for consideration the claim of 
the USA Government contained in its note of 
October 17. It goes without saying that Ameri- 
can authorities bear responsibility for the conse- 
quences of the violation of the Soviet frontier. 

The Soviet Government is not in possession of 
any information regarding the whereabouts of the 
members of the crew of the American violating 
airplane. 

The Government of the USSR considers it nec- 
essary to remind that in the USSR, as in other 
countries, there are instructions in force according 
to wliich, in case of a violation of the state frontier 
by a foreign airplane, flyers are required to force 
it to land at a local airport and in case of resistance 
to open fire on it. 

The Soviet Government does not consider it 
necessary to enter into discussion of the arbitrary 
statement of the Government of the USA that 
Yuri Island is allegedly not Soviet territory, since 
it is without any foundation and in crude contra- 
diction with tlie provisions of the Yalta Agree- 
ment concerning the Kurile Islands, which was 
signed by the Government of the USA. 

Reiterating its position set forth in the note of 
October 12, the Soviet Government again insists 
that the Government of the USA take the neces- 
sary measures to prevent henceforth violations of 
the state frontier of the USSR by American 
airplanes. 



Letters of Credence 

Ecuador 

The newly appointed Araliassador of Ecuador, .Tose 
Ricardo Chiriboga Villagoinez, presented his credentials 
to the President on December 12. For text of the Am- 
bassador's remarks and of the President's reply, see De- 
partment of State press release 014 of December 12. 

Venezuela 

The newly appointed Ambassador of Venezuela. C^sar 
Gonzalez, presented his credentials to the President on 
December 12. For text of the Ambassador's remarks and 
of the President's reply, see Department of State press 
release 915 of December 12. 



U.S. Protests in 
Linse Kidnaping Case 

Following are the texts of notes, dated November 
25 and Decemher 10, sent by Walter J. Donnelly, 
U.S. nigh Commissioner for Germany, to Gen. 
Vassily I. Chuikov, chairman of the Soviet Control 
Commission for Germany, concerning the kidnap- 
ing of Dr. Walter Linse from the American sector 
of Berlin on July 8:^ 

Note Dated November 25 

[Telegraphic text] 

It is now more than three months since we 
agreed that our representatives should conduct a 
joint inquiry into the kidnaping of Dr. Linse. 
More tlian two and a half months ago we gave 
you information which specifically identified the 
police station in the Soviet sector to which Dr. 
Linse was taken by the kidnaj)ers, and other infor- 
mation, from which all details of the crime could 
have been easily and immediately ascertained. 
Subsequent attempts of my representative to meet 
with his Soviet colleague, or even to get answers 
about the progress of your inquiry, were singularly 
unsuccessful. 

The West Berlin police have now completed and 
published results of their inquiry with complete 
identification of the kidnapers and complete de- 
tails of their relations to security forces under your 
control and of the organization and execution of 
the crime. I attach a copy of their statement in 
case it has not been brought to your personal 
attention.^ 

When you agreed to an investigation into this 
kidnaping, you clearly recognized your obligation 
to return Dr. Linse to the U.S. sector of Berlin 
and to punish the perpetrators of the crime as soon 
as it was shown that Dr. Linse had been kidnaped 
into the Soviet sector or zone. This fact has now 
been shown, together with the fact that the kid- 
naping was carried out by police agencies under 
your control. I therefore demand that you carry 
out your obligations and deliver Dr. Linse to the 
U.S. authorities in the U.S. sector of Berlin and 
take prompt action to punish the perpetrators of 
the kidnaping and those associated with them. 

Note Dated December 10 

[Telegraphic text] 

Tomorrow I shall be leaving for home.^ Before 
I go I must once more request your good offices in 
alleviating the fate and speeding the release of 
Dr. Walter Linse from the detention he has so 
unjustly suffered in the Soviet zone of Germany. 



' I'\ir text of a U.S. protest dated July 8, see Bulletin 
of Sept. 1, 1952, p. 320. 

' For te.xt, see ibid., Nov. 24, 1952, p. 823. 

'The White House announced on Dec. 5 that the Presi- 
dent had accepted Mr. Donnelly's resignation, effective 
Dec. 31. 



12 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



You doubtless know the Linse case. You liave 
seen police reports, the cold facts and figures; but 
I wonder if you equally know the tragic drama 
behind the case, which has received so much pub- 
licity in the press in all parts of the West. 

Mrs. Linse has visited me on many occasions. 
Her story is so full of courage and hope that I must 
again appeal to you. I like to believe that under 
similar circumstances you too would be inspired 
to write and speak on behalf of this woman who 
has lost her husband who, like her, must live in 
hope for the day of their reunion. 

Mrs. Linse is suffering the same mental anguish 
which caused the death of Dr. Linse's father a 
few weeks after the kidnaping of his son. She is 
constantly tormented by the last picture anyone 
had of her husband . . . that of a man brutally 
dragged off by hooligans, leaving behind one shoe 
and glasses as evidence of his brief and brave 
struggle. 

I want to do whatever I can to ease the suffering 
which Mrs. Linse is undergoing. Though her hus- 
band may be lacking many things, she has con- 
stantly in her mind that he needs glasses and shoes. 
I would like to satisfy her desire to replace these, 
which she wants especially to do now at the Christ- 
mas season. 

Mrs. Linse has asked if you could furnish, 
through me, the prescription for his glasses and 
size of shoes. After she purchases these articles, 
she will deliver them to me. I shall then forward 
them to you and ask that you be so good as to 
transmit them to Dr. Linse. I shall appreciate it 
if I might then be sent an acknowledgment from 
Dr. Linse that he has received these articles, so 
that I may reassure Mrs. Linse. 

I also request that you have delivered to Dr. 
Linse the food package which I am sending him 
as a Christmas gift in my own name. Dr. Linse 
must know tliat I have not forgotten him, nor has 
my country. 

Finally, because I am so deeply moved by the 
human suffering which has been caused by this 
brutal kidnaping. I appeal to you, General Chui- 
kov, to leave nothing undone to have Dr. Linse 
speedily returned to his home. I would like to 
feel that you and I have been able to make the 
beginning of the New Year the beginning of a new 
life for the Linses.* 



' On Dec. 11 the package sent to Dr. Linse in care of the 
Soviet headquarters in East Berlin was returned by 
special messenger, together with Mr. Donnelly's Dec. 10 
letter to Gen. Chuikov. The package was marked "Ad- 
dressee Not Known." 



MSA Allotment for Defense 
Support Program in Indochina 

The Mutual Security Agency announced on 
December 18 that it has earmarked 30.5 million 
dollars for a defense support program in the Asso- 
ciated States of Indochina during the current fiscal 
year. 

About 4 million dollars is to be used for military 
petroleum products and about 26 million dollars 
to finance purchases of such items as air-naviga- 
tion aids, railway rolling stock and equipment, 
airfield facilities, telecommunications equipment, 
and hospital equipment and drugs for the military 
forces in Indochina. 

Through an agreement with the Department of 
Defense, the Department of the Army will act as 
the procurement agency for all items with the pos- 
sible exception of some petroleum supplies. The 
Chief of the Military Assistance Advisory Group 
(Maao) in Indochina will be responsible for the 
supervision of the end use of these items in the 
same manner as all other military assistance 
supplies. 

The 30.5 million dollars for direct support of 
the military operation represents approximately 
half of the Msa program in Indochina for the 1953 
fiscal year. The other half is being used for eco- 
nomic-aid projects in fields such as medicine and 
public health, agriculture and forestry, transpor- 
tation and other public works, public administra- 
tion, and industry. 

American economic dollar aid in Indochina 
dates back to June 5, 1950, when the support pro- 
gram was initiated by the Economic Cooperation 
Administration, Msa's predecessor. However, the 
30.5 million-dollar Msa progi-am for defense sup- 
port in the current fiscal year marks the first time 
that MsA or Eca dollars are being used in Indo- 
china for commodities which go directly to the 
military forces. 

Certain specific military projects will be sup- 
ported by the Msa dollars. Two provide for 
expansion of the Tourane power plant and the 
Haiphong electric-power plant and power line. 
Another will supply machinery and equipment for 
the Saigon arsenal. More than 1 million dollars 
of Msa funds will finance purchases of rails and 
rolling stock for railways in Vietnam which serve 
essential military needs. 



January 5, 1953 



13 



Another project calls for basic improvement of 
air-force bases, including supplying of flood lights, 
motor pumps, storage tanks, generators, and 
cranes. Msa will also pay for equipment to be 
used in storing, testing, and distributing petro- 
leum products for the Armed Forces. 

Fighting off attaclis of the Communist Viet 
Minli, the Indochinese forces are battling the ag- 
gression mainly in North Vietnam. The Viet 
Minh attaclis have grown more intensive in the 
last 2 or 3 years, though they originally began on 
a sporadic basis about the time of the end of World 
War II. 

As a result of the warfare, Indochina has a 
refugee and relief problem, which Msa is also help- 
ing under its economic-aid program. It is sup- 
porting the Indochinese Government's resettle- 
ment programs and projects for hospital and 
medical care of civilian war wounded and for dis- 
tribution of food, clothes, and other essential needs 
to refugees. 

The Msa defense-support program in Indochina 
is separate from the direct military aid provided 
through the Department of Defense. Purchases 
of arms and other military equipment for Indo- 
Chinese military forces are financed by the Depart- 
ment of Defense under its portion of the Mutual 
Security Program, and dollars used for this pur- 
pose are not included in the MsA-administered 
defense-support program. 



U.S. Attitude Toward Purchase 
of Bolivian Tin Concentrates 

Press release 928 dated December 19 

In view of the numerous inquiries which the 
Department of State has received from the press 
concerning the purchase of Bolivian tin concen- 
trates, it is deemed necessary to define clearly and 
precisely the attitude of the U.S. Government. 

First, the United States has made several spot 
purchases of Bolivian tin concentrates since the 
Mnr ^ regime assumed control of the Bolivian 
Government in April 1952. The last purchase, 
made in September 1952 from the Banco Minero, 
an agency of the Bolivian Government, covered 
all Bolivian production through September 1952 
wliich had not already been contracted for sale. 
Delivery of ores in South American ports under 
this arrangement was not completed until the end 
of November. 

Second, since September 1952 the Bolivian Gov- 
ernment has not offered for spot sale to the United 
States any tin concentrates whatever. 

Third, the United States has informed the Bo- 



' Movimiento Nacional RevoJucionario. 



livian Government on several occasions that the 
Reconstruction Finance Corporation is prepared 
to consider offers from Bolivia to sell tin concen- 
trates on substantially the same basis as in the 
earlier purchase agi-eements. At no time has the 
United States refused to buy Bolivian tin. 

Fourth, recently the Bolivian Ambassador to the 
United States informed the Department that the 
Bolivian Government wished to conclude a one- 
year contract for the sale of Bolivian tin concen- 
trates. The interested agencies of the U.S. Gov- 
ernment are currently considering the feasibility 
of such an arrangement. 

Tax Conventions Witli Finland 
Enter Into Force 

Press release 926 dated December 19 

On December 18, 1952, according to informa- 
tion received by the Department of State from the 
American Legation at Helsinki, the instruments 
of ratification of the United States and Finland 
with respect to two tax conventions (treaties) were 
formally exchanged at Helsinki, namely: (a) the 
convention of March 3, 1952, for the avoidance of 
double taxation and the prevention of fiscal eva- 
sion with respect to taxes on income, and (b) the 
convention of March 3, 1952, for the avoidance of 
double taxation and the prevention of fiscal eva- 
sion with respect to taxes on estates and 
inheritances. 

Upon the exchange of the instruments of ratifi- 
cation the two conventions entered into force in 
accordance with their respective terms. 

The Senate, on July 4, 1952, gave its advice and 
consent to the ratification of the conventions. On 
July 21, 1952, the President ratified both conven- 
tions. A proclamation with respect to the entry 
into force of each of the conventions will be issued 
by the President. 



Finland Makes Purchase From 
International Monetary Fund 

The Government of Finland on December 5 
purchased U.S. $4,500,000 from the International 
Monetary Fund with Finnish markkas. At the 
same time, a stand-by arrangement was concluded 
under which the Finnish Government may pur- 
chase up to $5,000,000 more from the Fund at any 
time during the next 6 months. 

Finland's purchase was its fii-st transaction with 
the Fund. The stand-by arrangement with Fin- 
land represents the first'use of a facility adopted 
recently that permits members to obtain advance 
assurance of access to the Fund's resources. 



14 



Department of State Bulletin 



INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES 



Calendar of Meetings ' 

Adjourned During December 1952 

IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization): 

Council: 17tb Session Montreal Sept. 9-Deo. 5 

Air Transport Committee: 17th Session Montreal Sept. 10-Dec. 2 

Air Navigation Commission: 11th Session Montreal Sept. 23-Dec. 4 

Standing Committee on Air Performance: 3d Session Montreal Nov. 11-Dec. 5 

Itu (International Telecommunication Union): International Plenipo- Buenos Aires Oct. 1-Dcc. 21 

tentiarv Telecommunication Conference. 
UN (United Nations): 

General Assembly: 7th Session (1st Part) New York Oct. 14- Dec. 22 

Economic and Social Council: Consultative Group in the Field of Pre- Geneva Dec. 8-16 

vention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders — Combined Euro- 
pean and North American Regional. 
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organi- 
zation): 

Fourth Meeting of Representatives of National Commissions .... Paris Nov. 8-Dec. 11 

General Conference: 7th Session Paris Nov. 12-Dec. 11 

First Regional Conference on Free and Compulsory Education in Bombay Dec. 10-23 

Soutli Asia and the Pacific. 

West Indian Conference: 5th Session Jamaica Nov. 24-Dec. 4 

Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization): 

Fag/Who Joint Meeting on Malnutrition in Mothers, Infants and Gambia (Africa) .... Nov. 28-Dec. 4 

Children. 
Forestrv and Forest Products Commission for Asia and the Pacific: Kuala Lumpur and Dec. 1-13 
2d 'Session. Singapore. 

Meeting of Experts on Index Numbers Rome Dec. 1-5 

Inter-American Livestock Production: 2d Meeting Bauru (Brazil) Dec. 8-19 

Near East Forestry Conference Amman (Jordan) . . . Dec. 13-20 

Caribbean Commission: 15th Meeting Jamaica Dec. 1-8 

Ilo (International Labor Organization) : 

Latin American Manpower Technical Conference Lima Dec. 1-13 

Technical Meeting on the Protection of Young Workers in Asian Kandy (Ceylon) .... Dec. 1-10 
Countries, with Relation to their Vocational Preparation. 

Meeting on Suppression of Dust in Mining, Funnelling and Quarrying. Geneva Dec. 1-17 

Sixth International Conference of Social Work Madras Dec. 14-19 

Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organization): Ministerial Meeting of Paris Dec. 15-19 

the Council (First). 

In Session as of Dec. 30, 1952 

International Materials Conference Washington Feb. 26, 1951- 

Scheduled January l-March 31, 1953 

Fao (Food and Agriculture Organization) : 

Meeting on Rice Bangkok Jan. 5- 

Coordinating Committee: 3d Session Rome Mar. 16- 

Council Committee on Relations with International Organizations . . Rome Mar. 30- 

Inter-American Research Seminar on National Income Santiago Jan. 5- 

International Rubber Study Group: Second Session of Working Party . London Jan. 5- 

IcAO (Internationa! Civil Aviation Organization) : 

Second Southeast Asia Regional Air Navigation Meeting (and Melbourne Jan. 13- 

Limited South Pacific). 

First Air Navigation Conference Montreal Feb. 24- 

UN (United Nations): 

Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: 

Railway Subcommittee: 1st Session Bandung Jan. 14- 

Inland Waterways Subcommittee: 1st Session Bandung Jan. 14- 

Committee on Inland Transport; 2d Session Bandung Jan. 19- 

Committee on Industry and Trade: 5th Session Bandung Jan. 26- 

Ninth Session of the Commission Bandung Feb. 6- 

Second Regional Conference on Trade Promotion Manila Feb. 23- 

1 Prepared in the Division of International Conferences, Department of State, Dec. 23, 1952. Asterisks indicate 
tentative dates. 

January 5, 1953 15 



York . . . 


. . . Jan. 19- 


York . . . 


. . . Feb. 2- 


York . . . 


. . . Feb. 2- 


York . . . 


. . . Feb. 16- 


York . . . 


. . . Feb. 24- 


a 


. . . Mar. 3- 


York . . . 


. . . Mar. 16- 


York . . . 


. . . Mar. 16- 


York . . . 


. . . Mar. 30- 


York . . . 


. . . Mar. 31- 




. . . March 


larive . . . 


. . . Jan. 19- 



Calendar oj Meetings — Continued 

Scheduled January 1-March 31, 1953 — Continued 

UN — Continued 

Population Commi.ssion: 7th Session New 

Transport and Communications Commission; Clh Session New 

Statistical Commission: 7th Session New 

Committee on Non -Governmental Organization New 

General Assembly, Reconvening of 7th Session New 

Economic Commission for Europe: 8lh Session Geneva. 

Commission on the Status of Women: 7th Session New 

Technical Assistance Committee New 

Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 8th Session New 

Economic and Social Commission: 15th Session New 

Consultative Group in the Field of Prevention of Crime and Treatment Brazil 
of Offenders (Latin Anaerican Regional). 

Wmo (World Meteorological Organization): 

Regional Association I, Africa Tananarive 

Commission for Climatology: 1st Session Washington Mar. 12- 

Who (World Health Organization): Executive Board: 11th Session . . Geneva Jan. 21- 

International Wheat Council: 

11th Session Washington Jan. 30- 

Reconvening of 8th Session Washington Feb. 2- 

Gatt (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade): Ad Hoc Committee Geneva Feb. 2- 

for Agenda and Intersessional Business of the Contracting Parties. 

Ilo (International Labor Organization) : 

Textiles Committee: 4th Session Geneva Feb. 2- 

Committee on Work on Plantations: 2d Session Habana Mar. 18- 

Inter-American Economic and Social Council: 3d Extraordinary Meet- Caracas Feb. 9- 

ing. 

Pakistan Science Conference, 5th Annual Lahore Feb. 16- 

Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Defense Science New Delhi Feb. 2.5- 

Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organization): 

Petroleum Planning Committee: 4th Meeting Paris February 

Planning Board for European Inland Surface Transport: 3d Session . Paris February- 
Ministerial Meeting of the North Atlantic Council Paris March* 

Cannes Film Festival, 6th International Cannes Mar. 1 1 

Pan American Highway Congress: Interim Committee Undetermined March 

International Rubber Study Group: 10th Meeting Copenhagen March 

International Tin Study Group: 7th Meeting London Maroh 



U. S. Denounces Soviet Charges of "Mass Murder" of Prisoners 



In the early vioming hours of Decerriber 21, the 
date on which the General Assembly had intended 
to end the fir'st jmrt of its seventh session, the 
U.S.S.R. representative, Andrei Crromyho, an- 
nounced that his delegation requested inclusion on 
the agenda of a new item, dealing with the alleged 
'"''mass murder''' of Chinese and Korean pHsoners of 
war. At a meeti7ig of the General Committee 
called the same day, at his request, it was agreed 
to include the item and to consider it without 
delay. At its December 21 plenary session, the 
General Assembly accepted the Committee^s rec- 
ommendation. After completing action on other 
agenda iteins in an all-night session, the Assem- 
bly early the next morning defeated the Soviet 
resolution by a vote of 5-li5, with 10 ahsfentions. 

Following are statements made by Philip C. 



Jessup in the General Committee on December 21 
and by Ernest A. Gross in the plenary session on 
December 22. 



AMBASSADOR JESSUP'S STATEMENT OF 
DECEMBER 21 

U.S./U.N. press release dated December 21 

I believe that the delegations in the General 
Assembly of the United Nations will feel not only 
a natural sense of irritation but also a feeling of 
disgust and, I may say, contempt for this last min- 
ute shabby propaganda trick \Yhich the delegation 
of the Soviet Union seeks to perpetrate upon the 
General Assembly. 

The term a "knock on the door at midnight" has 
become symbolically associated with the kind of 



16 



Department of State Bulletin 



tactics that the Soviet Government and its secret 
police employ in depriving the people unfortunate 
enough to live under that rule of all of the situa- 
tions which normally come to human beings in the 
course of their daily life. It would seem as if the 
Soviet delegation thought that it could intimidate 
the General Assembly of the United Nations by a 
"knock on the door at midnight" just as the Assem- 
blv was about to adjourn. 

"I don't think it is appropriate, Mr. Chairman, 
in the General Committee to engage in a prolonged 
discussion of this utterly false, slanderous defama- 
tory proposal, which is now before us. The dele- 
gation of the United States, of course, makes no 
objection to putting this on the agenda. It should 
be put on the agenda and disposed of forthwith. 

Its urgent character derives not from the mis- 
statements which we have heard just now from the 
representative of the Soviet Union, but from the 
need of the General Assembly to remove quickly, 
emphatically, and clearly from its consideration 
false and baseless charges of this kind. I should 
merely like to point out certain things, Mr. Chair- 
man, as indicative of the character oi this proposal 
of the Soviet Union, a proposal which reaches a 
new low in terms of the tactics of that delegation 
in the United Nations. 

It is alleged in this paper we have and in the 
explanatory note that certain events transpired in 
a prisoner-of-war camp on the Island of Pongan. 
I am able to inform the members of the General 
Committee, as the delegation of the United States 
will be prepared in gi-eater detail to inform the 
General Assembly, that there are no Chinese pris- 
oners of war on this island. There are no prison- 
ers of war, whether Chinese or Korean on this 
island. There are only Korean civilian internees 
of long standing. There are 9,200 of these Korean 
civilian internees on the island in two enclosures. 

The incident to which I assume the Soviet rep- 
resentative refers, although the totally inaccurate 
and false nature of his statements makes it difficult 
to know whether he refers to anything, but if he is 
referring to the item in the press to which he seems 
to refer, I can say that the incident involves one 
enclosure consisting of 8 compounds. Two of 
these 8 compoimds did not participate in the inci- 
dent. It is perhaps a curious coincidence, Mr. 
Chairman, that this incident occurred on the same 
day that the Chinese Communist regime rejected 
the General Assembly resolution on nonforcible 
repatriation of prisoners of war. Would it seem 
fantastic to the members of the General Commit- 
tee to assume that Communist instigation among 
these internees led to the riots which required 
disciplinary action ? Surely that is not a fantastic 
assumption. 

Mr. Chairman, as I have said, I don't want to 
detain the General Committee with a full discus- 
sion of this item. My delegation will be prepared 
to discuss it forthwith in the plenary session. 
There is no objection, in fact we welcome, as I have 

January 5, 1953 

236139 — 53 3 



said, the course that you have proposed that this 
should be taken up and disposed of and I believe 
that the General Assembly, on hearing on the one 
hand the false propaganda, unsupported allega- 
tions of the Soviet delegation and the statement 
of facts which my delegation will put before the 
Assembly, will take the appropriate action to dis- 
miss this and to express the sense of outrage which 
it has that an item of this character should be 
brought forward in this way at this time. 



AMBASSADOR GROSS' STATEMENT 
OF DECEMBER 22 

In the remarks which I have to make I should 
like to ask the Assembly to keep in mind three 
factors which seem to me to be relevant to the 
question which is put before the Assembly and 
the manner in which it has been put forward. 
The first is the timing selected by the Soviet Union 
delegation in raising the question; the second is 
its motives in doing so ; and the third is the sub- 
stance of the charges made here, not for the first 
time but repeatedly, ad nauseam, as they have 
been, from the day when the Korean item came up 
for discussion before the First Committee at this 
session. 

On an unforgettable Sunday, June 25, 1950, the 
Security Council met and decided to repel aggres- 
sion. Now, many Sunday nights later, the General 
Assembly meets to expose a hollow propaganda 
maneuver by the Soviet sponsor of that aggi-ession. 
The world knows who is for peace in Korea and 
who is using every means to prevent peace. On 
December 3, 54 nations declared their will to peace 
in Korea. The Soviet Union representative this 
evening reviles the assembled dignity of this or- 
ganization and says that the Indian resolution 
was rubber-stamped by the Assembly under U.S. 
pressure. The Soviet Union Government and its 
satellites voted against peace, and that is the fact 
they are seeking to conceal this evening. 

Our patience is tried and our intelligence in- 
sulted by a shabby midnight propaganda stunt. 
Nevertheless, it is fitting that this Assembly should 
discuss the item that the Soviet Union representa- 
tive has raised so hastily. IVIy Government urged 
that the Soviet Union item be included in the 
agenda, waiving the rules which could have been 
invoked to prevent its inclusion today. We be- 
lieved that the item should be discussed before we 
finished our pre-Christmas work, and we took this 
position because we believe the Soviet Union accu- 
sations should be brought out of the dark corners 
of their origin and be exposed to the white light 
of truth. 

I turn to facts. What was the background of 
the events at Pongan? Here are the facts: On 
Pongan Island, over 9,000 Koreans were interned. 
These were captured Communist guerrillas oper- 
ating in South Korea and other Communists 
rounded up for revolutionary activities behind the 

17 



lines. They were not prisoners captured from 
enemy armies. There were no Cliinese among 
them. 

On December 6, 1952, the prisoner-of-war com- 
mand reported indications that plans for a mass 
break-out were being formulated within the 
United Nations Command prisoner-of-war and 
internee camps. As the Soviet Union representa- 
tive brought out a few moments ago, this was just 
3 days after the adoption by the Assembly of the 
Indian resolution calling for peace in Korea. _ As 
the Soviet Union representative said, there is a 
connection between these facts. I believe the con- 
nection will be clear to all those of us who are 
free to think for ourselves and realize that this 
was part of a consi^iracy and a design which was 
undoubtedly related to the actions taken by the 
Assembly. Who the conspirators were, we shall 
now see. 

Coded documents had been intercepted in sev- 
eral of the compoimds. The code was broken by 
the authorities and the documents disclosed plans 
for a mass break. The code appeared to be com- 
mon throughout the main camp and the branch 
camp areas, indicating that the plan was centrally 
directed. The date and time that these plans were 
to be operative was not known. 

An mvestigation was, of course, at once initi- 
ated. All camp commanders were acquainted with 
the situation and were directed to take every pre- 
caution to negate any attempt by the internees 
to put such plans into effect. 

Eight days after the first reports became avail- 
able the plot matured in the violence at Pongan, 
and the Assembly will note that this violence oc- 
curred on the same day that the Chinese Com- 
munist authorities rejected the U.N. resolution. 
The Chinese Communist authorities knew and 
selected the day on which they chose to send their 
rejection. And here, again, the connection be- 
tween the despatch of that note and the events on 
the island of Pongan was surely not an accident 
or a coincidence. 



The Facts of the Case 

Now, just what did happen at Pongan? At 
noon on December 14, reports came to the com- 
mander of the camp that internees in two of the 
camp compounds were massing. It was evident 
that immediate action was necessary to prevent 
the rioters from breaking out of their compounds 
and inciting their fellows in the six other com- 
povmds to attempt similar action. The compound 
commander, with a small detaclmient of United 
States and Republic of Korea guards, had to act 
at once to prevent many hundreds of internees 
from breaking out of their compounds and invit- 
ing pitched battles. These facts are put before 
my colleagues in the Assembly on behalf of the 
Unified Command. They are not based upon news 
despatches. 



The camp commander at once despatched pla- 
toons to the two compounds in which the internees 
had begun to mass. Into the first of the com- 
pounds, compound F, went 110 guards of the 
U.N. Command. Twenty of them were armed 
with shotguns. They deployed as skirmishers 
25 yards away from the massed internees, who 
had drawn themselves up many ranks deep in 
military fashion. Behind these ranks of the in- 
ternees were hundreds more, threatening, scream- 
ing, and throwing rocks down upon the U.N^ 
guards from a high ledge upon which they had 
taken positions. The camp commander ordered 
the rioters to quiet down and to disperse. AVhen 
his order was disobeyed, he realized that only a 
show of force could restore order and prevent a 
mass break-out of the rioters. The plan disclosed 
in the codes which had been intercepted and 
broken was in the process of being matured. 

"VVliat show of force could be employed? The 
direction of the wind made the use of tear gas 
impossible. A frontal approach by the few guards 
upon the many massed men was out of the ques- 
tion. But the rioting was skillfully organized, 
planned, and directed and it was necessary to fire 
volleys to quell the rioters in the two compounds 
where the disturbances started. And, meanwhile, 
internees were massing in four of the other com- 
pounds, again obviously in pursuance of a pre- 
pared plan. A burst of fire was necessary in two 
of these compounds in order to prevent further 
outbreaks. Having quelled the riots in the first 
two compounds, the camp commander was able 
to send the guards into three other compounds and 
move the demonstrators out without having to 
use firearms. The dead and wounded were at 
once evacuated. These are the facts as reported 
by the commanding officer on the spot to the U.N. 
Command. 

Tlie necessity for using force to repress inspired 
and centrally directed outbursts of fanatical vio- 
lence by prisoners is, at times, unavoidable. That 
such unavoidable use of force should result in 
casualties is no evidence that force was not 
required. 

In normal course the U.N. Command at once 
instituted an investigation of the incident on Pon- 
gan. This investigation, which is still under way, 
may well develop further facts about the origin 
of this latest in a series of ruthlessly executed 
plans to sacrifice human lives, to create propa- 
ganda for cynical use on occasions such as this. 
And who has shown more vividly and with more 
sickening directness how such fabricated propa- 
ganda can be used? 

We also deplore the fanaticism, the suicidal 
frenzy which would have involved far greater 
casualties among both internees and guards of the 
U.N. Command alike if the measures I have 
described had not been swiftly and firmly adopted. 

One may ask : What was the purpose of the out- 
break at Pongan? I suggest to the Assembly 



18 



Deparlment of Slate Bulletin 



that escape was not their only motive, that blood- 
shed was the real motive, the sacrifice of as many 
internees as possible and the deliberate fashion- 
ing of ammunition to provide an excuse for a false 
issue, for the fact is that from the beginning of 
the consideration of the Korean question in the 
General Assembly, the consistent purpose of the 
Soviet Union Government and its delegation here 
has been to create the impression that prisoners 
of war all wished to be repatriated and are being 
held against their will. That has been the 
consistent purpose of the Soviet Union repre- 
sentative from the first moment the matter was 
discussed by him at the commencement of this 
session. This explains why the Soviet Union 
representative has produced this propaganda 
item out of the middle of the night. It is obvi- 
ously a clumsy attempt to smear the United States 
and the United Nations at the last minute, in an 
effort to cover up the fact that the aggressors and 
their Soviet Union sponsors have re]ected peace 
in Korea. 

Soviet Rejection of Indian Proposal 

Does the Soviet Union representative really 
think he fools anyone by this maneuver? The 
world will not forget that the Soviet Union Gov- 
ernment and its satellites have rejected the fair 
and honorable proposal introduced by the Gov- 
ernment of India for the settlement of the pris- 
oner-of-war question, as set forth in the resolution 
of December 3. 

The world will always remember the patience 
and perseverance with which the United Nations 
has sought peace in Korea at Kaesong, at Pan- 
munjom, and here. The world will not be misled 
into believing that black is white simply because 
the Soviet Union Government says so. 

The agenda item before us and the explanations 
we have heard this evening amount to a warmed- 
over version of the charges and invective with 
which Mr. Vyshinsky sought vainly to confuse the 
prisoner-of-war question earlier. We have now 
heard still another round of these same lines 
which characterize the Soviet Union approach to 
the problem of peace in Korea. 

The Soviet Union representative this evening 
talked at some length, of some 1-5 or 20 minutes, 
concerning incidents on Koje and Cheju Islands 
where there were and are prisoners of war, not 
internees but prisoners of war. He has talked, 
as Mr. Vyshinsky did before him, about the fail- 
ure of the United States, as he alleges, to comply 
with its obligations under the Geneva Convention. 
What are the facts about the treatment of pris- 
oners of war in Korea? The Government of the 
United States, in its initial presentation on the 
Korean question, made these facts perfectly clear 
on October 24 in the Fii-st Committee of this 
Assembly. 

From the very beginning the U.N. Command 



has followed the provisions of the Geneva Conven- 
tion of 1949. Tliere has never been any secret 
about the administration of U.N. prisoner-of-war 
camps. We have thrown these camps wide open 
to the Iiiternational Committee of the Red Cross 
and have encouraged full investigation of condi- 
tions within our camps. There has been a thor- 
ough scrutiny of what we have done and the world 
has been kept fully informed. On occasions when 
the International Committee has criticized us for 
any conduct, the U.N. Command has taken any 
necessary corrective action. 

What has been the practice on the other side? 
The Communist authorities have hidden their 
treatment of prisoners from the eyes of the world. 
They have failed to appoint a protecting power or 
any benevolent organization such as the Red Cross. 
They have continually refused to permit the Inter- 
national Committee of the Red Cross to send rep- 
resentatives to inspect their camps. They have 
refused to exchange relief packages, and until 
very recently they have refused to exchange mail ; 
they now allow this, on only a most limited scale. 
They have refused to report on the health of pris- 
oners of war, and they refuse to exchange the seri- 
ously sick and wounded, as is required by the 
Geneva Convention. They have failed to give the 
accurate location of prisoner-of-war camps and 
they have failed to mark them properly. They 
have situated their camps in places of danger near 
legitimate military targets, in defiance of the 
Geneva Convention. 

The U.N. Command has observed the Geneva 
Convention in all these respects. The Interna- 
tional Committee of the Red Cross has been at- 
tempting for some time to contact the Communist 
authorities in order to obtain access to their camps 
and in order to persuade the Communists that they 
should live up to the Geneva Convention. But the 
only answer the International Committee of the 
Red Cross has ever received from the Communists 
was a statement from the North Koreans early in 
the conflict that they would live up to the Geneva 
Convention. Having said that, the North Kore- 
ans dropped a curtain of secrecy over the treat- 
ment of prisoners of war. 

The Soviet Union Government may now recog- 
nize the mistake which it made in brutally reject- 
ing the Indian resolution for peace in Korea, and 
thus contemptuously flouting the will of the United 
Nations. But does the Soviet Union Government 
really believe that it can retrieve this mistake by 
injecting a false issue into our deliberations at this 
eleventh hour of our session? The Soviet Union 
representative's midnight maneuver will go down 
in our annals along with Mr. Vyshinsky's laughter 
at disarmament during the last Assembly. 

The Soviet Union Government has only one way 
out from the consequence of its betrayal of peace. 
That way is to accept the U.N. proposals for solv- 
ing the prisoner-of-war question. Until they do 
so, the world will remain convinced that those who 



January 5, 1953 



19 



have launched aggression in Korea insist that the 
bloodshed continue. 

The Soviet Union and its satellites stood alone 
against the 54 nations which endorsed the princi- 
ple of nonforcible repatriation as the key to peace 
in Korea. Now the Soviet Union can only oflFer 
this lurid effort to mask its own desire to see the 
conflict continue as long as the Soviet Government 
can delude the victimized people of Korea and 
China to fight for it. 

I have already suggested that the Soviet Union 
item does not pose a new problem for us. The 
Soviet world-wide propaganda apparatus has been 
pouring out accusations of U.N. Command mis- 
treatment of prisoners of war as part of its hate 



campaign. All of us have been sickened by this 
effort to poison international relations. The 
United States is eager to take this opportunity to 
expose the latest chapter in the Soviet Union hate 
campaign. 

In conclusion, there is a lesson to be drawn from 
this eleventh hour maneuver by the Soviet Gov- 
ernment. It furnishes proof that when members 
of the United Nations unite on a moral issue and 
rally from all parts of the earth around the cause 
of peace and in defense of the Charter, the enemies 
of peace are driven into corners of desperation. 
But we do not believe that our unity can be broken 
or undermined by acts of lying desperation such 
as those we have witnessed here. 



Admitting New Members to the United Nations 



Statements hy Senator Alexander' Wiley 
V. S. Representative to the General Assembly 



STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 13> 

D.S./U.N. press release dated December 13 

The United Nations can never achieve its maxi- 
mum effectiveness so long as all those nations 
qualified for membership are not among us. We 
need the fresh energy and enthusiasm that new 
blood will give us. We need the collective strength 
and wisdom which the new members will bring 
to our deliberations. They, in turn, need the badge 
of membership in the United Nations in order to 
play their proper role in tlie world community and 
participate with us in our efforts to promote world 
peace. 

It is no exaggeration to say that the problem 
before us is one of the outstanding organizational 
problems of the United Nations. On its solution 
depend the future growth and vitality of this 
Organization. 

Yet, to speak frankly, we have reached an im- 
passe in our efforts to solve the membership dead- 
lock. For 6 years now we liave tried to find a 
satisfactory solution — without any success. 

Wliy ? I think the answer is clear. One of the 
permanent members of the Security Council has 
abused its privileged vote. Except for this, the 
representatives of 14 nations who are not among 
us would be in this Committee Room today. I 
refer to Italy, Ireland, and Portugal, ancient states 

' Made in the Ad Hoc Political Committee on Dec. 13 
on the question of admitting new members. 



whose people have contributed so greatly to civil- 
ization ; {o the Republic of Korea, Cambodia, Laos, 
and Vietnam, at this moment valiantly resisting 
aggression ; to Japan, whose people have produced 
a new structure of democratic government; to the 
peace-loving states of Austria and Finland, who 
have made such a brave recovery from the havoc 
of war ; to the newly independent states of Ceylon, 
Libya, and Nepal ; and to the Kingdom of Jordan, 
rich in history and religious tradition. 

All of these states secured seven or more affirma- 
tive votes in the Security Council when their mem- 
bership applications were considered. All have 
thus had the majority necessary for recommenda- 
tion bj^ the Security Council. But the Soviet 
Union has repeatedly blackballed them by its use 
of the veto. Italy has been a victim of the Soviet 
veto on five occasions. 

In a period of 6 years, Soviet representatives in 
the Security Coimcil have cast a total of 28 vetoes 
to bar the door of this Organization to qualified 
applicants. In effect, they have tried to impose a 
crude dictate on the will of the United Nations — 
and this on an issue which by no stretch of the 
imagination can be considered a vital security 
matter. 

The voting record of the Soviet Union — which 
has been designed to hamstring the effective opera- 
tion of the United Nations — is well kno%vn to the 
members of this Committee. At the San Fran- 



20 



Deparfmen/ of State Bulletin 



cisco conference in 1945 it was agreed that im- 
portant decisions of the Security Council should 
require the unanimous approval of the five per- 
manent menibers. At the same time, the great 
l^owers solemnly assured their colleagues that they 
would accept the trust reposed in them and would 
not use their veto power willfully to obstruct the 
work of the Council. The veto, in other words, 
was to be used only in very exceptional cases. But 
with the Soviet Union the exception soon became 
the rule. 



The Soviet Veto Record 

Let us now look briefly at the record. Let us 
recall the patient efForts of past General Assem- 
blies to break the membership deadlock. 

In the late summer of 1947, the Security Coun- 
cil voted upon the applications of Jordan, Ireland, 
Portugal, Italy, Austria, and Finland. Each of 
them received more than the seven votes needed 
for admission, but each application was vetoed 
by the Soviet representative. 

Before the vote, in discussing the qualifications 
of Italy and Finland, the Soviet representative 
acknowledged that these two countries met the 
membersliip qualifications set forth in article 4 
of the Charter. However, he said he would be 
unable to vote for them unless the other members 
of the Council agreed to admit Rmnania, Hun- 
gary, and Bulgaria. None of these three coun- 
tries was, in the view of almost every other mem- 
ber of the Council, qualified for membership. 
This fact did not trouble the Soviet rei^resenta- 
tive. He insisted on his deal — or else. All five 
must be admitted or none of them would be. 

Since then, the nimiber of applicants has in- 
creased. But the Soviet position remains the 
same. Take it or leave it: The price of admis- 
sion for states wlaich have been found qualified 
for membership by the General Assembly and 
have received more than seven votes in the Se- 
curity Council is acceptance of those states which 
were not deemed qualified and were unable to se- 
cure the required number of votes in the Council. 

In the fall of 1947, the General Assembly had 
become increasingly disturbed over the lack of 
progi-ess in the field of membership. And so, 
taking cognizance of the Soviet position, the As- 
sembly decided to ask the International Court of 
Justice for an advisory opinion. The question 
was: Could a member of the United Nations in 
the Security Council or General Assembly make 
its vote on membership dependent on conditions 
not expressly provided for in paragraph 1 of 
article 4 of the Charter? In other words, could 
a member nation properly condition its vote for 
one candidate on the acceptance of other 
candidates? 

The International Court of Justice gave its ad- 
visory opinion in May 1948. It was this: No 
member of the United Nations is juridically en- 



titled to make its consent to admission of a state 
dependent on conditions not expressly provided 
for in article 4, paragraph 1, of the Charter. In 
effect, therefore, the Soviet insistence on its pack- 
age deal is inconsistent with the Charter. 

Study of Voting Procedure 

At its third session, in the winter of 1948, with 
the advisory opinion of the Court as a point of 
reference, the General Assembly again tried to 
break the membersliip deadlock. It adopted 
overwhelmingly a series of resolutions asking the 
Security Council to reconsider, in the light of the 
Court's ach'isory opinion, the seven applicants 
who had been barred by Soviet vetoes. 

Meanwhile, another development was taking 
place which was vitally related to a solution of 
the membership problem. The Interim Commit- 
tee of the General Assemblj^ had embarked upon 
a study of voting procedure in the Security Coun- 
cil. The results of this study were embodied in 
a resolution adopted by the General Assembly in 
the spring of 1949. Among other things, the res- 
olution recommended this : The permanent mem- 
bers of the Security Council should try to agree 
among themselves upon what possible issues they 
might forbear to use the veto. And it suggested 
that admission to membership in the United Na- 
tions was such an issue. 

Now that resolution pointed a simple way out 
of the membership impasse, provided the members 
of the Security Council were willing to follow its 
recommendations. China, France, the United 
liingdom, and the United States supported this 
Ijroposal. Indeed, as early as 1947, my Govern- 
ment declared it would not use the veto in voting 
on membership applications. The U.S. represent- 
ative told the Assembly at that time, and I quote: 

. . . The United States will not exercise its right of 
veto in the Security Council to exclude from the United 
Nations any of the present applicants which the Assembly 
deems qualified for membership, and we would go further 
and would be willing to accept complete elimination of 
the veto in the Security Council in reference to the ad- 
mission of applicants in the future. 

That was the attitude of my Government in 
1947. Less than a year later, in June 1948, the 
Senate of the United States, of which I have the 
privilege to be a member, formally expressed its 
approval of this position. By a vote of 64 to 4, 
the Senate adopted a resolution authored by the 
late Sen. Arthur H. Vandenberg, who is known 
as one of the founders of the United Nations and 
one of the chief architects of my country's bi- 
partisan foreign policy. The Vandenberg reso- 
lution urged my Government to seek voluntary 
agreement in the United Nations to remove the 
veto from questions involving the admission of 
new members. 

As recently as last January, my Government 
reaffirmed its willingness to renounce the use of 
the veto on membership questions. An American 



January 5, 1953 



21 



delegate to tlie sixth session of the General Assem- 
bly in Paris said, and I quote : 

My Government, in keeping with the frequently ex- 
pressed views of the General Assembly, has adhered to 
the policy that it will not prevent the admission of any 
state whose application Is approved by a sufficient num- 
ber of the other Members. We will not frustrate the will 
of this Organization. 

Unfortunately, neither the position taken by my 
Government, nor the advisory opinion of the In- 
ternational Court of Justice, nor the resolution of 
the Assembly calling for restraint in the use of 
the veto has had any perceptible results on the 
membership deadlock. Meanwhile, as one session 
of the Assembly followed another, the number of 
qualified candidates for membership kept increas- 
ing; so did the number of Soviet vetoes. 

Last year in Paris, the General Assembly made 
still another determined effort to break the log 
jam. It once again called upon the Security Coun- 
cil to reconsider pending applications of new 
members. It recommended that the Council base 
its action on conditions contained in the Charter ; 
and it requested the permanent members of the 
Council to confer with one another in order to 
make recommendations on the pending applica- 
tions. 

These consultations took place in the course of 
the past summer. The results were negative. 
The Soviet delegate insisted once again on a horse 
trade. He would not permit the achnission of 
nine nations deemed qualified by the General 
Assembly unless the Council admitted five Soviet- 
sponsored applicants who could not otherwise get 
the necessary number of votes. In addition, the 
Soviet representative vetoed the newly presented 
applications of Cambodia, Laos, Libya, Japan, 
and Vietnam, nations, which in the opinion of my 
Goverimient, are peace-loving states and fully 
qualified for membership. The 10 other members 
of the Council voted to admit these states. 

So much for the review of the record. "Where 
do matters stand today? Fourteen nations that 
should be among us are barred from taking their 
seats. In more than 2 years, not a single new 
member has been admitted to the United Nations. 

Now, certainly, this is a deplorable situation. 
It is one that inevitably tests our patience. Soviet 
abuse of the veto on membership applications is 
only one phase of the Kremlin's deliberate obstruc- 
tion of any progress in the United Nations and, 
in fact, of any progress toward true peace. But, 
because the proper solution of the membership 
problem is so vital to the growth of the United 
Nations, we cannot afford to give way to im- 
patience. We cannot afford to adopt a course of 
action that we might well regret later. 

Of course, we must break out of the impasse in 
which we find ourselves. But we must do so in a 
way that is fully in accord with the proinsions of 
the Charter. 

And this raises the question : Have we explored 



every possibility that might lead to a solution of 
this problem? At the present time, there are a 
number of specific courses of action that have been 
suggested as a way of ending the deadlock. Let 
us review some of them briefly. 

Courses of Action for Ending the Deadlock 

The suggestion has been made that we might 
ask the International Court of Justice for an ad- 
visory opinion on this question : Does the negative 
vote of a permanent member of the Security Coun- 
cil defeat an application for membership when the 
application has received seven or more votes in the 
Council? In 1950 the International Court of 
Justice held that an affirmative recommendation 
in the Council was required before the General 
Assembly could admit an applicant. But that 
opinion does not directly answer the question as 
to whether a negative vote cast in such circum- 
stances is a veto. 

The distinguished representative of Peru has 
introduced a resolution recommending another 
course of action.- Under his proposal, when seven 
or more Council members, including the perma- 
nent members, have given an applicant their vote, 
the Assembly is entitled to conclude that the 
Council has made a favorable recommendation. 
The Peruvian delegate argues that this has already 
happened, for example, in the case of Italy. In 
the past, Italy has always received more than seven 
affirmative votes in the Council when its appli- 
cations have been considered separately. The 
Soviet Union voted for Italy's admission under 
the package deal. Consequently, the Peruvian 
delegate argues, Italy has received a favorable 
recommendation from the Council, notwithstand- 
ing the five Soviet vetoes cast against Italy when 
its application received individual consideration. 
And therefore the ingenious argument runs that 
the General Assembly can vote to admit Italy or 
any one of the nine nations for whom the Soviet 
delegate on the Security Council has voted under 
the package deal. 

Still another suggestion on the membership 
question is made in the proposal introduced by the 
delegations of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Honduras, 
and Nicaragua.^ By this draft resolution the 
General Assembly would decide for itself that the 
veto does not apply in membership cases. Accord- 
ing to this theory, when the Security Council has 
cast seven affirmative votes for an applicant, the 
Assembly can proceed to admit the applicant. 

Then of course there is the well-known Soviet 
package deal : This would involve the admission 
of five applicants sponsored by the U.S.S.R. as 
the price of admission for nine other applicants 
deemed qualified by the General Assembly. 

Another suggestion has emerged from the con- 
clusions of the study of the Interim Committee on 

' U.N. doc. A/AC.61/L.,S0 dated Dec. 8. 
' U.N. doc. A/AC.61/L.31 dated Dec. 10. 



22 



Department of State Bulletin 



voting in the Security Council. The permanent 
members of the Council should agree voluntarily 
to renounce the use of the veto on admission to 
U.N. membership. 

And, finally, there are those who feel it is time 
to come to grips with the problem by amending the 
Charter. 

These are some of the suggestions that have been 
made. There are, I am sure, still others. The 
suggested avenues of approach to this problem 
reveal serious disagreements. Some of the sug- 
gestions seem to us highly dangerous and raise 
grave constitutional issues. 

Under the circumstances my Government sees 

freat merit in the draft resolution presented by the 
ve Central American delegations.* This resolu- 
tion would create a Special Committee which 
would make an exhaustive study of the member- 
ship problem. The approach is similar to that 
followed by the Interim Committee in 1948, when 
it established a special group to study the problem 
of voting in the Security Council. Wliile not all 
the results of that study have yet borne fruit, it 
was, in the opinion of my Government, a very con- 
structive piece of work. The results of the efforts 
of a similar group on the membership problem 
should be of even greater utility to the United 
Nations. 

We are now approaching the end of a session. 
In the General Assembly's debates on the member- 
ship problem, we have reached, it seems plain, a 
delicate point where hasty or ill-considered action, 
born of impatience, may have unfortunate results. 

Wliat we need is a careful, unhurried objective 
exploration of every aspect of this problem. We 
need to put our heads together and draw upon our 
collective wisdom, undisturbed by the pressure of 
time or the charged atmosphere of the Assembly. 

For these reasons my Government supports 
wholeheartedly the draft resolution of the five 
Central American delegations providing for inter- 
sessional study of the problem. We pledge our 
utmost cooperation in this study if the Assembly 
votes to undertake it. And let us hope that from 
the labors of an intersessional committee may 
emerge the elements of a solution, satisfactory to 
all. With a will to unite our efforts and with the 
help of divine guidance, may the nations move 
forward on the road to peace I 

STATEMENT OF DECEMBER IT' 

D.S./D.N. press release dated December 16 

I should like to comment on the remarks made 
during the course of this debate by the represent- 
atives of the Soviet Union and Poland. I should 
also like to speak in support of the draft resolu- 



' U.N. doc. A/AC. 61/L.32 dated Dec. 10. The five Cen- 
tral American delegations referred to are Costa Rica, El 
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. 

"Made in the Ad Boo Political Committee on Dec. 17. 



tions contained in documents L.37, L.38, L.39, and 
L.40. By these resolutions, the General Assem- 
bly would determine that Japan, Vietnam, Cam- 
bodia, and Laos are peace-loving states within the 
meaning of article 4 of the Charter : That they are 
willing and able to carry out the obligations of 
the Charter and should therefore be admitted to 
the United Nations. 

Let me begin by saying once again that my Gov- 
ernment believes in the goal of universality of 
membership. We look forward to the day when 
every candidate will meet the qualifications set 
forth in article 4 of the Charter. In the view of 
my Government, the following 14 applicants are 
peace-loving states: Austria, Cambodia, Ceylon, 
Finland, Italy, Ireland, Japan, the Kingdom of 
Jordan, Laos, Libya, Nepal, Portugal, Republic 
of Korea, and Vietnam. 

They are willing and able to carry out the obli- 
gations for membership contained in the Charter. 
They would be among us today, if it were not for 
the shocking abuse of the veto by one of the per- 
manent members of the Security Council. 

How, let us ask, does this permanent member — 
the Soviet Union — justify its consistently obstruc- 
tive policy ? We have once again heard from the 
Soviet and Polish representatives the familiar 
charge that the Security Council and, in particu- 
lar, the United States have discriminated unfairly 
against five applicants supported by the Soviet 
Union. The Soviet representative demands their 
admission as the price for agreeing to the admis- 
sion of the qualified applicants. Otherwise, he 
tells us — no deal. 

I cannot find adequate words to describe the 
Soviet proposal. It is nothing less than an attempt 
at hold-up. In effect, the Soviet representative 
says : Pay me the tribute I demand or you go no 
further. 

Is there any substance to the Soviet charge of 
discrimination against their candidates for mem- 
bership ? The facts will show that this is just an- 
other example of Soviet double talk. The facts 
will also show that all 14 of the qualified appli- 
cants to which I have referred have received more 
than the seven votes required in the Security Coun- 
cil. One vote and one vote alone — the Soviet 
veto — has kept them out of the United Nations. 
If this is not discrimination, I should like to know 
what the word means. 

On the other hand, when the 5 Soviet-sponsored 
states submitted their applications to the judg- 
ment of this organization, what was the result? 
None has ever been able to secure the required 
number of favorable votes in the Security Council. 
The General Assembly has never found a single 
one of them qualified for membership. 

These repeated findings of the General Assem- 
bly do not impress the Soviet delegate. He speaks 
of blocs of votes which the United States allegedly 
controls. We hear of mechanical majorities 
which the United States can muster as it pleases. 



January 5, 1953 



23 



A Calculated Insult 

The Soviet delegate's remarks are a calculated 
insult to the vast majority of delegates in this 
room. Let the Soviet delegate inspect the voting 
record of the Assembly. He will find no mechani- 
cal voting here. On every issue, the great major- 
ity of representatives vote their convictions. My 
Government, happily, has often found itself in 
agreement with the majority. It has also been 
outvoted. Does this record substantiate the 
charge of the Soviet delegate ? 

Has it ever occurred to the Soviet delegate that 
when 54 nations vote for peace in Korea it is be- 
cause they sincerely want to end the bloodshed? 
Has it ever occurred to him that when the vast 
majority of this organization is in substantial 
agreement on an issue, and only the Soviet bloc is 
in opposition, it is because the majority is right 
and the Soviet bloc is wrong? Has it ever oc- 
curred to him that men of different nations, races 
and creeds can agree out of sincere conviction and 
not because they are forced to agree ? 

Unfortunately, the Soviet delegate judges 
others on the basis of his own experience and the 
practices of his Government. He imputes to 
others the motives which inspire Soviet actions. 

If there is any mechanical voting in this organ- 
ization, it is the voting record of a mechanical 
minority of five nations led by the Soviet Union. 
Show me one instance where the Soviet delegate 
has voted yes, and his camp followers have voted 
no. Wlien Mr. Gromyko smgs pianissimo, a soft 
echo is heard from the other members of the 
Soviet bloc. And when the Soviet representative 
roars fortissimo, thunder is heard from the rest of 
the chorus. He calls the tune, the others dance. 
And woe betide the unlucky one who falls out of 
step. 

In his speech on Monday, the Soviet delegate 
took it upon himself to criticize my diplomatic 
manners. I found this interesting, coming from 
the representative of the Soviet Union. I could 
not help recalling that it was the Soviet Govern- 
ment which cracked the whip on Czechoslovakia 
when that unfortunate country dared to announce 
its acceptance of Marshall Plan aid before hearing 
from Moscow. Publicly humiliated, the Czech 
Government had to back out under the Kremlin's 
orders. How many times have Czechoslovakia 
and other countries felt by harsh experience the 
rude methods of Soviet diplomacy? How often 
have they experienced threatening Soviet declara- 
tions, blockades that endangered peace, walkouts 
from international meetings, the use of Soviet 
military force to coerce compliant conduct from 
a, peaceful neighbor? I need not rehearse the 
long sorry record of Soviet diplomacy. 

The qualifications for membership in this great 
organization are set forth in the Charter in un- 
equivocal terms : Article 4, paragraph 1, provides 
that membership is open to all peace-loving states 
that accept the obligations of the Charter, and, 



in the judgment of this Organization, are able 
and willing to carry them out. 

Article 1 describes the purposes of the United 
Nations in specific language. Let me recall some 
of them : To develop friendly relations among 
nations; to promote and encourage respect for 
human rights and fundamental freedoms; to settle 
disputes that might lead to a breach of the peace 
in conformity with the principles of justice and 
international law. 

How, we may ask, does the behavior of thd 
regimes sponsored by the Soviet Union square 
with the ooligations of membership and purposes 
of the United Nations? The record speaks for it- 
self. It is a damning record. 

To dispose quickly of one of the applicants — 
Outer Mongolia — let me say that so far as most 
of us here are concerned it is a phantom stats. 
Certainly it has never demonstrated the slightest 
capacity to play the normal role of a sovereign 
state in the international community. What of 
the others? Albania, Bulgaria, Kumania, and 
Hungary. Here, too, the record is clear. 

Support for Aggression in Korea 

All of these states have rendered at least moral 
support to Communist aggression in Korea. All 
have waged the most open and virulent kind of 
hate propaganda against the free world. All of 
them defied the efforts of the General Assembly to 
end the guerrilla war in Greece. All refused to 
cooperate in repatriating Greek children, a heart- 
less act which this Committee has condemned. 
Tliey have waged and continue to wage a war of 
nerves against Yugoslavia, a member of the United 
Nations. They have molested foreign diplomats 
and imprisoned foreign citizens on false charges. 

Let me now turn to another page of the record. 
As we all know, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania 
are bound by the provisions of their peace treaties 
to protect and safeguard human rights and funda- 
mental freedoms, including freedom of expression, 
of press and publication, of religious worsliip, of 
political opinion and public meeting. How have 
the regimes in power in these three Balkan coun- 
tries lived up to their solemn obligations ? 

Once again, the record is clear. In each country 
a ruthless minority — directed from Moscow — has 
seized power through force, terror, and intimida- 
tion. This minority has maintained itself in 
power by cruelly suppressing every fundamental 
right and essential freedom in open defiance of 
the express provisions of the peace treaties. Lead- 
ers of opposition political parties have been liqui- 
dated ; their parties suppressed. Religious organi- 
zations have been destroyed or taken over by the 
state. Religious leaders have been martyred and 
replaced by stooges obedient to the regimes in 
power. Freedom of expression, of press, publi- 
cation, and public meeting no longer exist. Politi- 



24 



Department of State Bulletin 



cal dissent has been snuffed out. Freedom of wor- 
ship has been curtailed or subverted. The trade- 
unions have been transformed into servile instru- 
ments of the state. The judiciary has been per- 
verted into a weapon of injustice. Arbitrary ar- 
rest, deportation, imprisonment, and forced labor 
are common practices. People are seized, taken 
from their homes at night, and never heard of 
again. Over every man, woman, and child hovers 
the evil shadow of the secret police. 

Such is a summary description of the sinister 
course of events which has transformed Bulgaria, 
Hungary, and Rumania into police states. Time 
does not permit me to trace, step by step, the way 
this tragic transformation took place in the course 
of 2 or 3 years. Instead, let me call the roll of 
honor of three of the outstanding heroes who re- 
sisted the tyrants and who paid heavily for their 
resistance : 

Nicolay Petkov, great Bulgarian patriot. All 
his life he fought tyranny. Executed by the 
Communists. 

Juliu Maniu, beloved peasant leader of Ru- 
mania. He devoted himself to bettering the con- 
ditions of the Rumanian peasants. Sentenced to 
life imprisonment by the Communists. 

Cardinal Mindszenty, firet Catholic of Hungary. 
Faithful to his Lord, he refused to submit to the 
dictates of a Communist Caesar. Sentenced to 
life imprisonment. 

These are but a few of the heroic victims of Com- 
munist violence and oppression whose names we 
know. But what of the others . . . the nameless 
millions in all these three countries who have never 
accepted the dictatorships that rule them? They 
suffer in silence and wait patiently for their tor- 
ment to end. For them we have the most heart- 
felt sympathy and friendship. 

The Polish and Soviet delegates gave us a 
highly lyrical account of the peaceful reconstruc- 
tion, as they put it, taking place in the so-called 
People's Democracies whose admission they favor. 
As they spoke, the following thought occurred to 
me : If their accounts are true, then the peoples of 
these countries must enthusiastically support 
regimes so devoted to their welfare and happiness. 
Why then, why, I ask, have human rights been 
so ruthlessly suppressed in all these countries? 
Wliy isn't there freedom of press and opinion? 
Why cannot the people worship God as they 
choose? Why are not opposition political parties 
permitted to exist? Surely, if the regimes in 
power are as benevolent as the Polish representa- 
tive said, they would have nothing to fear from 
permitting the exercise of such freedoms. And 
surely, too, they would have nothing to fear from 
lifting the Iron Curtain which walls their 
countries off from the free world. They would 
permit citizens from the free world to visit these 



so-called earthly paradises. They would be only 
too happy to permit their own citizens to travel 
freely abroad and to see for themselves how lucky 
they are to live in the People's Democracies. 
After all, in what the Soviet-bloc representative 
would term a decadent democracy like the United 
States, hundreds of thousands of citizens travel 
abroad every year and hundreds of thousands of 
foreigners enter the country every year. 

Fear of Possible Comparisons 

Could it be that the Soviet-bloc Communist 
regimes do not permit this because they are 
afraid? Afraid that if they permitted their citi- 
zens to travel freely abroad, too many of them 
would not return? Can it be that they fear the 
comparisons their people would make between 
the life in the free world and life at home? Can 
it be that if they permitted human rights to 
flourish within their borders, they would be 
thrown out of power forthwith ? 

This is what I suspect. And I suspect it not 
merely because there would otherwise be no way 
of explaining their obvious fear of giving their 
people freedom of speech, press, religious wor- 
sliip and political opinion. I suspect it for 
another very good reason: for the evidence they 
themselves give us when they are not talking for 
propaganda consumption. 

The Polish delegate gave us a glowing descrip- 
tion of events in Rumania. Does he think we are 
utterly naive? Only a few months ago, the Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs in that country — Ana 
Pauker — one of the veteran leadei's of world com- 
munism was purged along with a host of other 
important officials. They have not yet been 
brought to trial. Presumably their confessions are 
being prepared for them, and this takes time. But 
in justification of the purge, we are told by official 
propaganda that these high officials were respon- 
sible for every kind of sabotage, responsible in- 
deed for bringing Rmnania to the verge of 
economic crisis. 

And this is only one example— Bulgaria and 
Hungary and the other countries of the Soviet bloc 
have been torn by similar purges. 

Now I do not presume to pass judgment on the 
victims of Soviet-style justice or injustice. But 
I raise this dilemma. Either the victims of these 
purges are guilty or not guilty. If they are 
guilty, what are we to say of a system which 
claims to be so progressive and yet is torn peri- 
odically by convulsions in which trusted and life- 
long Communist leaders admit to the blackest 
crimes ? And if they are not guilty, what are we 
to say of a system in which justice is .so tortured 
as to produce these ghastly frame-ups? 

In either case the periodic upheavals in the so- 
called Peo^jle's Democracies, and the justifications 
offered for them, do not substantiate the poetic 
accounts which the Polish and Soviet representa- 
tives offered for our consumption. 



January 5, 1953 



25 



Peace Treaty Violations 

Let me turn now to a proljlem which has con- 
cerned past assemblies — the jnoblem of the viola- 
tions of the human rij^hts provisions of the peace 
treaties by the regimes of Rumania, Bulgaria, and 
Hungary. Disturbed by these violations in 1949, 
my Government invoked the dispute-settlement 
clauses of the treaties. A number of other treaty 
signatories did likewise. We called upon the 
Communist regimes concerned to join in establish- 
ing commissions to settle the disputes. All three 
countries refused. 

I shall not attempt to describe our patient efforts 
to settle these differences. The General Assembly 
repeatedly endorsed and encouraged these efforts. 
It expressed its deep concern over the problem and 
did its best to bring the disputes to the judgment of 
a settlement commission. The International Court 
of Justice held that a dispute between the three 
Balkan states and the other treaty signatories ex- 
isted and that the Balkan countries were required, 
under the provisions of the peace treaties, to ap- 
point representatives to a settlement commission. 

Wliat were the results? The Bulgarian, Hun- 
garian, and Rumanian regimes flouted the re- 
peated recommendations of the General Assembly 
and ignored the advisory opinion of the Court. 
They never appointed representatives to a settle- 
ment commission, or even admitted the existence 
of a dispute. The General Assembly finally con- 
demned by an overwhelming majority the refusal 
of these three countries to abide by the provisions 
of the peace treaties. 

Mr. Chairman : Against the background of this 
record, I think it is fair to ask — 

Can the Soviet-sponsored applicants honestly 
pledge to uphold the Charter when they have so 
consistently acted contrary to its principles? 

Can the Charter be anything more to them than 
a scrap of paper? 

And, finally, to turn to a related aspect of this 
problem — what are we to say of the deplorable 
voting record of the Soviet Union in the long his- 
tory of the membership problem? 

At San Francisco, remember, it was agreed that 
important decisions of the Security Council should 
require the unanimous vote of the permanent mem- 
bers. They assured their colleagues that they 
would solemnly accept the trust reposed in them 
and not use the veto power willfully. The veto, 
in other words, was to be used in very exceptional 
cases. With tlie Soviet Government, the excep- 
tion became the rule. 

In his speech on Monday, Mr. Gromyko made 
a very revealing statement on the Soviet attitude 
toward the veto. He said, and I quote : 

I should like to point out that the way in which any 
State utilizes its so-called power of veto is entirely up 
to that State to use as it sees fit in accordance with its 
policies and principles. 

26 



Now let us consider well what Mr. Gromyko said. 
In effect, he is telling us that the Soviet Govern- 
ment is not bound in the slightest by the prin- 
ciples and purposes of the Charter. It will use 
the veto as it sees fit, irrespective of these prin- 
ciples and purposes. If the Soviet regime abuses 
its pi'ivileged vote, so much the worse for the other 
members of the Security Council who abide by the 
obligations of the Charter. So much the worse 
too, for any opinions of the International Court of 
Justice. Were the Czars ever more arbitrary or 
capricious? 

On 55 separate occasions, Soviet representatives 
have cast vetoes to obstruct the will of the majority 
of the Security Council and to frustrate the work 
of this organization. In the membership question 
alone. Soviet representatives cast 28 vetoes. The 
great Italian Nation was five times a victim of the 
veto. 

Some Important Soviet Vetoes 

What about the other vetoes? Let me call the 
roll of some of the most important : 

Efforts to bring to an end Communist aggres- 
sion against the Republic of Korea . . . three 
vetoes. 

Efforts to secure international control and elim- 
ination of weapons of mass destruction and the re- 
duction, limitation and control of conventional 
armaments . . . four vetoes. 

The request for an impartial investigation of 
Communist germ warfare charges . . . two vetoes. 

Efforts to mediate the fighting in Greece, in- 
stigated by Moscow and carried on by Communist 
guerrillas . . . six vetoes. 

Efforts to end the dangerous situation caused by 
the Soviet blockade of Berlin . . . one veto. 

Inquiry into the Soviet employment of duress in 
the overthrow of the democratic Benes-Masaryk 
Government of Czechoslovakia ... 2 vetoes. 

Mediation of the war between Indonesia and the 
Netherlands ... 3 vetoes. 

This is a roll call of some of the most important 
Soviet vetoes. It is a roll call of obstruction of the 
Security Council's efforts to resolve tensions and 
promote peace. 

And, unhappily, this attitude is only part of 
the picture. The obstructive tactics employed by 
the Soviet Union in the Security Council are 
mirrored by similar tactics in the General As- 
sembly. They are mirrored in the Soviet attitude 
toward the specialized agencies of the United 
Nations. The Soviet regime has refused to par- 
ticipate in or cooperate with such humanitarian 
bodies as the Food and Agriculture Organization, 
the World Health Organization, and almost all 
the other specialized agencies. 

What has become of the bright hopes and visions 
of 7 3'ears ago? "VA^ien this Organization came 

Department of State Bulletin 



into being at San Francisco, mankind had just 
passed through a terrible war. The cry was for 
peace and a better world. 

We all felt sure then that this cry would be 
answered. The American people trusted the pur- 
poses of the Soviet Government. Had we not 
worked together to defeat Nazi aggression? Had 
we not responded to the Soviet appeal for aid in 
their hour of peril by giving lavishly of our sub- 
stance and the blood of our youth? 

"We hoped, that the Soviet regime would recog- 
nize the good will of the American people. ^\ e 
hoped that in the postwar years it would permit 
the Russian people to respond to the friendship 
and admiration of the American people. We 
hoped that out of an alliance sealed in blood, there 
would arise a peaceful world. 

These hopes were cruelly deceived. The visions 
of a brighter world that mankind dreamed of have 
faded. The Soviet regime cut its people ofi' from 
contact with their American friends. It took the 
path of aggression against its former allies in the 
free world. As a result, instead of devoting all 
our energies to peaceful reconstruction, we have 
had to rearm to defend ourselves. We have had 
to unite with other free nations in such regional 
security organizations as the North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization. We have had to devote 
to the defense of peace — sweat, toil, and wealth 
that could be so much more fruitfully applied to 
creating a better world. 

Today, when I look at the record of Soviet vetoes 
in the Security Council, and indeed at the whole 
of Soviet policy in international affairs, I ask my- 
self : What is the Soviet regime trying to do? Is 
the Soviet Union trying to kill the United Na- 
tions? What are the Soviet purposes in regard 
to this Organization? 

I wish I could be an optimist : I wish I could 
believe that the policies of the Soviet Government 
and the applicants it has sponsored are based on 
simple errors of judgment; that they are not part 
of a calculated design. Unfortunately, I cannot. 

The Cominform leaders are fanatically con- 
vinced that everything they do is right. They 
are imbued with the belief, and have repeatedly 
stated it in their most important theoretical works, 
that the peaceful coexistence of the Communist 
and non-Communist worlds is in the long run im- 
possible. They are dedicated to a doctrine which 
demands the overthrow of the non-Soviet world 
by subversion or violence. They are in absolute 
control of public opinion in their own countries. 
They make promises not to keep them. They sign 
treaties and proceed to break them. They are in 
Lenin's words ready and willing "to agree to any 
sacrifice" and to "resort to any stratagem and 
maneuver and illegal methods'' in order to ad- 
vance the Soviet cause of world domination. 

Let me now address myself to an agreeable task. 
I wish to speak for a few minutes in support of 
the draft resolution contained in document L.37. 



Under this resolution the Genei'al Assembly would 
determine that Japan is, in its judgment, a peace- 
loving state within the meaning of article 4 of the 
Charter; that it is able and willing to carry out 
the obligations of the Charter and should there- 
fore be admitted to the United Nations. This reso- 
lution would also request the Security Council 
to take note of Japan's application in the 
light of the Assembly's determination. In 1945, 
immediately after conclusion of hostilities the 
Japanese people and Government, under the 
Allied Occupation, set out to build a new peace- 
loving and democratic nation. They undertook 
this task with a vivid memory of the destruction 
that war entails. Defeat in war and the subse- 
quent occupation rid Japan of its militaristic mas- 
ters. It did more : It created a climate favorable 
to the growth of democratic principles and insti- 
tutions. The enthusiasm with which the Japanese 
people have participated in the political affairs of 
their country is evidence of their dedication to 
peaceful advancement. 

On April 28, 1952, Japan formally reentered 
the society of nations. This was the date of the 
entry into effect of the peac« treaty which was 
signed a little over a year ago at San Francisco by 
48 nations. Already over 30 nations have entered 
into or resumed full diplomatic relations with 
Japan on the basis of sovereign equality. In the 
preamble of this treaty, Japan recorded intentions 
and aspirations welcomed by the whole world. It 
declared its "intention to apply for membership 
in the United Nations and in all circumstances to 
conform to the principles of the Charter of the 
United Nations. . . ." 

In article 5 of the treaty, Japan accepted the 
obligations of article 2 of the Charter, in par- 
ticular the obligations to settle its disputes by 
peaceful means, to refrain in its international re- 
lations from the threat or use of force; and to 
give the United Nations every assistance in any 
action it takes in accordance with the Charter. 

On June 23, 1952, Japan filed its application 
for membership in the United Nations. In the let- 
ter of application, the Minister for Foreign Af- 
fairs stated, and I quote: "The Japanese people 
have an earnest desire to participate in the work 
of the United Nations and to utilize the purposes 
and principles of the Charter as a guide to the 
conduct of their affairs. There exists among the 
Japanese people nation-wide sympathy with the 
objectives of the United Nations to foster inter- 
national peace and cooperation among nations. 
The Government of Japan is eager to apply for 
membership in the United Nations, therefore, and 
will undertake to fulfill the obligations of mem- 
bership in the Organization by all means at its 
disposal." 

The United States was proud to submit to the 
Security Council a proposal that Japan be ad- 
mitted to membership. This proposal was voted 



January 5, 1953 



27 



upon last September and received 10 votes in favor 
to 1 opposed. We deeply regret that the Soviet 
Union again chose to block the will of every 
other member of the Council by casting a veto. 

However, in the opinion of the United States 
and of every member of the Security Council, 
save the Soviet Union, there is no question but 
that Japan is willing and able to carry out the 
obligations of the Charter. The fact that Japan 
has already cooperated with the United Nations 
in many areas is ample demonstration of Japan's 
sincerity and ability. Japan is a responsible mem- 
ber of most of the specialized agencies of the 
United Nations: the World Health Organization, 
the International Labor Organization, the Food 
and Agriculture Organization, and the United 
Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Or- 
ganization, and others. Recently, Japan became 
an associate member of the Economic Commission 
for Asia and the Far East. 

Japan's interest in the ideals and objectives of 
the tjnited Nations is by no means confinecl to 
governmental circles. The work of the United 
Nations and its specialized agencies is a matter 
of wide popular interest in cities, towns, and 
villages throughout Japan. The Japanese people 
have made sizable contributions to the U.N. Inter- 
national Children's Emergency Fund. Over 300,- 
000 Japanese citizens signed a petition requesting 
the admission of their nation into the United Na- 
tions. This petition was recently submitted to the 
Secretary-General. 

Surely Japan's indications of intention backed 
up by demonstrated performance leave no room 
for doubt as to her ability and the firmness of her 
desire to carry out the obligations imposed by 
membership in the United Nations. The United 
States believes that it would be a great advantage 
for the United Nations to have in its midst this 
great nation, which has once more become a 
friendly independent member of international 
society. It would be no less an advantage to 
Japan. Its admission would provide Japan with 
a further stimulus to continue the positive con- 
tributions it is already making to the United 
Nations. 

As I said before, were it not for the Soviet veto, 
the General Assembly would already have before 
it a favorable recommendation on Japan's can- 
didacy. Under the circumstances, it seems to me 
that the least this Assembly can do is to go on 
record as determining that Japan is qualified for 
membership and requesting the Security Council 
to take note of Japan's application in the light of 
this determination. 

The General Assembly has already given such 
endorsements to all ten qualified states who have 
received more than the required number of votes 
in the Security Council but who have been barred 
by the Soviet veto. Since the Japanese applica- 
tion was filed only last June, this is the first time 
the Assembly has had the opportunity to render 



its judgment on Japan's qualifications. Not to 
do so at this time would be an act of unwarranted 
discrimination. 

The same thing, I hasten to add, should be said 
for the candidacies of Cambodia, Laos, and Viet- 
nam, also filed this year. Like Japan, they would 
already have received a favorable Security Coun- 
cil recommendation except for the Soviet veto. 
I need not speak at any length in support of 
Assembly action determining that they are qual- 
ified for membership. The French delegation has 
sponsored draft resolutions in support of the ap- 
plications of these three States and has described 
to us their qualifications. We support these draft 
resolutions wholeheartedly. 

The basic accords leading to the independence 
of these three States were signed between them and 
France in 1949. Early in 1950 other free nations 
took notice of the newly reestablished status of 
these countries. Since that time recognition has 
been accorded by 33 sovereign States. The recog- 
nition has been strengthened through reciprocal 
establishment of legations and embassies by the 
Associated States and other powers. The three 
States have participated in a number of interna- 
tional conferences and have adhered to interna- 
tional regulatoiy conventions. They have al- 
ready joined many of the specialized agencies of 
the United Nations. General Assembly endorse- 
ment would provide a heartening stimulus for 
beleaguered peoples fighting desperately for their 
independence against those aggressive organiza- 
tions seeking to overthrow the legal governments. 

Let me make it clear that I am urging the Gen- 
eral Assembly to endorse the applications of 
Japan and the Associated States of Indochina at 
this session. There should be no confusion over 
our support of such action now and our support 
for an intersessional study by a special committee 
where the more complicated problems involved in 
a solution of the membership deadlock would be 
studied. General Assembly endorsement of the 
qualifications of the four new applicants would 
merely be consistent with the Assembly's findings 
in the case of 10 other nations that it has found 
qualified for membei-ship and bring the record up 
to date. This action does not need further study, 
nor would it prejudice the contemplated Assem- 
bly committee study in any way. J 

As for the resolutions before us proposing dif- \ 
ferent solutions of the membership impasse, I can 
only repeat what I have said in my opening speech 
on this subject. We are now in the last week of 
the present session. The debates we have heard 
demonstrate a large measure of disagreement over 
the appropriate course of action to pursue. Solu- 
tion is vital. Hasty action would be dangerous. 
"Wliat we need is a careful, unhurried exploration 
of every aspect of this problem, undisturbed by 
the pressure of time or the charged atmosphere 
of the Assembly. 

Therefore, my Government renews its support 



28 



Department of State Bulletin 



of the draft resolution of tlie five Central Ameri- 
can delegations providinp; for intersessional study 
of the problem. We pledge our utmost coopera- 
tion in this study if tlie Assembly votes to under- 



take it. And, working loyally with the other 
members of the study group, we shall do our best 
to break the deadlock in which our organization 
now finds itself. 



U. N. Deliberations on Draft Convention 
on the Political Rights of Women 



Statements by Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt 
U. S. Representative to the General Asserribly 



STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 12 i 

U.S./U.N. press release dated December 12 

As most of you know, the subject of this con- 
vention — equal suffrage for women — is very close 
to my heart. I believe in active citizenship, for 
men and women equally, as a simple matter of 
right and justice. I believe we will have better 
government in all of our countries when men and 
women discuss public issues together and make 
their decisions on the basis of their differing areas 
of experience and their common concern for the 
welfare of their families and their world. 

In the United States, and in most countries to- 
day, women have equal suffrage. Some may feel 
that for that reason this convention is of little 
importance to them. I do not agree with this 
view. It is true, of course, that the first objective 
of this convention is to encourage equal political 
rights for women in all countries. But its signifi- 
cance reaches far deeper into the real issue of 
whether in fact women are recognized fully in 
setting the policies of our governments. 

"While it is true that women in 45 of our 60 mem- 
ber nations vote on the same terms as men, and in 
7 more already have partial voting rights, too 
often the gi-eat decisions are originated and given 
form in bodies made up wholly of men, or so com- 



' Made in Committee III (Social, Humanitarian and 
Cultural) on the item "Draft Convention on the Political 
Rights of Women." For text of the operative paragraphs 
of the draft, see Buxletin of Dec. 29, 1952, p. 1046. The 
Committee approved the draft on Dec. 17. In plenary ses- 
sion on Dec. 20 the General Assembly amended the con- 
vention and voted to open it for signature after the end of 
its present session. 



pletely dominated by them that whatever of spe- 
cial value women have to offer is shunted aside 
without expression. Even in countries where for 
many years women have voted and been eligible 
for public office, there are still too few women serv- 
ing in positions of real leadership. I am not 
talking now in terms of paper parliaments and 
honorary appointments. Neither am I talking 
about any such artificial balance as would be im- 
plied in a 50-50, or a 40-60 division of public 
offices. "\Aliat I am talking about is whether 
women are sharing in the direction of the policy 
making in their countries ; whether they have op- 
portunities to serve as chairmen of important 
committees and as cabinet ministers and delegates 
to the United Nations. 

We are moving forward in my country in this 
regard, for we have had women in all these posts, 
but not enough of them, and they do not always 
have a full voice in consultation. I do not expect 
that there will ever be as many women political 
leaders as men, for most women are needed in their 
homes while their children are small and have 
fewer years in which to gain public recognition. 
But, if we are honest with ourselves, we know that 
all countries have a long way to go on these mat- 
ters. I believe it is this situation, far more than 
the continued denial of equal suffrage in a few 
countries, which has spurred interest in this con- 
vention and brought it before our Committee to- 
day. This situation cannot be changed entirely 
by law, but it can be changed by determination and 
conviction. I hope we will use this discussion to 
deepen these convictions in ourselves and in our 
governments. 

This convention is the result of woi'k in the 



ianuary 5, 1953 



29 



Commission on the Status of Women. The 
United States is proud of the contribution it has 
been able to make to this Commission through the 

Earticipation of our representatives, Judge 
'orotliy Kenyon and Mrs. Olive Goldman. 
The terms of the draft convention before us are 
simple. Articles 1 and 2 provide for the right to 
vote and to be elected to publicly elected bodies, 
such as parliaments, established by national law. 
These are the basic rights which all people must 
have to express their interest and protect them- 
selves against discrimination or deprivation of 
liberty. The Charter of the United Nations re- 
aflirms in its preamble the j^rincij^le of equal rights 
for men and women. The first General Assembly 
endorsed these rights when it unanimously 
adopted the resolution recommending that all 
member states, which had not already done so, 
adopt measures necessary to fulfill the purposes 
and aims of the Charter in this respect by grant- 
ing to women the same political rights as men. 
This convention spells out this recommendation 
in clear and practical terms, on which all parties 
in a country can unite. 

I think I am correct in saying that 24 countries 
have taken action to extend suffrage rights for 
women since the Charter was signed in 1945. The 
most recent of these changes have been in Leba- 
non and Bolivia — so recent that they are not 
included in the Secretary-General's excellent 
memorandum analyzing the record of women's 
suffrage in 1952.= Important gains have been 
made within the past few years in a number of 



other 
Haiti, 



countries — Greece, for instance, and 



m 



Article 3 of this convention goes beyond the 
basic rights in articles 1 and 2 into the matter of 
public office. It provides that women shall be 
entitled to hold public office established by na- 
tional law on the same terms as men, and to ex- 
ercise all public functions in the same way. The 
object of this article — to encourage opiDortunities 
for women in govermuent service — has my hearty 
endorsement, and that of my Government. 
Women today hold many important Government 
posts and an increasing number are in executive 
positions and in Foreign Service. The wording 
of article 3 presents certain problems that I be- 
lieve we should discuss, and in a moment I will go 
into them in more detail. In principle, however, 
I am sure we are all in agi'eement with ai'ticle 3. 

We are also asked to consider formal clauses to 
complete the convention, on the basis of texts pro- 
posed by the Secretary-General. The United 
States is in general agreement also with these 
proposals. This is a very simple convention, and 
it would seem to us that the formal clauses should 
be limited to the fewest necessary to make the 
convention effective. These would presumably 
be those providing for ratification or accession, 



' U.N. doc. A/2154 dated Aiigu.st 13. 



30 



entry into force, settlement of disputes, notifica- 
tion, and deposit. The Secretariat has proposed 
certain other clauses which, of course, can be in- 
cluded if the Committee desires, but they do not 
seem to me to be essential. The simpler and 
shorter we can keep this convention, the more 
readily people will understand it and the more 
effective it will be. 

There are other questions we will no doubt want 
to debate in regard to this convention. I hope, 
however, that in our debates we will never lose 
sight of the significance and importance of our 
objectives. 

Now I want to go back to article 3. This is a 
very interesting article, for the right to "hold 
public office" includes both elective and appoin- 
tive office. The right to be elected to public office- 
has usually been recognized along with the right 
to vote. For instance, the Inter- American Con- 
vention on the Granting of Political Rights to. 
Women, formulated at Bogota in 1948, includes 
the right to vote and to be elected to national office. 
Article 2 of this convention covers a part of this; 
right, the right to be elected to such bodies as 
parliaments. However, the right to be appointed 
to public office has not previously been included 
in an international convention, so that we are now 
considering its expression in treaty terms for thfr 
first time. 

In relation to appointive office, the language in 
article 3 is very broad. 

The term "public office" is taken to include ap- 
pointments to posts in the (1) civil service, (2) 
foreign (diplomatic) service, and (3) judiciary,. 
as well as (4) posts primarily political in nature,, 
such as cabinet ministers or secretaries. Th&- 
number of appointive offices established by na- 
tional law is usually large, far larger than the- 
number of offices filled by election, and the tasks- 
to be performed by appointive officers are likely tO' 
vary widely in substance and in level of respon- 
sibility. 

Article 3 specifies offices are to be held "on equal 
terms with men." This is also an inclusive phrase,, 
covering such matters as recruitment, exemptions,, 
pay, old age and retirement benefits, opportuni- 
ties for promotion, employment of married women. 
All these are imi)ortant matters on which women, 
have sought equality for many years. 

As I said before, in the United States women 
have the rights specified in this convention, includ- 
ing the rights we believe article 3 is intended tO' 
cover, and we have long urged that women in all 
countries have similar opportunities. A question- 
does arise, however, as to whether the term "pub- 
lic office" is intended to include military service.. 
My delegation believes it is not so intended. Al- 
most all countries make some distinctions in the- 
kinds of military duty they regard as suitable for 
women. The most usual distinction, and a natural 
and proper one, is that women are not used as com- 
bat troops and are not appointed to certain postr 

Deparimeni of State Bulletin' 



which miclit involve the direction of combat opera- 
tions. Our attitude toward article 3 is, therefore, 
based on the understanding that it does not include 
military service. 

The United States also has some difficulty with 
the phrase "public functions," which occurs in the 
second part of article 3. The U.S. law "Public 
Office" covers all public posts and this may be true 
in other countries. The term "public functions" 
accordingly does not seem to add anything to the 
text. The phrase might be clarified, however, if 
the words "related thereto" were inserted after 
"public functions." This would make it quite 
clear that no traditional or legal limitation on 
women in any country, such as restrictions on a 
woman's right to serve in certain professions or to 
bring suits at law would interfere with her ca- 
pacity to serve in public office. 

If the phrase is retained in its present form, the 
view of the United States would be that the public 
functions referred to in this convention are co- 
terminous with public office. 

This convention on political rights of women is 
not in itself an answer to the problems of modern 
government. But it points up, I believe in useful 
ways, how governments can expand their resources 
by taking full advantage of the energy and ex- 
perience of their women citizens. Women's or- 
ganizations throughout the United States liave 
stated their belief in its principles and its vahie. 
The convention is a symbol of the progress women 
have made in the past 100 years, and a challenge 
to them to claim and make full use of the political 
rights they achieve. It is for these reasons that 
the United States hopes that this Committee may 
agree on a text to which we can give unanimous 
endorsement. 

STATEMENT OF DECEMBER 15' 

D.S./U.N. press release dated December 15 

I want first to say just a little about the state- 
ments which the distinguished delegate of the 
Soviet Union and several of her colleagues have 
made on the situation of women in the United 
States. These delegates seem concerned, for in- 
stance, that in most of our States women share the 
doraicile of their husbands and vote from it as 
their legal residence. Of course, this is true also 
of the men; their legal residence is the family 
domicile shared by their wives. In the United 
States we assume that husbands and wives wish to 
live together, and we protect their right to do so, 
and to share in the management of family affairs 
and the guardianship of their children. If the 
woman desires to be separated from her husband, 
she can set up a separate domicile. The courts also 
decide how best to protect the welfare of children 

' Made in Committee III on Dec. l.T in answer to Soviet 
cliarges of U.S. discrimination against women, and on 
Iii-oposed amendments to the draft convention on political 
riu'lits of women. 



of separated couples, and unless there is good rea- 
son to the contrary, the mother is almost always 
preferred to take care of young children. 

A great many of the other comments which have 
been made seem to spring from the same source — 
a difference of opinion, really, as to the importance 
of the family in all our relationships, including our 
responsibilities as individuals toward our govern- 
ments. We were struck, for instance, with the 
distinction the distinguished delegate of Byelo- 
russia made Saturday afternoon. She said, I be- 
lieve, that one of the great values in the provision 
of creches and nursery schools in the Soviet Union 
was that it permitted a woman to fulfill her role 
as mother and at the same time share in the public 
life of her country. We do not think of the "role 
of mother" in our country as separating women or 
denying women a full share in our public life. 
We feel rather that it is the family which is the 
center for men and women alike, and for their 
children, and we try to make it possible for the 
father of the family to earn enough so that the 
woman can stay home and care for their children 
if she wishes. At the same time, as you all know, 
American women participate fully in all profes- 
sions and public activities, and more than half our 
employed women are married women. 

Our family relationships result in a number of 
legal and judicial distinctions which limit the hus- 
band as well as the wife. Our laws are changed if 
these distinctions become unjust to either party, 
and changing conditions, particularly in modern 
business, have led to various changes. But the 
family is still the center of American living. 

I am ])uzzled by certain other comments that 
have been made because, so far as I can see, what 
my Soviet colleagues wish us to do is to discrim- 
inate against men. 

For instance, people in the United States speak 
many languages. Here in Xew York you will 
hear many different languages in the streets and 
restaurants. In some of our States, however, one 
seldom hears any language but English. In those 
States, voters are usually required to be literate in 
English. But in others — for instance, our South- 
western States, where Spanish is frequently 
spoken — voters may qualify in either language. 
In our courts, interpreters are always provided for 
those who cannot speak or understand English. 
In no case is there discrimination against women 
as such. 

The distinguished representatives of Czecho- 
slovakia and the Soviet countries have spoken also 
of the situation of Negro voters in the United 
States. As you know, great progress has been 
made in recent years in assuring Negro voters full 
security in casting their votes. Many more Ne- 
groes voted in this past election than ever before 
in our Southern States as well as Northern. The 
figures these delegations quoted seemed to be some- 
what out of date in this regard. It was implied 
that the difficulty Negro women have experienced 



January 5, 1953 



31 



in regard to suffrage is connected with tlie exist- 
ence of a poll tax in some of our Southern States. 
The poll tax is a per capita tax, once usual in many 
countries, but it is now being replaced almost 
everywhere by other forms of taxation. It now 
exists in only five of our States. It applies equally 
to all people, whites as well as Negi'oes. However, 
since it applies equally to men and women, I do 
not see how any provision on the poll tax could be 
included in this convention without its resulting in 
discrimination against men. 

I have been glad to hear that Soviet women hold 
many public offices and participate widely in pub- 
lic life. I have been glad to note this year that 
the Soviet Union, the Ukraine, and Byelorussia 
have included women on their delegations to the 
General Assembly. There have been very few 
women on these delegations in the past — in fact, 
I do not recall any since the first General Assembly 
in 1946. I hope that this convention may lead 
to greater participation by women in the true 
organs of power in the Soviet Union, such as the 
Presidiinn and the Secretariat of the Central Com- 
mittee of the Communist Party, in which I under- 
stand no women are now included. The experi- 
ence women have achieved in the more formal and 
subsidiary bodies throughout the Soviet Union 
should entitle them to recognition also in bodies 
which determine the major policies of their Gov- 
ernment. 

The Soviet Union has brought in a number of 
amendments, and I want also to discuss these 
briefly. I understand those on the first three 
articles of the convention are similar to those pre- 
sented in sessions of the Commission on the Status 
of Women and in the Economic Council. Both 
the Commission and the Council rejected the 
changes and additions in these proposals on the 
ground that they are unnecessary in so simple a 
convention as this one. I would like to point out, 
however, that the language proposed by the Soviet 
Union, presumably to assure application of this 
convention "without discrimination," is in fact 
very discriminatory, because it enumerates only a 
few grounds and omits others. The most notable 
omission is in regard to political opinion. The 
Soviet amendment also omits the phrase "without 
discrimination of any kind,'' which might other- 
wise cover "political opinion." It seems to me 
that in a convention on political rights, if you are 
going to provide any guaranties against discrim- 
ination, the most important one would be freedom 
for all types of political opinion. But, as I said 
before, the intent of this convention to apply to all 
women is entirely clear, and we believe any such 



additional clause would be confusing and might in 
fact have the result — as the Soviet proposal does — 
of limiting its effect. 

The proposal to expand article 2 by enumerat- 
ing certain other bodies also seems unnecessary, 
since all those mentioned in the Soviet draft are 
included within the phrase "publicly elected 
bodies" already in article 2. Neither does it seem 
necessary to add their proposed article 4, calling 
for implementing legislation. In so simple an 
agreement as this, the convention itself is sufficient. 

Another proposal has to do with the proposed 
clause on settlement of disputes and provides for 
arbitration rather than a reference to the Inter- 
national Court of Justice. The United States 
regards this proposal as a departure from the pro- 
cedures already approved as part of our U.N. 
structure and will oppose it accordingly. 

Several countries have proposed that the con- 
vention include a clause on the extension of the 
convention to non-self-governing and trust terri- 
tories. Women in all territories under the ad- 
ministration of the United States have the rights 
in this convention, and we believe all women 
everywhere should have them. As I said earlier, 
this is a very simple convention, and the simpler 
and briefer we can keep the formal clauses, the 
easier it will be for people to understand it and 
the more effective it will be. However, the United 
States has no objection to the addition of such a 
clause, if the majority desire it. In this case, my 
delegation would prefer the Indian text in L. 333. 

We have been listening with great care to the 
statements on this convention, because, you re- 
member, the United States indicated in its state- 
ment that we do not believe the convention ap- 
plies to military service, and asked whether that 
was the general opinion among the delegates. We, 
therefore, appreciated gi-eatly the strong expres- 
sion of agreement with our position by the dis- 
tinguished delegate of France, and also various 
other statements which supported this view. I 
believe no contrary view has been expressed and 
take it there is general agreement that the present 
convention does not include military sen-ice. As 
I said earlier, the United States regards the obli- 
gation it would undertake under this convention 
with regard to "public functions" as coterminous 
with "public office." 

I have not answered certain charges against the 
United States as to the economic situation of 
women — Negro women especially — because this is 
a convention on political rights, and I have not 
wanted to take the time of this Committee for ir- 
relevant matters. 



32 



Department of State Bulletin 



Challenge Presented by Moroccan Question 



Statement hy Philip C. Jessup 

U.S. Representative to the General Assemhhj ' 



U.S. /U.N. press release dated December 15 

We come to this debate on Morocco with the 
advantage of having heard the long discussion that 
we have just completed on the kindred question of 
Tunisia.^ I recall what the distinguished repre- 
sentative of Pakistan said in opening the Tunisian 
debate : 

The two subjects [of Tunisia and Morocco] are perhaps 
symptomatic of the state of political and constitutional 
development at which we have arrived, and similar con- 
siderations apply to both of them. I may have to enter 
into some detail in submitting our observations on the 
Tunisian case, and it may not tlien be necessary to repeat 
those general observations and considerations wlien we 
come to discuss Morocco. 

Certainly my own delegation does have the sense 
that we approach the present question from a more 
advanced point of general understanding of the 
points of view represented in this Committee. 
Therefore, with full regard for the importance of 
the problem of Morocco and with full respect for 
the sincere concern which motivated the propo- 
nents of this item, we feel justified in confining 
our statement largely to the arguments which are 
applicable specifically to Morocco. 

There are of course significant differences 
between the two problems. We must recognize 
the distinctive characteristics of the peoples of the 
two ancient sovereign states of Tunisia and 
ilorocco. 

The racial pattern is more intricate in Morocco. 
The non-Moslem minorities are larger. The 
Moslem population is divided into two large and 
distinct ethnic groups. This pattern undoubtedly 
requires a high degree of statesmanship in order 
to achieve a system of self-government which will 
assure justice to all elements of the community. 

In the political field, the treaty of Fez grants 
to the French far more extensive powers than do 

'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on 
Dec. 15. 

■ For text of a statement by Ambassador Jessup on the 
Tunisian question, see Bulletin of Dec. 22, 1952, p. 986. 



the treaties of Le Bardo and La Marsa. Finally, 
the French Protectorate covers only a portion of 
the territory with the sovereign domain of the 
Sultan of Morocco, other states having legal rights 
and interests in other parts of that domain. 

I shall not attempt to analyze the implications 
of these differences. Our attitude toward both 
questions — the question of Tunisia and the ques- 
tion of Morocco — has been determined by our 
belief that we cannot in this Committee usefully 
concern ourselves with specific problems which 
can only be solved in direct negotiation between 
the parties concerned. 

We find ourselves again facing a question which 
relates to the fulfillment of national aspirations. 
We again have the problem of deciding what, if 
any, action by the General Assembly will be really 
helpful. 

For the second time the problem is brought be- 
fore us, not by one of the two states principally 
involved but by a group of 13 other states.^ 

Like the treaty of Le Bardo between France 
and Tunisia, the treaty of Fez between France and 
Morocco — which governs the relationship between 
these two sovereign states — is recognized as a 
valid international obligation. 

We can hardly be surprised that treaties such 
as these, involving the closest relationship between 
two countries, the most complicated interplay of 
two administrative structures, and an intimate 
and long continued juxtaposition of two cultures, 
would present problems in their implementation. 
Both of these treaties establish not a static but an 
evolving relationship. When we consider that 
both treaties are dedicated not to the freezing of 
the status quo but to continuous progressive 
change through the development of free and vital 
national institutions, we are impressed once more 

^ This group of 13 states includes Afghanistan, Burma, 
Egypt, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan, 
the Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Yemen. 



January 5, 1953 



33 



by the need for wisdom in the contacts between 
the parties. 

The great P^njilisli philosoplior xVlfred North 
Wliitehead has said : 

In a living civilization, there is always an element of 
unrest, for sensitiveness to ideas means curiosity, ad- 
venture, chanjre. Civilizefl order survives on its merits 
and is transformed by its power of recognizing its im- 
perfections. 

In subscribing to treaties based on the princi- 
ples of development, both parties have displayed 
the creative power of recognizing present imper- 
fections and seeking to remedy them in an orderly 
fashion. 

I believe I can accurately state that all of us, 
regardless of differences in our views, agree that 
it will be most beneficial to Tunisia, to Morocco, 
to France, and to world peace, if there is a situa- 
tion in which these two protectorates progress 
steadily toward the fulfillment of their national 
aspirations. 

To stress the area of agreement and to say that 
the problem before us is one of techniques is in no 
way to belittle the difficulties that remain. To 
achieve progress and change and at the same time 
to preserve order and justice is a fundamental 
challenge to the capacity of a civilization. We 
are confronted now by the same challenge that we 
have already faced in connection with the Tuni- 
sian question. 

Many members of this Committee have ex- 
pressed their deep concern over the recent out- 
breaks of violence in North Africa. Except for 
five delegations representing governments which 
are officially committed to a program of revolu- 
tionary violence and subversion. I believe all 
members of the Committee share this view. The 
Government of the United States deplores all 
resort to violence in which the cause of peace and 
progress must always lose more than it can gain. 
I believe we all agree that the cause of peace has 
lost a valuable supporter with the death of a great 
Tunisian patriot, Farhet Hached. This influen- 
tial leader had been a steadfast advocate of the 
interests of the Tunisian people and had ahvays 
publicly stated that he favored a policy of mod- 
eration. AVe hope that tlie spirit of moderation 
for which he stood will be the dominant spirit in 
Morocco and in Tunisia. 

In appealing for calm in Morocco, we can do no 
better than to quote the words of His Majesty, the 
Sultan of Morocco. My delegation would cer- 
tainly say a heartfelt "Amen"' to liis prayer that 
"God extend to us a reign of calm and peace so 
that a friendly and peaceful cooperation between 
the inhabitants of this country, and especially the 
French and Moroccans, may be achieved." 

I cannot dwell on any aspects of the relations 
between France and Morocco without mentioning, 
in addition to the well-known profound friendship 
existing between France and the United States, 
the perhaps less well-known historic friendship 



between the United States and Morocco. Morocco 
was one of the very first nations to recognize the 
independence of the United States and my country 
lias never forgotten the friendship between our- 
selves and the people of Morocco. For this reason, 
M'e are particularly desirous that France and 
Morocco, with both of whom we are tied by the 
close bonds of history, may work out peacefully 
and rationally the differences which may exist 
between them. 

In short, while there are similarities between the 
Tunisian and the Moroccan problems, the nature of 
the differences lead us to the conclusion that the 
Moroccan problem is more complex and requires 
very high statesmanship in its solution. Hasty 
and unsound moves would cause even more harm 
to the peoples of Morocco and France and to the 
people of the world. 

Tlie sense of urgency and the need for modera- 
tion are two themes that have been heard again 
and again in the two debates. Energy and ingenu- 
ity must be combined with i)atience and restraint 
if a happy resolution is to be found for the urgent 
problems now troubling Morocco. 

Again, we cannot accept the plea that we dis- 
trust the sincerity of France. We say again, "We 
trust France and wish to sui:)port, and not in any 
way to make more difficult, the achievement of the 
liiffh purposes to which France has pledged her- 
self." 

We have faith in the peoples and Governments 
of France and Morocco who must and will work 
out their destinies together. 



Proposal To Invite Bey of Tunis 
To Send Spokesman to U. N. 

Statement hy Philip C. Jessup 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

U.S. /U.N. press release dated December 10 

I am bound to say that the reasons which have 
been advanced by proponents of this item in favor 
of it seem to me to be arguments which lead ray 
delegation to the conclusion that this invitation to 
His Highness the Bey of Tunis should not be ex- 
tended. I would like to comment on several of the 
points which have been made. 

For example, the distinguished representative 
of Iraq reminded us that His Highness the Bey 
is in treaty relations with France. That is true. 
Therefore, it seems to me we must look at the 
treaty and see what those treaty relations are. If 
one looks at article (i of the treaty of Le Bardo, 
one finds in it that His Highness the Bey ''^s' engage 
a ne conclure aucun acte ayant un caractere inter- 



" Made Dec. 10 in Committee I (Political and Security) 
on Pakistan's motion relating to participation Ijy the Bey 
of Tunis in the debate on the Tunisian question. Tlie 
motion was rejected later in the same session. 



34 



Department of State Bulletin 



national e'' — conclude no act of an international 
character. 

Now. I should suppose that no one could deny 
that if His Highness the Bey accredited a delegate 
to come to the United Nations to argue a question 
whether France has complied with its obligations 
under the treaty, or perliaps to contend that the 
treaty should be changed, that it was outmoded, 
or whatever his argument miglit be, that surely the 
act of His Highness would fall within this pro- 
vision of the treaty. Therefore, if the Committee 
were to send this invitation to His Highness the 
Bey, it would in effect be asking him to violate his 
treaty obligations. I am sure that is a result which 
the Committee would not wish to bring about. 

Now, I do not want to make a long legal argu- 
ment, but I do think it is necessary, perhaps in 
anticipation of any attempted rebuttal of what I 
liave said, to recall that the distinguished Foreign 
Minister of Pakistan [Sir Zafrullah Khan], in 
that very illuminating address which he made in 
behalf of his delegation here the other day, did 
refer to certain principles about the interpretation 
of treaties in connection witli the treaties between 
France and Morocco. He did not advance these as 
his own view. He was reading from a document. 
However, there were suggestions, there were brief 
quotations from opinions of the old Permanent 
Court of International Justice to the effect that 
treaties should be interpreted according to certain 
legal maxims and that the result of the applica- 
tion of these maxims was to get an interpretation 
favorable to the position of Tunisia as against 
perliaps some otlier interpretation favorable to 
France. 

That is of course a subject which has been much 
debated in juridical circles for a long time. Per- 
sonally, I believe that it is well agreed and well 
supported by international jurisprudence and by 
doctrine that the whole basis of interpreting a 
treaty is to find out what the parties intended, what 
they were trying to do when they wrote these 
words into the treaty. Now, it may be said that 
the parties did not have in mind the question of the 
procedures of the United Nations and therefore 
did not cover that. Well, of course, they did not 
have it in mind in 1881. But who can doubt that, 
if they had been so f arsighted as to contemplate an 
international organization, they would have 
thought that this provision would apply equally 
to international organizations as to bilateral inter- 
national relations, and the spirit of the treaty, 
the spirit of the creation of the protectorate, is 
obviously along those lines. 

I would not want to leave this just as a legal 
question. The distinguished representative of the 
Soviet Union has said that the extension of this 
invitation and action upon the invitation would 
give us valuable information. However, as I 
have tried to explain in the statement I made 
the other day on behalf of my delegation on this 
•question, we are not concerned here, in my opinion, 



in collecting a lot of information about Tunisia 
because we are not a court collecting evidence 
and trying to pass judgment on the basis of 
evidence. As far as information is concerned, 
I would recall that another distinguished rep- 
resentative of Pakistan in the Ad Hoc Political 
Committee, in connection with the so-called 
apartheid item and the Union of South Africa, 
said there is not a library in the world where any 
one who cares to read cannot obtain dozens of 
books written from all angles describing the situ- 
ation in South Africa. That is equally true, of 
course, in regarcl to Tunisia, if we were engaged in 
the process of collecting all the available informa- 
tion. 

The point was made even more emphatic by the 
representative of Eg>'pt this morning who said 
tliat he thought that if a representative of the 
Bey came here he would present us important ele- 
ments on which we could base our judgment. Well, 
now, it is precisely that point with which I must 
differ as I have explained more at length in my 
other statement. We are not here, it seems to me, 
as a court passing judgment. It is for that reason 
again that it seems to me that this is not an 
appropriate action to take. 

Again I would like to put it rather on an even 
broader ground — and it is the spirit with which we 
have been trying to approach this whole question — 
what is going to be helpful in the actual dealing 
with this question which is before us and about 
which many delegations are so intimately con- 
cerned. Is it practically advantageous to the woi'k 
of this Committee in aiding us to reach an appro- 
priate disposition of this item on our agenda to 
send an invitation to His Highness the Bey of 
Tunis to send a representative here to speak before 
it? 

Again, as I have tried already to explain to the 
Committee, it seems to me the best thing the 
Assembly can do is to try to create an atmosphere 
in which negotiations between France and Tunisia 
can proceed in a calm and forward-looking man- 
ner. And because this is an item proposed by the 
delegation of Pakistan, I would like to recall an- 
other remark made by another distinguished rep- 
resentative of Pakistan in discussing the Palestine 
question in the Ad Hoc Political Committee, when 
he told us that the whole problem of adjustments in 
the Middle East depends on the creation of the 
right psychology. I think that is a wise observa- 
tion. I think it applies to the situation before us 
here in dealing with this Tunisian question. I do 
not think that the creation of the right atmosphere 
or the creation of the right psychology for the 
actual settlement of this question — which I repeat 
must in the long run be determined in negotiations 
between France and Tunisia — I do not think that 
an atmosphere or that psychology would be created 
by the extension of this invitation. 

For all of these reasons, my delegation will vote 
against this proposal. 



'onoory 5, 7953 



35 



The United States in the United Nations 



[December 19-23, 1952] 
Security Council 

By a vote of 9 to 0, with the U.S.S.R. abstain- 
ing, the Council on Dec. 23 approved the 
U.S.-U.K. draft resolution urging that India and 
Pakistan begin negotiations immediately to work 
out a specific agi'eement on demilitarization of 
their forces in Kashmir.^ As a party to the dis- 
pute, Pakistan did not participate in the decision. 
Under a Netherlands amendment, accepted by the 
sponsors, paragi'aph 7 of the approved text urges 
India and Pakistan "to enter into immediate nego- 
tiations under the auspices of the United Nations 
Representative in order to reach agreement on the 
specific number of forces to remain on each side 
of the cease fire line" after demilitarization. The 
italicized passage replaces the phrase "at the 
Headquai'ters of the United Nations" in the origi- 
nal draft. As in the original draft, the approved 
text of paragraph 7 specifies that the number of 
forces remaining on Pakistan's side should be 
between 3,000 and 6,000 and the number on the 
Indian side between 12,000 and 18,000, bearing in 
mind the principles of criteria suggested by the 
U.N. representative in his September 4, 1952 
jjroposal. 

The session opened with an extended inter- 
change between Mrs. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit 
(India) and Sir Zafrulla Khan (Pakistan), dur- 
ing which the former rejected Pakistan's "con- 
crete offer" of Dec. 16 and declared that India was 
"not prepared to enter into any talks on the basis 
suggested in paragraph 7" of the draft resolution. 

Sir Gladwyn Jebb (U.K.) expressed concern at 
suggestions that the draft contained proposals 
inconsistent with and contrary to the principles of 
the Uncip resolutions. Reviewing the earlier 
texts in detail, he concluded that their principles 
had been faithfully reflected, as had the essential 
elements in the demilitarization provisions. The 
limits within which the parties were asked to ne- 
gotiate an agreed figure for the forces on each 
side, he pointed out, were the limits proposed by 
the U.N. representative. 

" BurxETiN of Nov. 17, 1952, p. 801. 



John C. Ross (U.S.) restated his delegation's 
position that the joint resolution was not intended 
in any way to impair or limit the authority of the 
U.N. representative and that the latter was ex- 
pected to continue to exercise his functions under 
])revious resolutions. The United States assumed 
that negotiations would be under his auspices and 
therefore willingly accepted the amendment of- 
fered by the Netherlands. 

Despite the fact that both parties had not found 
it possible to accept the draft, he emphasized that 
it had meaning and importance; it represented a 
careful study and appreciation of the U.N. rep- 
resentative's suggestions which, after 16 months 
of work, it was appropriate for the Council to 
make. 

V. K. Krishna Menon (India) said that his 
Government was willing to continue negotiations 
on the basis suggested by the U.N. representative 
but that it would not be a party to negotiations 
on the basis of paragraph 7 of the draft and would 
regret a Council decision approving the resolution. 

General Assembly 

The Assembly on Dec. 19 approved the Latin 
iVmerican resolution on Morocco, 45 (U.S.) -3 
(Belgium, Luxembourg, South Africa) -11 (So- 
viet bloc, U.K., Pakistan). In Committee I the I 
United States had voted against the resolution 
because of a Pakistani amendment replacing one 
of the operative paragraphs. (The Pakistani 
wording would have made this paragraph identi- 
cal with the one in the Tunisian resolution.) 

The original paragraph was restored in plenary. 
As approved, it expresses hope that the parties 
will continue negotiations on an urgent basis to- 
ward developing the free political institutions 
of the people of Morocco, with due regard to legit- 
imate rights and interests under the established 
norms and practices of the law of nations. The 
vote on the amendment to restore this wording 
was 29 (U.S.)-8 (Soviets, Pakistan)-22. The 
French delegation was absent throughout the 
entire proceedings, both in the Committee and in 
plenary. 



36 



Depar/menf of Sfofe BuUeUn 



Diirinor the Dec. 19 session President Lester B. 
Pearson announced the appointment of the follow- 
ing; as members of the Committee on International 
Criminal Jurisdiction : Argentina, Australia, Bel- 
gium, China, Denmark, Egypt, France, Israel, the 
Netherlands, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, the Philip- 
pines, the United Kingdom, the United States, 
Venezuela, and Yugoslavia. 

At its Dec. 20 session, the Assembly adopted the 
Connnittee I resolution i-ecommending a renewed 
and urgent effort to reach agreement on the terms 
of an Austrian treaty. The vote was 48-0-2 
(Pakistan, Afghanistan), identical with that of 
Committee I on Dec. 19; the U.S.S.R. and its 
four associates did not participate on either occa- 
sion. Pakistan abstained, its representative said, 
in protest against the inconsistency shown by some 
of the states supporting the resolution in regard 
to other questions involvin»^ similar principles, 
such as the Palestine and Moroccan questions. 
His delegation nonetheless supported the aspira- 
tions of the Austrian people. 

In other action at the Dec. 20 meeting, the As- 
sembly, by a vote of 37-2-13 (U. S.), established 
a 15-member committee to study the question of 
defining aggression and approved the opening for 
signature of the Convention on Political Rights 
for Women by a vote of -46-0-11. It also approved 
Committee III drafts on refugees, the U. N. In- 
ternational Children's Emergency Fund, and inte- 
gration of economic and social development, and 
Committee IV texts on administi"ative unions, ces- 
sation of information on the Netherlands Antilles 
and Surinam to the Committee on Factors, post- 
ponement of consideration of South-We»st Africa 
until tlie eighth session of the General Assembly, 
and an amended resolution on the Ewe question. 

The Assembly concluded the first part of its 
seventh session at 4: 45 a. m. on Dec. 22 after act- 
ing on 13 items during an afternoon and an all- 
night meeting. The final item, "Complaint of 
Mass Murder of Korean and Chinese Prisoners of 
War by U. S. Armed Forces on the Island of 
Pongan,"" had been added to the agenda at the re- 
quest of the Soviet delegate, Andrei Gromyko, 
who on Dec. 20 addressed a letter to President 
Pearson enclosing a draft resolution and an ex- 
planatoi^y note citing the killing of 82 prisoners 
on Dec. 14. 

Agreement to consider the item without delay 
was reached at a meeting of the General Commit- 
tee on Dec. 21 by a vote of 12-0-2, after the words 
"Complaint of . . ." had been added to the 
original Soviet title. During the Committee's de- 
bate, Philip C. Jessup (U. S.) referred to the 
Soviet request as a "last-minute shabby propa- 
ganda trick."' He continued : 

The term "a knock on the door at midnight" has be- 
come symbolically associated with the kind of tactics that 
the Soviet Government and its secret jwlice employ in 



] " For fnll text, see p. 16. 
January 5, 1953 



depriving the people unfortunate enough to live under 
that rule of all of the situations whi<'h normally come to 
human beings in the course of their daily life. 

It would seem as if the Soviet delegation thought it 
could intimidate the General Assembly of the United 
Nations by a "knock on the door at midnight" just as the 
Assembly was about to adjourn. . . . 

The delegation of the United States, of course, makes 
no objection to putting this on the agenda. It should be 
put on the agenda and disposed of forthwith. 

Its urgent character derives not from the misstatements 
which we have heard just now from the representative of 
the Soviet Union, but from the need of the General As- 
sembly to remove quickly, emphatically, and clearly from 
its consideration false and baseless charges of this 
kind. . . . 

It is perhaps a curious coincidence, Mr. Chairman, that 
this incident [at Pongan] occurred on the same day that 
the Chinese Communist regime rejected the General As- 
sembly resolution on non-forcible repatriation of prisoners 
of war. Would it seem fantastic to the members of the 
General Assembly to assume that Communist instigation 
among these internees led to the riots which required dis- 
ciplinary action? Surely that is not a fantastic assump- 
tion. . . . 

There Is no objection, in fact we welcome, as I have said, 
the course that you have proposed, that this should be 
taken up and disposed of, and I believe that the General 
Assembly, on hearing on the one hand the false propa- 
ganda, unsupported allegations of the Soviet delegation, 
and the statement of facts which my delegation will put 
before the Assembly, will take the appropriate action to 
dismiss this and to express the sense of outrage which it 
has that an item of this character should be brought for- 
ward in this way at this time. 

The General Committee's vote on inclusion of 
the Soviet item, which preceded the decision to 
consider the item without delay, was 11-0-3 (Ar- 
gentina, China, Honduras) . 

At the opening of the Dec. 21 plenary, it was 
decided to take up the new Soviet item after com- 
pletion of the original 13 agenda items, despite Mr. 
Ch-omyko's efforts to have it considered after the 
second item. 

The Assembly proceeded to approve the second 
report of the Credentials Committee, Committee 
V's reports on the U. N. joint staff pension fund, 
the 1953 budget estimates. Committee V's recom- 
mendation that the organization of the Secretariat 
be considered as a possible agenda item at the 
Eighth General Assembly, and the same Commit- 
tee's proposal concerning the question of defining a 
probationary period in a Staff Regulation. 

Trusteeship Items — In addition to the five reso- 
lutions submitted in the Committee IV report, a 
new draft resolution on the Wa-Meru land case 
was proposed during the Dec. 21 plenary by 
Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands, New Zealand, 
Norway, Sweden, and Uruguay. The 7-power pro- 
posal invited the administering authority to re- 
lieve the hardships suffered by the Wa-Meru and 
to grant compensation for lost lands. It further 
eypressed hope that the authority, in consultation 
with the Wa-Meru, would find a satisfactory ad- 
justment of the issue and a.sked the Ti-usteeship 

37 



Council to invite tlie administering autliority to 
consider the possibility of utilizing part of the area 
in question as an experimental farm for training 
indigenes. 

The U.K. and France both announced support 
for the new draft and opposition to the resolution 
recommended by the Conunittee in the Wa-Meru 
case which invited the administering authority to 
take appropriate steps to return immediately to 
the Meru the lands from which they were expelled. 
Ambassador Jessup expressed belief that the As- 
sembly could look forward to fruitful results from 
the 7-power draft. In the voting, however, neither 
it nor the Committee's text received the necessary 
two-thirds majority. 

The Assembly approved Committee IV resolu- 
tions on the following questions: Indigeneous 
participation in territorial government and Trus- 
teeship Council work, the Trusteeship Council's 
report, the hearing of French Cameroons peti- 
tioners, and the hearing of Somaliland petitioners. 

Memhership — On the membership question, the 
Assembly voted to establish a special 19-member 
committee to study proposals relating to U.N. 
membership and confirmed the U.S. proposal as 
to Japan's fulfillment of membership qualifica- 
tions. Similar determinations were accepted re- 
garding Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Libya, and 
Jordan, with the Soviet bloc consistently casting 
five negative votes. 

On a Philippine motion, the word "simultane- 
ous" was deleted from the Polish proposal re- 
questing the Security Council to reconsider 14 
applications in order to submit a recommenda- 
tion on their admission; the Polish proposal was 
then rejected by a vote of 9-30 (U.S.S.R., U.S., 
U.K., France) -10. 

Committee VI Propomh — The Assembly es- 
tablished a 15-member committee to study the 
Secretary-General's memorandum on measures to 
limit the duration of regular sessions and con- 
firmed a Committee VI resolution relating to 
claims for injuries incurred in U.N. service. It 
also approved the Committee's request that the 
Secretary-General transmit a copy of the cor- 
rected Chinese text of the Genocide Convention to 
U.N. members and nonmembers. 

Committee II Report — The following resolu- 
tions recommended by Committee II were ap- 
proved: The expanded technical-assistance pro- 
gram ; the 3-part proposal on financing economic 
development i-elating to the proposed special de- 
velopment fund, the proposed International Fi- 
nance Corporation, and the analysis of the flow 
of private capital; establishment of equitable in- 
ternational prices for primary commodities; mi- 
gration and economic development ; land reform ; 
the right to exploit freely national wealth and 
resources ; and increasing food pi-oduction. 



38 



The U.S. delegation voted in favor of all but the 
resolutions on prices and exploitation of national 
wealth and resources. The latter, which, in effect, 
is concerned with nationalization, was amended by 
India to inchide a reference to the need to maintain 
"the flow of capital in conditions of security." The 
purpose of the addition was to clarify further the 
Ijrotection of foreign capital, the Indian repre- 
sentative explained. Isador Lubin (U.S.) said 
that this change was "a considerable improve- 
ment" but that it did not go far enough. He noted 
that U.S. amendments designed to assure protec- 
tion to foreign capital in greater detail had not 
been adopted by Committee II. 

Adoption of the Committee II resolutions com- 
pleted action on the original agenda. Considera- 
tion of the new Soviet item opened with a lengthy 
address by Mr. Gromyko, who charged that the 
"bloody brutality" of the American "monsters" in 
the Pongan prisoner-of-war camp overshadowed 
all previous "atrocities" and constituted retalia- 
tion against prisoners desiring repatriation. He 
claimed that the incident offered new evidence of 
the U.S. policy of systematic extermination of aU 
Chinese and Korean prisoners. 

Ernest A. Gross (U.S.) asked the Assembly to 
keep thi'ee factore in mind when considering the 
item : The timing selected, the motive, and the 
substance of the charges which, he said, had been 
repeated ad nauseam since discussion of the Ko- 
rean item first began at this session.^ 

Turning to the facts behind this "shabby mid- 
night stunt," he explained that the 9,000 Koreans 
interned on Pongan represented captured Com- 
munist guerrillas and included no Chinese. Cen- 
trally directed plans for a prisoner uprising ma- 
tured on the same day that the Chinese Commu- 
nists rejected the U.N. resolution on Korea, Am- 
bassador Gross pointed out ; ". . . the con- 
nection between the despatch of that note and the 
events on the Island of Pongan was surely not an 
accident or a coincidence." He concluded : 

. . . there is a lesson to be drawn from this eleventh 
hour maneuver by the Soviet Government. It furnishes 
proof that when members of the United Nations unite on 
a moral issue and rally from all parts of the earth around 
the cause of peace and in defense of the Charter, the 
enemies of peace are driven into corners of desperation. 
But we do not believe that our unity can be brolieu or 
undermined by acts of lying desperation such as those we 
have witnessed here. 

Selwyn Lloyd (U.K.) called the Soviet charge I 
a last-ditch attempt to score a propaganda victory \ 
at this session, and added that it was quite evi- 
dent that the Chinese High Command was de- it 
liberately inciting the incidents which served as 
the excuse for introducing the Soviet item. 

He agreed that the death of 82 men was a grave 
matter but expressed confidence that the U.N. 



' For full text, see p. 16. 

Department of Sfafe Bulletin 



Command would conduct a fair, objective investi- 
gation. Turkey, Greece, Canada, New Zealand, 
France, and Israel made statements in opposition 
to the Soviet item. The Soviet complaint was 
then rejected by a vote of 5—15-10 (Afghanistan, 
Burma, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Iran, Pakistan, 
Saudi Arabia, Syria, Yemen), and the Assembly 
adjourned. 

Followinof are the agenda items to be considered 

ft • 1 • 

when the second part of the session begins on 
Feb. 24: 

1. Methods which might be used to maintain and 
strengtlien international peace and security in accord- 
ance with the purposes and iirinciples of the Charter : 
report of the Collective Measures Committee. 

2. Resulations, limitation, and balanced reduction of 
all armed forces and all armaments : report of the Dis- 
armament Commission. 

3. Interference of the United States in the internal 
affairs of other states as manifested by the organization 
on tlie part of the Government of the United States of 
subversive and espionage activities against theU.S.S.R., 
Peoples, Republic of China, Czechoslovakia, and other peo- 
ples' democracies. 

4. Question of an impartial investigation of charges of 
use by United Nations forces of bacteriological warfare. 

5. Measures to avert the threat of a new world war 
and measures to strengthen peace and friendship among 
nations. 

6. Reports of the United Nations Agent-General for 
Korean Reconstruction. 

7. Complaint of non-compliance of states still detaining 
members of the Greek armed forces with the provisiims 
of resolution 382 A (V), adopted by the General Assem- 
bly on 1 December 19.")0 recommending "the repatriation 
of all those among them who express the wish to be 
repatriated." 

8. Report of the Secretary-General on personnel policy. 

9. Reports of the United Nations Commission for the 
Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. 

10. Appointment of the Secretary-General. 



U.S. Delegations 

to International Conferences 

Great Lakes Fisheries Discussions 

The Department of State announced on Decem- 
ber 17 (press release 924) that negotiations be- 
tween the U.S. and Canadian Governments would 
open on that day at Washington looking toward 



the conclusion of a convention for the Great Lakes 
fisheries.^ 

Certain Great Lakes fisheries, especially the 
more valuable ones such as the lake trout, are suf- 
fering from the scourge of the sea lamprey, a 
predatory, eel-like creature which lives by attach- 
ing itself like a leech to a iish and subsisting upon 
its blood. It is estimated that some 5 million dol- 
lars in lake trout alone have been lost each year to 
this parasite since 1949. The lamprey is now 
invading Lake Superior and threatens to destroy 
the lake-trout fisheries tliere, as it has already de- 
stroyed those of Lakes Huron and Michigan. 

The immediate purpose of the convention is to 
bring about joint action by the United States and 
Canada to eradicate this pest. The Fish and Wild- 
life Service, cooperating with research agencies in 
Michigan and the other Great Lakes States, has 
developed electrical and meclianical devices which 
will control the lamprey, but these must be in- 
stalled on both U.S. and Canadian shores of the 
lakes to be effective. In addition, it is expected 
that arrangements will be made to coordinate the 
fishery research programs in the lakes which are 
now being undertaken by eight State Governments, 
the Province of Ontario, and the two National 
Governments. 

The U.S. delegation is as follows : 

Chait-man 

William C. Herrington, Special Assistant to the Under 
Secretary, Department of State 

Members 

J. L. Kask, Assistant Director, Fish and Wildlife Serv- 
ice, Department of the Interior 

Warren P. Looney, Foreign Affairs Officer, Department of 
State 

Sylvia Nilsen, Treaty Adviser, Department of State 

William M. Terry, Acting Chief, OfiBce of Foreign Activi- 
ties, Fish and Wildlife Service, Department of the 
Interior 

Claude Ver Duin, Executive Secretary, Michigan Fish 
Producers' Association ; Secretary, Wisconsin Fish 
Producers' Association, Grand Haven, Mich. 

F. A. Westerman, Chief, Fish Division, Michigan Depart- 
ment of Conservation, Lansing, Mich. 



' On Dec. 19, the Department announced (press release 
927) that preliminary discussions between the two Gov- 
ernments had been completed and that further discussions 
would be resumed in late January. 



January 5, 1953 



39 



January 5, 1953 



In d 



e X 



Vol. XXVIII, No. 706 



Africa 

MOROCCO: Challenge presented by Moroccan 

question (Jessup) 33 

TXTNISIA: Proposal to Invite Bey of Tunis to 

send spokesman to U.N. (Jessup) .... 34 

American Principles 

Enshrining the symbols of liberty (address by 

the President) 9 

American Republics 

BOLIVIA: U.S. attitude toward purchase of tin 

concentrates 14 

ECUADOR: Letter of credence 12 

VENEZUELA: Letter of credence 12 



Asia 

INDOCHINA, ASSOCIATED STATES OF: MSA 
allotment for defense support program . . 

JAPAN: U.S. protests Soviet attack on Air Force 
plane off Hokkaido 

Aviation 

U.S. protests Soviet attack on Air Force plane 
off Hokkaido 

Communism 

New U.S. protest in Linse kidnaping case . . . 

Europe 

FINLAND: 

Purcliase from International Monetary Fund . 

Tax conventions enter into force 

FRANCE: Challenge presented by Moroccan 
question (Jessup) 



13 



11 



12 



14 
14 



33 



Check List of Department of State 


Press Releases: Dec. 15-29, 1952 


Releases may be obtained from the Office of tbe 


Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department 


of State, Washington 25, D. C. 


Press releases issued prior to Dec. 15 which ap- 


l)ear in this 


issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 914 of 


Dec. 12 and ' 


)15 of Dec. 12. 


No. Date 


Subject 


t918 12/15 


I.iberian port works remittance 


1919 12/15 


Korean resolution rejected 


1920 12/15 


Loyalty ca.ses : Vincent, Davies 


921 12/16 


U.S. note re air force plane 


t922 12/16 


Kissick : Chief of IC 


t923 12/17 


U.S. note to U.S.S.R. : detention of 




plane 


924 12/17 


Great Lakes fisheries negotiations 


1925 12/18 


Letter of credence : Syria 


926 12/19 


Finnish tax conventions 


927 12/19 


U.S., Canada discuss fisheries 


928 12/19 


Purchase of tin from Bolivia 


t929 12/22 


Icnc proposals on Koje-do 


*930 12/2.3 


U.S. educators assigned overseas 


*Not printed. | 


tHeld for a 


later issue of the Bulletin. 



Europe — Continued 

U.S.S.R.: 

New U.S. protest in Linse kidnaping case . . 12 
U.S. denounces Soviet charges of "mass 

murder" 16 

U.S. protests Soviet attack on Air Force plane 

off Hokkaido 11 

Finance 

Finland makes purchase from International 

Monetary Fund 14 

Human Rights 

U.N. deliberations on Draft Convention on the 

Political Rights of Women (Roosevelt) . . 29 

International Meetings 

Calendar of meetings 15 

U.S. DELEGATIONS: Great Lakes fisheries dis- 
cussion 39 

Mutual Aid and Defense 

MSA allotment for defense support program In 

Indochina 13 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

Results of meeting of North Atlantic Council. 

text of final communique 3 

Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property 

U.S. protests Soviet attack on Air Force plane 

off Hokkaido 12 

Strategic Materials 

U.S. attitude toward purchase of Bolivian tin 

concentrates 14 



Treaty Information 

Tax conventions with Finland enter into force 



14 



United Nations 

Admitting new mem.bers to the U.N. (Wiley) . . 20 

Deliberations on Draft Convention on the Po- 
litical Rights of Women (Roosevelt) ... 29 

Finland makes purchase from International 

Monetary Fund 14 

U.S. denounces Soviet charges of "mass mtir- 

der" 16 

U.S. in the U.N 36 

Ndiiiv Iniltx 

Acheson, Secretary 3 

Bey of Tunis. His Highness the 34 

Chlriboga Villagomez, Jose Ricardo 12 

Claxton, Brooke 8 

de Gasperi, Alcide 12 

Donnelly, Walter 12 

Eden, Anthony 7 

Gonzalez, Cesar 12 

Gross. Ernest A 16 

Herrington, William C 39 

Jessup. Philip C 16, 33, 34 

Kraft. B]0rn 7 

Linse, Dr. Walter 12 

Roosevelt, Mrs. F. D 29 

Schuman, Robert 8 

Truman, President 9 

Wiley, Alexander 20 



U. S- GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1953 



tJ/i€/ ^eha/}(&nenl/ /)^ t/iate^ 




Vol. XXVIII, No. 707 
January 12, 1953 




U.S. FOREIGN POLICY IN REVIEW • Address by the 

President 43 

WITNESSING THE BIRTH OF A NEW EUROPE • 

Uy Anibassailnr Myron M. Cowen 48 

U.N. SUPPORT FOR EARLY AUSTRIAN SETTLE- 
MENT • Statement by Benjamin V. Cohen .... 67 

AMERICAN CITIZENSIIN^THE U.N. SECRETARIAT . 57 

MIGRATION COMMITTEE TO EXPAND SERVICES IN 

19a3 • Article by George L. Warren , , 64 



For index see back cover 




iJ/ie z!lefia/y(^&n(^ 



^^tate buliGtin 

Vol. XXVIII, No. 707 • Publication 4857 
January 12, 1953 



For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Goverament Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.C. 

Price: 

62 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1962). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested aiiencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the De- 
partment of State and tlie Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the White House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affiiirs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



U.S. Foreign Policy in Review 



Address by the President ' 



Wbite House press release dated December 19 

You men are engaged in one of the most im- 
portant studies that Americans can engage in to- 
day. You are studying our national policy in its 
broadest sense. Our national policy is not simply 
our foreign policy or our military policy or our 
domestic policy. It is a combination of all three. 
The internal domestic jDolicies which a nation fol- 
lows are the foundations of its foreign policy and 
its military policy. "Wliat we can do and ought to 
do abroad depends upon the kind of nation we are 
at home. 

We are, above all else, a peaceful nation, and 
what we want most in the world is peace — a just 
and lasting peace that will release the constructive 
and creative energies of mankind and increase the 
happiness of men and women everywhere. 

Our national policy, the policy you are study- 
ing, in all its aspects, is simply a policy designed 
to reach that objective. It is a policy for peace. 

You who are privileged to study here have an 
opportunity that is available nowhere else in our 
country. You are given facts that cannot be 
generally publicized. You can look at the prob- 
lems confronting the United States in the world 
today clearly, steadily, and as a whole. I am sure 
you appreciate this opportunity and understand 
how important this background will be in the posi- 
tions of high responsibility you will occupy when 
you leave here. 

I want to talk to you today about this policy for 
peace and what our country has been doing to put 
it into effect since the end of the World War II. 
There has never been a greater need than there is 
now to think about these matters clearly and com- 
preJiensively. We must try to do this with detach- 
ment and without partisan bias. The situation 
of the world is such that anything less than our 
clearest and wisest judgment may be disastrous to 
our future. 



" Made at the National War College, Washington, on 
Dee. 19. 

January 12, J 953 



If we look back over what we have done since 
the end of World War II, I think we can say that 
we have been successful in laying the foundations 
for a structure of peace. Things which were mere- 
ly principles in 1945 and only blueprints in 1947 
and 1948 have now become established realities — 
growing and living institutions. 

We have done a great deal and we have done it 
very rapidly in the past 7 years. Some of our 
policies have been successful and some have not, 
but, by and large, it can be said that we have 
created the basic framework that is necessary to 
resist aggression and to uphold the principles of 
the United Nations. Whether that structure will 
succeed depends upon a number of factors, includ- 
ing the degree to which we give it material sup- 
port. But the progress we have already made 
gives us confidence that we can succeed. 

1945 and Our Hasty Demobilization 

At the end of World War II, the people of the 
United States were anxious to return to peaceful 
concerns. We wanted to forget about the prob- 
lems of national security and national defense. 
We were indeed too eager to do this, and, in our 
hasty demobilization, we impatiently threw away 
a good deal of what we needed. 

A little more than 7 years ago, in a speech which 
I made in New York on October 27, 1945,= I pointed 
out that we needed to continue to have strong 
armed forces and a universal training program. 
I said that we needed these things in order to 
enforce the terms of the peace, to fulfill the mili- 
tary obligations which we were undertaking as a 
member of the United Nations, and to protect the 
United States and the Western Hemisphere. 

To many people these statements sounded like 
strange talk in 1945. In those days, few of us 
realized that we would need strong defenses and 
trained manpower. Some people still don't see 
why we have to have universal military training. 

' Bulletin of Oct. 28, 1945, p. 653. 



43 



But the intervening years have proved that this 
was the right position to take in 1945. A new 
danger was then beginning to appear— a danger 
which has since become quite familiar. That was 
the refusal of one of our former allies to cooperate 
in the efforts of the free nations to build a peace- 
ful world. That nation— that former ally— set 
out to expand its own power by taking advantage 
of the weariness and yearning for peace that was 
prevalent throughout the world in the chaotic 
aftermath of the war. 

This threat was global. It was sustained and 
persistent. It included political subversion, eco- 
nomic strategems, and military and diplomatic 
pressure. It was aimed at all free nations, wher- 
ever weakness might appear, and most particularly 
at the nations in Europe and Asia bordering on 
the territory dominated by the Soviet Union. 

To meet this threat we had to devise new plans 
and programs. We had to develop measures that 
were new, that went beyond many of our traditions 
and experiences. I think that we have met this 
problem, and on the whole we have met it success- 
fully. The American people did develop new 
measures to meet this postwar threat to freedom. 
These measures have by now become so familiar to 
us that many of us tend to forget what they are 
designed to do. 

Our first objective is to preserve peace m the 
world. Our determination to do that was very 
clearly stated, I think, in the same speech I made 
in October 1945 setting forth the principles that 
were to guide us in international affairs. I said 
then that we do not seek for ourselves one inch of 
territory in any place in the world but that we are 
prepared to use our military strength to fulfill our 
obligations as a member of the United Nations. 
Along with this, I stressed our conviction that it 
is essential that there be no territorial changes 
which are not in accord with the freely expressed 
wishes of the people concerned and that no govern- 
ment be imposed on any nation by the force of any 
foreign power. 

That was said in 1945. We recognized at that 
time that there were limitations on what this 
country could do to make that declaration effective. 
We knew we could not prevent subversion or con- 
cpiest everywhere in the world. But we engaged 
ourselves to stand firmly behind the United Na- 
tions and to use our resources to make freedom 
secure for ourselves and for others. 

Bolstering the Free Nations' Internal Strength 

Our first problem was to help the free nations 
strengthen themselves as rapidly as possible. The 
war and its aftermath had seriously weakened 
them. Destruction, economic chaos, hunger, po- 
litical turmoil— all appeared to open the way for 
Communist subversion. The human misery and 
confusion in Europe and Asia aroused Communist 
expectations of easy opportunities for expansion. 

44 



The free nations had to have new internal strength 
before they could resist Communist pressure. 

In 1947 we moved first to help the people of 
Greece. Their national independence was threat- 
ened by foreign intrigue, guerrilla warfare, and 
military pressure. We gave them military and 
economic aid. Greece did not lose its independ- 
ence. The elements that were trying to destroy 
that independence were defeated. The Greek 
people recovered, to stand beside the people of 
Turkey in defense of freedom and stability m the 
area of the eastern Mediterranean. 

Next, we moved to bolster the internal strength 
of the nations of Western Europe. By their own 
efforts alone they were unable to recover from 
the terrible economic devastation of the war. 
Communist imperialism, using political weapons, 
was moving rapidly to take over their govern- 
ments. We set out to give to these peoples eco- 
nomic assistance and a sense of hope and confi- 
dence in the future. 

Moving ahead another step in our program to 
keep the peace, we signed the North Atlantic 
Treaty in 1949. This joined the free nations of 
the Atlantic area in a pact which was something 
much more than a traditional military alliance. 
It was instead a permanent partnership in the task 
of maintaining and asssuring the peace. It 
brought the countries of Western Europe into 
closer economic and military unity. 

These measures have, up to now, been success- 
ful. Never has the United States made a better 
investment in security. 

The peoples of Western Europe did not suc- 
cumb to panic and despair ; they did not yield their 
freedom to internal subversion or to outside in- 
timidation. The peoples of Western Europe are 
not in Communist hands today and they are not 
going to be. The economies of these countries 
recovered, despite the embittered efforts of the 
Communists to prevent it. Today, the military 
potential of these Western European peoples is 
Growing. This is of tremendous importance to 
the world. The men and machines of Western 
Europe are a key factor in preserving peace and 
freedom. If they should fall under Communist 
control, the scales of world power would shift 
drastically in favor of Communist imperialism. 
We have also had to meet Communist efforts to 
aain control over the two great peoples on the 
western and the eastern borders of the Soviet 
Union— Germany and Japan. Here, too, we have 
been largely successful. 

That part of Germany not occupied by Com- 
munist forces— and it is the greater part— has 
been enabled to maintain its freedom. We have 
helped it toward a position of full sovereign 
equality in the community of free nations. We 
hope that it will become an important part of the 
newly emerging united Europe. 

On the other side of the world, the Communists 
have also been thwarted in seeking the political 

DeparlmenI of Sfafe BuUefin 



capture of Japan, with its industries and its 
trained manpower. "VVe have signed with tlie 
Government of Japan a fair and generous Treaty 
of Peace. "We have shown our confidence in the 
Japanese people. 

Another step in carrying out our policy for 
peace was taken when we joined with other free 
countries in the Pacific area in a series of security 
arrangements. 

This whole policy of ours met its greatest test 
when the Communists attacked the Republic of 
Korea. That was the great challenge — that was 
the crisis that decided whether we meant what we 
said, whether we were really determined to sup- 
port the United Nations and the concept of in- 
ternational law and order. 

I believe the Communists were bent on testing 
the authority of the United Nations and the 
strength of the free countries by force sooner or 
later. If the test had not come in Korea, it would 
have come somewhere else. But it came in Korea, 
and that was where we had to meet it and stop it. 

The Communist aim was to bring South Korea 
under Communist domination, to demoralize the 
resistance of the free nations to communism, and 
to prepare the way for attacks elsewhere. The 
Communists have failed to achieve this end. But 
our aim, which was to repel the attack, to support 
the Charter of the United Nations, and to prevent 
the piecemeal conquest of other free nations — this 
aim has been achieved. 

This conflict has taken tragic sacrifices. It has 
caused impatience and disagreements among us. 
But in spite of this, we have stood firm. 

By every possible means we have been trying to 
restore peace and security in Korea. The Com- 
munists have refused the opportunity we oifere<l 
for an honorable end to the fighting. The result is 
a terrible and a serious problem. But while we 
deal with this problem, let us not lose sight of 
how much we have already accomplished bj' fight- 
injr in Korea. 



Accomplishments in Korea 

If the attack had been allowed to succeed, the 
United Nations would have been shattered, and 
all our hopes of building up a collective-security 
system for the free nations would have been de- 
stroyed. If we had failed to meet the test there, 
the free world today might well be in retreat be- 
fore communism on a dozen other fronts. 

The foreign policy we have developed in these 
last 7 years is not a negative one. It is not simply 
a design to resist communism. It is much more. 
It is a program of going forward, overcoming 
want and poverty, and enlarging freedom. Be- 
hind the shield of defensive alliances and military 
strength, it is our purpose to help people to im- 
prove their conditions of life — to create a world in 
which democracy and freedom can flourish. This 
is a part of our total policy which is uppermost in 



my concern. It is affirmative, creative, and con- 
structive. 

Through the Point Four Program, through 
measures of economic development, we are moving 
to bring modern technological progi-ess into the 
reach of other peoples so that they can help 
themselves to raise their standard of living. 



In the Helping-Hand Tradition 

This kind of activity comes naturally to us. 
It is close to the helping-hand tradition of the 
American frontier. But today it has a new sig- 
nificance. For the majority of the people of the 
world live in what are called "underdeveloped 
areas." These people are determined to conquer 
poverty and disease and misery. We can show 
them how to do it. With patience and under- 
standing, we can help them adapt the methods of 
modern science to their own needs. 

Our programs of technical cooperation, our in-, 
formation programs, our exchanges of books and 
people — all are intended to broaden the horizons 
of freedom and progress in the world. Further- 
more, they are a vital weapon against Communist 
imperialism. They show that the genuine road 
to progress is the way of freedom. They show that 
the deeds of free men are better than the false 
promises of communism. 

In carrying out all these steps I have been de- 
scribing, we have experienced both successes and 
failures. In this great world struggle there have 
been some burdens we could not undertake because 
our resources were not unlimited. 

China was one of those. With all our material 
help, and it was very large, the Government of 
China was not able to save itself. 

Let no one think that this Administration under- 
estimates the effects of the Connnnnist victory in 
China. We know that the capture of the great 
Chinese people by a clique of ruthless Communist 
fanatics was a tragic loss to the cause of peace and 
progress in Asia and elsewhere. We hope it will 
not be an irrevocable loss. 

It is very easy now to look at some particular 
part of the wdiole world problem and say we 
did the wrong thing there. But those who criti- 
cize past decisions rarely look at the entire balance 
sheet of our assets and commitments and tell us 
what things we should have dropped in order to 
do the things they think we should have done. 
They forget that our power is not unlimited and 
that we cannot commit ourselves everywhere. 

I do believe, however, that we have by and large 
succeeded in the main purposes to which we have 
set ourselves and our resources. We have demon- 
strated to the Communists that their expansionist 
efforts will be checked. 

The sum total of the actions we have taken and 
which I have briefly described has now brought 
us, I believe, to a situation in which it should 
become clear to the Soviet leaders that they cannot 



January 12, 7953 



45 



gain their objectives by the use of force. Tliey 
know tliis country is becominfi; strong. They 
know the strength and unity of the free nations is 
mounting. They can gain nothing from war but 
catastrophe. 

In recognizing our progress, we must not be- 
little the dangers that still lie ahead. 

The Soviet leaders have not abandoned their 
purposes. Tliey are persistent and determined. 
Even if they turn away from outright aggression, 
they still hope to win. More and more I think 
they are placing their hopes of victory on factors 
in the free world which they think will work to 
their advantage. They are placing their hopes 
above all on the differences and disagreements 
among the free countries, particularly between 
ourselves and the others. To this end they are 
conducting against the people of the United States 
the most shameless, cynical, and terrible campaign 
of vilification that has ever been conducted against 
an entii'e people anywhere. 

We must not underrate the dangers this 
involves. 

Our great wealth and ovir responsibilities as a 
leading world power have led to much resentment 
and misunderstanding, even among other free and 
friendly peoples. 

The aid programs we have carried out, along 
with all the good they have done, have led to much 
oversensitiveness and to many unhealthy reac- 
tions. Giving aid is not easy, either for those who 
give or for those who receive. 

These difficulties are frequently exaggerated, 
but we would be foolish to underrate their im- 
portance. They involve some serious dangers. 
If we wish to proceed successfully with our policy 
for peace, we must meet this present phase of the 
Communist challenge as we have met others in the 
past. We must make a real effort to ovei-come the 
things that tend to divide us from our friends and 
allies. 

Moving Forward to a Better, Safer World 

If this is done — if we are able to preserve unity 
and confidence among the free nations — we need 
not be panicky today about the state of the world. 
We are not on the losing side. The world is not 
about to collapse around us. 

We have a clear and consistent policy for peace. 
It is not a perfect one. No course of action ever 
is. It needs constant improvement and revision. 
But it has proved basically a sound and rugged 
policy, in line with the feelings of our people and 
the requirements of the situation. 

Future historians may recognize some mistakes. 
But on balance, I believe they will say that never 
in history did a great nation respond so effectively 
and promptly to new and unaccustomed problems 
as did this Nation in the past 7 years ; and never 
was a greater or more enlightened effort expended 
for a nobler purpose — the aim of world peace. 

One of our greatest dangers today is the danger 



of impatience. It is the danger that we will sell 
ourselves short — that we will underrate our own 
accomplishments. It is the danger that we will 
break away from the best path, just because it is 
long and stony and because there are times when 
we cann(jt see over tlie top of the hill. It is the 
danger that we will take hasty or erratic action, 
and thereby sacrifice the very real and impressive 
achievements already in our hands. 

What we need in this coming period is faith 
in ourselves, courage to do the difficult and dis- 
tasteful things, consideration and forebearance 
for our allies, without whose confidence and help 
our purposes will not be accomplished. 

To guide us on this path will soon be the re- 
sponsibility of new i^eople. No statesmen have 
ever had a heavier responsibility than these men 
will have. Let us see that they are given the type 
of support they need to do their work. Let us 
tell them frankly when we think they are wrong. 
But let us support them wholeheartedly when they 
are right. Let us work with them for peace and 
freedom in the world and for progress and security 
for our country. 

If we do these things, I am sure we can continue 
to move forward, with God's help, to a better and 
safer world. 



Administration of Tinian and Saipan 

Executive Order 10408' 

Whereas tlie administration of the Trust Territory of 
the Pacific Islands (hereinafter referred to as the trust 
territory) was transferred to the Secretary of the In- 
terior by Executive Order No. 101265 of .lune 29, 19.51,^ and 

AVhekeas tlie purposes of the trusteeship agreement 
approved by the Security Council of the United Nations 
on April 2. 1947, and by the United States Government 
on July IS, 1947, can better be effectuated by placing in 
the Secretary of the Navy the authority and responsibility 
for the administration of that portion of the trust terri- 
tory which includes the islands of Tinian and S lipan : 

Now, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested ia 
me as President of the United States, it is ordered as 
follows : 

1. The administi-ation of that portion of the trust terri- 
tory which includes the islands of Tinian and Saipan is 
hereby transferred from the Secretary of the Interior to 
the Secretary of the Navy, such transfer to become 
effective on .Tanuary 1, 19.53. 

2. When the transfer of administration made by this 
order becomes effective, the Secretary of the Navy shall 
take such action as may he necessary and appropriate, 
and in harmony with applicable law. for the administra- 
tion of civil government in that portion of the trust ter- 
ritory wliich includes the islands of Tinian and Saipan 
and shall, subj:^ct to such policies as the President may 
from time to time prescribe and. wlien appropriate, in 
collaboration with otiier departments or agencies of tlie 
Government, carry out the obligations assumed by the 
United States as the administering authority of the trust 
territory under the terms of the trusteeship agreement 
aiiproved by the United States on .July IS, 1947, and 
under the Charter of the United Nations : Provided, \ 



' 17 Fed. Rea. 10277. 

' Bulletin of July 16, 1951, p. 106. 



46 



Department of Sfafe Bulletinl 



hotcever. That the authority to specify parts or all of 
either of such islands as closed for security reasons and 
to determine the extent to which Articles 87 and 88 of 
the Charter of the United Nations shall be applicable to 
such closed areas, in accordance with Article 13 of the 
trusteeship asreenient, shall be exercised by the Presi- 
dent: Avd provided fvrthcr. That the Secretary of the 
Navy sliall keep the Secretary of State currently informed 
of activities on such islands aftectin? the foreign policy 
of the United States and shall consult the Secretary of 
State on questions of policy concerning such islands which 
relate to the foreign policy of the United States, and 
that all relations between departments or agencies of the 
Government and appropriate organs of the United Nations 
with respect to such islands shall be conducted through 
the Secretary of State. 

3. The executive departments and agencies of the Gov- 
ernment are authorized and directed to cooperate with 
the Departments of the Navy and Interior in the effectua- 
tion of the provisions of this order. 

4. To the extent that they pertain to the Lslands of 
Tinian and Saipan, the provisions of Executive Order 
No. 102(5.5 of June 20, 19.")1, shall be susperseded by the 
provisions of this order as of the date set out in the 
paragraph numbered 1, above. 

Haket S. Truman 
The White House, 
November 10, 1952. 



Review of Progress in Latin America 

FoUoimng is the text of a year-end statement iy 
C. 0. Uoxoe., Acting President of the Institute of 
Inter-American Affairs of the Technical Coopera- 
tion Administration : 

Nineteen hundred and fifty-two marked a 
decade of technical cooperation between the Latin 
American Kepublics and the United States, repre- 
sented by the Institute of Inter-American Affairs. 
It also opened a broader concept of cooperative 
technical assistance designed to encompass new 
fields of activity which will make a contribution 
to economic developnent. Looking beyond tradi- 
tional programs of health and sanitation, food 
supply, and education, the cooperative program 
aims toward developing assistance to industry, 
labor, and public administration; the i^rovision of 
technical and scientific services; the development 
of natural resources; and the improvement of 
social welfare and housing. 

This cooperative program is becoming more and 
more a matter of pride with the American Re- 
publics. It has been an inspiration to many other 
areas where similar programs are under way. 

Training of Latin American nationals continues 
to be one of the most important responsibilities of 
each of the cooperative programs. Over 850 
technicians have been provided with opportunities 
for advanced technical training in the United 
States during 1952. One important device of 
training in the United States is the development 
of special courses designed for specific training 
groups. A group of 25 rural teachers from three 
Republics has recently completed a 10-month 
course under a contract with the University of 
Maryland. Another group of 12 from an Ameri- 



can Republic is being trained at the University of 
Texas to assume its duties as the core of the teach- 
inw staff of an important normal school. 

Local training is provided to Latin American 
nationals through seminars and workshops, dem- 
onstration projects, adult-education courses, on- 
the-job training within industry, summer schools, 
normal-school training of teachers, and day-by- 
day association with their U.S. colleagues work- 
ing in the jointly financed programs. 

During 1952, the participating governments 
have expanded considerably the activities of these 
jointly financed programs, most of which are of 
the S'ervicio type. Today there is a total of 43 
jointly financed programs in operation : 17 in the 
field of health and sanitation, 14 in agriculture 
and the development of natural resources, 10 in 
education, and 2 which provide assistance to in- 
dustry and government services. Approximately 
620 U.S. technicians are participating in the ac- 
tivities of these programs, working with over 
15,000 Latin American nationals. 

The key to the success in carrying out a plan 
for economic development — and there have been 
many plans proposed in the past — is the reservoir 
of available Latin American technicians who are 
trained to do their jobs. After 10 years of prog- 
ress, competent Latin American technicians are 
becoming increasingly available to carry through 
programs successfully. Consequently, interna- 
tional lending agencies are approving loans to 
Latin American Governments for agricultural and 
industrial development. They are making these 
loans on the basis of known available technical 
knowledge and manpower, recognizing that the re- 
sulting improvement in economic conditions will 
serve to safeguard the loans. Loans cover pur- 
chases of many kinds of capital equipment. Joint 
economic-development commissions have been 
utilized to develop investment programs and to 
complete those surveys which are needed to siib- 
stantiate applications for loans. In countries 
where these joint commissions have been estab- 
lished, projects have been planned for the develop- 
ment and improvement of railways, highways, 
ports and harbors, shipping facilities, municipal 
water-supply and sewer systems, agricultural 
equipment, irrigation and hydroelectric power, 
warehousing, and industry. A number of loan 
applications have been approved and others are 
under consideration by international lending 
agencies. 

The successes of the technical-cooperation pro- 
grams have not been easily achieved. They have 
been possible only because of the cooperative spirit 
and the constructive thought and labor on the part 
of the Latin American countries and their tech- 
nicians. The United States shares with its Latin 
American neighbors the firm belief that great 
strides have been made and will continue to be 
made toward the mutual strengthening of the 
economic and human resources in the hemisphere. 



January ?2, 1953 



47 



Witnessing the Birth of a New Europe 



by Myron M. Cowen 
Ambassador to Belgium, ^ 



Today while we are lunching here, there are two 
meetings taking place in Europe that are illus- 
trative of the world in wliich we live. In Vienna, 
the Communist Party has sponsored another of its 
quite numerous international peace conferences 
and, in Paris, the Council of the North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization is meeting. 

It is sometimes difficult for us who are not Com- 
munists and who do not live behind the Iron Cur- 
tain to follow the logic of the propaganda of tlie 
U.S.S.K. The meeting in Vienna can hardly be 
seriously intended to bring about peace. New 
York, where the United Nations has been meet- 
ing, or Korea, where the truce negotiations have 
been going on for over one year, would seem to be 
more appropriate places to discuss peace. The 
choice of the city of Vienna for this week's meeting 
does not make sense to us. The Western Nations 
have spent close to 8 years trying to bring about a 
peace treaty with Austria so that that unfortunate 
country could once again be united. At literally 
hundreds of meetings it has been the U.S.S.R., 
and only the U.S.S.R., that has prevented the 
making of a peace treaty with Austria. The Aus- 
trian people who have been allowed to vote in the 
Western zone have shown an overwhelming lack 
of appreciation of the Russian occupation. Some 
95 percent of them have voted against communism. 
They have not had the privileire of seeing the peace 
that is being talked about in Vienna this week. 

Likewise, the timing of the so-called peace meet- 
ing in Vienna appears unfortunate to those of us 
who live in a free world. It follows by such a few 
days the U.S.S.R's outright rejection of the Indian 
effort to find a solution to the war in Korea. 

If, as I suggest, we who are allowed to use our 
own minds find little logic in the words of the 
Communists in Vienna that contrast so shockingly 
in the actions of the Communist world, it would 
still be a tragic mistake for us to ignore this meet- 
ing. We once took Nazi Germany too lightly. 
We thought that the lies spoken by its leaders 

' Excerpts from an address made bofore the Belgo- 
American Assnoiation at Charleroi, Belgium, on Dec. 19. 



completely, wholly discredited them. We should 
not now ignore this meeting in Vienna. Today 
from the loudspeaker of communism comes the 
automatic repetition, "peace, peace, peace;" while 
at the same time from the U.S.S.R. spokesmen in 
Korea and at the United Nations comes, "no, no, 
no," to each constructive effort to bring about 
peace. 

To us, this inconsistency does not make sense, 
and we would reject those who say "yes" and "no" 
at the same time. But not all of the world reads 
well-reported and accurate stories of the sessions 
of the United Nations and of the truce negotia- 
tions in Korea. Some of the world will only see 
the artificial peace doves of Vienna and hear the 
loudspeakers saying, "peace, peace, peace." And 
even in our own countries there will be some who 
are tired and confused, to whom the loud reitera- 
tion of the word peace will be easier to follow than 
the twisted course of obstruction and aggression 
that has kept the world from peace in these recent 
years. 

It is because the nations of the free world have 
so painfully learned in the last 7 years that the^ 
same men who sponsor meetings for peace in 
Vienna can be responsible for intimidation, ag- 
gression, and war in other places that we have 
today regional security pacts in the Americas, in 
the Pacific, and among the nations of the North 
Atlantic community. The meeting that is being 
held today in Paris of the Council of the North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization is for the very pur- 
pose of measuring our defenses against the spon- 
sors of the peace conference in Vienna. 

We know too jjainfully well the policies and 
actions against which these defensive pacts were 
built — Greece, Czechoslovakia, and Korea, the 
darkness that shrouds Central Europe and China, 
the continuous veto in the United Nations, the 
sabotage and obstruction of tlie Communist Par- 
ties within our own borders, the civil war that still 
flickers in the Philippines and which is a roaring 
fire at this moment in Indochina. 

As the free nations took stock of the postwar 
world, what did they find ? They found that the 



48 



Department of State Bulletin 



world had been sharply divided into two parts by 
the Iron Curtain. On the other side of the Iron 
Curtain the U. S. S. K. controlled the largest em- 
pire in the history of the world. The U. S. S. R., 
its satellites, and China comprised a population 
of some 750,000,000 people. The U. S. S. R. had 
not disarmed after the war. It had kept up its 
own forces and had taken energetic steps to build 
new forces in the satellite states and China. It 
was devoting its resources to increasing its ca- 
pacity for making war. In addition, the free na- 
tions found that the U. S. S. E. did not want a 
peaceful solution of the causes of international 
tensions. Or it would tolerate only such solutions 
to international problems that increased Commu- 
nist power and weakened the independence of the 
free nations. 

These were the conditions, these were the facts 
of the world in which the free nations faced their 
struggle for survival. Immediately these nations 
had to : 

1. Rearm. 

2. Rebuild. 

3. Re-create viable or workable economies. 

4. Refill the vacuums in those areas of the world 
from which power and authority had been with- 
drawn. 

Future of the North Atlantic Community 

Today, because of the limits of time, let us con- 
centrate our consideration on the North Atlantic 
community and see how the problems have been 
met: Have the steps taken been satisfactory? 
What of the future? 

As you know, these questions which we are now 
considering are being intensively discussed 
throughout the free world. I make a serious effort 
to keep myself informed of this discussion as it is 
reflected in three groups of newspapers, those of 
the United States, Great Britain, and the Conti- 
nent. Please do not misunderstand me. No 
mortal man could adequately follow all of these 
papers, but it is possible by looking at them from 
time to time to be familiar with their major reac- 
tions to this discussion. 

The reason I mention this to you is that I have 
come to a conclusion about this discussion that 
might be somewhat of an oversimplification but 
which I believe is essentially true. 

I have come to believe that there are two sharply 
contrasted types of men who are engaged in look- 
ing for answers to our questions. The man of 
one of these types starts his examination of the 
problem by saying, "Wliat is it that we must have 
in order to reach a satisfactory answer to our 
problem?" 

And the other type of man starts his examina- 
tion of these problems by saying, "Are we going 
in the right direction, and are we making substan- 
tial progress?" 

Before I go further with our discussion, I must 

January 12, 1953 



reveal to you that I find myself in this last classi- 
fication, and my answers will therefore have some 
bias. I think that we may start our discussion 
with some positive signs of progress. 

First, in the years immediately after the war 
Europe was faced with serious economic collapse; 
this has been avoided. Today's industrial output 
in Western Europe is approximately 40 percent 
larger than in 1948 and 60 percent larger than in 
1947. Agricultural production has improved. 
Trade between European nations, which had prac- 
ticallv stopped in 1947, has now increased until 
it is one-third more than it was in prewar years. 

Seco7ul, this economic improvement has been 
made while the countries of Western Europe have 
been engaged in a large rearmament program. 
This improvement has not been made by cutting 
consumptiou, which is today at prewar levels. De- 
fense burdens today are higher than they were in 
1938. 

Third, European military forces have consist- 
ently improved. Today, a potential aggressor 
would know that Europe's military forces, with 
American assistance, would meet his force with 
force. 

Fourth, the political health of Western Europe 
has improved greatly and is continuing to im- 
prove. Communist strength in European govern- 
ments has constantly declined. 

However, as important as these factors are, 
much more important are the many manifestations 
of Europe's ancient political genius. No one can 
have observed Europe since 1947 without being 
struck by the manifestation of political talent, 
imagination, skill, and vitality. 

It has been said that the free world today faces 
tlie ]iroblem of unity in freedom or unity in slavery. 
This statement seemed particularly pertinent to 
the Europe of 1947. Since that time, under the 
most difficult circumstances Europe has made al- 
most unbelievable steps toward integration. Per- 
haps the peril that faced Europe has been impetus 
for the progress Europe has made. Certainly, 
there has been stimulation for the evolution and de- 
velopment of new political institutions from both 
sides of the Atlantic. Undoubtedly, the economic 
and military assistance programs of the United 
States have made a very substantial contribution 
to this progress. But it is equally true that no 
matter what the magnitude of these programs 
might have been, they could not have been super- 
imposed on a community that lacked political 
talent, capacity, vitality, and a will to succeed. 

It is impossible now to trace the growth of the 
many new political institutions which have de- 
veloped in Europe since 1947. but I would like to 
recall a few of the major developments. The first 
step toward European economic union grew out of 
U.S. assistance under the Marshall Plan. It was 
the establishment by 16 countries of Western 
Europe of the Organization for European Eco- 
nomic Cooperation (Oeec) . Its primary respon- 

49 



sibility was to insure the effective use of American 
aid. Among its first responsibilities was the task 
of recommending the distribution of Marshall 
Plan funds among the European countries who 
participated in the plan. It was in this committee 
that many of the most competent experts in 
Europe worked together as members of the 
European community, rather than as citizens of 
one country. 

The Okec created the European Payments 
Union (Epu) as a clearinghouse for intra-Euro- 
pean payments. The creation of Eru, as it is 
called, was a first step toward the creation by 
Western Europe of one large and competitive 
market where goods and currencies could move 
freely. 

In 1948 the Governments of Belgium, France, 
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and the United 
Kingdom met in Brussels to create a collective- 
defense system that would be capable of protect- 
ing the security of the Western European nations. 

However, the Brussels treaty went much further 
than an agreement of the signatories to come to 
each other's aid in the case of an armed attack. 
The countries that signed the treaty agreed to 
organize and coordinate their economic policies 
and activities. They agreed to develop social 
services and to promote cultural exchanges. 

The present North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- 
tion (Nato) grew out of the Brussels treaty. The 
primary objective of Nato has been to build "an 
integrated military force adequate to defend 
Europe." This force is intended to be more than 
a paper force to come into being at a time of emer- 
gency. It is intended to be a force in existence in 
peacetime. 

One of the articles of the North Atlantic Treaty 
provides for collective action in political, eco- 
nomic, and social fields. Every day there are 
countless decisions made and actions taken under 
Nato that represent European integration. Many 
of the decisions of Nato are political and economic 
in character — for an example, "The Annual Re- 
view" that is made of each country's contribution 
in relation to that country's economic capability. 

European integration has already been devel- 
oped more intensively in yet another organization, 
the Coal and Steel Community. Six European 
Governments — Belgium, France, the Netherlands, 
Luxembourg, Italy, and West Germany — have 
pooled their coal and steel industries into single 
production and marketing areas. 

These same six countries have agreed to merge 
their national armed forces into a single Eui'opean 
defense force. In the near future, the legislative 
bodies of all of these countries should have this 
agreement before them for ratification. 

The European Coal and Steel Community is an 
established, functioning institution. When, in 
addition to that, the European Defense Commu- 
nity comes into being, a strong and united Europe 
will lie a very short distance in the future. 

50 



I told j'ou that I looked at the recent years of 
European history with a prejudice. My prejudice, 
my prefei'ence, is to measure these years by what 
has been accomplished rather than measuring 
them by what has not been accomplished. These 
have been great achievements. They are visible 
evidences of the talent and vitality of the new 
Europe. 

Hopes Held by the Men in the Kremlin 

However, no matter how great these achieve- 
ments are, we must consider the other point of 
view that asks whether there is in Europe today 
a force which could successfully defend Europe 
against a Soviet attack. "VAliat progress has Eu- 
rope made toward the restoration of its capacity j 
for self-defense? To both of these questions, the ' 
answers would be negative. Europe has not a 
force in being comparable to Soviet forces that we j 
know exist, and Europe still has tremendous steps | 
to take before it can reestablish its capacity for 
self-defense. 

From the great outpouring of speeches and 
printed material at the recent Moscow Conference, 
it would appear that the men in the Kremlin wish 
time to build up the productive capacity of their 
unparalleled empire. They have made it clear that 
they believe that their system can endure a long 
Cold War better than the free nations. They 
have made it clear that they believe that the free 
nations cannot work out their economic problems 
without conflicts, that the free nations will not 
be able to maintain the unity they have been devel- 
oping. These views will bear our close attention. 
The men «in the Kremlin will take every oppor- 
tunity that is presented them to separate the free 
nations and undo the unity that has been achieved. 

In addition, the free world can never be sure 
that the men in the Kremlin will not decide to 
attack. At any moment they may decide that it 
will profit them to attack and attempt to destroy 
the growing strength of the free nations. 

These are dangers that we must face immedi- 
ately. They are dangers that we must live with. 
They constitute a risk which we cannot ignore. 

I have said several times that I am impressed 
by the accomplishments that have been made. I 
think that we in our day are witnessing the birth 
of a new Europe. I believe this new Europe has 
the capacity and the fortitude to achieve heights 
that will surpass even its ancient greatness. There 
are dreadful problems before it, economic prob- 
lems, social problems, and political problems. All 
of these have to be solved in order to solve the 
military problem. I believe that the new Europe 
has a momentum that is just now getting under 
way. I believe this momentum is sweeping the 
old defeatism away. I believe it is gaining the 
power to reestablish the new Europe — "mistress 
as of yore ... of the hearts of men." 

Department of Stale Bulletin 



Soviets Say "Wrong Address" in Reply to U.S. Notes 
on Hungarian Plane Incident 



Elim 0''Shauf!hnessy, Charge d* Affaires ad in- 
terim of the United States at Moscoiv, on Dccemier 
17 transmitted a note to Jacob Malik, Acting 
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Union of So- 
viet Socialist Republics, in connection loith the 
liability of the Soviet Government arising from 
the seizure and detention of the U.S. C-lt7 air- 
plane 6026 and its crew in Hungary on November 
19, 1951. 

An earlier U.S. note on the subject had been 
delivered to the Soviet Foreign Office on December 
10, 1952} On December 11, 1952, the Soviet Gov- 
ernment returned to the American Embassy in 
Moscou) the U.S. note of December 10, on the 
ground that the note iras ^incorrectly addressed^'' 
implying that it should have been addressed to the 
Hungarian Government. 

Following receipt of Mr. 0''Shaughnessy''s De- 
cember 17 communication, the Soviet Government, 
in a note dated December 20, returned the U.S. 
note for the second time. Printed here are the 
texts of (1) the Soviet reply to the original U.S. 
note of December 10; {2) the U.S. communication 
of December 17 transmitting the December 10 note 
under new cover; and (3) the second Soviet reply. 

Soviet Note of December 11 

Moscow, December 11, 1952. 
!Mr. Charge d'affaires ad interim. 

There is returned herewith your note No. 473 
of December 10. 1952, as incorrectly addi'essed, 
since it refers to the question of the American mili- 
tary transport airplane C-47 which in November 
1951 violated the frontier of the Hunfjarian Peo- 
ples Republic and was confiscated by the Hungar- 
ian authorities together with objects in it in 
accordance with the judgment of the Budapest 
Military Tribunal. 

Yours resi^ectfully, 

Y. A. Malik 
To Mr. O'Shatjghnessy, 

Charge dWffaires ad interim of the U.S.A. in 

the U.S.S.R., Moscoiv 



U. S. Note of December 17 

Press release 923 dated Decemher 17 

The Charge d'Affaires ad interim of the United 
States of America presents his compliments to 
the Acting Minister for Foreign Affairs of the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and has the 
honor to refer to the Acting Minister's note dated 
December 11, 1952, returning to the Embassy the 
United States note of December 10 concerning the 
airplane incident in Hungary on November 19, 
1951, on the ground that the note was incorrectly 
addressed. 

The Soviet Government is well aware that the 
United States Government has communicated 
separately with the Hungarian Government in 
this matter.^ The United States note of Decem- 
ber 10 to the Soviet Government refers cleai'ly to 
instrumentalities of the Soviet Government which 
were involved in the detention of the United 
States plane and crew and concerns actions, ma- 
terial, and information which only the Soviet 
Government can explain or provide. Thus the 
United States note to the Soviet Government is 
not incorrectly addressed, but the Soviet Govern- 
ment has apparently failed to take proper notice 
of its full contents. Specifically, the attention of 
the Soviet Government is called to numbered 
paragraph 2 of the United States note, which re- 
quests identification of certain items with regard 
to Mr. Vishinsky"s speeches before the United 
Nations General Assembly in Paris; to paragraph 
3 requesting copies of statements and investiga- 
tion reports in the Soviet Government's files; and 
to paragraph 4 which concerns provisions of 
treaties, agreements and arrangements between 
the Soviet and Hungarian Governments. 

As regards the statement made in the Acting 
Foreign Minister's note that the United States 
aircraft was confiscated by the Hungarian au- 
thorities in accordance with the judgment of the 
Budapest Military Tribunal, it may be pointed 
out that that statement does not establish defi- 



' Bulletin of Dec. 22, 1952, p. 981. 
January 72, 1953 



'Ibid., p. 982. 



51 



nitely whether the Soviet Governnieiit turned over 
to tlie Hungarian Government tlie airplane and 
its contents and, if so, on what date and under 
wliat circumstances the transfer occurred. More- 
over, the Soviet note does not make clear whether 
the Soviet Government is claiming that the decree 
of confiscation by the Hungarian military court 
relieves the Soviet Government from liability to 
the United States Government for failure to I'e- 
turn the airplane and its contents or their value. 

In the absence of a specific reply on these points, 
the United States (Jovernment will assume that 
the United States property in question was volun- 
tarily turned over to Hungarian authorities by 
the Soviet Government. The Soviet Government 
is informed that the action of turning over the 
described property to the Hunjijarian authorities 
and the action of the Hungarian authorities in 
purporting to confiscate the property in no way 
relieve the Soviet Government from liability to 
the United States; and further that any steps 
which the United States may take directed to 
obtaining a return of the property in question, or 
their value, from the Hungarian Government will 
in no way constitute condonation by the United 
States of the illegality of the Soviet Government's 
action or relieve it from liability to the United 
States. 

The Charge d'Affaires ad mterim therefore is 
again transmitting the original United States note 
and requests the Acting Minister for Foreign Af- 



fairs tliat due consideration be given to the note 
antl an appropriate reply be transmitted as re- 
quested. 

Soviet Reply of December 20 

No. 50/U.S. 

In comiection with the note of the Embassy of 
the United States of America No. 495 of Decem- 
ber 17, 1952, with which the Embassy again for- 
warded to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the 
U.S.S.R. the note of the Charge d'Affaires ad 
interim of the U.S.A. in the U.S.S.R. of December 
10, IDSB, the Ministry states the following. 

Inasmuch as the Embassy's note of December 
17, 1952 touches upon the same question as the 
note of the Charge d'Affaires ad interim in the 
U.S.S.R. of December 10, 1952, which was returned 
to the Embassy for reasons set forth in the letter 
of the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the 
U.S.S.R., Y. A. Malik, of December 11, 1952, the 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs does not see any rea- 
son for new consideration of this question and 
returns herewith the Embassy's note of December 
17 and the Embassy's note of December 10 which 
was attached to it. 

Moscow, December 20, 1952. 

To the Embassy of the United States of America, 
Moscow 



U.S. Position on ICRC's Proposals Relative to Koje-do Incident 



Press release 929 dated December 22 



The International Committee of the Red Cross 
{ICRG) released last week at Geneva a collection 
of correspondence in two volumes, called the 
'"''Korean Conflict,''^ covering the period from 
January 1 to June 30, 1952. 

News stories based on the ICRG release of cor- 
respondence referred to a cotnmittee letter dated 
May 12, 1952, and to a letter from Gen. Mark W. 
Clark, Cotnmander in Chief, United Nations 
Forces. The letter from General Clark was dated 
June 12, 1952, and tvas in fact a reply to a letter of 
May 2 J,, 1952, from the ICRC. 

The ICRC correspondence of May 12 was in the 
form of an aide-memoire to the American Consul 
at Geneva. This aide-memoire of May 12 was 
answered by the American Consul on July 28. 
The Consul's reply did not appear in the collec- 



tion of correspondence released by the ICRC last 
week. Following are the texts of the ICRCs aide- 
memoire and the reply of the Amei^can ConsuJ: 



ICRC'S AIDE-MEMOIRE OF MAY 12 

The attention of the International Committee of 
the Red Cross has recently been drawn by its Dele- 
gation for Korea to the dangerous situation pre- 
vailing in the United Nations POW Camp No. 1 at 
Koje-do, and, in addition to the events of 18 Feb- 
ruary 1952, to the grave occurrences in this camp 
on 13 March and 10 April 1952. 

On 13 March a group of soldiers of the Republic 
of Korea and a group of Korean prisoners of war 
from Compound 93, who were under guard by 
South Korean soldiers, passed alongside Com- 
pound 92 (which was also a Compound of Korean 



52 



Department of State Bulletin 



prisoners of war). The prisoners of war of the 
two Compounds 92 and 93 are stated under these 
circumstances to have begun throwing stones at 
one another on grounds of differences of political 
opinions. Certain South Korean soldiers are said 
to have been hit by these missiles, on which they 
opened fire, and killed 12 prisoners of war and 
wounded 26. 

On 10 April in the matter of a wounded prisoner 
in Compound 95, whom his comrades refused to 
permit to be moved to the hospital, orders were 
issued to move the man. Unarmed military per- 
sonnel of the Republic of Korea entered the Com- 
pound for the purpose, but did not take the forma- 
tion they were directed to take. Trouble followed, 
in the course of which the American troops opened 
fire, in which ROK soldiers joined. As a result 
there were wounded and dead amongst the pris- 
oners of war and the guards. 

In the dual circumstances it appears that the 
firing constitutes a violation of Article 42 of the 
Geneva Convention of 1949. 

The Head of the International Committee of the 
Red Cross delegation for Korea thought it neces- 
sary to inform General Ridgway personally on 25 
March as to the position, and in particular as to 
the events of 13 March above stated, and to make 
certain proposals to him with a view to improving 
the position. The proposals in question were for : 

1. Withdrawal of the South Korean guards of 
Koje-do Camp, their employment as guards of 
their compatriots constituting a continual risk of 
incidents. 

2. Avoidance of political demonstrations of any 
kind, and in particular of the continuance of the 
political programme of the C. I. E.^ for the educa- 
tion of prisoners of war. Political questions do 
not in general concern the International Commit- 
tee of the Red Cross; but it thought it should raise 
the present issue in view of its humanitarian as- 
pects, political activities being a constant source 
of incidents. 

3. Distribution of the enormous Koje-do Camp 
amongst smaller camps, which would be more 
easily controlled. 

General Ridgway agreed in principle with these 
three proposals. He gave immediate orders with 
regard to the second proposal. He said he would 
endeavour to find means of acting on the first pro- 
posal. The third proposal was, he said, a matter 
which exceeded his powers, but he would support 
the proposal, should occasion arise. The Inter- 
national Committee of the Red Cross has since 
learnt that steps have been taken on the subject 
of this last proposal. 

The International Committee of the Red Cross 
is anxious in the first place to say how much it 
appreciates the facilities which have been given to 
it to enable it to fulfil its tasks in connection with 



' Civil Information and Edueation. 
January 12, 1953 



the prisoners of war. It also appreciates the 
understanding displayed by the highest Military 
authorities in relation to tlie Head of the Inter- 
national Committee's delegation. 

In submitting the above to the competent au- 
thorities, the International Committee of the Red 
Cross is expressing the hope that the proposals 
put forward by its delegate will be taken into con- 
sideration. Their application would most likely 
avoid the rejietition of serious incidents, and in 
general promote relaxation of a dangerous tension. 

CONSUL GENERAL'S REPLY OF JULY 28 

The Consul General of the United States of 
America has the honor again to refer to the Aide- 
Memoire of the International Committee of the 
Red Cross dated May 12, 1952. This document 
concerned the situation then prevailing at the 
United A^ations Prisoner of War Camp No. 1 at 
Koje-do in South Korea. 

The Consul General has been instructed to reply 
to the Committee's Aide-Memoire as follows : 

1. It is believed that the following facts more 
completely describe the incident of April 10, 1952, 
at Camp No. 1 : 

(a) On April 10, 1952, the Communist pris- 
oners once again challenged camp authorities. 
This incident began with a violent Communist 
demonstration inside the barrier of Compound 
95 of Enclosure Number 9. The several com- 
pounds of this enclosure containing North 
Korean Army enlisted men had been involved 
in virulent Communist agitation, beatings, and 
intimidations of non-Communists since mid- 
September, but never before had the leaders or 
the group as a whole openly challenged camp 
authority. In the efforts to restore order one 
prisoner of war was wounded. A United 
States Army Captain and two United States 
soldiers, all unarmed, immediately entered the 
compound dispensary, just within the com- 
pound gates, to remove the wounded man to the 
hospital. They were forced to withdraw by the 
swarming Communists. 

(b) Brigadier General Francis T. Dodd, 
then Camp Commandant, promptly ordered 
that the Communist leaders in the compound 
permit the evacuation of the wounded Com- 
munist. Wlien they refused. General Dodd 
ordered 100 unarmed Republic of Korea guards 
into the enclosure to bring out the casualty. 
The guards were promptly set upon with clubs 
and stones; one guard was seized by the Com- 
munists and disappeared in the rioting mass. 
The armed guards outside the perimeter, in an 
attempt to protect the unarmed Republic of 
Korea soldiers, fired into the enclosure, wound- 
ing, amon^others, a United States Army officer 
and some Republic of Korea guard personnel. 

(c) At this point, the Communists staged a 
mass rush on the open gates. This attack was 

53 



stopped by the prompt and determined action 
of an American officer and two American sol- 
diers manning a jeep-mounted .30 caliber ma- 
chine gun which, was covering the gate to 
prevent any mass escape. As a result of this 
disturbance, precipitated and continued by the 
prisoners, three Connnunists were killed and 
fifty-seven wounded; four Republic of Korea 
Army guards were killed, six wounded ; and one 
American officer was slightly wounded. 

2. With regard to the three proposals made by 
the International Committee of the Red Cross to 
General Ridgway, the following information pre- 
sents certain developments since the proposals 
were made, as well as certain facts not mentioned 
by the International Committee of the Red Cross, 
pertinent to the subject. 

(a) Withdrawal of South Korean guards: A 
large number of UN (other than Republic of 
Korea) guards are now on Koje-do; however, 
the magnitude of the job directs some utilization 
of South Korea guards. 

(b) Education of prisoners of war: The 
CI&E program consists of an orientation pro- 
gram during which prisoners of war, on a volun- 
tary basis, attend lectures on the history of 
Korea and China ; Korea under the American 
occupation; the aims, structure, functions and 
accomplishments of the United Nations; the 
principles, ideals and practices of democracy as 
contrasted to those of totalitarianism. Follow- 
ing the orientation program, prisoners of war 
are assisted in developing vocational skills 
which will enable them to participate in the 
future rebuilding of their countries while at the 
same time to improve their living conditions in 
the camps where they are held as prisoners of 
war. This phase was removed from the pro- 
gram early in April, 1952; the entire CI&E 
program was discontinued late in April, 1952, 
because of the screening operations and the sub- 
sequent transfer of prisoners of war to other 
componnds. A complete CI&E program, in- 
cluding tlie "orientation course", is currently in 
progress at all installations housing prisoners 
of war who have refused to return to Com- 
munist control. In these installations, the pro- 
gram is being well received by the prisoners. 
Camp authorities especially desire the CI&E 
program as a means of providing constructive 
use of the time of the prisoners, which con- 
tributes to good order and discipline. 

(r) Distribution of prisoners of war: It is 
believed that this has been satisfactorily ar- 
ranged. By June 22, 1952, eighty-one thousand 
prisoners of war had been moved to more 
manageable 500-man compounds. 

3. It is believed that appropriate action has 
JDcen taken on the International Committee of the 
Red Cross proposals to avoid repetition of serious 
incidents and to relax tension in the compounds. 

54 



Loan for Expansion of Iron and Steel 
Production in India 

The International Bank for Reconstruction and 
Develo])ment on December 19 announced a loan of 
31.5 million dolhirs for a major expansion of iron 
and steel production in India. The borrower is 
the Indian Iron and Steel Company, Ltd. (Iisco), 
a privately owned Indian company whose works 
are situated in West Bengal. The loan is for a 
term of 15 years and is guaranteed by the Govern- 
ment of India. 

The loan will help the company carry out a 
5-year project for increasing its blast-furnace 
capacity from r)40,0()0 tons to 1,-100.000 tons of iron 
a year and for raising finished steel capacity from 
350,000 to 700,000 tons annually. When com- 
pleted, the company's program will double the 
quantity of foundry iron now available from 
domestic sources in India and will increase the 
countr}''s present output of finished steel by about 
one-third. 

India is now in the second year of a 5-year plan 
for economic development. Greater supplies of 
iron and steel are essential to the continued prog- 
ress of the plan. Large amounts of both will be 
required for the increased production of food, a 
pressing need of the Indian economy. Iron is re- 
quired for the manufacture of plows and other 
farm equipment. Steel is needed for the construc- 
tion of large irrigation and flood-control works 
designed to increase agricultural output, for ex- 
tension of railroads and roads, for hydroelectric 
works to furnish power to industry and rural 
areas, and for new housing. Tlie demand for steel 
is already considerably larger than can be met by 
Indian producers, and substantial amounts of 
foreign exchange are spent each year for steel 
imports. 

India is in a particularly good jjosition to pro- 
duce her own steel. Her steel companies are low- 
cost producers. The country has rich deposits of 
the basic materials needed — iron ore, coal, manga- 
nese, and limestone — and labor is plentiful, i 
Iisco's works, west of Calcutta in the Burnpnr 
area of the Damodar Valley, are situated conveni- 
ently close both to basic raw materials and to the 
principal markets for steel in India. 

The present loan grows out of reconnnendations 
made by an International Bank mission headed by 
George Woods, chairman of the First Boston Cor- 
poration. The mission concluded that the Bank 
could most quickly help India achieve important 
gains in production by helping to finance new 
facilities at the works of Iisco and of the Steel 
Corporation of Bengal, Ltd. (Scon). 

ScoB and Iisco are separate companies but are 
to be merged as of January 1, 1953, under legisla- 
tion introduced in the current session of the Indian 
Parliament. The assets and liabilities of Scob 
will be transferred to Iisco, and Scob will cease to 

Deparfment of Sfate BuUefin 



exist. The plants of the two companies are under 
the same management, and their works at Burnpur 
already are physically integrated. 

The'program for which the Bank's loan is being 
used consists of the expansion of the integrated 
facilities at Burnpur, the modernization of Iisco's 
iron plant at Kulti, a few miles from Burnpur, 
and the expansion and mechanization of Iisco's 
operations at its iron mines at Gua. At Burnpur, 
two new batteries of 78 coke ovens each will be 
installed and an obsolete 40-oven battery will be 
removed; two new blast furnaces, each with a 
daily output of 1,200 tons of iron, will be installed. 
Steel-making facilities will be increased by the 
addition of a third 25-ton Bessemer converter. 
The finishing departments in the rolling mills will 
be expanded for additional tonnage. At Iisco's 
Kulti works, which make iron for foundries, the 
blast furnaces will be modernized and equipment 
will be installed to lower production costs. 

The total cost of this program is estimated at 
approximately 73.5 million dollars. More than 
half of the cost will be met out of Iisco's revenues 
and by loans and advances from the Indian Gov- 
ernment ; the Bank's loan will be used to pay for 
imported equipment and services. 

While the Bank in the past has lent funds for 
private manufacturing enterprises, it has done so 
by making loans to intermediary borrowers, such 
as central or development banks, who have re-lent 
the proceeds to these enterprises. The Iisco loan 
is the first the Bank has made directly to a manu- 
facturer. The interest rate is 4% percent includ- 
ing the 1 percent commission which, in accordance 
with the Bank's articles of agreement, is allocated 
to a special reserve. Amortization payments will 
begin on April 15, 1959, and are calculated to pay 
off the loan on October 15, 1967. 

This is the Bank's fourth loan in India. The 
others are 31.2 million dollars for the rehabilita- 
tion of the Indian railways; 18.5 million dollars 
for the development of power and irrigation in 
the l3amodar Valley; and 7.5 million dollars for 
land clearance in central India. The first project 
has been completed; the others are still being 
carried out. 



Point Four Agreement 
for Indian Malaria Control 

Press release 9.33 dated December 30 

A malaria-control program designed to provide 
protection for approximately 75 million people in 
India by March 1954 has been agreed upon be- 
tween the Government of that country and the 
Technical Cooperation Administration, it was an- 
nounced on December 30. The program provides 
for a contribution by the United States of 
5,200,000 dollars of Point Four funds for the first 

January 12, 1953 



year's operation and of 14,900,000 rupees (the 
equivalent of 3,129,000 dollars) by India for the 
same period. 

During the last fiscal year the United States 
contributed (548 thousand dollars of Point Four 
funds to the Indian malaria-control program. 
These funds were used for the purchase of DDT 
and resochin tablets. 

India has included the control of malaria in its 
over-all 5-year development plan. Point Four 
will supply some 4,000 long tons of 75 percent 
wettable DDT, 2,250 Pludson sprayers, 4,500 
stirrup pumps, 75 motor-driven spraying units, 75 
microscopes, 300 trucks, 75 jeeps, and 9 station 
wagons for the operation of the program. The 
cost of these items, all to be purchased in the 
United States, is estimated at 5,200,000 dollars. 
The Indian contribution is to be used in defraying 
local costs, materials, and services. 

For more than a century, malaria has been rec- 
ognized as the most formidable health problem in 
India. The Government already has taken meas- 
ures to combat it and its program today is calcu- 
lated to bring benefits to some 30 million people. 
The best available statistics indicate an annual oc- 
currence of 100 million cases with one million 
deaths directly attributable to the disease and 
another million in which malaria is an indirect 
factor. 

There are no direct figures on the personal mone- 
tary losses the disease has been causing, but the 
World Health Organization found that since the 
beginning of its malaria program in Terai, United 
Provinces, there has been a 36 percent increase 
in land under cultivation, an equal percentage of 
increase in grain-food production, more than 100 
percent increase in production of grain and edible 
oils and in industrial undertakings. There was a 
75 percent increase in population due to resettle- 
ment of Pakistani refugees who returned to the 
territory after it was made safe. 

The organization for the malaria-control pro- 
gram rests with the Malaria Institute of India and 
the state governments. Nine of the states have 
programs in operation ; eight others have limited 
organizations. They are assisted with funds and 
technical advisers by the Central Government. 

The proposed nation-wide program which pro- 
vides for continuous operation is divided into a 3- 
year accelerated program, financed in part by the 
Indo-American Fund to bring malaria speedily 
under control, and a state-controlled program 
financed by the states with or without funds from 
the Central Government. The over-all control 
will rest with the Ministry of Health of India, 
with state, private, and governmental-agency 
participation. 

The international, bilateral, and selected gov- 
ernmental agencies will serve as an advisory com- 
mittee to the Ministry of Health with respect to 
the malaria-control program and its operation. 
They will also provide expert technical consulta- 

55 



tion or assistance as requested by the Ministry of 
Health of India or by the states. Constant evalu- 
ation of the ])rograni will be made to insure its 
efficient operation. 

The Indian 5-year plan also includes the con- 
struction of a DDT plant (programed for 1954- 
55) to sujjploment the output of the DDT plant 
programed by the Government of India with the 
assistance of the World Health Organization. 
The plant is sche<hiled to be put into operation 
during the spring of 1954, with an output of 750 
tons of DDT. 

The Indo- American cooperative program is for 
3 years. During that time the Indo-American 
Fund will be used to provide financial assistance 
to the states through jj;rants of DDT and essen- 
tial new equipment, btate governments and the 
Central Government will provide the rupee costs 
for operations in an amount at least equal to the 
DDT costs. At the end of the 3-year period the 
Central and state governments will provide all 
fmids for the continuation of the program. It is 
planned to establish and operate 200 malaria- 
control units. Each unit will benefit about one 
million population and will utilize from 30 to 40 
tons of DDT. It will consist of a malaria-control 
officer, four senior malaria-control inspectors, four 
malaria inspectors, an accountant, three clerks, 
five van drivers, 13 field workers (full time), 130 
part-time field workers, and 6 other persons for 
watchmen, sweepers, and peons. 

It is planned to get 75 of these units into oper- 
ation during 1953-54. An additional 50 will be 
added the next year and a final 75, to bring the 
total to 200, during the third year of the program. 

The World Health Organization and Rocke- 
feller Foundation have collaborated in India's 
malaria-control program and the latter still pro- 
vides consultation on request, overseas training 
for malariologists and contributions to the sup- 
port of operations in malaria control in Mysore 
State. 

During the entire period of the program, special 
attention will be given to training Indian techni- 
cians to continue the operations when the original 
3-year plan is completed. The medical officers 
and malaria inspectors will receive their training 
at the Malaria Institute and the spraying crews 
will get their training in the field. 



Point Four in Saudi Arabia 

Press release 2 dated January 2 

Dr. Samuel S. Stratton, U.S. director of Tech- 
nical Cooperation in Saudi Arabia, having con- 
cluded his assignment, left his post on December 
19, 1952, to return to the United States. 

John A. Dunaway, chief of the Government 
Sei-vices and Public Administration Division of 
the TcA staff in Saudi Arabia, will be acting di- 
rector of technical cooperation until a successor 
to Dr. Stratton is named. Mr. Dunaway, a spe- 
cialist in customs and tariff matters with long 
experience in the international field, has had serv- 
ice with various international commissions in the 
Near East and a period of service as financial ad- 
viser to the Government of Liberia. He is pres- 
ently engaged in helping the Government of Saudi 
Arabia revise and modernize its entire tariff and 
customs system, as part of a broader undertaking 
for systematizing the entire fiscal and monetary 
structure of the Government. 

During Dr. Stratton's year in Saudi Arabia, a 
monetary agency has been established ; a system of 
Government control over expenditures and re- 
ceii?ts has been inaugurated; a new currency has 
been adopted ; ground-water surveying and water- 
well construction has continued and expanded; 
plans have been completed for surveys of the 
Riyadh-Jidda railway route, preliminary to 
award of contracts for construction; the nation's 
first commercial school has been started ; and pre- 
liminary work has been completed on a coopera- 
tive community-development program, which will 
be a large-scale effort by the Saudi Arabian Gov- 
ernment to improve the economic and social con- 
ditions of villagers. Activities in health, sani- 
tation, education, and agriculture are expected to 
get under way shortly. 

Letter of Credence 

Syria 

The newly appointed Ambassador of Syria, 
Farid Zeineddine, presented his credentials to the 
President on December 18. For text of the Am- 
bassador's remarks and of the President's reply, 
see Department of State press release 925 of De- 
cember 18. 



56 



Department of State Bulletin 



American Citizens in ttie U.N. Secretariat 



LETTER FROM SECRETARY ACHESON 
TO REPRESENTATIVE FRANK L. CHELF > 

Press release 932 dated December 30 

December 30, 1952 
My Dear Mr. Chelf : 

In the course of testimony before the Subcom- 
mittee of which you are Chairman, an official of 
tlie Department of State has discussed the highly 
confidential arrangements whereby the Depart- 
ment of State has identified for the Secretary- 
General of the United Nations American citizens 
employed in the United Nations Secretariat, or 
contemplated for employment therein, whom the 
Department believed, on the basis of investigation, 
to be Communists or under Communist discipline. 

You have asked that officers of the Department 
furnish to your Committee the names of the per- 
sons in the Department of State who evaluated 
the information resulting from the investigation 
of American citizens employed or who were con- 
templated for employment by the United Nations. 
Evaluation is not a single act. It is a process in- 
volving a series of responsible administrative ac- 
tions. The official in the Department of State 
who is responsible, under my supervision, for 
handling all aspects of United States policy to- 
ward the United Nations and all relationships 
between the United States and the United Nations 
is Mr. John D. Hickerson, Assistant Secretary of 
State for United Nations Affairs. On instrvic- 
tions from the President, the Department is un- 
able to supply you with the names of those persons 
who participated in the evaluating process in con- 
nection with American citizens in the employ of 
the United Nations. 

To carry out successfully the foreign policy of 
the United States, the Department of State re- 
quires loyal, objective, fearless, and able per- 
formance of duty by operating officials. All tasks 
assigned to a subordinate official of the Depart- 
ment of State must be carried out in that manner, 
whether the individual likes the particular task 
or not. Some tasks are themselves likable and 
enjoyable while others must be performed regard- 
less of whether the official enjoys them. If the 
name of a subordinate official who evaluated se- 



' Chairman, Sppcial .Subcommittee of the House of 
Representatives Committee on the Judiciary. 

January 12, 1953 

236686—53 3 



curity information regarding American employees 
in the United Nations were to be made public, or, 
indeed, if the names of those officers who drafted 
particular political documents regarding our re- 
lations witli individual foreign countries were to 
be made public, the successful carrying out of the 
foreign policy of the United States would be ad- 
versely affected, if not seriously compromised. It 
is apparent, at the outset, that a demand for the 
names of subordinate officials involved in any par- 
ticular foreign relations task of the Department 
of State is, by itself, indicative that the task upon 
which they have been engaged is a matter of public 
controversy; if tiie subject matter itself were not 
a matter of controversy there would ordinarily 
be little motivation for any desire to identify sub- 
ordinate officials connected with it. A practice 
of making public these names would of necessity 
be a signal to all subordinate officials of the De- 
partment of State to avoid as best they could 
becoming involved in matters which were con- 
troversial, or, if unavoidable, for each to tailor 
his actions with respect to such a matter to what 
he conceived to be, at that time, the state of popu- 
lar feeling or of any articulate portion of the 
public regarding it, even though he considered 
that action based upon that feeling or a portion 
of it to be contrary to the interest of the United 
States, as his own honest, considered, and trained 
judgment saw that interest. Not only that, he 
would be apt to document his precise contribution 
or attitude — "make a record" — on the controversy 
against the day when he would have to justify 
himself "on the record". A foreign service or civil 
service career official, loyal and trained, who en- 
joyed his work and wished to continue in it, would 
without question consider that he would be taking 
risks which would appear to him to be undue 
should he act otherwise under those circumstances. 
A Department of State whose officers avoided 
working on difficult and controversial matters, or 
adjusted their own judgments to what they con- 
ceived to be popular judgments, or were busily 
engaged in "making records", could not operate 
effectively to carry on successfully the foreign 
relations of the United States. 

These considerations have long been recognized 
in the Department and have resulted in the adop- 
tion long ago of the principle of effective responsi- 
bility of the top officials of the Department. 

57 



These men, the Assistant Secretaries of State or 
their equivalent in rank, are responsible for the 
work of all subordinate oflicials who serve under 
them. They, and the Secretary of State under 
whose supervision they work, are responsible for 
all the work performed by the Department of 
State. Their subordinates have their confidence or 
they cease to be subordinates. It is essential in 
order that the efficiency of the Department as an 
operating institution be maintained, to preserve 
this principle. To disclose the names of subordi- 
nate officials who have evaluated the security in- 
formation on an American citizen employed by 
the United Nations, or who drafted a controversial 
note to the French, would undermine that princi- 
ple to the detriment of the Department and the 
United States. 

The arrangements between the United States 
and the United Nations regarding the identifica- 
tion of American citizens employed by the United 
Nations who are Communists or under Communist 
discipline were established on the most highly 
classified basis in 1949. The names of the evalu- 
ating officials in the Department of State who 
performed functions under this arrangement were 
classified on the same basis at the same time. 
While the existence of this arrangement has been 
made public, this portion of the arrangement has 
not been and cannot be declassified. It is essential 
that this be so in order that the integrity of the 
investigative files themselves can be maintained. 
For the furnishing of the names of these officials 
can lead only to questioning of these officials re- 
garding their action — the reasons for their evalua- 
tion of particular individuals. Such questions 
could be answered only upon the basis of infor- 
mation contained in investigative files as recol- 
lected by tlie officer. As a consequence, informa- 
tion contained in investigative files themselves 
would have been disclosed. As you know, it is 
the established policy of this Government that 
security files of individuals must remain con- 
fidential in the public interest. 

For these reasons, and by direction of the Pres- 
ident, the names of the subordinate evaluating 
officers cannot be furnished. 
Sincerely yours. 

Dean Acheson 



STATEMENT BY JOHN D. HICKERSON 
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR U.N. AFFAIRS' 

Press release 934 dated December 31 

I should like to begin by first clarifying certain 
important points that have arisen in the recent 
discussions on the subject of the loyalty of Ameri- 
cans on the U.N. Secretariat. Let me summarize 

" Made before the Special Subcommittee of tlie House 
Committee on the Judiciary on Dec. 31. For text of Mr. 
Hickerson's statement before the Senate Internal Security 
Subcommittee on Dec. 10, see Bulletin of Dec. 29, 1952, 
p. 1026. 



the main points first and then take them up in 
greater detail later. 

1. The Department of State has always felt that 
Americans who are Communists or under Com- 
munist discipline should not be employed by the 
United Nations and that all appropriate steps 
should be taken to remove them. This view has 
been shared by the Secretary-General of the 
United Nations, who under the Charter of the 
United Nations has the responsibility of hiring 
and firing Secretariat employees. 

2. In 1946 Secretary Byrnes established the 
policy that, with the exception of the appointment 
of the first Assistant Secretary-General for Ad- 
ministrative and Financial Services, the U.S. Gov- 
ernment would not make recommendations for 
employment on the U.N. Secretariat. That policy 
has been followed ever since. 

3. The Department of State has never under- 
taken to clear or "give a clean bill of health" to 
any American employed by the United Nations. 
The fact that the Department of State did not 
make adverse comments on Americans on the U.N. 
Secretariat under a confidential arrangement 
started in the fall of 1949 did not mean that those 
individuals were cleared, and this was understood 
by the Secretary-General. The U.S. Government 
was not in a position to assume responsibility for 
the reliability of Americans on the Secretariat on 
loyalty grounds, and the Secretary-General was 
so informed. 

4. The Department of State could not, without 
violating security practices of the U.S. Govern- 
ment, make available to the United Nations tlie in- 
formation provided it by the FBI and other se- 
curity agencies which was the basis for the ad- 
verse comments sent to the Secretary-General. 

5. The Department has not had evidence justi- 
fying a conclusion that there was spying or espio- 
nage on tlie part of American citizens employed by 
the United Nations. If either the Department of 
State or the Department of Justice had had evi- 
dence justifying such a conclusion, prompt action 
would have been taken under the criminal laws 
of the United States by the Department of Justice 
whicli has responsibility for enforcing these laws. 

6. Witliout in any way minimizing the impor- 
tance whicli the Department places on seeing that 
the employees of the Secretariat are persons of 
integrity, it should be borne in mind that the se- 
curity of classified information is not involved in 
this question. The employees of the Secretariat 
of the United Nations do not have access to any 
U. S. security information. 

7. Despite the handicaps which the confidential 
nature of the arrangement with the Secretary- 
General imposed on it, the arrangement achieved 
the dismissal of a number of disloyal Americans 
and prevented the employment of others. 

Misconceptions on these points have arisen from 
the failure to understand the background of the 



58 



Department of State Bulletin 



confidential arrangement between the U.S. Gov- 
ernment and the Secretary-General on subversive 
Americans on the U.N. Secretariat. The confi- 
dential nature of the arrangement created limita- 
tions and difficulties. 

The U.N. Secretariat is one of the principal or- 
gans of the United Nations. It is a staff of inter- 
national employees charged with servicing the 
various organs and agencies of the United Nations 
and of serving the 60 member nations represented 
in these organs. It was clear when the organiza- 
tion of the United Nations was being planned 
that this staff had to be set up as an impartial and 
objective staff, subject to the orders of no member 
state. The Secretariat was accordingly placed 
under the authority of the Secretary-General, the 
chief administrative officer of the organization, 
and established as an international civil service 
not subject to instructions from any government 
or from any other authority external to the organ- 
ization. Of course, we realized that some govern- 
ments might abuse the position of their nationals 
on the Secretariat. But we believed that the 
United States should set an example, and we did, 
in seeking to assure a firm basis for the interna- 
tional character of the Secretariat as the only 
means of establishing a solid basis of confidence 
by the member states in the work of the organiza- 
tion. 

It is important to look at the precise provisions 
of the Charter on this subject : 

Article 7, paragraph 1 states that "There are 
established as the principal organs of the United 
Nations: a General Assembly, a Security Council, 
an Economic and Social Council, a Trusteeship 
Council, an International Court of Justice, and 
a Secretariat." 

Articles 97 through 101 recite the detailed Char- 
ter provisions in regard to the composition of the 
Secretariat. These articles read as follows : 

Article 97 

The Secretariat shall comprise a Secretary-General and 
such staff as the Organization may require. The Secre- 
tary-General shall be appointed by the General Assembly 
upon the recommendation of the Security Council. He 
shall be the chief administrative officer of the Organiza- 
tion. 

Article 98 

The Secretary-General shall act in that capacity in 
all meetings of the General Assembly, of the Security 
Council, of the Economic and Social Council, and of the 
Trusteeship Council, and shall perform such other func- 
tions as are entrusted to him by these organs. The 
Secretary-General shall make an annual report to the 
General Assembly on the work of the Organization. 

Article 99 

The Secretary-General may bring to the attention of 
the Security Council any matter which in his opinion may 
threaten the maintenance of international peace and 
security. 

Article 100 

1. In the performance of their duties the Secretary- 
General and the staff shall not seek or receive instruc- 



tions from any government' or from any other authority 
external to the Organization. They shall refrain from 
any action which might reflect on their position as inter- 
national officials responsible only to the Organization. 

2. Each Memlier of the United Nations undertakes to 
respect the exclusively international character of the 
responsibilities of the Secretary-General and the staff and 
not to seek to influence them in the discharge of their 
responsibilities. 

Article 101 

1. The staff shall be appointed by the Secretary-General 
under regulations established by the General Assembly. 

2. Appropriate staffs shall be permanently assigned to 
the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Coun- 
cil, and, as required, to other organs of the United Nations. 
These staffs shall form a part of the Secretariat. 

3. The paramount consideration in the employment of 
the staff and in the determination of the conditions of 
service shall be the necessity of securing the highest 
standards of efficiency, competence, and integrity. Due 
regard shall be paid to the importance of recruiting the 
staff on as wide a geographical basis as possible. 

In effect the Charter, in particular articles 100 
and 101, states that hiring and dismissal of U.N. 
staff members is the sole responsibility of the 
Secretary-General in accordance with the regu- 
lations established by the General Assembly and 
that the Secretary-General shall not seek or re- 
ceive instructions from any government in the dis- 
charge of this duty as well as his other duties. At 
the same time, every member state is committed 
to respect the international character of the Sec- 
retary-General's responsibilities and not to seek 
to influence him. The United States has acted 
accordingly in its relations with the Secretary- 
General. 

The second factor basically affecting the nature 
of the confidential arrangement was that before 
the International Jurists' Report last month ^ the 
Secretary-General had not found it possible to 
discharge Americans on the stated ground that 
they were Communists or under Communist disci- 
pline. Furthermore, in discharging employees 
the Secretary-General had to contend with an 
elaborate appeals procedure, including an Ad- 
ministrative Tribunal, with power to demand a 
reversal of the Secretary-General's action or dam- 
ages in lieu thereof. These circumstances made it 
essential that the Secretary-General protect him- 
self against the charge that he was being unduly 
influenced by the U.S. Government, in violation 
of the Charter, when moving against persons 
identified by the Department as subversive. 

At the first session of the General Assembly in 
1946, Trygve Lie was elected Secretary-General 
and, under regulations established by the General 
Assembly, he proceeded to appoint the Secretariat 
staff. 

Subsequently, in 1946 the Secretary-General 
discussed with the Department the recommenda- 
tion of an American as Assistant Secretary-Gen- 
eral for Administrative and Financial Services, 
and the general question as to whether the U.S. 

' U.N. doc. A/INF/51 dated Dec. 5, 1952. 



January 12, 1953 



59 



Government proposed to make recommendations 
with respect to other U.S. nationals to be em- 
ployed in the Secretariat. J. B. Hutson was 
recommended for the post of Assistant Secretary- 
General by Secretary Byrnes and was appointed 
by Mr. Lie. At the "same time, Secretary Byrnes 
indicated that it would be the policy of the U.S. 
Government not to make recommendations with 
respect to subordinate positions. The Depart- 
ment, in pursuance of this policy, has not recom- 
mended persons for employment in the Secretariat. 
It has not given instructions to the Secretary- 
General, nor has it assumed a responsibility for 
"clearing" employees. 

When I assumed my present duties as Assistant 
Secretary of State for United Nations Affairs in 
August 1949, I found that the Department of 
State was concerned over the situation which in- 
vestigative reports were disclosing. A few days 
after assuming these duties I discussed this prob- 
lem with one of the principal assistants of the 
U.N. Secretary-General. As a result of our mu- 
tual concern with the problem, there was worked 
out a confidential arrangement under which the 
U.S. Government was to identify for the Secre- 
tary-General U.S. nationals employed by the 
United Nations or contemplated for employment 
who would appear to be members of the Commu- 
nist Party or under Communist discipline. The 
jjurpose of this arrangement was to give the Sec- 
retary-General all the assistance we felt we could 
properly give him but without assuming any part 
of his responsibility. 

Under this arrangement, the Secretary-General 
undertook to submit to the Department lists of 
names of U.S. nationals on the Secretariat or being 
considered for employment, with the request that 
the Department inform the United Nations 
whether readily available information disclosed 
any police or criminal record. The Department 
of State initiated name check investigations draw- 
ing upon such information as was available in 
the Department, together with such information 
as was made available on request by the FBI and 
other investigative agencies of the Government. 
The information was reviewed by the Depart- 
ment. A routine reply was then made to the 
United Nations on the question of evidence of a 
criminal or police record. If the national agency 
checks had produced information which was con- 
sidered to warrant an adverse comment on the 
grounds of Communist membership or subjection 
to Communist discipline, this adverse comment 
was conveyed by word of mouth before despatch 
of the cover reply. The security practices of 
the U.S. Government made it impossible to com- 
municate to the United Nations the detailed se- 
curity information on which the adverse comment 
was based. 

Let me emphasize that we did not undertake to 
"clear" anybody, and the Secretary-General un- 
derstood this. Furthermore, as a consequence of 



the confidential nature of the arrangement, the 
U.S. Government was not in a position to conduct 
full field investigations on Americans in the U.N. 
Secretariat. Such investigations would have be- 
come a matter of general knowledge and would 
have undermined the operation of the arrange- 
ment. 

The arrangement thus operated under many 
handicaps. A considerable period was required 
for the U.S. Government to deal with individual 
cases. The removal of Americans identified under 
the arrangement by the Secretary-General re- 
quired further time. Ill-advised or precipitate 
action would have revealed the confidential ar- 
rangement and made it even more difficult to bring 
about removal. The determination of loyalty in 
border-line cases was extremely difficult due to 
the dependence on information gained from nor- 
mal channels and the inability to conduct and fol- 
low through on field investigations. Nevertheless, 
the arrangement was the best possible one under 
the circumstances and did produce results. The 
arrangement has achieved the dismissal of a num- 
ber of Americans on whom the State Depai'tment 
transmitted adverse comments and has prevented 
the employment of others. 

Throughout the period of the operation of the 
confidential arrangement, we have been involved 
in the serious and delicate problems inherent in 
an international staff of a world-wide organiza- 
tion. It is difficult for the United Nations to 
justify one rule for American employees and other 
rules for other nationalities. There are a number 
of valued and capable employees whose countries 
have lost their freedom since their employment 
by the United Nations. The home countries of 
these employees would welcome a chance to ter- 
minate their employment with the United Nations 
and to submit substitutes for them in the Secre- 
tariat. At the present time, approximately one- 
half of the nationals of Poland and Czechoslo- 
vakia on the Secretariat were employed before the 
Communists took over the Governments of these 
countries, and the Secretary-General has resisted 
pressure from their present Governments to effect 
their removal. Competent Secretariat employees 
should be protected from political changes of gov- 
ernment, peaceful or revolutionary, in their home 
countries, if an effective Secretariat is to be 
maintained. 

Because of the complexities of the problem and 
of the U.S. concern, the Secretary-General on No- 
vember 7 announced the appointment of a Com- 
mission of international jurists to study this whole 
problem and submit recommendations to him. 
On November 29 the Commission's report was pub- 
lished. In effect, the Commission of jurists con- 
cluded that the United Nations should not employ 
any person on whom he has reasonable grounds 
for belief that he is engaged or has been engaged 
or is likely to be engaged in subversive activities 
against the host government ; and that the Secre- 



60 



Department of State Bulletin 



tary-General of the United Nations had the au- 
thority to discliarge and to deny employment to 
such U.S. nationals. 

The Department of State has recommended to 
the President that he sign an Executive order 
taking full advantage of the conclusions and rec- 
ommendations of the jurists' report and of the 
Secretary-General's acceptance of it. Under the 
proposed procedure the U.S. Government will 
screen present and proposed U.S. employees of 
the United Nations and transmit information to 
the Secretary-General to insure that only loyal 
Americans are employed. 

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT OF 
FORTHCOMING EXECUTIVE ORDER 

Press release 031 dated December 30 

At the direction of the President, the Depart- 
ment of State, the Department of Justice, and the 
Civil Service Commission have prepared an Exec- 
utive order designed to assure that American 
citizens employed by the United Nations are loyal 
Americans and persons of the highest integrity, 
faithful to tlieir obligations as international civil 
servants. The Executive order will establisli a 
procedure for the screening of Americans on the 
U.N. Secretariat which is similar to the Federal 
loyalty program. This procedure was made pos- 
sible by and formulated in the light of the con- 
clusions and recommendations made in the report 
of the U.N. Commission of Jurists of November 
29, 1952, and accepted by the U.N. Secretary-Gen- 
eral Trygve Lie as the basis of his personnel 
policy. 

The report of the jurists concluded that the 
Secretary-General has authority to remove Amer- 
icans from his staff on tlie grounds of disloyalty 
to the host country, the United States. As stated 
by the jurists: 

In exercising his responsibility for the selection and 
retention of staff the Secretary-General should regard it 
as of the first importance to refrain from engaging or 
to remove from the staff any person whom he has reason- 
able grounds for believing to be engaged or to have been 
engaged, or to be likely to be engaged in any subversive 
activities against the host country. 

The jurists' report pointed up the difficulties 
for the Secretary-General in proceeding against 
a Secretariat employee on the basis alone of a 
member state's general conclusion that the person 
in question should be removed. The report sug- 
gested tliat the member state should give the Sec- 
retary-General evidence or information support- 
ing its conclusion. These observations were made 
in connection with the jurists' affirmation that the 
selection and retention of the U.N. staff is the sole 
responsibility of the Secretary-General. 

Following acceptance of the jurists' report by 
the Secretary-General, the Department of State 
informed the President that the report established 
a comprehensive and satisfactory basis for assur- 



ing that only loyal Americans are employed on 
the U.N. Secretariat. Both the Department of 
State and the Secretary-General had been in 
agreement that subversive Americans should not 
be employed by the United Nations and that all 
appropriate steps should be taken to remove them. 
However, before the jurists' report, the Secretary- 
General had not found it possible to remove Amer- 
icans on these stated grounds. This made it nec- 
essary that assistance given by the U.S. Govern- 
ment to the Secretary-General in the discharge of 
his responsibilities be on a highly confidential 
basis with all their limitations and attendant 
difficulties. 

The Executive order will establish for Ameri- 
cans employed or being considered for employ- 
ment by the United Nations a procedure of investi- 
gation, hearing, and review. Full field investiga- 
tions will be conducted by the FBI on all persons 
other than minor employees. Full field investiga- 
tions will be conducted even on minor employees 
when warranted by derogatory information de- 
veloped by the Civil Service Commission in a pre- 
liminary investigation. Following investigation, 
individuals on whom adverse information is de- 
veloped will be afforded the opportunity of hear- 
ings and review by the Civil Service Commission 
Regional Loyalty Boards and the Loyalty Review 
Board on the basis of the standards set forth in 
the Executive order. 

The Secretary-General of the United Nations 
will be advised of the decisions of the Loyalty 
Boards together with the reasons therefor, stated 
in such detail as security considerations of the 
United States permit. Furthermore, at any stage 
in an investigation, the Secretary-General may be 
provided with derogatory information as a basis 
for suspension or other interim action pending a 
final determination by the Loyalty Boards. Un- 
der article 101 of the U.N. Charter, the decision 
as to employment or removal rests with the Secre- 
tary-General. 

The new procedure will differ from former ar- 
rangements in four major respects. (1) For the 
first time, the United States will be able to give 
clearance to American employees in the United 
Nations. Until now it has not given clearance 
or a "clean bill of health" to anyone. (2) The in- 
formation essential for a responsible and consid- 
ered determination of the loyalty of Americans 
employed in the United Nations will now be avail- 
able through investigative processes comparable 
to those for Federal employees, including full field 
investigations where necessary. (3) Americans 
employed in the United Nations will be protected 
in their rights through the hearing and appeal 
process. (4) The Secretary-General will have the 
benefit of pertinent information as a basis for his 
decisions. 

It is expected that the Executive order will be 
issued promptly. Detailed plans for its imple- 
mentation are being pressed urgently by the Civil 



January 72, 1953 



61 



Service Commission and the Departments of State 
and Justice within the Executive Branch of the 
U.S. Government, and in consultation between this 
Government and the United Nations. 

The United States is host to the United Nations 
at its lieadquarters in New York. It regards the 
United Nations as an important instrument for 
the promotion of international peace and security, 
and it has been tlie U.S. objective since its estab- 
lishment to strengthen the United Nations so that 
it can fulfill the purposes of the Charter effectively 
and in accordance with its principles. The new 
procedure under the Executive order is in furtlier- 
ance of that objective, and is consistent with the 
role of the United States as a faithful member, 
supporter, and host. 

DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT OF JANUARY 9 

PrcsB release 12 dated January 9 

All true Americans share the view that U.S. 
citizens of only the highest integrity and having 
the fullest confidence of the public should be em- 
ployed by the United Nations. The U.S. Govern- 
ment is unrelentingly opposed to communism and 
to those who accept its discipline. U.S. nationals 
who fit this description are not suitable inter- 
national civil servants. 

The President today issued an Executive order 
designed to assure that Americans employed by the 
United Nations are loyal Americans and persons 
of the highest integrity, faithful to their obliga- 
tions as international civil servants. It is hoped 
that the procedures established under the Execu- 
tive order will allay current anxiety about the 
loyalty of Americans employed by the U.N. Secre- 
tariat and will free from any taint of suspicion 
the vast majority of the 2,000 Americans whose 
service in the United Nations has been a credit to 
this Nation. 

It is important to reaffirm the wholehearted 
support of the people and Government of the 
United States for the principles and objectives of 
the U.N. The new procedure under the Executive 
order reinforces this support as it assists the Secre- 
tary-General in removing from the U.N. Secre- 
tariat and preventing the employment by it of 
Americans who are in no way suitable persons for 
an international civil service. 

The U.N. is still a new organization. Only the 
tests of experience and the willingness of its mem- 
ber states to contribute to its strengthening will 
cure the imperfections of such a new organization. 
But, with these imperfections, the U.N. remains the 
best instrument at our disposal in the quest for 
international peace and security. As the host 
Government for the United Nations, it behooves us 
all to reaffirm our faith in the organization. We 
must never cease to work in a calm, orderly, and 
persistent manner toward the goal for which it 
was established and to do our utmost to help it to 
function effectively. 



EXECUTIVE ORDER 10422 « 

Prescribing procedures for making available to the 
Secretary General of the United Nations cer- 
tain information concerning United States 
citizens employed or being considered for em- 
ployment on the Secretariat of the United 
Nations 

Whebeas the United States has ratified the Charter of 
the United Nations and is participating in the activities of 
the United Nations by virtue of the ratification of the said 
Charter (59 Stat. 1031), and of the authority granted by 
tlie United Nations Participation Act of 1945 (59 Stat. 
619) ; and 

Whep.eas a Commission of .Jurists has advised the Secre- 
tary General of the United Nations that be should regard 
It as of the first importance to refrain from employing 
or to dismiss from employment on the Secretariat of the 
United Nations any United States citizen who he has 
reasonable grounds for believing has been, is, or is likely 
to be, eniiaged in espionage or subversive activities against 
the United States; and 

Wheueas the Commission of Jurists has also advised 
that tlie United States should make available to the Secre- 
tary General information on which the Secretary General 
can make his determination as to whether reasonable 
grounds exist for believing that a United States citizen 
employed or being considered for employment on the 
Secretariat has been, is, or is likely to be, engaged in 
espionage or subversive activities against the United 
States; and 

Whereas the Commission of Jurists has further advised 
that the independence of the Secretary General and his 
sole responsibility to the General Assembly of the United 
Nations for the selection and retention of staff should be 
recognized by all Member Nations; and 

Whekeas the Secretary General has declared his in- 
tention to use the conclusions and recommendations of the 
opinion of the said Commission of Jurists as the basis 
of his personnel policy in discharging the responsibilities 
entrusted to liim by the Charter and staff regulations of 
the United Nations ; and 

Whereas in the participation by the United States in 
the activities of the United Nations it is in the interest 
of the United States that United States citizens who are 
employees of the Secretariat of the United Nations be 
persons of the highest integrity and not persons who 
have been, are, or are likely to be, engaged in espionage 
or subversive activities against the United States ; and 

Whereas it is in tlie interest of the United States 
to establish a procedure for the acquisition of information 
by investigation and for its transmission to the Secre- 
tary General in order to assist the Secretary General in 
the exercise of his responsibility for determining whether 
any United States citizen employed or being considered 
for employment on the Secretariat has been, is, or is likely 
to be, engaged in espionage or subversive activities against 
the United States; and I 

Whereas such procedure should afford opportunity for |l 
hearing to any United States citizen employed or being 
considered for employment on the Secretariat as to whom 
an investigation discloses derogatory information, so that 
the person affected may challenge the accuracy of any 
such information ; 

Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested in me 
by the Constitution, statutes, and treaties of the United 
States, including the Charter of the United Nations, and as 
President of the United States, it is hereby ordered as 
follows : 



* 18 Fed. Reg. 239. 



62 



Department of State Bulletin 



PART I - INVESTIGATION OF UNITED STATES 
CITIZENS EMPLOYED- OR BEING CONSIDERED 
FOR EMPLOYMENT ON THE SECRETARIAT OF 
THE UNITED NATIONS 

1. Upon the receipt by the Secretary of State from the 
Secretary General of the United Nations of the name of 
and other necessary identifying data concerning each 
United States citizen employed or heing considered for 
employment by the United Nations, there shall be an in- 
vestigation of such person in accordance with the standard 
set forth in Part II of this order. 

2. The Secretary of State shall forward the information 
received from the Secretary General of the United Nations 
to the United States Civil Service Commission, and the 
Commission shall conduct a preliminary investigation. 

3. The preliminary investigation conducted by the Civil 
Service Commission of any such person shall be made at 
all available pcitinent sources of information and shall 
include reference to : 

(a) Federal Bureau of Investigation files. 

(b) Civil Service Commission files. 

(c) Military and naval intelligence files as appro- 
priate. 

(d) The files of any other appropriate Government 
investigative or intelligence agency. 

(e) The files of appropriate committees of the Con- 
gress. 

(f) Local law-enforcement files at the place of resi- 
dence and employment of the person, including 
municipal, county, and State law-enforcement 
files. 

(g) Schools and colleges attended by the person, 
(h) Former employers of the person. 

(i) References given by the person, 
(j) Any other appropriate source. 

4. Whenever information revealed with respect to any 
such person is derogatory, within the standard set forth 
in Part II of this order, the United States Civil Service 
Commission shall forward the information to the Federal 
Bureaii of Investigation, and the Bureau shall conduct a 
full field investigation of such person : Provided, that in all 
cases involving a United States citizen employed or being 
considered for employment on the internationally re- 
cruited staff of the United Nations, the investigation re- 
quired by this Part shall be a full field investigation 
conducted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. 

5. Reports of full field investigations shall be forwarded 
through the United States Civil Service Commission to the 
appropriate Regional Loyalty Board of the Civil Service 
Commission. Whenever such a report contains derogatory 
information, under the standard set forth in Part II of this 
order, there shall be made available to the person in ques- 
tion the procedures of the Civil Service Regional Loyalty 
Board (including the opportunity of a hearing) and the 
right of appeal to the Commission's Loyalty Review Board, 
in like manner as provided for with respect to employment 
with the executive branch of the Government of the United 
States under Executive Order No. 98.S,5 of March 21, 1947, 
as amended. The Regional Loyalty Board, or the Loyalty 
Review Board on appeal, shall transmit its determinations, 
together with the reasons therefor stated in such detail as 
security considerations permit, to the Secretary of State 
for transmission to the Secretary General of the United 
Nations for his use in exercising the responsibility with 
respect to the integrity of the personnel employed by the 
United Nations imposed upon him by the Charter of the 
United Nations and the regulations established by the 
General As.sembly, and in light of the Report of the Com- 
mission of Jurists. 

6. At any stage during the investigation or lo.valty board 
proceeding the Secretary of State may forward to the 
Secretary General, in as much detail as the investigative 
and loyalty review agencies determine that security con- 
siderations will permit, the derogatory information dis- 
closed by investigation. This shall be for the purpose of 
permitting the Secretary General to determine whether or 



not he should take interim action with respect to the em- 
ployee prior to the completion of the procedures outlined 
in this order. The making available of any such informa- 
tion shall be without prejudice to the right of full hearing 
and appeal as provided for herein. 

7. Tlie Secretary of State shall notify the Secretary Gen- 
eral in all cases in which no derogatory information has 
been developed. 

PART II -STANDARD 

1. The standard to be used by a Regional Loyalty Board 
or by the Loyalty Review Board on appeal, in making an 
advisory determination as provided for in paragraph 5 
of Part I of this order with respect to a United States 
citizen who is an employee or is being considered for em- 
ployment by the United Nations, shall be whether or not 
on all the evidence there is a reasonable doubt as to the 
loyalty of the person involved to the Government of the 
United States. 

2. Activities and associations of a United States citizen 
who is an employee or being considered for employment by 
the United Nations which may be considered in connection 
with the determination whether or not on all the evidence 
there is a reasonable doubt as to the loyalty of the person 
involved to the Government of the United States may in- 
clude one or more of the following: 

(a) Sabotage, espionage, or attempts or preparations 
therefor, or knowingly associating with spies or 
saboteurs. 

(b) Treason or sedition or advocacy thereof. 

(c) Advocacy of revolution or force or violence to 
alter the constitutional form of government of 
the United States. 

(d) Intentional, unauthorized disclosure to any per- 
son, under circumstances which may indicate dis- 
loyalty to the United States, of United States 
documents or United States information of a 
confidential or non-public character obtained by 
the person making the disclosure as a result of 
his previous employment by the Government of 
the United States or otherwise. 

(e) Performing or attempting to perform his duties, 
or otherwise acting, while an employee of the 
United States Government during a previous 
period, so as to serve the interests of another 
government in preference to the interests of the 
United States. 

(f) Membership in, or affiliation or sympathetic as- 
sociation with, any foreign or domestic organiza- 
tion, association, movement, or group or combina- 
tion of persons, designated by the Attorney Gen- 
eral as totalitarian, fascist, communist, or sub- 
versive, or as having adopted a policy of advocat- 
ing or approving the commission of acts of force 
or violence to deny other persons their rights 
under the Constitution of the United States, or as 
seeking to alter the form of government of the 
United States by unconstitutional means. 

PART III -OTHER INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZA- 
TIONS 

The provisions of Parts I and II of this order shall be 
applicable to United States citizens who are employees 
of, or are being considered for employment by, other 
public international organizations of which the United 
States Government is a member, by arrangement between 
the executive head of the international organization con- 
cerned and the Secretary of State or other oflicer of the 
United States designated by the President. 



The White House, 
January 9, 1953. 




January 12, J 953 



63 



Migration Committee To Expand Services in 1953 



FOURTH SESSION OF THE PROVISIONAL INTERGOVERNMENTAL COMMITTEE 
FOR THE MOVEMENT OF MIGRANTS FROM EUROPE 



hy George L. Warren 



The fourtli session of the Provisional Intergov- 
ernmental Committee for the Movement of Mi- 
grants from Europe was held at Geneva from 
October 13 through October 21, 1952.^ 

The Migration Committee was established pro- 
visionally for 1 year at Brussels in December 1951, 
following the Conference on Migration, which was 
attended by 27 governments. Fifteen of the gov- 
ernments that were represented at Brussels par- 
ticipated in establishing the Committee; its 
purpose was to facilitate the movement out of 
Europe during 1 year of operations of approxi- 
mately 100,000 migrants and refugees, who would 
not otherwise be moved. 

The 19 governments which were represented as 
members of the Committee at the fourth session 
were Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, 
Chile, Denmark, France, the Federal Republic of 
Germany, Greece, Italy, Israel, Luxembourg, the 
Netherlands, Paraguay, Sweden (which had 
joined since the third session), Switzerland, the 
United States, and Venezuela. Interested inter- 
national organizations, the Holy See, and the fol- 
lowing 10 governments were represented at this 
meeting by observers: Bolivia, Colombia, Costa 
Rica, Ecuador, Norway, Panama, Peru, Spain, the 
United Kingdom, and Uruguay. Bolivia was rep- 
resented at the second session as a full member, but 
has not yet confirmed its membership in writing to 
the director. 

At the fourth session the representative of Nor- 
way indicated informally that favorable parlia- 
mentary action on the membership of Norway 
might be expected shortly; this was confirmed 



' For articles by Mr. Warren on the Brussels Conference 
on Migration and the first, second, and third sessions of 
the Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe, 
see Bulletin of Feb. 4, 1932, p. 169; ihid., Apr. 21, 1952, 
p. 6.38 ; and iUd., July 21, 1952, p. 107. 



after the meeting by Norway's formal acceptance 
of membership. Word was received from the 
Argentine Government during the session that a 
decision to join the Committee had been reached, 
and the Committee was requested to send a repre- 
sentative to Rio de Janeiro after the meeting to 
negotiate for Argentina's membership. The 
representative of Costa Rica indicated informally 
his Government's interest in joining the Commit- 
tee at an early date. 

The following were elected to serve as officers at 
the fourth session: Count Giusti del Giardino 
(Italy), chairman, A. L. Nutt (Australia), first 
vice chairman, N. Hadji Vassiliou (Greece), 
second vice chairman, F. Donoso (Chile), rap- 
porteur. 

The Subcommittee on Finance, composed of 
Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the 
Netherlands, and the United States, met from 
October 9 through October 11 and thereafter oc- 
casionally during the fourth session of the full 
Committee. The U.S. representative was elected 
chairman. The Subcommittee considered the re- 
port of the director on the budget and plan of 
expenditure for 1952, the proposed revised staff 
regulations, the proposed budget and plan of ex- 
penditure for 1953, the proposed scale of govern- 
ment contributions to the administrative budget 
for 1953, and the proposed revised financial 
regulations. 

Total of 62,808 Moved From Europe 

The Subcommittee found that between Febru- 
ary 1 and September 30, 1952, the Committee had 
moved 62,808 persons out of Europe, including 
23.870 refugees. Of the latter, 660 were moved 
with the assistance of voluntary agencies. It also 
found that the anticipated movement for the cal- 
endar year 1952 would approximate 100,000 as 



64 



Department of State Bulletin 



opposed to the 137,000 estimated at the second 
session of the Committee in February 1952. The 
sources and destinations of the 62,808 moved were 
as follows: 



Countries of Immigration 

Australia 10, 702 

r.razil 5, 3G5 

Canada 7,295 

Chile 563 

Israel 264 

United States 36,618 

Venezuela 627 



Countries of Emigration 

Austria 10, 375 

Far East 600 

Germany 34, 578 

Greece 126 

Italy 6,011 

Netherlands 7, 451 

Trieste 753 

Other 2,914 

In consequence of this reduced rnovement, the 
revised estimate of income for administrative ex- 
penditures for 1952 was $2,252,080 as opposed to 
$2,359,060 previously budgeted. The revised 
estimate of income for operations for 1952 was 
$27,984,793 as against the earlier budget of 
$38,991,600. Including $20,890 of miscellaneous 
income, the estimated total income for 1952 was set 
down as $30,257,763 as against the earlier figure of 
$41,350,660. Contributions to the administrative 
budget received by September 30, 1952, totaled 
$1,667,476, leaving a balance due of $584,604, in- 
cluding $196,391, the fourth quarter payment of 
the United States. Assuming the receipt of all 
estimated income and the final movement of 
100,000 persons in the calendar year 1952, there 
would probably be a carry-over of resources on 
January 1, 1953, of approximately $3,000,000, 
which was considered to be a minimum require- 
ment if operations were to be continued in 1953. 

The Subcommittee transmitted the estimate of 
income of $30,257,763 and of expenditures of $26,- 
950,830 for the calendar year 1952 to the full Com- 
mittee for its consideration. In doing so, the Sub- 
committee noted that the payment of contributions 
to the administrative budget by member govern- 
ments had been very satisfactory, but that con- 
tributions to the operating fund for the payment 
of nonreimbursable movements would fall short by 
$1,200,000 of the original estimate of $11,000,000. 

The Subcommittee reviewed in detail the pro- 
posed revised staff regulations, including a new 
salary scale, designed to provide more flexibility 
at no greater cost to the Committee, and trans- 
mitted the draft as revised to the full Committee. 
The Canadian and U.S. representatives expressed 
their preference for an all-inclusive salary scale at 
headquarters but did not press the issue. The 
Subcommittee also examined and transmitted to 
the full Committee the revised financial regula- 
tions submitted by the director for adoption in the 
event that operations were continued beyond De- 
cember 31, 1952. 

The Subcommittee on Finance also examined a 
proposed i-evision of the scale of allocations to 
member governments of contributions to the 
administrative expenditures for 1953, which was 
set forth both in terms of percentages and units 
with a proposed value for each unit. One hundred 
percent of the administrative expenditures for 



1953 was allocated to the existing membership. 
Additional allocations were made to prospective 
members. The allocation to the United States re- 
mained at 33.33 percent as in the original scale 
effective for 1952. The percentages assigned to 
other members were in all cases slightly increased. 
However, the total dollar amount of each contribu- 
tion for 1953 was less than the respective contribu- 
tion for 1952, due to the lower budget of admin- 
istrative expenditures for 1953. The revised scale 
was transmitted to the full Committee for con- 
sideration and adoption. 

Expansion of Committee's Activities Proposed 

Having considered the progress report of the 
director covering the period from June 1 to Sep- 
tember 30, 1952, the full Committee dealt first with 
the question of continuing the Committee's ac- 
tivities after December 31, 1952. The govern- 
ments of certain emigration and immigration 
countries proposed the adoption of a resolution 
prolonging the activities of the Committee in- 
definitely beyond December 31, 1952. The dis- 
cussion on the continuance of the Committee's 
activities was influenced substantially by the "Ke- 
port on Technical Aid and International Finan- 
cing for the Encouragement of Migratory Move- 
ments from Europe," made by the director in ac- 
cordance with the Brazilian resolution adopted at 
the third session. This resolution requested the 
director to confer with other international or- 
ganizations active in the field of migration with 
a view to reporting to the Committee at its fourth 
session the findings and conclusions of these or- 
ganizations with respect to ways and means of 
facilitating migration through technical assist- 
ance and international financing, which might be 
of significance to the Committee in its efforts to 
achieve greater movement out of Europe. The 
director's report suggested that the Cominittee 
expand its services and, in particular, participate 
in the organization and financing of pilot coloniza- 
tion projects. 

The argument presented by those governments 
which proposed to establish the Committee on a 
permanent basis was, briefly, that the Committee's 
experience in 1952, while fully justifying the es- 
tablishment and continuation of the Committee, 
had shown that the mere movement of migrants 
and refugees, even with passage supplied for some 
at the expense of the Committee, had not produced 
the anticipated impact on the problems of surplus 
populations and refugees in Europe. In order to 
make a more effective contribution to the resolu- 
tion of these problems, the Committee would need 
to expand its activities and devote attention to 
the possibilities of increasing the volume of mi- 
gration from Europe through the encouragement 
of colonization schemes. To do this it would be 
necessary to give the Committee permanent sta- 
tus. In the discussion the representatives of cer- 



January 72, 7953 



65 



tain immigration countries — notably, Australia, 
Brazil, Chile, and Venezuela — took the position 
that a substantial increase above the present move- 
ment of migrants to their countries could take 
place only if accompanied by the investment of 
external capital in colonization projects. 

The representatives of other member govern- 
ments, including the United States, indicated that 
they were not prepared or authorized at this ses- 
sion of the Committee to consider the prolonga- 
tion of the Committee's activities beyond the cal- 
endar year 1953. The future of the Committee 
and its terms of reference might be considered, 
however, during the sessions of the Committee to 
be held in 1953. These governments indicated also 
that they were not prepared to authorize the Com- 
mittee at this time to engage in the management, 
operation, or financing of colonization projects but 
would support the offer of staff services by the 
Committee to the interested governments of emi- 
gration and immigration countries which might 
develop colonization projects cooperatively. It 
was envisaged that the participation of the Inter- 
national Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment in the financing of these projects might be 
sought. 

Committee To Continue Under New Title 

The resolution finally adopted on the question 
of the continuance of the Committee's activities 
and on the "Report of the Director on Technical 
Aid and International Financing of Migration'' 
provided that the Committee would continue op- 
erations during 1953 under the title "Intergovern- 
mental Committee for European Migration," that 
it would expand its services directly connected 
with movement under the terms of the Brussels 
resolution, and that it would make its staff avail- 
able to assist interested governments of emigra- 
tion and immigration countries to develop a for- 
mula for the financing of colonization projects 
which might make possible the successful presenta- 
tion of such projects to the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Development by these govern- 
ments. All other proposals for activities by the 
Committee not covered by the basic resolution 
adopted at Brussels ^ would be presented to the 
Committee at its next session, as expanded terms 
of reference in a draft constitution proposing a 
more permanent status for the Committee. 

The budget and plan of expenditures for 1953 
as originally presented was based on a quota of 
movement during 1953 of 140,000. The Subcom- 
mittee on Finance considered tliis estimate optimis- 
tic. The director therefore revised the budget 
and plan of expenditures for 1953 to provide for 
a quota of movement of 120,000, administrative 
expenditures of $2,147,000 as recommended by the 
Subcommittee on Finance, and operational ex- 

' For text of this resolution, see Bitlletin of Feb. 4, 1952, 
p. 171. 

66 



penditures of $34,608,475— a total of $36,755,475. 
An item of $600,000 was included in this budget, 
which was finally adopted by the full Committee, 
to provide for the improvement and expansion of 
services in processing migrants prior to movement 
and in the distribution of migrants after arrival 
in the reception countries — such services to be 
undertaken only at the request of governments and 
under the terms of the Brussels resolution. It was 
reported in the discussion that the governments of 
certain countries, such as Italy, Brazil, and Vene- 
zuela, were more interested than formerly in call- 
ing upon the Committee for expert services of this 
character. The discussion also suggested that the 
movement of migrants might be increased up to 
25 percent by such services, even under existing 
immigration potentialities. 

The Committee adopted revised staff and finan- 
cial regulations and a new scale of allocations to 
member governments of contributions to the ad- 
ministrative expenditures. These actions were 
made necessary by the decision to continue the 
Committee's activities during 1953 and the devel- 
opments during the current year. 

The discussions of the Committee at its fourth 
session clearly showed that the countries of emi- 
gration — Germany, Greece, Italy, and the Nether- 
lands — were anxious to achieve a larger movement 
of migrants out of Europe. Unfortunately, the 
contraction in movements to Australia and Can- 
ada, anticipated to be temporary at the previous 
session, had continued during the fall of 1952, 
and movements to the Latin American countries, 
though promising, had not attained the desired 
momentum. The cessation of movement to the 
United States, owing to the termination of the 
U.S. Displaced Persons Act of 1948, was also 
an important factor in reducing the volume of 
movement. These developments, however, served 
to renew the determination of the Committee to 
exercise every resource to exploit and to increase 
existing possibilities of immigration. The Com- 
mittee was encouraged in this effort by the offers 
of collaboration and assistance made by the other 
international organizations which participated as 
observers in the Committee's session. 

The United States was represented by George 
L. Warren, Adviser on Refugees and Displaced 
Persons, Department of State. Donald C. Blais- 
dell, U.S. representative for International Organ- 
ization Affairs, Geneva, served as alternate rep- 
resentative. The advisers were Guy J. Swope, 
Chief, Displaced Populations Division, Office of 
the U.S. High Commissioner for Germany; Eric 
M. Hughes, Deputy Chief, Escapee Program Co- 
ordinating Unit, Frankfort; and David E. 
Christian, Paris office. Mutual Security Agency. 

The Committee decided to convene its fifth , 
session at Geneva in March 1953. | 

*Mr. "Warren^ author of the above article, is 
Adviser on Refugees and Displaced Persons, De- , 
partment of State. I 

, Department of State Bulletin 



U.N. Support for Early Austrian Settlement 

Statement hy Benjamin V. Cohen 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 



P.S./U.N. press release dated December 17 

The United States welcomes the resolution pro- 
posed by Brazil, Lebanon, Mexico, and the Nether- 
lands,- calling upon the governments concerned to 
reach agreement on an Austrian treaty to termi- 
nate the occupation of Austria and to restore to 
Austria its rights to sovereign statehood. 

As one of the Four Powers occupying Austria, 
the United States on its part has sought, and will 
continue to seek, to carry out the Moscow Declara- 
tion of November 1, 1943, that promised to restore 
to Austria her freedom and inclependence. 

There can and should be no misunderstanding 
that the Moscow Declaration proclaimed and was 
intended to proclaim the restoration of Austrian 
independence as one of the objectives of the war 
against Nazi tyranny. It was so recognized by 
the Soviet Union : in a proclamation to the citizens 
of Vienna in March 1945, the late Marshal 
Tolbukhin, commanding the Russian forces in 
Austria, said : 

The Red Army has set foot on the soil of Austria not 
to conquer Austrian territory. Its aim is exclusively the 
defeat of the enemy German-Fascist troops and the 
liberation of Austria. 

The Red Army backs the Moscow Declaration of the 
Allied Powers on the independence of Austria. 

The temporary occupation of Austria can be 
justified only as a war measure. The continuance 
of the occupation following the war can be justi- 
fied only to the extent necessary to effect an orderly 
transfer of sovereign power to the Austrian people 
and to insure the removal of the tentacles, military, 
political, and economic, by which the Austrian 
people were held in the thrall of foreign tyranny. 
Austria's independence cannot be restored by 
transferring Austria from the tentacles of one 
tyranny to those of another. We are pledged to 
leave Austria free and not enslaved by or beholden 
to any foreign power, and by that pledge in its 
entirety the United States intends to stand. 



'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on 
Dec. 18. 
= U.N. doc. A/C.1/L.16 dated Dec. 17. 



Early in 1946 at the Council of Foreign Minis- 
ters the United States urged that consideration be 
given to an Austrian treaty to restore Austria's 
independence, and the United States continued so 
to urge at subsequent meetings of the Council. In 
a formal declaration on October 28, 194(), the 
United States reaffirmed that it "regarded Austria 
as a country liberated from forcible domination 
by Nazi Germany and not as an ex-enemy state." 

The United States proposed that the four occu- 
pying powers should join not in a peace treaty as 
with an enemy state but in a state treaty with the 
liberated Austrian State recognizing its inde- 
pendence. In this position the United States had 
the support of the United Kingdom and France. 

But it was not until early 1947 that the Soviet 
Union was willing to begin a discussion of the 
Austrian treaty. Since that time, 376 quadri- 
partite meetings have been held ; 33 were held in 
the Council of Foreign Ministers, 85 in the Aus- 
trian Treaty Commission, and 258 by the Austrian 
Treaty Deputies — but there is still no Austrian 
treaty. 

The efforts of the United States, the United 
Kingdom, and France to conclude a treaty which 
would restore to Austria its freedom and inde- 
pendence have been frustrated by the intransigent 
attitude of the Soviet Union. In the negotiations 
the Soviet Union conditioned its agreement to an 
Austrian treaty upon the settlement of specific 
problems on their own terms. The terms on which 
the Soviet Union insisted were not calculated to 
safeguard the sovereign independence of Austria 
but to perpetuate the dependency of Austria upon 
the Soviet Union even after the withdrawal of 
Soviet troops. In the summer of 1949 far-reach- 
ing concessions were made by the Western Powers 
to the Soviet Union and it was thought that a 
compromise agreement had been reached on the 
principal points standing in the way of a treaty. 
But no sooner was tentative agreement reached on 
these points than the Soviet Union insisted on 
new and some entirely extraneous conditions to 
the conclusion of the treaty. It would seem that 
the Soviet Union has little interest in a treaty to 
restore Austrian independence but is concerned 



January 12, 1953 



67 



only to perpetuate and increase its power over 
Austria. 



Soviet Attitude on German Assets in Austria 

The attitude of the Soviet Union toward the 
Austrian treaty is most significantly revealed by 
its attitude on the problem of German assets in 
Austria. 

Under the terms of the Potsdam Agreement, 
reparation claims of the Allied Powers against 
Germany were to be met in part from appropriate 
external German assets. It was agreed that repa- 
rations should not be exacted from Austria itself. 

There was nothing in the Potsdam Agreement 
which detracted or could in good faith be con- 
strued to detract from the solemn Allied pledge 
in the Moscow Declaration that Austria should be 
restored as a free and independent State. There 
was, moreover, nothing in the Potsdam Agree- 
ment which detracted or could in good faith be 
construed to detract from the solemn Allied 
pledges in tlie London Declaration of January 5, 
1943, that the Allied Powers would do their 
utmost to defeat methods of dispossession prac- 
ticed by enemy governments in enemy-controlled 
countries, even though the dispossessions were 
apparently legal in form or purported to be 
voluntarily effected. 

But despite the Moscow Declaration of 1943 
and the London Declaration of 1943, the Soviet 
Union in its zone in Eastern Austria seized, under 
the claim of German external assets, hundreds 
of properties including (1) properties legally 
owned by the Austrian State; (2) properties 
seized by force and duress from legitimate own- 
ers by the Nazis; and (3) properties owned in part 
or in whole, not by Germans but by U.N. nationals. 

In 1947 the Soviet Union transferred all these 
assets which it had seized in its zone to Soviet 
corporations, which have administered them with- 
out regard to Austrian laws and to the detriment 
of the Austrian economy. These corporations 
have become an imperium in hnperio in disregard 
of Austrian sovereignty. They have claimed ex- 
emption from taxes, custom duties, and other laws 
of the land. Through these corporations the 
Soviet Union has put itself in a position to exert 
a strangle hold on the economic life of Austria. 

This action of the Soviet Union, based upon its 
own unilateral and wholly unwarranted interpre- 
tation of tlie Potsdam Agreement, has cost Austria 
the use of properties valued conservatively in ex- 
cess of 700 million dollars. These properties in- 
clude, in addition to 300 industrial enterprises, 
over 200,000 acres of farm lands and forests. 

The loss to Austria of the production of these 
properties and the loss of taxes and custom duties 
is figured in hundreds of millions of dollars. From 
oil production alone, the loss exceeds the amount 
which Austria would have been called upon to pay 
annually to the Soviet Union had a treaty been 



Text of Austrian Treaty Resolution* 

U.N. doc. A/Resolution 61 
Dated December 23, 1952 

The General Assembly, 

Recalling tbe terms of resolution 190 (III) of 
3 November 1948, wbeieby an appeal was made to 
the great Powers to renew their efforts to compose 
their differences and establish a lasting peace, 

Recalling the terms of the Moscow Declaration 
of 1 November 1943, whereby the Governments of 
the Union of Soviet SociaUst Republics, the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain ana Northern Ireland 
and the United States of America recojini/.ed that 
Austria should be re-established as a free and in- 
dependent State, 

ItECALLiNG FURTHER that the Government of 
France joined the three above-mentioned Govern- 
ments in said declaration as of 16 November 1943, 

Considering that, in the spirit of said declaration, 
the four I'owers accepted the responsibility of re- 
establishing a free and independent Austria, and, 
to that end, have entered into negotiations toward 
the conclusion of an Austrian Treaty, 

Noting with concern that those negotiations, 
which ha\e lieen under way intermittently since 
1947, have hitherto failed to bring about the pro- 
posed objective. 

Taking into account that such state of affairs, 
still prevailing after a lapse of seven years since 
the liberation of Austria at the end of the Second 
World War, and arising from the inconclusive stage 
of the aforementioned negotiations, does constitute 
a source of deep disappointment for the Austrian 
people, who have by themselves made successful 
efforts toward the restoration and democratic re- 
construction of their country. 

Recognizing that only through the unhampered 
exercise by the Austrian people of their freedom 
and independence can these efforts attain full 
realization. 

Taking further into account that such state of 
affairs hinders the full participation liy Austria in 
the normal and peaceful relations of the community 
of nations and the full exercise of the powers in- 
herent in its sovereignty. 

Having in minu tiiat the solution of this problem 
would constitute an important step towards the 
elimination of other areas of disagreemeiu and 
therefore towards the creation of conditions 
favourable to the accomplishment of world peace, 

Desiring to contribute to tlie strengthening of in- 
ternational peace and security and tlie developing 
of friendly relations among nations in conformity 
with the purposes and principles of the Charter, 

Addresses an earnest appeal to the Governments 
concerned to make a renewed and urgent effort to 
reach agreement on the terms of an Austrian Treaty 
with a view to an early termination of the occupa- 
tion of Austria and the full exercise by Austria of 
the powers inherent in its sovereignty. 

^ Tbe resolution was adopted by Committee I on 
Dec. 19 by a vote of 48-0-2 (Pakistan and Afghanis- 
tan) ; the Soviet bloc of five did not participate. 
The plenary session approved the resolution on 
Dec. 20 by an identical vote. 



concluded upon the basis of compromise proposals 
made by the Western Powers in the summer of 
1949. 

Those proposals, as I have said, constituted 
major concessions on the part of the Western 



68 



Department of State Bulletin 



Powers to the Soviet Union. For a time they 
promised to bresik the long stalemate on the treaty. 
A written statement of agi-eed principles was ap- 
proved by all Four Powers. 

Incorporating the provisions of the agreement 
into agreed articles of a treaty, however, proved 
to be more difficult. P'inally, in October 11)49, the 
Soviet Foreign Minister declared his Government 
would raise no further difficulties on the remainder 
of the unagi-eed articles if the Western Powers 
would accept the Soviet position on the German 
assets. 

"With this statement in mind and with the con- 
currence of the Austrian Government, agreement 
was reached on article 3.5 of the treaty, which in- 
volved further concessions to the Soviet viewpoint 
on the troublesome question of German assets. 
Only five relatively minor articles remained un- 
agreed. It seemed as if the conclusion of the treaty 
were surely in sight. 

Extraneous Issues Raised by the Soviets 

The Soviets, however, shortly raised a new issue, 
taking the position that there could be no further 
negotiations on the unagreed articles until the 
question of Austria's debt to the Soviet Union 
for payment of supplies and services delivered to 
the Austrian Government by the Soviets at the 
close of the war was settled. 

This was a matter completely between the Soviet 
Union and Austria. It had nothing to do with 
the treaty. The United States, the IJnited King- 
dom, and France were in no way involved. They 
had made no claims of this nature on the Austrian 
Government. 

The Austrians speak of this claim as the "dried 
peas" debt. Its history goes back to the early days 
of the Allied occupation when the Soviets turned 
over to Austrian authorities large quantities of 
dried peas to feed the hungry population. The 
peas, it is alleged by the Austrians, actually were 
from Wehrmacht stores in Vienna which the 
Russians had captured. 

The Au-strians had found settling this debt diffi- 
cult. The Soviets had refused to set a figure. 
They had ignored Austrian notes. In fact, the 
Austrians had been unable to obtain even a reply 
from the Soviet Government to the Austrian in- 
quiry regarding payment. 

However, in order that this issue might not con- 
tinue to block conclusion of the treaty, the Western 
Powers finally offered to accept the Soviet version 
of this alleged debt and include it in the draft 
treaty. 

The Soviets, however, refused to consent to 
agreement even on terms defined by themselves. 
As the insincerity of the Soviet position on this 
debt became too obvious for even Soviet comfort, 
they dropped it but raised the even more clearly 
extraneous issue of Trieste and, subsequently, 
questions relating to denazification and demilitari- 
zation of Austria. 



These questions were not germane to the Aus- 
trian treaty or within the competence of the 
Austrian Treaty Deputies, whose sole function is 
to negotiate and to conclude an Austrian treaty. 

Trieste is, of course, a question related to the 
Italian treaty. Austria has nothing to do with 
Trieste and can do nothing about Trieste. The 
Soviet Union is simply using Austria as a pawn 
in the Soviet Union's struggle to cling to and 
extend its own power in Central Europe. 

As for demilitarization, the Allied Council in 
Vienna in 1947, after a Four Power survey of the 
entire country, reported that Austria possessed 
no military organizations, no military fortifica- 
tions, no military armaments, no aircraft, no war- 
ships, and no naval installations. 

The occupation forces do not permit possession 
by Austria of any of these items. She is not per- 
mitted to have even a civilian airplane, let alone 
military aircraft. In other words the country is, 
and has been for 7 years, completely demilitarized. 

The only military forces in Austria today are 
those of the Allied Powers, and the facts are that 
the Soviet forces far exceed the combined strength 
of the Western Powers forces. Their military in- 
stallations and airfields far outnumber those of 
the Western Powers. It is ridiculous, therefore, 
to say that Austria cannot be granted a treaty be- 
cause it is not demilitarized. The one way to de- 
militarize Austria is to conclude a treaty which 
will rid Austria of foreign troops which it does 
not want. 

The Soviet charge that the Austrian Govern- 
ment has failed to denazify is equally specious. 
Austria has complied with the denazification laws 
approved by the Allied Council. There are no 
blood purges or concentration camps in Austria. 
There are free elections and free political parties 
in Austria and an independent judiciary which 
insures respect for human rights. Austria may 
have some shortcomings, as have all other states, 
but Austria has freed itself from the Nazi patterns 
which are all too evident in the regimes of its 
Cominform neighbors. 



Recent Attempts To Breait tlie Impasse 

I will speak briefly of more recent developments 
concerning the Austrian treaty. In a further and 
renewed effort to conclude a treaty, the Western 
Powers proposed a meeting of the Austrian Treaty 
Deputies in London in January 1952. The 
Soviets refused to attend this meeting, again rais- 
ing the extraneous issues to which I have referred. 

In order to break this impasse, the Western 
Powere proposed on March 13, 1952, a short, 
simple treaty containing only the minimum essen- 
tials to an Austrian settlement and giving Austria 
real freedom as repeatedly promised by all four 
occupying powei'S. This abbreviated treaty con- 
tains only eight articles, all but one of which are 
agreed articles from the old, long draft treaty. 



January 12, 7953 



69 



The single new article relates to the German as- 
sets. It calls for the relineiuishment to Austria of 
all property, real and peisonal, of \yhatever de- 
scription, held or claimed, by all of the occupying 
powers as German assets. 

The Western Powers felt that this step was 
nothing less than simple justice in light of the fact 
that Austria has now been occupied for 7 years 
and that hundreds of millions of dollars have been 
drained from her economic assets. Concessions 
made by the Western Powers to give Austria 
prompt relief from the burdens of occupation can- 
not be indefinitely maintained when that prompt 
relief is not forthcoming. 

In view of the heavy burdens which the pro- 
longed occupation had imposed on Austria, we 
hoped that the Soviet Union would accept this 
abbreviated treaty. 

The Soviet Government, however, refused to do 
so, despite an oiler by the Western Powers to in- 
clude four other agreed articles from the long 
draft treaty. The Soviet Union replied to this 
oifer by raising again the same extraneous issues 
}>reviously referred to and once again failed to 
appear for a meeting of the Treaty Deputies in 
London on September 29, 1952. 

It is not the Western Powers' insistence on the 
exact terms of a long or a short treaty which 
stands in the way of the restoration of a free and 
independent Austria. It is, I am sorry to say, the 
intransigence of the Soviet Union which con- 
tinues to use Austria as a pawn for its own im- 
perialistic purposes and its own aggrandizement. 
The Western Powers are willing to accept any 
treaty in terms adequate to insure the restoration 
of Austria's independence and its freedom from 
foreign domination. 

The United States does not consider it necessary 
to contrast the liberality of the occupation forces 
of the Western Powers in Austria with the op- 
pressive character of the Soviet occupation policy. 
The record of the Western Powers in tliis regard 
is well known. An examination of this record 
would convince anyone that the Western Powers 
have, in the absence of a treaty, made every effort 
to ameliorate Austria's situation and to grant to 
the Austrian Government, to the greatest extent 
possible within the terms of existing occupation 
agreements, control of its own affairs. They will 
continue to do so. 

The Brazilian resolution asks only simple justice 
for Austria ; it asks only that the Four Powers 
which have occupied Austria since 1945 fulfill 
their pledged word under the Moscow Declaration 
and the U.N. Charter. 

Austria has earned the restoration of her sov- 
ereignty and independence. Austria has reestab- 
lished its democratic Constitution of 1929, which 
guarantees the preservation of democratic rights 
and interests of the individual. Since the 
autnnni of 1945, there have been in Austria free 
elections and free political parties. 



The Austrian Government, established follow- 
ing the 1945 elections, is recognized by the Gov- 
ei-nmcnts of the occupying powers and maintains 
normal diplomatic relations with many govern- 
ments throughout the world. 

Austria has applied for membership in the 
United Nations and, in the view of my Govern- 
ment, deserves admission to membership in this 
organization. The General Assembh' has recom- 
mended favorable action on Austria's applica- 
tion for membership. Even the Soviet Union 
considered Austria as qualified for membership 
under its package proposal. 

Despite the failure of past efforts, my Govern- 
ment will continue to press for an honorable set- 
tlement of the Austrian treaty question, asking 
only that such a settlement leave Austria in full 
sovereign control of its political and economic 
destiny. 

We are entirely willing to meet with representa- 
tives of the Soviet Union to discuss and conclude 
such a treaty. We will meet again and again and 
again. But our experience of these past 7 _years 
leaves little hope for arriving shortly at a satis- 
factory conclusion unless something more is 
added. 

Perhaps this resolution is that something more. 

My Government urges that the General As- 
sembly place the moral weight of the United Na- 
tions behind the effort to secure a just settlement 
of this issue in accordance with Charter principles. 

Austria seeks only justice. And it is justice long 
delayed. My Government believes that Austria 
is entitled to its freedom and independence under 
the Charter. The United States, therefore, sup- 
ports the resolution submitted by Brazil, Lebanon, 
Mexico, and the Netherlands. 



General Assembly's Role in the 
Palestine Question 

Statement by Philip C. Je.isup 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly''- 

U.S./l'.N, press release dated December 19 

In order to explain the view of the delegation 
of the United States and the vote which we shall 
cast on the draft resolution and amendment be- 
fore us,^ it is necessary very briefly to indicate 
the point of view of the U.S. delegation concern- 
ing the role of the General Assembly in this Pales- 
tine question which is now under consideration. 

It seems to us that the interest and purpose of 



" Made on Dec. 18 in plenary session in explanation 
of vote on the Palestine item. The resolution urging the 
parties to the dispute to enter into direct iie;iotiations 
failed to obtain the necessar.v two-thirds majority at the 
Dec. IS meeting; the vote was 24-21-15. 

'U.N. docs. A/AC. 61/L. 23/Rev. 4 and A/L. 134. 



70 



Department of State Bulletin 



the General Assembly in considering this ques- 
tion is to aid, insofar as it can, toward the achieve- 
ment of a solution of this difficult problem. Until 
this problem is solved, the peace and prosperity of 
that great area of the Middle East cannot be as- 
sured"^ and until that is assured, the whole struc- 
ture of international peace cannot be considered 
firm and permanent. Therefore, it has seemed to 
my delegation that each step taken by the General 
Assembly, each vote passed in the General As- 
sembly, must be influenced by the conclusion of 
a delegation : whether that step, whether that vote, 
will contribute toward the achievement of a solu- 
tion of the Palestine question. 

When the General Assembly, 5 years ago, began 
its consideration of the Palestine question, it rec- 
ommended definite substantive solutions for va- 
rious elements of the Palestine problem. But it 
became generally realized that solutions could not 
be imposed upon the parties. 

Just 4 years ago last Thursday, December 11, 
1948, John Foster Dulles, speaking for the dele- 
gation of the United States at the General As- 
sembly session in Paris, on this question, re- 
marked : "The General Assembly does not have the 
power to command them [the parties] or lay upon 
them precise injunctions."^ Since that is true, 
it becomes obvious that any solution must be an 
agreed solution and, in the last year or so, the 
General Assembly, having taken that into account, 
has not sought to determine the actual substantive 
solution of elements of the problem in Palestine, 
but rather has recommended to the parties meth- 
ods and procedures by which they themselves 
might agree upon some such solution. And that 
is the course which the Ad Hoc Political Commit- 
tee has followed this year in its consideration of 
this question. 

Both in the Committee and in the plenary ses- 
sion of the General Assembly we all make an 
earnest effort to agree upon some recommendation 
which might be unanimously accepted, and, par- 
ticularly, might be accepted "by the states directly 
concerned with the problem. Unfortunately, this 
year it is apparent that that happy result is not 
going to be attained. In those circumstances the 
General Assembly must exercise its best judgment 
on the propositions laid before it as to what course 
will be most helpful, having in mind our ultimate 
objective. We must proceed, by the processes de- 
fined for the General Assembly, to express that 
judgment ; and it is precisely that which the Ad 
Hoc Political Committee has done in recommend- 
ing to the General Assembly the draft resolution 
which is before it. 

~"When this draft resolution was first introduced 
in the Ad Hoc Political Committee by eight dele- 
gations, its language was very simple. In con- 
nection with the chief issue which has developed 
in the debates, it is well to recall this— that the 



draft resolution as originally introduced simply 
called upon the parties to enter into direct nego- 
tiations. 

In the course of the Committee's consideration, 
various changes have been made in the resolution 
in order to meet the objections which were ad- 
vanced to it in its original form. It was argued 
in the Committee that this simple appeal for direct 
negotiations would constitute an impairment of 
the rights of some of the parties, that it would 
prejudice their rights. Accordingly, we now find 
in the resolution as it comes to us the express words 
that the entering into direct negotiations shall be 
"without prejudice to their respective rights and 
claims." 

It was argued in the Committee that the simple 
form of the resolution ignored the previous resolu- 
tions of the General Assembly as if they were 
being i-epealed or as if they were lost sight of and 
deemed to be of no account. Accordingly, in the 
course of the debates in the Ad Hoc Political Com- 
mittee, additional words were inserted to provide 
that in these direct negotiations the parties should 
be advised to bear in mind the resolutions, as well 
as the principal objectives of the United Nations 
on the Palestine question. It was also suggested 
that in connection with the problem of the Holy 
Places in Palestine there were interests of third 
parties which should also be borne in mind, and 
language was adopted in the resolution now before 
us which would take that into account also. 

Emphasis on Direct and Unconditional Negotiations 

It seems to me quite clear that in tlie resolution 
as it comes to us, with the recommendations of the 
Ad Hoc Political Committee, there is no surrender 
or impairment of rights suggested. On behalf of 
the delegation of the United States, I pointed out 
in the Ad Hoc Political Committee," and I reaffirm 
it here on behalf of my delegation, that the lan- 
guage of this resolution does not mean that the 
parties, in undertaking direct negotiations, should 
first abandon what they consider to be their legiti- 
mate rights and interests or cast aside the expres- 
sions of the General Assembly's views that have 
been set fortli in the various resolutions on Pales- 
tine. We believe that direct negotiations should 
be direct and unconditional, and that the parties 
on the one hand and on the other should enter into 
these direct negotiations uncontrolled by any prior 
assertion or prior condition, that it should be a 
free and open negotiation. 

As we entered into our discussion of this ques- 
tion in plenary meeting of the General Assembly, 
we were confronted with an amendment intro- 
duced by the Philippine delegation. I think tliat 
our consideration of that amendment must again 
be guided by our answer to tlie question : will the 
adoption of this amendment help in serving our 
fundamental purposes ? As I have already stated, 



■ Bulletin of Dec. 26, 1948, p. 793. 
ianuary 12, 1953 



'76id., Dec. 15, 1952, p. 953. 



71 



it seems to me clear, and the representative of 
Panama lias pointed this out, that the adoption of 
this amendment would not succeed in securing that 
unanimity which we all would so much like to see. 
Therefore, we must examine it in its particular 
parts to see the utility and effect of each part of the 
amendment. 

As we examine it, it is quite clear, at least to my 
delegation, that it introduces no new concept which 
is not already to be found in the resolution which 
comes to us from the Committee. In the first 
place, the amendment suggests that the words 
"bearing in mind" should be replaced by the words 
"on the basis of." It might seem to one who has 
not followed the debates that this is an innocent 
and meaningless change of language, but to those 
who have followed these discussions through long 
and sometimes weary hours in the Ad Hoc Politi- 
cal Committee it is well known that this question 
of the exact expression to be used in this context 
engaged tlie attention of the Committee over a 
very considerable period of time, that various for- 
mulae were suggested, and I believe that on the 
basis of that discussion one is forced to the con- 
clusion that the inclusion of these words "on the 
basis of" would result at least in the conclusion in 
some minds that the negotiations were to be based 
upon certain conditions, in other words, that we 
would be back at the conditional type of negotia- 
tion, which my delegation does not think the 
proper approach to direct negotiations. We be- 
lieve, therefore, that the original language in para- 
gi-aph 4 of the draft resolution, on this point, 
should be maintained. 

Secondly, there is a suggestion that we should 
add at the end of paragraph 4 the words "and, in 
particular, the principle of the internationaliza- 
tion of Jerusalem." It seems to me that that would 
not be a wise addition to the resolution. In the 
first place, the specific example which is here pro- 
posed to be included in the resolution, namely, the 
question of the internationalization of Jerusalem, 
is precisely that one task which cannot be accom- 
plished merely by the direct negotiations of the 
parties. The parties may facilitate the result, but 
the internationalization of Jerusalem, as has been 
apparent from all the previous debates of the 
General Assembly, is an international task and not 
a task which is confined solely to the negotiations 
of the parties. In the second place, we know that 
there are several points which are of major con- 
cern in a final settlement on Palestine. They have 
been mentioned by various representatives this 
morning, and they include particularly the terri- 
torial question and the question of refugees, and 
these are not particularly called to mind. The 
question arises, why should we call to mind one 
question and not the other questions ? 

Moreover, it seems to me we are all highly con- 
scious of the fact that this question of the inter- 
nationalization of Jerusalem has a very deep and 
sacred meaning for many peoples throughout the 



world and for peoples of many faiths. I cast no 
doubt at all upon the motives of the representa- 
tives of the Philippines who introduced this 
amendment, nor upon the motives of those who 
support this amendment, but I do fear that the 
introduction of this idea in this form at the last 
moment of our considerations might lead in some 
minds to a suspicion that this is an element thrown 
into the parliamentary consideration of this ques- 
tion for some parliamentary reason, and not solely 
on the basis of the de<^p religious concern which 
so many of us have in the ultimate solution of 
this problem. 

Specific Issues Before the Assembly 

More broadly, the ciuestion which concerns this 
(xeneral Assembly in voting on this amendment 
and on this i-esolution is this: We are not being 
asked to vote for or against resolutions passed by 
the General Assembly in 1947 or in 1948 or in 1949 
or any other year. We are being asked to vote on 
a specific resolution recommended to us by the 
Ad Hoc Political Committee and upon a specific 
amendment to that resolution. We must make up 
our minds as to the wisdom of the adoption of the 
particular amendment to that resolution recom- 
mended to us. It is impossible to say that when 
one votes on the question of substituting words 
one is, on the basis of that, expressing a funda- 
mental opinion as to the soundness or wisdom of 
this or that paragraph of some prior resolution 
of this General Assembly adopted some 4 or 5 
years ago. Similarly, when one votes on the ques- 
tion of adding some words referring to the inter- 
nationalization of Jenisalem, one is not being 
asked to vote here as to whether one favors inter- 
nationalization or whether one believes that is the 
way to protect the Holy Places and to regulate 
that part of the whole Palestine question. That 
is not the issue upon which we are going to vote, 
and anyone who votes against the addition of this 
phrase is not saying he does not believe in the 
internationalization of Jerusalem. We are con- 
sidering, as I have said, the addition of particular 
words to a particular resolution, looked at from 
the point of view ,of the total result which this 
Assembly will produce in the expression of its 
opinion on the issues which are now before us for 
decision at this stage of the perennial discussion 
of the Palestine question. 

Finally, in closing I should like to remind my 
fellow representatives that many of us have been 
through a number of debates on this Palestine 
question at a number of different sessions of the 
General Assembly. 

Many of us remember that in previous sessions 
of the General Assembly we have found that in 
the course of our debates we have been conscious 
of very strong differences of opinion as to the wise 
course to follow in the framing of a resolution. 
I am very happy to recall that on previous occa- 



72 



Department of State Bulletin 



sions, when the sound of the eloqnent arginnents 
no longer echoed in our ears and when we pro- 
ceeded to deal realistically witli situations which 
practically confronted us as governments, we were 
able to go forward again in unity and in harmony 
in our common effort to solve the problem. 

On behalf of the U.S. delegation — since the 
United States is a member of the Palestine Con- 
ciliation Commission — I wish to assure the Assem- 
bly and particularly to assure those states con- 
cerned with this problem that as a member of the 
Palestine Conciliation Commission the United 
States remains and continues to be ready to offer 
all assistance in its power to the parties in any 
efforts they may make toward the solution of tliis 
problem. 

For the reasons I have given, the U.S. delega- 
tion will oppose the Philippine amendment and 
will maintain its vote for the draft resolution in 
the original form in which it came to us from the 
Committee. 



U. S. Reaffirms Position on Kashmir 

iStatement iy John C. Ross 

Deputy U. S. Representative in Security CounciZ ^ 

I repeat the view of my Government that any 
agreement of the parties on a just basis which 
would settle the dispute, whether reached directly 
or under the auspices of the U.N. representative 
[Frank P. Graham], would be welcomed by the 
United States. The cosponsors have put before 
the Security Council a draft resolution which we 
feel organizes some of the suggestions of the U.N. 
representative on the issue which we consider to 
be basic — the question of demilitarization. 

The U.N. representative has told the j^arties 
that he will at all times welcome suggestions from 
either Government directed to settling the main 
differences between them and therefore directed to 
the solution of the dispute. Therefore, nothing 
contained in the draft resolution stands in the 
way of the parties coming forward with sugges- 
tions of their owii. Nothing in the resolution 



' Made in the Security Counfil on Dec. 2.S. At the same 
meeting, the Council adopted tlie amended U.S.-U.K. res- 
olution on Kashmir ; the amendment, proposed by the 
Netherlands and accepted by the sponsors of the original 
draft, urges India and Pakistan to enter into immediate 
negotiations "under the auspices of the United Nations 
Representative" in order to reach agreement on the 
specitic number of forces to remain on each side of the 
cease-fire line after demilitarization. The passage in 
quotation marks replaces the words "at the Headquarters 
of the United Nations" in the original draft (Buixetin of 
Nov. 17, 1952, p. 801). The Council's vote was 9-0, with 
the U.S.S.R. abstaining ; as an interested party, Pakistan 
did not participate. 



alters or reduces in any way the powers of the U.N. 
rejjresentative under the previous resolutions. 

I consider it undesirable, unnecessary, and un- 
constructive to go back into the history of this 
case and reexamine the basis of the resolutions of 
the U.N. Commission for India and Pakistan. 
Therefore, I do not propose to discuss the charge 
of aggression. To my Government the important 
political fact for us is that the parties have agreed 
that the accession of Kashmir will be decided 
through a free and impartial plebiscite conducted 
under the auspices of the United Nations. That 
is the agreement and the principle which we are 
attempting to help the parties to turn into a 
reality. In the opinion of my Government the 
draft resolution before the Security Council rests 
foursquare on this agreement embodied in those 
resolutions. 

Furthermore, we must not lose sight of the view 
which the U.N. representative has expressed that 
an early agreement on demilitarization would 
have as one immediate practical result the induc- 
tion into office of the plebiscite administrator who 
could then proceed with his necessary study of the 
entire problem of a plebiscite. 

Now a word about the two amendments sug- 
gested by the representative of the Netherlands 
dealing with the procedures under which negotia- 
tions would be conducted. The representative of 
the Netherlands is quite correct in recalling the 
view of my Government that the di;aft resolution 
is not intended in any way to impair or limit the 
authority of the U.N. representative and our ex- 
pectatioii that he will continue to exercise his func- 
tions under the previous resolutions of the Security 
Council. I think it is fair to say that in doing so 
we would expect that negotiations of the parties 
would be under his auspices. Therefore the 
United States is glad to accept the amendment 
offered by the representative of the Netherlands 
which would make explicit in the draft resolution 
our intention that these negotiations be conducted 
under the auspices of Dr. Graham. 

In accordance with his authority and respon- 
sibility, it is fitting that the place where the nego- 
tiations take place should be left to the U.N. 
representative. We should not expect him in the 
time at his disposal and after the months of effort 
which he has put into this case to travel back and 
forth considerable distances in conferring first 
with one party and then the other. Without in 
any sense attempting to make a determination for 
him, it occurs to me that in this stage, as in the 
previous stage, the U.N. facilities at Geneva might 
be pai-ticularly useful and appropriate for these 
negotiations. 

The draft resolution calls upon the parties to 
report and authorizes the U.N. representative to 
report on what transpires. We have no precon- 
ceived idea of the nature of the report which the 
parties and which the U.N. representative would 



ianvaty 12, 7953 



73 



consider it appropriate to make. It may well be 
that the parties will ask the U.N. representative 
to synthesize and put before ns as part of his 
report their respective views. But that is a pro- 
cedural matter on whicli we feel the parties and 
the U.N. representative should have a considerable 
degree of flexibility to decide those questions 
among themselves. 

My Government regrets that both parties to 



this dispute have not found it possible to accept 
the draft resolution. However, we believe that 
the draft resolution has meaning and importance 
because it represents a careful study and apprecia- 
tion of the U.N. representative's suggestions 
which, after IG months of work, it is appropriate 
for the Council to make. We therefore urge the 
members of the Security Council to vote in favor 
of the draft resolution. 



Chinese Communists Reject U. N. Proposals on Prisoners of War 



On Dcceniber 5, 195^, Lester B. Pearson, Presi- 
dent of the seventh sessio?i of the Gerieral As- 
semhly, cabled messages to Chou En-lai, Foreign 
Minister of the Chinese Commimist Government, 
and Pak Hen En, North Korean Foreign Minister, 
transmittivg the text of the resolution on Korea 
which the General AssemMy adopted on December 
3} Printed helow are Mr. Pearson's message to 
the Chinese Conununist Foreign Minister and 
excerpts from the latter's reply: 

Mr. Pearson's Message of December 5 

The General Assembly of the United Nations, 
at its 399th plenary meeting on December 3, 1952, 
adopted a resolution under item IG (a) of its 
agenda — Korea: Reports of the United Nations 
Commission for the Unification and Rehabilita- 
tion of Korea. Under the terms of that resolu- 
tion, originally sponsored by the Government of 
India, the President of the General Assembly is 
requested "to communicate the following pro- 
posals to the Central People's Government of the 
People's Republic of China and to the North 
Korean Authorities as forming a just and reason- 
able basis for an agreement so that an immediate 
cease-fire would result and be effected; to invite 
their acceptance of these proposals and to make a 
report to the General Assembly during its present 
session and as soon as appropriate." 

In discharge of the duty placed upon me by the 
terms of that resolution, I have the honor to trans- 
mit to you the text of the resolution and to invite 
your acceptance of the proposals contained 
therein. 

I send this message to you against the back- 



ground of the casualties, the sufferings and the 
clestruction in Korea which are inevitable conse- 
quences of war, and I add my personal appeal 
that you should give it your most thoughtful and 
sympathetic consideration. When the First Com- 
mittee of the General Assembly, by a unanimous 
decision, agreed to treat the Korean question as 
a matter of urgency, its decision reflected the con- 
cern of all members of the United Nations, a con- 
cern which I am sure is shared by the peoples of 
the world, over the tragedy of war and devasta- 
tion in Korea, and their deep desire to bring this 
war to an end on terms acceptable to both sides. 

To this end negotiations have been proceeding 
for some IG months at Panmunjom, in the course 
of which a wide measure of agreement on the terms 
of an armistice has been reached. 

The sole remaining issue which has not been 
settled in the coui-se of these armistice negotiations 
concerns the principles and procedures by which 
the repatriation of jjrisoners of war can be ef- 
fected. - 

In itself, the prisoners-of-war issue is a challenge 
to the fundamental humanitarian instincts which 
are shared by all mankind and urgently calls for 
solution. In camps on both sides, human beings 
have been kept for long months under military de- 
tention while the lengthy negotiations concerning 
their fate have been continuing. There is an ines- 
capable moral obligation on both sides in the 
Korean conflict to make every possible effort to in- 
sure that these prisoners of war shall be free to 
return to their homelands, and their speedy re- 
turn facilitated. 

The discussion of this matter in the First Com- 
mittee of this Assembly has made clear the general 



1 For tpxt of this resolution, see Bulletin of Dec. 8, 
1052, p. 91G. 



" For an analysis of tlie prisoner-of-war issue by Secre- 
tary Acheson, see Bulletin of Nov. 10, 1952, p. 744. 



74 



Department of State Bulletin 



agreement in the United Nations that this problem 
should be dealt with and the repatriation of 
prisoners of war should be effected under the terms 
of the Geneva Convention relative to the treatment 
of prisoners of war of Aug. 12, 1949, under the 
well-established principles and practice of inter- 
national law, and under the relevant provisions of 
the draft armistice agreement. 

It was also generally agreed that prisoners of 
war should be released from the custody of the 
detaining powers to a repatriation commission so 
that they can be free to exercise their undoubted 
right with respect to repatriation, and that it was 
inconsistent with common humanitarian principles 
that a detaining power should offer any hindrance 
to the return to their homelands of any prisoners 
of war. 

Finally, there was general agreement that the 
Geneva Convention cannot be construed as author- 
izing a detaining power to employ force to effect 
the return of individual prisoners of war to their 
homelands. 

The General Assembly resolution clearly states 
the above principles with respect to the solution 
of the prisoner-of-war issue and, in addition, 
makes concrete proposals with regard to the ma- 
chinery of repatriation. 

It represents ideas put forward by many gov- 
ernments represented in the General Assembly, 
whose unannnous desire is to bring peace to Korea. 
The resolution can make this desire effective be- 
cause its acceptance will make it possible to achieve 
an armistice and a complete and immediate cessa- 
tion of hostilities. 

The resolution, in addition, makes reference to 
the desire of the General Assembly to expedite and 
facilitate, once an armistice is effective, the con- 
vening of a political conference as provided for 
in article 60 of the draft armistice agreement al- 
ready accepted by the military negotiators at 
Panmunjom. 

It is my earnest hope that the Central People's 
Government of the People's Republic of China 
will accept these proposals of the General As- 
sembly as a basis for the solution of the one re- 
maining issue which has prevented the conclusion 
of an armistice during the negotiations at Pan- 
munjom. 

Once this issue is solved, it will become possible 
to bring the fighting to an end and complete the 
program for a peaceful settlement in Korea lead- 
ing, we must hope, toward a more general settle- 
ment which would contribute to peace in Asia and 
in the world. 

The United Nations is determined to do every- 
thing possible to bring the fighting to an end in 
Korea. This is also the declared aim of the Cen- 
tral People's Government. This common aim can 
be achieved if the proposals which are now sub- 
mitted for your consideration are, as I earnestly 
hope will be the case, accepted in the spirit in 
which they are put fdrward. 



In this hope, as President of the seventh session 
of the General Assembly of the United Nations, 
I appeal to you to accept these proposals of the 
United Nations as forming a just and reasonable 
basis for an agreement which will serve to bring 
about a constructive and durable peace in Korea. 

I shall look forward to receiving as soon as pos- 
sible your reply to this communication, which I 
shall report to the General Assembly wdien it is 
received. 

In accordance with the decision of the General 
Assembly, the text of the resolution has also been 
communicated to tlie Nortli Korean authorities, to 
whom I am sending a similar message. 

Please accept, Sir, the assurances of my highest 
consideration. 

Lester B. Pearson, 
President of the General Assembly. 

Chinese Communist Reply of December 14 

[Excerpts] 

I have received your cable of Dec. 5, 1952, which 
communicated the text of the resolution based on 
the draft resolution of the Indian delegation and 
adopted on Dec. 3, 1952, by the seventh session of 
the General Assembly of the United Nations, un- 
der tiie item of its agenda entitled "Korea: Re- 
ports of the United Nations Commission for the 
Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea." 

I am hereby authorized to make tlie following 
reply on behalf of the Central People's Govern- 
ment of the People's Republic of China. 

The General Assembly of the United Nations, 
after illegally adopting in February 1951 the 
sliameful and calumnious resolution slandering 
China as an aggressor, has now, in the absence 
of the representatives of the People's Republic 
of China and the Korean Democratic People's 
Republic, discussed the Korean question and 
adopted a resolution supporting the United States 
Government's position of forcibly retaining in 
captivity prisoners of war in contravention of 
international conventions, and facilitating its con- 
tinuation and expansion of the war raging in 
Korea. Such an action is clearly illegal and void 
and is firmly opposed by the Chinese people. 

This illegal resolution adopted by the General 
Assembly is based on the Indian draft resolution, 
having as its basic content the question of the 
repatriation of prisoners of war [and] does not 
correspond to the description in jour cable that 
it deals with the question of the repatriation of 
prisoners of war "under the terms of the Geneva 
Convention relative to the treatment of prisoners 
of war of Aug. 12, 1949, under the well-established 
principles and practice of international law, and 
under tlie relevant provisions of the draft armi- 
stice agreement." 

Quite to the contrary, it is entirely based on 
the so-called principles of "voluntary repatria- 
tion," all of which are in essence the "principle" 



January ?2, 1953 



75 



of forcibly retaininfi in captivity prisoners of war. 
a principle which the United States side has un- 
justifiably maintained ever since Oct. 11, 1951, 
when tlie Korean armistice negotiations entered 
into discussion on the prisoner-of-war item on the 
agenda and which is universally recognized as 
violating the Geneva Convention and inter- 
national law. 



Department's Comment on Communist 
Rejection of Peace in Korea 

Press release 919 dated December 15 

The tJnited States has learned with deep regret 
that the Chinese Communists have flouted the 
solemnly expressed views of the General Assembly 
of the United Nations. They have rejected the 
fair and reasonable proposals contained in the reso- 
lution on Korea adopted with the approval of 54 
members of the United Nations. 

Thus the Communists have again rejected peace 
in Korea. The U.S. Government has no doubt that 
other governments share the deep concern of the 
United States over this rejection and the 54 govern- 
ments which supported the General Assembly reso- 
lution will wish to give careful c-onsideration to the 
situation confronting the United Nations. 

During more than 15 months of negotiation in 
the field by tiie U. N. Command delegation and the 
extensive discussions in the General Assembly, the 
United Nations has .shown its determination to take 
every practicable step to bring about an armistice 
in Korea which would end the hostilities on a basis 
consistent with the humanitarian principles of the 
United Nations. 

The U.S. Government reaffirms its determination 
to continue to fulfill its responslliilities in Korea. 
The U.N. Command remains ready to meet again 
with the Communist negotiators at Panmunjom 
whenever they accept the proposals contained in 
the U.N. resolution or any of the other numerous 
proposals which have been made to them by the 
U.N. Command, or whenever they advance con- 
structive proposals of their own which could lead 
to an honorable armistice. However, there can be 
no compromise with the l)asic humanitarian prin- 
ciples contained in the resolution of the General 
Assembly of December 3, 1952. If the Communists 
accept these basic U.N. principles, the proposals 
now outstanding provide numerous alternative 
methods for settling the question of prisoners of 
war. Until the Communists accept these basic U.N. 
principles, the U.S. Government cannot see what 
useful purpose will be served by having the United 
Nations propose to the Communists still other plans 
for implementing these principles. 

The responsibility for whether there shall be 
peace in Korea clearly lies with the Chinese Com- 
munists and North Korean authorities and their 
supporters. 



All countries, in and outside the United States. 
whether they are for or against the Indian draft 
resolution, consider that this draft resolution sup- 
ports the "principle of no forcible repatriation" 
maintained by the United States Government. 
Even Mr. Krishna Menon. the Indian delegate to 
the United Nations who tabled the illegal resolu- 
tion, himself makes no attempt to hide this. 

Such an illegal resolution based on the so-called 



principle of "voluntary repatriation" or "no forci- 
ble repatriation"' cannot possibly settle what you 
describe in your cable as "the sole remaining issue 
which has not been settled in the course of these 
armistice negotiations," namely, "the principles 
and procedures by which the repatriation of pris- 
oners of war can be effected." 

If the United States had adhered to the draft 
armistice agreement instead of deliberately in- 
venting the so-called principle of "voluntary re- 
patriation" or "no forcible repatriation" as an 
excuse to obstruct an armistice in Korea, then, this 
"sole remaining issue which has not been settled," 
would long ago have been satisfactorily settled, 
and the Korean war, which is a matter of common 
concern to the people of the whole world, would 
long ago have been brought to an end. 

Tlie resolution which you forwarded bases itself 
not only on the so-called principle of "voluntary 
repatriation" or "no forcible repatriation." but 
also on the hypothesis that there are actually some 
among the Korean and Chinese captured person- 
nel who "refuse to return home" to rejoin their 
families and lead a peaceful life. This does not 
accord in the slightest with human nature; still 
less does it square with facts. 

The facts are that the United States has long 
since flagrantly cast aside the provisions of Article 
17 and other articles of the Geneva Convention 
regarding the humane treatment of prisoners of 
[war] and has in the prisoner-of-war camps under 
its control placed large numbers of United States, 
Syngman Rhee and Chiang Kai-shek special 
agents in responsible posts and has even planted 
Syngman Rhee and Chiang Kai-shek special 
agents posing as Korean and Chinese prisoners of 
war, to coerce prisoners of war to make declara- 
tions "refusing repatriation" and of "unwilling- 
ness to return home," by frequent recourse to so- 
called "persuasion." "screening," "rescreening" 
and "interrogation" of the Korean and Chinese 
prisoners of war — measures effected by such utter- 
ly savage and inhuman methods as torture, mas- 
sacre and mass starvation. 

In reality, prisoners of war are those combat- 
ants of one side who are under the armed control 
and at the forcible disposal of their enemy and ' 
have no freedom. Release and repatriation is a 
right to which all prisoners of war of both sides 
are entitled as soon as an armistice comes into 
effect — that is, they should be freed from the anned 
control of the enemy and be returned to their own 
side so that they may regain their freedom and i 
return to their homeland to lead a peaceful life. 

Since prisoners of war are entitled to such rights, 
how can [there] be such a question as "forcible 
repatriation" — or "return to their homeland ef- 
fected by force?" The unfounded argument that 
"a detaining power may not employ force to effect , 
the return of individual prisoners of war to their I 
homelands" cannot hold water. It can find no 
basis whatever in the Geneva Convention. 



76 



Department of State Bulletin 



It is evident that the adoption of the illegal 
resolution by the General Assembly aims to divert 
the indifjnation and attention of the people of the 
world from the criminal terrorism, as evidenced in 
the "screening" of prisoners of war by the United 
States, to the so-called question of "forcing pris- 
onei-s of war to return to their homes,"' or "force 
shall not be used to effect the return of prisoners 
of war to their homelands." All of you who have 
taken this action are indeed "challenging the fun- 
damental humanitarian instincts." 

The proposal to give the United Nations the 
final authority of appointing the vuiipire and the 
final authority of disposing of those prisoners of 
war allegedly "unwilling to go home" is really ex- 
tremely absurd. Can it be that those delegates 
who sponsored and adopted the illegal resolution 
in the United Nations have really forgotten that 
the United Nations is one of the belligerent parties 
in the Korean war? 

To put it more frankly, having passed through 
a circuitous course in which resort was made to 
many deceitful tactics, these provisions actually 
adopt in full the three jDroposals put forward at 
Panmiinjom on Sept. 28, 1952, by the United 
States. None the less, these provisions are couched 
in terms more sly in order to deceive more easily 
the people of the world and to facilitate the reali- 
zation of the United States Government's scheme 
to forcibly retain in captivity prisoners of war in 
violation of international conventions. 

Gen. Kim II Sung;, Supreme Commander of the 
Korean People's Army, and Gen. Peng Teh-Huai, 
commander of the Chinese People's Volunteers, in 
their letter of Oct. 16, 1952,' to General Clark of 
the United States, proposed that all prisoners of 
war be brought to a demilitarized zone to be handed 
over directly to and accepted by the other side, 
and that repatriation be effected after visits and 
explanations. 

Taking into account the complicated situation 
mentioned above, these proposals first of all en- 
able prisoners of war to be released from the 
armed control of the opposite side, to give them 
the protection of their own side, so that the total 
repatriation of prisoners of war in accordance 
with humanitarian principles, international prac- 
tice, the Geneva Convention and the [armistice] 
agreement can be assured. 

From the above, it can be clearly seen that the 
illegal resolution is unreasonable because it runs 
counter to the conscience of man, completely vio- 
lates humanitarian principles, international prac- 
tice as well as the provisions of the Geneva 
Convention and the draft-armistice agreement ; it 
is unreasonable because it recognizes the "desire'' 
of the prisoners of war to "refuse repatriation," 
a "desire" created by the United States side by the 
most brutal methods ; it is unreasonable because it 
insists on the retaining in captivity of tens of thou- 



'Ihid., p. 7.52. 
January 72, 7953 



sands of Korean and Chinese prisoneis of war as 
hostages in order to force the Korean and Chinese 
side to yield to the United States; it is unfair be- 
cause it deliberately attempts to impose on the 
Korean and Chinese side the utterly groundless 
"principle of voluntary repatriation" which the 
United States has maintained throughout and be- 
cause it rejected without any reason the proposal 
of the Korean and Chinese side for the repatria- 
tion of all prisoners of war in adherence to the 
Geneva Convention, and the proposal of the dele- 
gation of the Soviet Union for the immediate and 
complete cessation of hostilities in Korea prior to 
the settlement of the question of the repatriation 
of all prisoners of war. 

In view of these facts, I cannot but inform you 
solemnly that the Central People's Government of 
the People's Republic of China considers that such 
an illegal resolution cannot possibly provide "a 
just and reasonable basis for an agreement." 

On the question of the repatriation of prisoners 
of war, the Central People's Government consid- 
ers that the Korean and Chinese side is at once 
correct and just, fair and reasonable in insisting 
on the principle of total repatriation, a principle 
which is in conformity with humanitarian princi- 
ples and the Geneva Convention. The settlement 
of the question of the repatriation of prisoners of 
war in the Korean armistice negotiations must and 
can only be achieved on the basis of the Geneva 
Convention. 

Your cable devoted considerable verbiage to an 
attempt to show that by adopting this illegal res- 
olution which has as its basic content the United 
States "principle of voluntary repatriation" un- 
der an Indian cloak, all of you earnestly desire a 
speedy conclusion to the Korean war. However, 
this illegal resolution which you forwarded fully 
demonstrates that it abjectly submits to the brutal 
will of the United States Government which uses 
violence to carry through the forcible retaining 
in ca]5tivity of prisoners of war so that the Korean 
armistice negotiations might be broken off and 
sabotaged and that the Korean war might be pro- 
longed and expanded. 

All of you are not doing everything possible 
to bring the fighting to an end in Korea. You are 
doing everything possible to induce and coerce 
some of the nations represented in the General 
Assembly to endorse jointly the policy of the 
United States of no armistice, no negotiations, 
and no peaceful settlement but the prolongation 
and expansion of the Korean war. At the same 
time, all of you attempt further to shift the re- 
sponsibility for the failure to end the war to the 
Korean and Chinese side. It can be positively 
stated that this attempt of yours to shift respon- 
sibility will be of no avail. 

If, as you said in your cable, the General Assem- 
bly's "unanimous desire is to bring peace to 
Korea," then it should insist upon the principle 
of the total rejiatriation of prisoners of war as 

77 



embodied in the Geneva Convention and inter- 
national law. 

It should stcridy demand that the United States 
side immediately resume the negotiations at 
Panmunjom, and with the proposal for the peace- 
ful settlement of the Korean question submitted 
by Mr. Vyshinsky, delegate of the Soviet Union, 
on the 10th and 24th of November * as a basis, 
bring about the accomplishment of a complete 
cease-fire on the part of the belligerent parties in 
accordance with the draft Korean armistice agree- 
ment already agreed upon by both sides as a first 
step; and then refer for settlement the question 
of the total repatriation of prisoners of war, to- 
gether with the peaceful settlement of the Korean 
question, to the Commission for the Peaceful 
Settlement of the Korean Question, composed of 
the United States, Britain, France, the Soviet 
Union, the People's Republic of China, India, 
Burma, Switzerland, Czechoslovakia, the Korean 
Democratic People's Republic and South Korea. 

If such a procedure is followed, an armistice in 
Korea can be immediately achieved, and the dis- 
tress of the Korean peoples as well as the casualties 
on both sides can be brought to an end. Thus, the 
General Assembly can indeed speedily "bring 
peace to Korea." 

However, the present session of the General 
Assembly has already rejected such a fair and 
reasonable proposal which can really lead to peace. 
I. hereby, once again make the following proposal : 
To realize the fervent desire for peace of the 
people of the world, to demonstrate the sincerity 
of the Chinese people for an early restoration of 
peace in Korea, and to preclude the further use of 
the prisoner repatriation issue as an obstacle and 
pretext in the realization of an armistice in Korea, 
the Central People's Government of the People's 
Republic of China requests that the General As- 
sembly rescind the illegal resolution which you 
forwarded, call upon the United States Govern- 
ment to resume immediately the negotiations at 
Panmunjom, and with the draft Korean armistice 
agreement as a basis, to bring about the realization 
of a complete armistice as a first step and then 
to refer for settlement the question of the total 
repatriation of prisoners of war to the above- 
mentioned "Commission for the Peaceful Settle- 
ment of the Korean Question." 

If the General Assembly agrees to discuss this 
request, then representatives of the People's Re- 
public of China and the Korean Democratic 
People's Republic must take part in the discus- 
sions. 

Should the General Assembly reject even such 
a just refpiest, and still persist in maintaining the 
illegal resolution which aims at supporting the 
United States (iovernment in forcibly retaining in 
captivity prisoners of war in violation of inter- 



national conventions, then it would further demon- 
strate that your purpose, far from being the 
achievement of peace in Korea and the Far East, is 
nothing but the continuation and expansion of the 
Korean war so that peace in the Far East and 
throughout the world can be further disrupted at 
some future date. This would all the more ex- 
pose the United Nations as increasingly becom- 
ing a tool of the ruling clique of the United States 
in its preparations for war and for the expansion 
of aggression. 

All those who support the war policies of the 
ruling clique of the United States nuist bear the 
grave responsibility for the consequences of such 
action. 



Current United hSations Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography ^ 

Economic and Social Council 

Inter-Agency Agreements and Agreements Between Agen- 
cies nnd Other Inter-Governmental Organizations. 
Draft agreement between the United Nations Kduca- 
tioiial, Scientific and Cultural Organization and the 
Council of Europe. E/233S, Xov. 4, l!'.")!;. 7 pp. mimeo. 

Twelfth Itejiort of the Administrative Committee on Co- 
or'lin:ition to the Economic and Social Council. 
E/2340, Nov. 11, 19.52. IS pp. mimeo. 

General I'rogre.ss Report of the Executive Director. In- 
ternational Field Staff of Uniceh- and Other U.N. 
Agencies Available for Development and Implementa- 
tion of UNicEF-Aided Programmes in 195.'!. E/ICEF/ 
20.VAdd. 1, Oct. 4, 1052. 8 pp. mimeo. 

General Assembly 

Re])atriation of Greek Children. Note by the Secretary- 
General. A/22.36, Oct. 23, 19.'52. 74 pp. mimeo : Report 
of the Secretary-General. A/2241, Oct. 30, 1952. 10 
pp. mimeo. 

Question of the Adoption by the Economic and Social 
Council anil Its Functional Commissions of Spanish 
as a Working Language. Sixth report of the Advisory 
Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Ques- 
tions to the seventh session of the General Assembly. 
A/2242, Oct. 31, 1952. 5 pp. mimeo. 



' I'rinted materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Document Service. Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y. Other 
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may 
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United 
States. 

The United Nations Secretariat has established an 
Official Records series for the General Assembl.v. the Se- 
curity Council, the Economic and Social Council, the 
Trusteeship Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission, 
which includes summaries of proceedings, resolutions, and 
reports of the various commissions and committees. In- 
formation on securing subscriptions to the series may be 
obtained from the International Documents Service. 



' U.N. docs. A/C.1/729, A/C.1/729/ Rev. 1/Corr. 1/ 
Add. 1. 



The United States in the United, Nations 

A regular feature, will be resumed in a subsequent 
issue. 



78 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



President's Decision on Continuance of Aid 
to the United Kingdom, France, and Italy 



White House press release dated December 30 

Identical letters regarding continuance of U.S. 
aid to the United Kingdom, France^, and Italy 
have been sent hy the President to Kenneth Mc- 
Kcllar, Chairman, Committee on Appropriations, 
U.S. Senate; Richard B. Russell, Chaimian, Com- 
mittee on Armed Services, U.S. Senate; Tom Con- 
nally, Chainnan, Committee on Foreign Relations, 
U.S. Senate; Clarence Cannon, Chairman, Com- 
mittee on Appropriations, House of Representa- 
tives; Carl Vinson, Chairman, Committee on 
Armed Services, House of Representatives; and 
James P. Richards, Chairman, Committee on For- 
eign Affairs, House of Representatives. The text 
of the letter follows: 

Dear Mr. Chairman : 

I have been informed that certain goods of pri- 
mary strategic significance have been shipped 
from the United Kingdom, France, and Italy to 
various countries of the Soviet Bloc in fulfillment 
of long-standing obligations. The total value of 
the shipments is $2.5 million. 

The commitments to deliver these goods were 
made before the eilective date of the embargo 
provisions of the Mutual Defense Assistance 
Control Act of 1951 (the Battle Act), Public Law 
213, 82nd Congress. But the actual shipments 
took place afte'r that date. And they consisted 
of items which have been listed by the Adminis- 
trator of the Act as items that should be embar- 
goed to the Soviet Bloc in order to effectuate the 
purposes of the Act. . . 

Thus I have been faced with a grave decision. 
Under Section 103 (b) of the statute I am required 
either to terminate all military, economic, and 
financial assistance to the United Kingdom, 
France, and Italy, or to direct that assistance be 
continued in spite of the shipments. 

The provisions of the Battle Act with respect 
to termination of aid are as follows : _ _ 

First, the Act requires — with no possibility of 
exception— the termination of all military, eco- 
nomic, or financial assistance to any nation which, 
after the effective date of the embargo provisions 
of the Act, knowingly permits the shipment of 
arms, ammunition, implements of war, or atomic 

ianvaty J 2, J 953 



energy materials to any nation or combination 
of nations threatening the security of the United 
States, including the Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics and all countries under its domination. 
The shipments made by the United Kingdom, 
France, and Italy were not arms, ammunition, 
implements of war, or atomic energy materials, 
and indeed the Administrator informs me that 
to his knowledge no country receiving assistance 
from the United States has made any shipments 
of that kind whatever. 

In addition the Act provides for the termina- 
tion of aid to any country that knowingly permits 
the shipment to the same nations of petroleum, 
transportation materials of strategic value, or 
items of primary strategic significance used in 
the production of arms, ammunition, and imple- 
ments of war. However, in cases involving items 
of those types (known as "Title I, Category B' 
items) , the President may direct the continuance 
of aid to the country permitting the shipment 
"when unusual circumstances indicate that the 
cessation of aid would clearly be detrimental to 
the security of the United States." The President 
may make such a determination after receiving 
the advice of the Administrator and after taking 
into account these four considerations: "the con- 
tribution of such country to the mutual security 
of the free world, the importance of such assist- 
ance to the security of the United States, the stra- 
tef^ic importance of imports received from coun- 
trfes of the Soviet bloc, and the adequacy of such 
country's controls over the export to the Soviet 
bloc of items of strategic importance." _ 

The Administrator, Mr. W. Averell Harriman, 
who is also the Director for Mutual Security, has 
advised me that aid to the United Kingdom, 
France, and Italy should be continued. He made 
this recommendation after consulting with the 
Departments of State, Treasury, Defense Inte- 
rior, Aoriculture, and Commerce; the Utiice ot 
Defense'' Mobilization, Mutual Security Agency, 
Atomic Energy Commission, and Central Intelli- 
gence Agency. , . . 

Upon his advice, and after taking into account 
the four statutory considerations listed above, I 
have directed the continuance of assistance to the 

79 



United Kino;doiu, France, and Italy. The rest of 
this letter will explain my reasons for so doinj;. 

The "Prior Commitments" Problem 

Up until the present case, there have been three 
decisions to continue aid to countries which had 
knowiiifjly permitted shipments prescribed under 
the Battle Act.' In those three cases the United 
States continued its aid to : 

The Netherlands, which luid permitted certain 
oil drillino; equipment to be shipped to Poland; 
Italy, which had permitted a frrindinpc machine to 
be shipped to Eumania; Denmark, which had per- 
mitted a tanker to be shipped to the U.S.S.R. 

Those cases all involved "prior commitments" — 
that is, commitments made before the Battle Act 
embarfjo lists went into effect on January 24, 1952. 
The shipments of $2.5 million which now have 
been made by the British, French, and Italians 
also were in fulfillment of prior commitments. 
Still more of these connnitnients remain on the 
books of Western European countries. The prob- 
lem of how to handle these obligations has been 
one of the most difficult issues that has arisen in 
the administration of the Battle Act. 

The first question to be faced was whether the 
Act applies to such connnitnients at all. The Act 
prohibits further assistance (unless a Presidential 
exception is made) when a country "knowingly 
permits" the shipment of items included in the 
Title I, Category B embargo list. In many cases, 
the countries in question had entered into trade 
agreements guaranteeing that tliey would permit 
the shipment of these items, and in other cases had 
issued, or promised to issue, export licenses cover- 
ing such sliipments. Thus there is a real question, 
especially in those countries wliere an export li- 
cense cannot legally be revoked, whether the know- 
ing permission had not been given at the time the 
foreign government signed the trade agreement 
or issued the export license. If it had been given 
at that time, the subsequent shipment would not 
be relevant, since the knowing permission had 
taken place before January 24, 1952, the effective 
date of the embargo list. If the Act were so con- 
strued, aid could be continued to such a country 
without a Presidential determination that con- 
tinuance of aid was necessary. 

Despite the legal ambiguity surrounding this 
question, however, the Administrator has con- 
strued tlie Act as being applicable to all shipments 
of embargoed items after the effective date, even 
though the ■permission was given beforehand. I 
concur in this interpretation. It is the interpreta- 
tion that seems to be most closely in accord with 
the objectives of the Act, which are to increase 
the strength of the United States and the coop- 

'Fof texts of the President's letters regarding these 
decisions, see Bulletin of May 5, 1952, p. 720 ; iltUI .Tuly 
14, 1952, p. 75 ; and ibid., Aug. 4, 1952, p. 198. 

80 



erating nations and to impede the military ability 
of the Soviet Bloc. The contrary interpretation 
also raises certain questions as to inequality of 
treatment, based perhaps on nothing more sub- 
stantia] tlian the fortuitous timing of the issuance 
of an export license. 

For the Western European countries, however, 
the prospect of breaking firm contracts, made in 
good faith, raised serious problems. The govern- 
ments of these countries pointed out that East- 
West trade is basically the exchanging of Eastern 
raw materials for Western finished metal prod- 
ucts, and that this involves a considerable time 
differential in deliveries. The Soviet Bloc had 
placed contracts months, and even years, before 
many of the items now requiring embargo under 
the Battle Act were agreed to be strategic by most 
countries, and also before the invasion of Korea 
in 1950. In many cases the Soviet Bloc had car- 
ried out its portion of the exchange by making 
deliveries of timber, grains, coal, and other es- 
sential commodities, and was awaiting shipment 
of goods which, in effect, had already been paid 
for. The manufactured ju-odncts, because of the 
time differential, were scheduled for delivery to 
the East in 1952, 1953, and 1954. 

The Western European countries attach im- 
portance to the fulfillment of their formal trade 
obligations to the Soviet Bloc. They point out 
that the Communists constantly seek to picture 
the Western World as morally bankrupt and bent 
on the destruction of peaceful relations with the 
Soviet Bloc. They feel therefore that the moral 
position of the Western World in this battle of 
ideas would be weakened by outright violation of 
clear commitments. 

Despite the force of these contentions, the 
United States requested the Western European 
countries concerned to freeze their shipments of 
prior commitment items, so that a joint review of 
the problem could be undertaken. This request 
led to an intensive review. As a result, the West- 
ern European countries decided that some of the 
projected shipments could be eliminated without 
prejudice to the foregoing considerations. The 
eliminated shipments involved about one-quarter 
of the outstanding prior commitments. 

The three Battle Act exceptions already granted 
for the Netherlands, Italy, and Denmark total 
$3.3 million. 

Additional items valued at about $2.5 million 
now have been shipped. These are the British, 
French, and Italian shipments with respect to 
which I now have made a determination that aid 
should lie continued. The shipments originated 
as follows: United Kingdom, $583,818; France, 
$959,245 ; and Italy, $940,000. 

The items shipped from the United Kingdom 
were forging machines, special metal-working ma- 
chines, pumps, valves, rolling mill equipment, 
balances, locomotives and parts, specialized test- 
ing devices, ball and roller bearings, industrial 

Department of Stale Bulletin 



ureases and oils, a small quantity of nickel, and 
one blower. The items shipped from France were 
borin<:j machines, valves, chemical equipment, com- 
pressors, electronic equipment, aluminum, and 
ball bearin<is. The it^ms shipped from Italy were 
rolling mill equipment and ball and roller bear- 
ings. (See Appendix for a list of the items, their 
vaTues, and their destinations.) 

There remain a number of other prior commit- 
ments on the books not only of the United Kino- 
dom, France, and Italy but also of Denmark and 
the Federal Eepublic" of Germany. If further 
shipments of this kind take place, the United 
States Govermnent will examine such cases on 
their merits and determine the appropriate action 
in the light of all the circumstances. 

Why the Cessation of Aid Would Be Detrimental to 
the Security of the United States 

Following are the considerations, specified in 
the Battle Act. which have led to the conclusion 
that unusual circumstances indicate that the cessa- 
tion of aid to the United Kingdom. France, and 
Italy would clearly be detrimental to the security 
of the United States. 

A. Contribution of those countries to the mutual 
security of the Free World 

All the countries associated in the North At- 
lantic Treaty Organization are important to the 
success of the common undertaking. But the 
United Kingdom, France, and Italy are the three 
largest European members of Nato and the vital 
importance of their participation can scarcely l>e 
exaggerated. In their foreign policies they sup- 
port, as a basic principle, action directed toward 
the military and economic integration of Western 
Europe. By reason of their geographical loca- 
tions, their industrial capacity, their armed forces 
and their other resources, they are in a position 
to make, and they are making, contributions of the 
greatest value to the security of the Free World. 

In two world wars the United Kingdom has 
shown its determination to fight for its democratic 
way of life, and has, in those wars, borne the 
shock of combat in the early stages. In this sense 
it has in effect been a first bastion of defense for 
the Free World. Its example during the dark 
days of 1940 and 1941 when it stood, with the 
Commonwealth, practically alone was one that 
cheered free men everywhere. France, the tradi- 
tional ally of the United States from the time of 
the American Eevolution. has likewise stood in 
the forefront of those willing to fight for a way 
of life that respected the dignity of the free in- 
dividual. And Italy, despite a dark period in its 
history, has in recent years aligned itself firmly 
with the free nations of the world, and in the face 
of formidable obstacles has made a contribution of 
great value. 

Together, the United Kingdom and France ac- 



count for about four-fifths of the defense expendi- 
tures of the European Nato countries. Their 
share of the total production of military equip- 
ment is even higher. They rank highest amon^ 
those countries in the percentage of gross national 
product devoted to defense spending. 

The United Kingdom makes almost half of the 
defense expenditures of the European Nato coun- 
tries. The United Kingdom and the United 
States have cooperated with each other in a man- 
ner unique in the history of nations. Common 
defense policies have been developed, and the 
practice of consultation that was undertaken 
during the last war has made possible a coordi- 
nated defense which is a cornerstone of United 
States security. The air bases in the British Isles 
are a key element in the Free World's system of 
defense. The British fleet, together with that of 
the United States, stands in defense of our shores 
as well as theirs. The British merchant marine 
furnishes the United States, as well as the United 
Kingdom, with lines of supply. On the continent 
of Europe the British have the largest armored 
force of any Nato country, including the United 
States. 

France, a country which has been the battlefield 
of both world wars, which has seen the best of 
its youth depleted by those wars, which has under- 
gone the anguish of enemy occupation, and which 
has been forced to struggle bitterly for its eco- 
nomic health, is second only to the United King- 
dom among European Nato countries in defense 
expenditures and in output of military equipment. 
The vast communications network upon which the 
common effort depends is centered in France. 
W^hile making its defense contribution in Europe, 
France is cai'ryino; the burden of a war against 
Communists in Indo-China. Into that war it has 
poured a vast sum of money and the pick of its 
trained officers. 

Italy's contribution to the common security is in 
a sense one of the most noteworthy on the conti- 
nent. For out of the wreckage of fascism has 
arisen a resolute government determined to play 
a major part in the struggle for freedom. Hav- 
ing experienced the evil of totalitarianism, Italy 
has resolved to stand on the side of freedom 
and to defend that freedom. Its natural re- 
sources are few. The social pressures which are 
the outcome of the poverty and distress of the 
masses have been intensified by years of totali- 
tarian rule. Nevertheless, and despite the pres- 
ence of a Communist party that feeds on the pov- 
erty of the country, the Italian Government has 
taken firm steps to preserve its internal security. 
It has modernized its military installations. In 
its harbors are based the Nato Mediterranean com- 
mand, and its communications and supply facili- 
ties are of incalculable value. 

The factories of these three countries produce 
ffoods and services needed by the Nato forces, and 
this production is given priority over civilian 



January 12, 7953 



81 



needs. By June 30, 1952, the United States had 
placed contracts with European manufacturers 
for $084 million of equipment to be used by Nato 
and the United States military forces. About 
half tliis amount is coniino: from France, with 
Italy and the United Kingdom having the next 
largest shares. In the year ending June 30, 1953, 
additional contracts of $1 billion are expected 
to be let in Europe. 

B. Importance to the security of the United States 
of assistance to those countries 

The security of the United States is squarely 
based on the unity of the Western nations and the 
continued strengthening of their free institutions. 

In like manner tlie effectiveness of the contri- 
bution tliat the United Kingdom, France, and 
Italy can make toward that unity and strength is 
dependent at the present time on assistance from 
the United States. 

Since the end of World War II the United 
States has given net grants and credits to Western 
Europe that amount to $23.1 billion in economic 
aid and $2.7 billion in military aid— a total of 
about $25.8 billion. Of the economic aid, $6.4 
billion went to the United Kingdom, $4.5 billion 
to France, and $2.4 billion to Italy. Those three 
countries also received large shares of United 
States military assistance. 

All this aid represents an investment directly 
in the interests of United States security. To 
terminate aid to the United Kingdom, France, and 
Italy would seriously impair that security because 
it would jeopardize the effectiveness of the free na- 
tions' first line of defense in Europe. Our assist- 
ance is indispensable to the three countries ; with- 
out it they would be unable to carry the military 
burdens they have assumed in Nato. Moreover, 
since the plans developed in Nato are integrated 
plans which depend for their success on the con- 
tinued performance of these countries, the collapse 
of their defense efforts would mean the collapse 
of the whole Nato system. We would be im- 
periling a $25 billion investment in Western de- 
fense for a consideration of $2.5 million worth of 
shipments which already have gone to the Soviet 
Bloc. Regrettable as these shipments may be, and 
impoi-tant as these commodities may be to the 
Soviet Bloc, their strategic advantage'to the Com- 
munists is far outweighed by the damage to our 
own security that would result from the termina- 
tion of assistance. 

C. Strategic importance of imports received hy 
those countries from the Soviet Bloc 

Each of the three, the United Kingdom, France, 
and Italy, has historical trade relationships with 
one or more of the countries now included in the 
Soviet Bloc. A certain degree of dependence 
upon Eastern Europe has been developed, both as 
a market and a source of supply. Tlie three na- 
tions have exchanged their own products for 

82 



es.sential coal, grain, foodstuffs, and other com- 
modities. If these countries were forced to shift 
to otlier sources of supply, the shift would require 
the expenditure of more dollars, which tliese 
countries do not have. 

The United Kingdom can produce only 40 per- 
cent of its own food supply. It is thus dependent 
on imports to feed its population. Since the end 
of World War II the United Kingdom has ob- 
tained very important quantities of coarse (rrains 
and timber products from the Soviet Bloc." The 
coarse grains, through the increase in domestically 
produced meats and poultry products, have made 
a vital contribution to the diet of the British 
people. The timber products have helped to pro- 
vide adequate housing for a significant number of 
British families; and such items as pit props have 
assisted directly in the increase of coal production. 

If the British did not obtain these important 
items from the Soviet Bloc, they would either have 
to procure them largely in dollar areas or go with- 
out. If they decided to i>rocure these items in 
dollar areas, they would almost inevitably have 
to reduce their defense expenditures in order to 
obtain tlie needed dollars. If tiiey decided to go 
without, they would have to worsen an already 
austere standard of living. Either alternative 
would weaken the British contribution to the 
common defense. 

A somewhat similar pattern exists in botli 
France and Italy— made more difficult in both 
these countries, however, by the presence of laro-e 
and vocal Communist groups. The Communist 
propaganda line has long been that refusal to 
trade with Eastern Europe has placed severe 
hardships on Western Europeans by cuttincr them 
off from important supplies traditionally pur- 
chased in Eastern Europe. 

Italy still depends on the Soviet Bloc for sup- 
plies of such vital imports as coal, manganese, 
iron and steel, wheat and foodstuffs. Italy nor- 
mally imports about nine-tenths of its coal re- 
quirements, and in 1951 the Bloc supplied 12i/> 
percent of Italy's coal imports and 11 percent of 
coke imports. Also in 1951 the Bloc supplied 6.5 
percent of Italy's manganese imports, 7 percent 
of its pig iron imports, over 12 percent of wheat 
imports, and almost 20 percent of other grains 
including rye, barley, and oats. 

France, too, gets important quantities of certain 
essential imports from the Soviet Bloc, such as I 
certain types of coal, although France's total trade 
with the Bloc is not as large as Italy's or Britain's. 
In 1951 France received from the Bloc almost 10 
percent of its coal and coke imports, 81/0 percent 
of its total glycerine imports, and 10 percent of 
its asbestos imports. 

Part of the reason why Western Europe has 
been able to reduce its dependence on Eastern sup- 
plies to these levels, and hence withstand to a 
marked degree the Soviet Bloc pressures for stra- 
tegic items, has been the existence of United Stales 

Department of State Bulletin 



aid. If we were suddenly to withdraw this aid, 
the" flow of strategic goods and services to the 
Iron Curtain areas would be bound to increase. 
This would defeat the purpose of the Battle Act, 
not contribute to it. 

D Adequacy of British. French, and Italian con- 
trols over the export of strategic items to the 
Soviet Bloc 

Failure to abrogate all their prior commitments 
should not be allowed to obscure the fact that 
these three countries have long operated effective 
controls over strategic items and have prevented 
the shipment of large quantities of these items to 
the Soviet Bloc. The British, m fact, enacted 
controls before the United States did so. Many 
improvements can undoubtedly be made in some 
controls systems, and work along these lines is 
in progress. These countries have been impor- 
tant participants in international discussions 
of controls— a cooperative program that is 
unpi'ecedented. 

In decidino- whether to terminate aid in these 
cases, I have been guided by the basic objectives 
of the Act— to strengthen the security ot the 
United States and of the Free World. This Gov- 
ernment has sought constantly to avoid placing 
weapons in the hands of the Soviet Bloc with 
which to attack the Free World. But weapons 
take various forms. They may be commodities 
of strategic importance; they may be hunger or 
discontent within the borders of friendly coun- 
tries; or they may be discord between our allies 
and ourselves. We must guard against giving the 
Soviet Bloc any of these weapons. It is my firm 
conviction that the decision to continue aid in 
these cases best serves the security interests of the 
United States. 

Sincerely yours, 

Harry S. Truman 



APPENDIX 



FRANCE 



Shipments of Title I, Category B Items to the Soviet Bloc 
After Jan. 2J,, 1952 



Item 


Quantity 


Destination 


Value 




3 


1 Poland; 2 Czecho- 
slovakia. 
Poland _ . . 


$768, 240 


Specialized chemical 

equipment. 
Chemical processing 

equipment. 


3 units 

2 shipments. -- 


35, 868 


Poland 


14, 360 


Poland 


38,001 






Poland 


29, 167 






Poland... . - 


4,789 






Poland 


37, 320 




50 tons 


Poland... 


31,500 










Total 


$959. 245 



January 12, 1953 



UNITED KINGDOM 

Shipments of Title I, Category B Items to the Soviet Bloc 
After Jan. 24, 1952 



Forginc machinos 

Specialized metal worls- 
ing macliines. 

Pumps 

Valves 

Rolling mill equipment... 
Rolling mill equipment... 

Blower 

Balances 

Specialized testingdevices 

Ball and roller bearings... 



Nickel 

Lubricating oils and 
greases. 

Mineral oil 

Lubricating oils 



Transformer oils 

Insulating oils 

Greases and oils 

Locomotives and parts. 



Quantity 



86 kilograms.. 
50 gals 



17.9tons Poland. 

Poland. 



196 gals., 7 
cwts. 

18,000 gals 

100 gals 

6 gals., 12 oz... 



Destination 



6 U. S. S. E; 4 Poland. 
Poland 



Poland 

Poland 

Poland 

Hungary 

Poland 

U.S. S. R 

1 Hungary; 3 Poland; 

3 U. S. S. R. 
17 Poland; 10 Hun- 
gary; 981 Czechoslo- 
vakia. 

Poland 

China 



Poland — 

Poland... 

Poland 

$100,511 Poland; 32.230 
Hungary;955 Czech- 
oslovakia. 



Value 



$188. 892 
6,418 

760 
12, 192 

25. 144 
87, 682 
63,913 

2,752 

26, 501 

19, 003 



654 
66 

1,809 
190 

14, 000 

126 

20 

133, 696 



Total $583,818 



ITALY 

Shipments of Title I, Category B Items to the Soviet Bloc 
After Jan. 2/,, 1952 



Item 


Quantity 


Destination 


Value 


Centreless grinding machine 
(exception previously 

granted). 


1 




$11,000 


Poland.. 


440.000 






Czechoslovakia .-. 


500. OOO 










Total...- 

Exception previously 
granted 

Net 


951, OOO 
11,000 




$910, OOO 



Shipments of Title I, Category B Items to the Soviet Bloo 
After Jan. 2J(, 1952 



Country 



United Kingdom 
France 

Italy 

Total 



$FS3. 818 
959,245 
910, 000 



$2, 483, 063 



THE DEPARTMENT 



Appointment of Officers 



Harold G. Kissiek as Chief of the Division of Inter- 
national Conferences, etfective November 9. 

Harold F. Linder as Assistant Secretary for Economic 
Affairs, effective December 12. 

83 



January 12, 1953 



Ind 



ex 



Vol. XXVIII, No. 707 



American Republics 

Review of progress In Latin America (Rowe) . , 47 

Asia 

INDIA: 

Point Four agreement for malaria control . . 55 
Loan for expansion of iron and steel produc- 
tion 54 

KASHMIR: U.S. reaffirms position on Kashmir 

question 73 

KOREA: U.S. position on ICEC's proposals rela- 
tive to Koje-do incident 52 

Communism 

Chinese Communists reject U.N. proposals on 

prisoners of war 74 

Europe 

AUSTRIA: U.N. support for early settlement, 

text of treaty resolution 67 

President's decision on continuance of aid to 

the United Kingdom, France, and Italy . . 79 

U.S.S.R.: Soviets say "wrong address" in reply 

to U.S. notes on Hungarian plane incident . 51 

Witnessing the birth of a new Europe (Cowen) . 48 

Foreign Policy 

U.S. foreign policy In review (Truman) ... 43 

Industry 

Loan for expansion of iron and steel production 

in India 54 

Mutual Aid and Defense 

President's decision on continuance of aid to the 

United Kingdom, Prance, and Italy .... 79 

Near and Middle East 

PALESTINE: General Assembly's role in the 

question (Jessup) ... 7q 

SAUDI ARABIA: Point Four ...'.'..'. 53 
SYRIA: Letter of credence 56 

Presidential Documents 

CORRESPONDENCE: President's decision on 
continuance of aid to the United Kingdom 
France, and Italy ' 79 

EXECUTIVE ORDERS: 

Administration of Tinlan and Saipau ... 45 
U.N. appointments ' ' g2 



Prisoners of War 

Chinese Communists reject U.N. proposals on 

prisoners of war 74 

U.S. position on Icrc's proposals relative to 

KoJe-do Incident 52 

Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property 

Soviets say "wrong address" in reply to U.S. 

notes on Hungarian plane incident . . . ] 51 

Refugees and Displaced Persons 

Migration Committee to expand services in 

1953 54 

State, Department of 

Appointment of officers 83 

Technical Cooperation and Development 

Point Four agreement for malaria control with 

India gg 

Point Pour In Saudi Arabia ' 55 

Review of progress in Latin America . . . . . 47 

Trust Territories 

Administration of Tinian and Saipan, Executive 

order 45 

United Nations 

American citizens in the U.N. Secretariat . . 57 

Ciu-rent U.N documents: a selected bliDlioe- 

i-aphy 78 

GENERAL ASSEMBLY: Role in the Palestine 

question r^Q 

U.N. support for early Austrian settlement, text 

of Austrian treaty resolution 67 

U.S. reaffirms position on Kashmir question '. '. 73 

Name Index 

Acheson, Secretary ... 57 

Chou En-lai \ 74 

Cohen, Benjamin V. .....,' ' 67 

Cowen, Myron M ' 48 

Dunaway, John A . . . 56 

Hlckerson, John D 57 

Jessup, Philip C . . . 70 

Kisslck, Harold G 03 

Linder, Harold F. . 00 

Malik, Y. A .'.;;.■.'■ 51 

Pearson, Lester .' ' 74 

Ross, John C _ 73 

Rowe, CO . . . . 47 

Truman, President • ' . 43 79 

Warren, George L ..." '64 

Zeineddine, Farid 66 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: Dec. 30, 1952-Jan. 3, 1953 

Releases may be obtained from the Office of the 
Special A-ssistant for Press Relations, Department 
of State, Washington 2.5, D. C. 

Press releases issued prior to Dec. 30 which 
appear in this Issue of the Bulletin are Nos 919 
of Dec. 15, 92.3 of Dec. 17, 925 of Dec. 18, and 929 
of Dec. 22. 

No. Date 

931 12/30 

932 12/30 

933 12/30 

934 12/31 
tl 1/2 

2 1/2 
t3 1/2 
*4 1/3 

• Not prin 

t Held for 



Subject 

Loyalty in U.N. 
Acheson letter to Rep. Chelf 
Malaria control for India 
Hlckerson: Loyalty in the U.N. 
United Command reports to U.N. 
Point Four in Saudi Arabia 
Cramer: Caribbean Pt. Four director 
Disciplinary action: Kohler 
ted. 
a later issue of the Bulletin. 



U. S, GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1953 



tJne/ u)eh€(/)^7ne7ii/ aw t/iate^ 




ol. XXyill, i\o. 708 
January 19, 1953 




THE STATE OF THE UNION • Mes^ge of the President to the 

Concffss ••••.•••• 87 

A REPLY TO CHARGES AGAINST THE U. S. ECO- 

NOINHC SYSTEINI • Statement by Senator Alexander 

Uiley 108 

INTER-AIMERICAN COOPERATION ON HIGHWAY 

PROBLEMS • Article by Jack Garrett Scott and Melville 

E. Osborne 104 



For index see back cover 



%J/ie 




s.,^^.m.. bulletin 



Vol. XXVIII, No. 708 • Publication 4870 
January 19, 1953 



For sale by the Siippnrlendert of nocuments 

U.S. OoveramenI Printing OITice 

Wsshlnpton 25. D.C. 

Price: 

62 Issues, domestic $7.5ii, foreign *lii.25 
Singie copy. 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been apprnvcii by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, Ia52). 

Note: Contents 01 this publication are not 
copytiKhted and iten"! contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation o( the Depabtue.nt 
or State Bulletin as the siiurce wUl be 
appreciated. 



The Department of State BVLLETHS, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIM includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the Tf'hite House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



The State of the Union 



Message of the President to the Congress ' 



[Excerpts] 

To the Congress of the United States : 

I have the honor to report to the Congress on 
the state of the Union. 

This is the eightli svich report that, as President, 
I have been privileged to present to you and to 
the country. On previous occasions, it has been 
my custom to set forth proposals for legislative 
action in the coming year. But that is not my 
purpose today. The presentation of a legislative 
program falls properly to my successor, not to me, 
and I would not infringe upon his responsibility 
to chart the forward course. Instead, I wish to 
speak of the course we have been following the 
past 8 years and the position at which we have 
arrived. 

In just 2 weeks. General Eisenhower will be 
inaugurated as President of the United States 
and I will resume — most gladly — my place as a 
private citizen of this Republic. The Presidency 
last changed hands 8 years ago this coming April. 
That was a tragic time: a time of grieving for 
President Eoosevelt — the great and gallant hu- 
man being who had been taken from us; a time 
of unrelieved anxiety to his successor, thrust so 
suddenly into the complexities and burdens of 
the Presidential office. 

Not so this time. This time we see the normal 
transition under our democratic system. One 
President, at the conclusion of his term, steps back 
to private life ; his successor, chosen by the people, 
begins his tenui-e of the office. And the Presidency 
of the United States continues to function without 
a moment's break. 

Since the election, I have done my best to as- 
sure that the transfer from one Administration 
to anotlier shall be smooth and orderly. From 
General Eisenhower and his associates, I have had 
friendly and understanding collaboration in this 
endeavor. I have not sought to thrust upon him — ■ 

' H. doc. 1, 8.3cl Cong., 1st sess. ; delivered by reading 
clerks in the House and in the Senate on Jan. 7. 



nor has he sought to take — the responsibility 
which must be mine until 12 o'clock noon on Jan- 
uary 20. But together, I hope and believe, we 
have found means whereby the incoming Presi- 
dent can obtain the full and detailed information 
he will need to assume the responsibility the mo- 
ment he takes the oath of office. 

The President-elect is about to take up the great- 
est burdens, the most compelling responsibilities, 
given to any man. And I, with you and all Ameri- 
cans, wish for him all possible success in undertak- 
ing the tasks that will so soon be his. 

Wliat are these tasks? The President is Chief 
of State, elected representative of all the people, 
national spokesman for them and to them. He is 
Commander in Chief of our Armed Forces. He is 
charged with the conduct of our foreign relations. 
He is Chief Executive of the Nation's largest civil- 
ian organization. He must select and nominate 
all top officials of the executive branch and all 
Federal judges. And on the legislative side, he 
has the obligation and the opportunity to recom- 
mend and to approve or veto legislation. Besides 
all this, it is to him that a great political party 
turns naturally for leadership, and that, too, he 
must provide as President. 

This bundle of burdens is unique; there is noth- 
ing else like it on the face of the earth. Each 
task could be a full-time job. Together, they 
would be a tremendous undertaking in the easiest 
of times. 

But our times are not easy; they are hard — as 
hard and complex, perhaps as any in our history. 
Now, the President not only has to carry on these 
tasks in such a way that our democracy may grow 
and flourish and our people prosper, but he also 
has to lead the whole free world in overcoming the 
Communist menace — and all this under the shadow 
of the atomic bomb. 

This is a huge challenge to the human being 
who occupies the Presidential office. But it is not 
a challenge to him alone, for in reality he cannot 
meet it alone.' The challenge runs not just to him 



January 19, 7953 



87 



but to his whole Administration, to the Congress, 
to the country. 

Ultimately, no President can master his respon- 
sibilities, save as his fellow citizens — indeed, the 
whole people — comprehend the challenge of oiu" 
times and move, witli him, to meet it. 

It has been my privilege to hold the Presidential 
office for nearly 8 years now, and much has been 
done in which I take great pride. But this is not 
personal pride. It is pride in the people, in the 
Nation. It is pride in our political system and 
our form of government — balky sometimes, me- 
chanically deficient perhaps, in many ways — but 
enormously alive and vigorous; able through these 
years to keep the Republic on the right course, 
rising to the great occasions, accomplishing the 
essentials, meeting the basic challenge of our times. 

There have been misunderstandings and contro- 
versies these j)ast 8 years, but through it all the 
President of the United States has had that meas- 
ure of support and understanding without which 
no man could sustain the burdens of the Presiden- 
tial office, or hope to discharge its responsibilitie-s. 

For this I am profoundly grateful — grateful to 
my associates in the executive branch — most of 
them nonpartisan civil servants; grateful — despite 
our disagreements — to the Members of the Con- 
gress on both sides of the aisle; grateful especially 
to the American people, the citizens of this Re- 
public, governors of us all. 

We are still so close to recent controversies that 
some of us may find it hard to understand the 
accomplishments of these past 8 years. But the 
accomplishments are real and very great, not as 
the President's, not as the Congress', but as the 
achievements of our country and all the people 
in it. 

Let me remind you of some of the things we 
have done since I first assumed my duties as Presi- 
dent of the United States. 

I took the oath of office on April 12, 1945. In 
May of that same year, the Nazis surrendered. 
Then, in July, that great white flash of light, man- 
made at Alamogordo, heralded swift and final 
victory in World War II — and opened the door- 
way to the atomic age. 

Consider some of the great questions that were 
posed for us by sudden, total victory in World 
War II. Consider also, how well we as a Nation 
have responded. 



The Overriding Question of Our Time 

I come now to the most vital question of all, the 
greatest of our concerns: Could there be built in 
the world a durable structure of security, a lasting 
peace for all the nations, or would we drift, as 
after World War I, toward another terrible dis- 
aster — a disaster which this time might be the 
holocaust of atomic war? 

That is still the oven-iding question of our time. 
We cannot know the answer yet; perhaps we will 



not know it finally for a long time to come. But 
day and night, tliese past 8 years, we have been 
building for peace, searching out the way that 
leads most surely to security and freedom and 
justice in the world for us and all mankind. 

Tiiis. alx)ve all else, has been the task of our 
Republic since the end of World War II, and our 
accomplishment so far should give real pride to 
all Americans. At the very least, a total war has 
been averted, each day up to this hour. And at the 
most, we may already have succeeded in establish- 
ing conditions which can keep that kind of war 
from happening for as far ahead as man can see. 

The Second World War radically clianged the 
power relationships of the world. Nations once 
great were left shattered and weak, channels of 
communication, routes of trade, political and eco- 
nomic ties of many kinds were ripjDed apart. 

And in this changed, disrupted, chaotic situa- 
tion, the United States and the Soviet Union 
emerged as the two strongest powers of the world. 
Each had tremendous human and natural re- 
sources, actual or potential, on a scale unmatched 
by any other nation. 

Nothing could make plainer why the world is 
in its present state — and how that came to pass — 
than an understanding of the diametrically op- 
posite principles and policies of these two great 
powers in a war-ruined world. 

For our part, we in this Republic were — and 
are — free men, heirs of the American Revolution, 
dedicated to the truths of our Declaration of Inde- 
pendence : 

. . . that all men are created equnl. that they are 
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Kishts 
. . . That to secure these rights, Governments are in- 
stituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the 
consent of the governed. 

Our postwar objective has been in keeping with 
this great idea. The United States has sought to 
use its pre-eminent position of power to help other 
nations recover from the damage and dislocation 
of the war. We held out a helping hand to en- 
able tliem to restore their national lives and to 
regain their positions as inde])endent, self-sup- 
porting members of the great family of nations. 
This help was given without any attempt on our 
part to dominate or control any nation. We did 
not want satellites but partners. 

The Soviet Union, however, took exactly the 
opposite course. 

Its rulers saw in the weakened condition of the 
world not an obligation to assist in the great work 
of reconstruction, but an opportunity to exploit 
miseiy and suffering for the extension of their 
power. Instead of help, they brought subjugation. 
They extinguished, blotted out, the national inde- 
pendence of the countries that the military opera- 
tions of AVorld War II had left within their grasp. 

The difference stares at us from the map of Eu- 
rope today. To the west of the line that tragically 
divides Europe we see nations continuing to act 



88 



Deparlmenf of State Bulletin 



and live in the light of their own ti'aditions and 
principles. On the other side, -we see the dead 
uniformity of a tyrannical system imposed by the 
rulers of the Soviet Union. Nothing could point 
up more clearly what the global struggle between 
the free world and the Communists is all about. 

It is a struggle as old as recorded history ; it is 
freedom versus tyranny. 

For the dominant idea of the Soviet regime is 
the terrible conception that men do not have rights 
but live at the mercy of the state. 

Inevitably this idea of theirs — and all the con- 
sequences flowing from it — collided with the ef- 
forts of free nations to build a just and peaceful 
world. The Cold War between the Communists 
and the free world is nothing more or less than 
the Soviet attempt to checkmate and defeat our 
peaceful purposes, in furtherance of their own 
dread objective. 

"We did not seek this struggle, God forbid. We 
did our utmost to avoid it. In World War II, we 
and the Russians had fought side by side, each in 
our turn attacked and forced to combat by the 
aggressors. After the war, we hoped that our 
wartime collaboration could be maintained, that 
the frightful experience of Nazi invasion, of dev- 
astation in the heart of Eussia, had turned the 
Soviet rulers away from their old proclaimed al- 
legiance to world revolution and Communist do- 
minion. But instead, they violated, one by one, 
the solemn agreements they had made with us in 
wartime. They sought to use the rights and priv- 
ileges they had obtained in the United Nations, 
to frustrate its purposes and cut down its powers 
as an effective agent of world progress and the 
keeper of the world's peace. 

Despite this outcome, the efforts we made toward 
peaceful collaboration are a source of our present 
strength. They demonstrated that we believed 
what we proclaimed, that we actually sought 
honest agreements as the way to peace. Our whole 
moral position, our leadership in the free world 
today, is fortified by that fact. 

The world is divided, not through our fault 
or failure, but by Soviet design. They, not we, 
began the Cold War. And because the free world 
saw this happen — because men know we made the 
effort and the Soviet rulers spurned it — the free 
nations have accepted leadership from our Re- 
public, in meeting and mastering the Soviet 
offensive. 

It seems to me especially important that all of us 
be clear, in our own thinking, about the nature 
of the threat we have faced — and will face for a 
long time to come. The measures we have devised 
to meet it take shape and pattern only as we 
understand what we were — and are — up against. 

The Soviet Union occupies a territory of 8 mil- 
lion square miles. Beyond its borders, east and 
west, are the nearly 5 million square miles of the 
satellite states — virtually incorporated into the 
Soviet Union — and of China, now its close partner. 



This vast land mass contains an enormous store 
of natural resources sufficient to support an eco- 
nomic development comparable to our own. 

The Stalinist World 

That is the Stalinist world. It is a world of 
great natural diversity in geography and climate, 
in distribution of resources, in population, lan- 
guage, and living standards, in economic and cul- 
tural development. It is a world whose people 
are not all convinced Communists by any means. 
It is a world where history and national tradi- 
tions, particularly in its borderlands, tend more 
toward separation than unification, and run 
counter to the enforced combination that has been 
made of these areas today. 

But it is also a world of great man-made uni- 
formities, a world that bleeds its population white 
to build huge military forces; a world in which 
the police are everywhere and their authority un- 
limited; a world where terror and slavery are de- 
liberately administered both as instruments of 
government and as means of production ; a world 
where all effective social power is the state's mo- 
nopoly — yet the state itself is the creature of the 
Communist tyrants. 

The Soviet Union, with its satellites, and China 
are held in the tight grip of Communist Party 
chieftains. The party dominates all social and 
political institutions. The party regulates and 
centrally directs the whole economy. In Moscow's 
sphere, and in Peiping's, all history, philosophy, 
morality, and law are centrally established by 
rigid dogmas, incessantly drummed into the whole 
population and subject to interpretation — or to 
change — by none except the party's own inner 
circle. 

And lest their people learn too much of other 
ways of life, the Communists have walled off their 
world, deliberately and uniformly, from the rest of 
human society. 

That is the Communist base of operation in their 
Cold War. In addition, they have at their com- 
mand hundreds and thousands of dedicated for- 
eign Communists, people in nearly every free 
country who will serve Moscow's ends. Thus the 
masters of the Kremlin are provided with deluded 
followers all through the free world whom they 
can manipulate, cynically and quite ruthlessly, to 
serve the purposes of the Soviet state. 

Given their vast internal base of operations, and 
their agents in foreign lands, what are the Com- 
munist rulers trying to do ? 

Inside their homeland, the Communists are try- 
ing to maintain and modernize huge military 
forces. And simultaneously, they are endeavoring 
to weld their whole vast area and population into 
a completely self-contained, advanced industrial 
society. They aim, some day, to equal or better the 
production levels of Western Europe and North 
America combined — thus shifting the balance of 



January 19, 1953 



89 



world economic power, and war potential, to their 
side. 

They have a long way to go and they know it. 
But they are prepared to levy upon living genera- 
tions any sacrifice that helps strengthen their 
armed power, or speed industrial development. 

Externally, the Communist rulers are trying to 
expand the boundaries of their world, whenever 
and wherever they can. This expansion they have 
pursued steadfastly since the close of World War 
II, using any means available to them. 

Where the Soviet Army was present, as in the 
countries of Eastern Europe, they have gradually 
squeezed free institutions to death. 

Where postwar chaos existed in industrialized 
nations, as in Western Europe, the local Stalinists 
tried to gain power through political processes, 
politically inspired strikes, and every available, 
means for subverting free institutions to their evil 
ends. 

Where conditions permitted, the Soviet rulers 
have stimulated and aided armed insurrection by 
Communist-led revolutionary forces, as in Greece, 
Indochina, tlie Philippines, and China, or outright 
aggression by one of their satellites, as in Korea. 

Where the forces of nationalism, independence, 
and economic change were at work throughout the 
great sweep of Asia and Africa, the Communists 
tried to identify themselves with the cause of 
progress, tried to picture themselves as the friends 
of freedom and advancement — surely one of the 
most cynical efforts of which history offers record. 

Thus, everywhere in the free world, the Commu- 
nists seek to fish in troubled wvaters, to seize more 
countries, to enslave more millions of human souls. 
They were, and are, ready to ally themselves with 
any group, from the extreme left to the extreme 
right, that offers them an opportunity to advance 
their ends. 

Geography gives them a central position. They 
are botli a European and an Asian power, with 
borders touching many of the most sensitive and 
vital areas in the free world around them. So 
situated, they can use their armies and their eco- 
nomic power to set up simultaneously a whole 
series of threats — or inducements — to such widely 
dispersed places as Western Germany, Iran, and 
Japan. These pressures and attractions can be 
sustained at will or quickly shifted from place 
to place. 

Thus tlie Communist rulers are moving, with 
implacable will, to create greater strength in their 
vast empire and to create weakness and division 
in the free world, preparing for tlie time their 
false creed teaches them must come : the time when 
the whole world outside their sway will be so torn 
by strife and contradictions that it will be ripe 
for the Communist plucking. 

This is the heart of the distorted Marxist in- 
terpretation of history. This is the glass through 
which Moscow and Peiping look out upon the 
world, the glass through which they see the rest 



of us. They seem really to believe that history is 
on their side. And they are trying to boost "his- 
toid" along, at every opportunity, in every way 
they can. 

I have set forth here the nature of the Commu- 
nist menace confronting our Republic and the 
whole free world. This is the measure of the chal- 
lenge we have faced since World War II — a chal- 
lenge partly military and partly economic, partly 
moral and partly intellectual, confronting us at 
every level of human endeavor and all around 
the world. 

It has been and must be the free world's pur- 
pose not only to organize defenses against aggi"es- 
sion and subversion, not only to build a structure 
of resistance and salvation for the community of 
nations outside the Iron Curtain, but, in addition, 
to give expression and opportunity to the forces 
of growth and progress in the free world, to so 
organize and unify the cooperative community of 
free men that we will not crumble but grow 
stronger over the years, and the Soviet empire, not 
the free world, will eventually have to change its 
ways or fall. 

Our Defense: Military Security and Human Progress 

Our whole program of action to carry out this 
purpose has been directed to meet two require- 
ments. 

The first of these had to do with security. Like 
the pioneers who settled this great continent of 
GUI'S, we have had to carry a musket while we went 
about our peaceful business. We realized that if 
we and our allies did not have military strength 
to meet the growing Soviet military threat, we 
would never have the opportunity to carry for- 
ward our efforts to build a peaceful world of law 
and order — the only environment in which our 
free institutions could survive and flourish. 

Did tliis mean we had to drop everything else 
and concentrate on armies and weapons? Of 
course it did not: side-by-side with this urgent 
military requirement, we had to continue to help 
create conditions of economic and social progress 
in the \yorld. This work had to be carried forward 
alongside the first, not only in order to meet the 
nonmilitary aspects of the Communist drive for 
power but also because this creative effort toward 
human progress is essential to bring about the kind 
of world we as free men want to live in. 

These two requirements — military security and 
human progress — are more closely related in ac- 
tion than we sometimes recognize. Military se- 
curity depends upon a strong economic underpin- 
ning and a stable and hopeful political order; 
conversely, the confidence that makes for economic 
and political progress does not thrive in areas 
that are vulnerable to military conquest. 

These requirements are related in another way. 
Botli of them depend upon unity of action among 
the free nations of the world. This, indeed, has 



90 



Department of State Bulletin 



been the foundation of oiir whole eflFort, for the 
drawing together of the free people of the world 
has become a condition essential not only to their 
progress, but to their survival as free people. 

This is the conviction that underlies all the steps 
we have been taking to strengthen and unify the 
free nations during the past 7 years. 

What have these steps been ? Fii-st of all, how 
have we gone about meeting the requirement of 
providing for our security against this world- 
wide challenge ? 

Our starting point, as I have said on many occa- 
sions, has been and remains the United Nations. 

AVe were prepared, and so were the other nations 
of the free world, to place our reliance on the ma- 
chinery of the United Nations to safeguard peace. 
But before the United Nations could give full ex- 
pression to the concept of international security 
embodied in the Charter, it was essential that the 
five permanent members of the Security Council 
honor their solemn pledge to cooperate to that end. 
This the Soviet Union has not done. 

I do not need to outline here the dreary record 
of Soviet obstruction and veto and the unceasing 
efforts of the Soviet representatives to sabotage 
the United Nations. It is important, however, to 
distinguish clearly between the principle of col- 
lective security embodied in the Charter and the 
mechanisms of the United Nations to give that 
principle effect. We must frankly recognize that 
the Soviet Union has been able, in certain in- 
stances, to stall the machinery of collective secu- 
rity. Yet it has not been able to impair the 
principle of collective security. The free nations 
of the world have retained their allegiance to that 
idea. They have found the means to act despite 
the Soviet veto, both through the United Nations 
itself and through the application of this prin- 
ciple in regional and other security arrangements 
that are fully in harmony with the Charter and 
give expression to its purposes. 

The free world refused to resign itself to col- 
lective suicide merely because of the technicality 
of a Soviet veto. 

Tlie principle of collective measures to forestall 
aggression lias found expression in the Treaty of 
Rio de Janeiro, the North Atlantic Treaty, now 
extended to include Greece and Turkey, and the 
several treaties we have concluded to reinforce se- 
curity in the Pacific area. 

But the free nations have not this time fallen 
prey to the dangerous illusion that treaties alone 
will stop an aggressor. By a series of vigorous 
actions, as varied as the nature of the threat, the 
free nations have successfully thwarted aggres- 
sion or the threat of aggression in many different 
parts of the world. 

Our country has led or supported these collec- 
tive measures. The aid we have given to people 
determined to act in defense of their freedom has 
often spelled the difference between success and 
failure. 



Major Steps Toward Collective Security 

We all know what we have done, and I shall not 
review in detail the steps we have taken. Each 
major step was a milepost in the developing unity, 
strength, and resolute will of the free nations. 

The first was the determined and successful ef- 
fort made through the United Nations to safe- 
guard the integrity and independence of Iran in 
1945 and 1946. 

Next was our aid and support to embattled 
Greece, which enabled her to defeat the forces 
threatening her national independence. 

In Turkey, cooperative action resulted in build- 
ing up a bulwark of military strength for an area 
vital to the defenses of the entire free world. 

In 1949 we began furnishing military aid to 
our partners in the North Atlantic community 
and to a number of other free countries. 

The Soviet Union's threats against Germany 
and Japan, its neighbors to the west and to the 
east, have been successfully withstood. Free Ger- 
many is on its way to becoming a member of the 
peaceful community of nations, and a partner in 
the common defense. The Soviet effort to capture 
Berlin by blockade was thwarted by the coura- 
geous Allied airlift. An independent and demo- 
cratic Japan has been brought back into the com- 
munity of free nations. 

In the Far East, the tactics of Communist im- 
perialism have reached heights of violence un- 
matched elsewhere — and the problem of concerted 
action by the free nations has been at once more 
acute and more difficult. 

Here, in spite of outside aid and support, the 
free government of China succumbed to the Com- 
munist assault. Our aid has enabled the free Chi- 
nese to rebuild and strengthen their forces on the 
island of Formosa. In other areas of the Far 
East — in Indochina, Malaya, and the Philip- 
pines — our assistance has helped sustain a staunch 
resistance against Communist insurrectionary 
attacks. 

The supreme test, up to this point, of the will 
and determination of the free nations came in 
Korea, when Communist forces invaded the Re- 
public of Korea, a state that was in a special sense 
under the protection of the United Nations. The 
response was immediate and resolute. Under our 
military leadership, the free nations for the first 
time took up arms, collectively, to repel aggression. 

Aggression was repelled, driven back, punished. 
Since that time. Communist strategy has seen fit 
to prolong the conflict, in spite of honest efforts 
by the United Nations to reach an honorable truce. 
The months of deadlock have demonstrated that 
the Communists cannot achieve by persistence, or 
by diplomatic trickery, what they failed to achieve 
by sneak attack. Korea has demonstrated that 
the free world has the will and the endurance to 
match the Communist effort to overthrow inter- 
national order through local aggression. 

It has been a bitter struggle and it has cost us 



January J 9, 7953 



91 



much in brave lives and human sufferin<r. but it 
has made it plain that the free nations will fif^ht 
side by side, that they will not succumb to aggres- 
sion or intimidation, one by one. This, in the final 
analysis, is the only way to halt the Communist 
drive to world power. 

Heart of the Free World's Defense 

At the heart of the free world's defense is the 
military strength of the United States. 

From 194.5 to 1949. the United States was sole 
possessor of the atomic bomb. That was a great 
deterrent and protection in itself. 

But when the Soviets produced an atomic explo- 
sion — as they were bound to do in time — we had 
to broaden the whole basis of our strength. We 
had to endeavor to keep our lead in atomic weap- 
ons. "We had to strengthen our Armed Forces 
generally and to enlarge our productive capacity — 
our mobilization base. Historically, it was the 
Soviet atomic explosion in the fall of 1949, 9 
months before the aggi'ession in Korea, which 
stimulated the planning for our program of de- 
fense mobilization. 

Wliat we needed was not just a central force 
that could strike back against aggression. We 
also needed strength along the outer edges of the 
free world, defenses for our allies as well as for 
ourselves, strength to hold the line against attack 
as well as to retaliate. 

We have made gi-eat progress on this task of 
building strong defenses. In the last 21/0 years, 
we have more than doubled our own defenses, and 
we have helped to increase the protection of nearly 
all the other free nations. 

All the measures of collective security, resistance 
to aggression, and the building of defenses, con- 
stitute the first requirement for the survival and 
progress of the free world. But, as I have pointed 
out, they are interwoven with the necessity of tak- 
ing steps to create and maintain economic and 
social progress in the free nations. There can 
be no military strength except where there is eco- 
nomic capacity to back it. There can be no free- 
dom where there is economic chaos or social col- 
lapse. For these reasons, our national policy has 
included a wide range of economic measures. 

In Europe, the grand design of the Marshall 
Plan permitted the people of Great Britain and 
France and Italy and a half dozen other countries, 
with help from the United States, to lift them- 
selves from stagnation and find again the path of 
rising production, rising incomes, rising standards 
of living. The situation was changed almost over- 
night by the Marshall Plan ; the j^eople of Europe 
have a renewed hope and vitality, and they are 
able to carry a share of the military defense of the 
free world that would have been impossible a few 
years ago. 

Now the countries of Europe are moving rapidly 
toward political and economic unity, changing 



the map of Europe in more hopeful ways than 
it has been changed for 500 years. Customs 
unions, European economic institutions like the 
Schuman Plan, the movement toward European 
political integration, the European Defense Com- 
munity — all are signs of practical and effective 
growth toward greater common strength and 
unity. The countries of Western Europe, includ- 
ing the fi'ee Kepul)lic of Gennany, are working 
together, and the whole free world is the gainer. 

It sometimes happens, in the course of history, 
that steps taken to meet an immediate necessity 
.serve an ultimate purpose greater than may be 
apparent at the time. This, I believe, is the mean- 
ing of what has been going on in Europe under 
the threat of aggression. The free nations there, 
with our help, have been drawing together in de- 
fense of their free institutions. In so doing, they 
have laid the foundations of a unity that will en- 
dure as a major creative force beyond the exigen- 
cies of this period of history. We may, at this 
close range, be but dimly aware of the creative 
surge this movement represents, but I believe it 
to be of historic importance. I believe its benefits 
will survive long after Communist tyranny is 
notliing but an unhappy memory. 

In Asia and Africa, the economic and social 
problems are different but no less urgent. Theie 
hundreds of millions of people are in ferment, ex- 
ploding into the twentieth century, thrusting to- 
ward equality and independence and improvement 
in the hard conditions of their lives. 

Politically, economically, socially, things can- 
not and will not stay in their prewar mold in 
Africa and Asia. Change must come — is com- 
ing — fast. Just in the years I have been Presi- 
dent, 12 free nations, with more than fiOO million 
people, have become independent: Burma, Indo- 
nesia, the Philippines, Korea, Israel, Libya, India, 
Pakistan, and Ceylon, and the Associated States 
of Indochina, now members of the French Union. 
These names alone are testimony to the sweep of 
the great force which is changing the face of half 
the world. 

Working out new relationships among the peo- 
ples of the free world would not be easy in the 
best of times. Even if there were no Communist 
drive for expansion, there would be hard and com- 
plex problems of transition from old social forms, 
old political arrangements, old economic institu- 
tions to the new ones our century demands — prob- 
lems of guiding change into constructive channels, 
of helping new nations grow strong and stable. 
But now, with the Soviet rulers striving to exploit 
this ferment for their own pu;-poses, the task has 
become harder and more urgent — terribly urgent. 

In this situation, we see the meaning and the im- 
portance of the Point Four Program, through 
which we can share our store of know-how and of 
capital to help these people develop their econ- 
omies and reshape their societies. As we help 
Iranians to raise more grain, Indians to reduce the 



92 



Deparlmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 



incidence of malaria, Liberians to educate their 
cliildren better, we are at once helping to answer 
the desires of the people for advancement, and 
demonstrating the superiority of freedom over 
communism. There will be no quick solution for 
any of the difficulties of the new nations of Asia 
and Africa — but there may be no solution at all 
if we do not press forward with full energy to help 
these countries grow and flourish in freedom and 
in cooperation with the rest of the free world. 

Our measures of economic policy have already 
had a tremendous effect on the course of events. 
Eight years ago, the Kremlin thought postwar col- 
lapse in AVestern Europe and Japan — with eco- 
nomic dislocation in America — might give them 
the signal to advance. We demonstrated they 
were wrong. Now they wait with hope that the 
economic recovery of the free world has set the 
stage for violent and disastrous rivalry among the 
economically developed nations, struggling for 
each other's markets and a greater share of trade. 
Here is another test that we shall have to meet 
and master in the years immediately ahead. And 
it will take great ingenuity and effort — and much 
time — before we prove the Kremlin wrong again. 
But we can do it. It is true that economic re- 
covery presents its problems, as does economic 
decline, but they are problems of another order. 
They are the problems of distributing abundance 
fairly, and they can be solved by the process of 
international cooperation that has already 
brought us so far. 

These are the measures we must continue. This 
is the path we must follow. We must go on, woi-k- 
ing with our free associates, building an interna- 
tional structure for military defense, and for eco- 
nomic, social, and political progress. We must be 
prepared for war, because war may be thrust upon 
us. But the stakes in our search for peace are 
immensely higher than they have ever been before. 

Implications of the Atomic Age 

For now we have entered the atomic age, and 
war has undergone a technological change which 
makes it a very different thing from what it used 
to be. War today between the Soviet empire and 
the free nations might dig the grave not only of 
our Stalinist opponents, but of our own society, 
our world as well as theirs. 

This transformation has been brought to pass in 
the 7 years from Alamogordo to Eniwetok. It is 
only 7 years, but the new force of atomic energy 
has turned the world into a very different kind of 
place. 

Science and technology have worked so fast that 
war's new meaning may not yet be grasped by all 
the peoples who would be its victims; nor, per- 
haps, by the rulers in the Kremlin. But I have 
been President of the United States, these 7 j'ears, 
responsible for the decisions which have brought 
our science and our engineering to their present 



place. I know what this development means now. 
I know something of what it will come to mean in 
the future. 

We in this Government realized, even before the 
first successful atomic explosion, that this new 
force spelled terrible danger for all mankind un- 
less it were brought under international control. 
We promptly advanced proposals in the United 
Nations to take this new source of energy out of 
the arena of national rivalries, to make it impos- 
sible to use it as a weapon of war. These pro- 
posals, so pregnant with benefit for all humanity, 
were rebuffed by tlie rulers of the Soviet Union. 

The language of science is universal, the move- 
ment of science is always forward into the un- 
known. We could not assume that the Soviet 
Union would not develop the same weapon, re- 
gardless of all our precautions, nor that there were 
not other and even more terrible means of destruc- 
tion lying in the unexplored field of atomic energy. 

We had no alternative, then, but to press on, to 
probe the secrets of atomic power to the utterniost 
of our capacity, to maintain, if we could, our ini- 
tial superiority in the atomic field. At the same 
time, we sought persistently for some avenue, some 
formula, for reaching an agreement with the So- 
viet rulers that would place this new form of 
power under effective restraints — that would guar- 
antee no nation would use it in war. I do not have 
to recount here the proposals we made, the steps 
taken in the United Nations, striving at least to 
open a way to ultimate agreement. I hope and 
believe that we will continue to make these efforts 
so long as there is the slightest possibility of prog- 
ress. All civilized nations are agreed on the ur- 
gency of the problem and have shown their 
willingness to agree on effective measures of con- 
trol — all save the Soviet Union and its satellites. 
But they have rejected every reasonable proposal. 

Meanwhile, the progress of scientific experiment 
has outrun our expectations. Atomic science is in 
the full tide of development ; the unfolding of the 
innermost secrets of matter is uninterrupted and 
irresistible. Since Alamogordo we have developed 
atomic weapons with many times the explosive 
force of the early models, and we have produced 
them in substantial quantities. And recently, in 
the thermonuclear tests at Eniwetok, we have en- 
tered another stage in the world-shaking develop- 
ment of atomic energy. From now on, man moves 
into a new era of destructive power, capable of 
creating explosions of a new order of magnitude, 
dwarfing the mushroom clouds of Hiroshima and 
Nagasaki. 

We have no reason to think that the stage we 
have now reached in the release of atomic energy 
will be the last. Indeed, the speed of our scientific 
and technical progress over the last 7 years shows 
no signs of abating. We ai'e being hurried for- 
ward, in our mastery of the atom, from one dis- 
covery to another, toward yet unforseeable peaks 
of destructive power. 



January 19, 1953 



93 



Inevitably, until we can reach international 
agreement, tliis is tlie patli we must follow. And 
we must realize fiiat no advance we make is un- 
attainable by others, tliat no advantage in this 
race can be more tluin temporary. 

The war of the future would be one in which 
man could extinguish millions of lives at one blow, 
demolish the great cities of the world, wipe out the 
cultural achievements of the past — and destroy the 
very structure of a civilization that has been slowly 
and painfully built up through hundreds of 
generations. 

Such a war is not a possible policy for rational 
men. We know tliis, but we dare not assume that 
others would not yield to the temptation science is 
now placing in their hands. 

Words of Advice to Stalin 

With that in mind, there is something I would 
say to Stalin : You claim belief in Lenin's proph- 
ecy that one stage in the development of Commu- 
nist society would be war between your world and 
ours. But Lenin was a pre-atomic man, who 
viewed society and history with pre-atomic eyes. 
Something profound has happened since he wrote. 
War has changed its shape and its dimension. It 
cannot now be a "stage" in the development of any- 
thing save ruin for your regime and your 
homeland. 

I do not know how much time may elapse before 
the Communist rulers bring themselves to recog- 
nize this truth. But when they do, they will find 
us eager to reach understandings that will protect 
the world from the danger it faces today. 

It is no wonder that some people wish that we 
had never succeeded in splitting the atom. But 
atomic power, like any other force of nature, is 
not evil in itself. Properly used, it is an instru- 
mentality for human betterment. As a source of 
power, as a tool of scientific inquiry, it has untold 
possibilities. We are already making good prog- 
ress in the constructive use of atomic power. We 
could do much more if we were free to concentrate 
on its peaceful uses exclusively. 

Atomic power will be with us all the days of 
our lives. We cannot legislate it out of existence. 
We cannot ignore the dangers or the benefits it 
offers. 

I believe that man can harness the forces of the 
atom to work for the improvement of the lot of 
human beings everywhere. That is our goal. As 
a nation, as a people, we must understand this 
problem, we must handle this new force wisely 
through our democratic processes. Above all, we 
must strive, in all earnestness and good faith, to 
bring it under effective international control. To 
do this will require much wisdom and patience and 
firmness. The awe-inspiring responsibility in 
this field now falls on a new Administration and a 
new Congress. I will give them my support, as 
1 am sure all our citizens will, in whatever con- 



structive steps they may take to make this newest 
of man's discoveries a source of good and not of 
ultimate destruction. 

We cannot tell when or whether the attitude of 
the Soviet rulers may change. We do not know 
how long it may be before they show a willingness 
to negotiate effective control of atomic energy and 
honorable settlements of other world problems. 
We cannot measure how deep-rooted are the 
Kremlin's illusions about us. We can be sure, 
however, that the rulers of the Communist world 
will not change their basic objectives lightly or 
soon. 

The Communist rulers have a sense of time 
about these things wholly unlike our own. We 
tend to divide our future into short spans, like 
the 2-year life of this Congress, or the 4 years of 
the next Presidential tei-m. They seem to think 
and plan in terms of generations. And there is, 
therefore, no easy, short-run way to make them 
see that their plans cannot prevail. 

This means there is ahead of us a long hard test 
of strength and stamina, between the free world 
and the Communist domain — our politics and our 
economy, our science and technology against the 
best they can do — our liberty against their slav- 
ery — our voluntary concert of free nations against 
their forced amalgam of "people's republics" — 
our strategy against their strategy' — our nerve 
against their nerve. 

Above all, this is a test of the will and the steadi- 
ness of the people of the United States. 

There has been no challenge like this in the his- 
tory of our Republic. We are called upon to rise 
to the occasion as no people before us. 

What is required of us is not easy. The way 
we must learn to live, the world we have to live 
in, cannot be so pleasant, safe or simple as most 
of us have known before, or confidently hoped to 
know. 

Already we have had to sacrifice a number of 
accustomed ways of working and of living, much 
nervous energj-, material resources, even human 
life. Yet if one thing is certain in our future, 
it is that more sacrifice still lies ahead. 

Were we to grow discouraged now, were we to 
weaken and slack off, the whole structure we have 
built these past 8 years would come apart and 
fall away. Never then, no matter by what strin- 
gent means, could our free world regain the 
ground, the time, the sheer momentum, lost by 
such a move. There can and should be changes 
and improvements in our programs to meet new 
situations, serve new needs. But to desert the 
spirit of our basic policies, to step back from them 
now would surely start the free world's slide to- 
ward the darkness that the Communists have 
prophesied — toward the moment for which they 
watch and wait. 

If we value our freedom and our way of life 
and want to see them safe, we must meet the chal- 



94 



Department of State Bulletin 



lenge and accept its implications, stick to our guns 
and caiTy out our policies. 

I have set out the basic conditions, as I see 
them, under which ^Ye have been working in the 
world and the nature of our basic policies. A^^lat, 
then, of the future? The answer, I believe, is 
this: As we continue to confound Soviet expecta- 
tions, as our world grows stronger, more united, 
more attractive to men on both sides of the Iron 
Curtain, then inevitably there will come a time 
of change within the Communist world. We do 
not know how that change will come about, 
whether by deliberate decision in the Kremlin, 
by coup d'etat, by revolution, by defection of 
satellites, or perhaps by some unforeseen com- 
bination of factors such as these. 

But if the Communist rulers understand they 
cannot win by war, and if we frustrate their at- 
tempts to win by subversion, it is not too much 
to expect their world to change its character, 
moderate its aims, become more realistic and less 
implacable, and recede from the Cold War they 
began. 

Do not be deceived by the strong face, the look 
of monolithic power that the Communist dicta- 
tors wear before the outside world. Remember 
their power has no basis in consent. Remember 
tliey are so afraid of the free world's ideas and 
ways of life, they do not dare to let their people 
know about them. Think of the massive effort 
they put forth to try to stop our campaign of 
truth from reaching their people with its message 
of freedom. 

The masters of the Kremlin live in fear their 
power and position would collapse were their own 
people to acquire knowledge, information, compre- 
hension about our free society. Their world has 
many elements of strength, but this one fatal flaw : 
the weakness represented by their Iron Curtain 
and their police state. Surely, a social order at 
once so insecure and so fearful must ultimately 
lose its competition with our free society. 

Provided just one thing — and this I urge you 
to consider carefully — provided that the free 
world retains the confidence and the determina- 
tion to outmatch the best our adversary can ac- 
complish and to demonstrate for uncertain mil- 
lions on both sides of the Iron Curtain the 
superiority of the free way of life. 

That is the test upon all the free nations; upon 
none more than our own Republic. 

Our resources are equal to the task. We have 
the industry, the skills, the basic economic 
strength. Above all, we have the vigor of free 
men in a free society. We have our liberties. 
And while we keep them, while we retain our 
democratic faith, the ultimate advantage in this 
hard competition lies with us, not with the Com- 
munists. 

But there are some things that could shift the 
advantage to their side. One of the things that 
could defeat us is fear — fear of the task we face, 



fear of adjusting to it, fear that breeds rnore fear, 
sapping our faith, corroding our liberties, turn- 
ing citizen against citizen, ally against ally. Fear 
could snatch away the very values we are striving 
to defend. 

Already the danger signals have gone up. Al- 
ready the corrosive process has begun. And every 
diminution of our tolerance, each new act of en- 
forced conformity, each idle accusation, each 
demonstration of hysteria — each new restrictive 
law — is one more sign that we can lose the battle 
against fear. 

Facing the Future With Faith and Courage 

The Communists cannot deprive us of our liber- 
ties — fear can. The Communists cannot stamp 
out our faith in human dignity — fear can. Fear 
is an enemy within ourselves, and if we do not 
root it out, it may destroy the very way of life 
we are so anxious to protect. 

To beat back fear, we must hold fast to our 
heritage as free men. We must renew our con- 
fidence in one another, our tolerance, our sense 
of being neighbors, fellow citizens. We must take 
our stand on the Bill of Rights. The inquisition, 
the star chamber, have no place in a free society. 

Our ultimate strength lies, not alone in arms, 
but in the sense of moral values and moral truths 
that give meaning and vitality to the purposes of 
free people. These values are our faith, our in- 
S])iration, the source of our strength ancl our in- 
domitable determination. 

We face hard tasks, great dangers. But we are 
Americans and we have faced hardships and un- 
certainty befoi-e, we have adjusted before to 
changing circumstances. Our whole history has 
been a steady training for the work it is now ours 
to do. 

No one can lose heart for the task, none can 
lose faith in our free ways, who stops to remember 
where we began, what we have sought, and what 
accomplished, all together as Americans. 

I have lived a long time and seen much happen 
in our country. And I know out of my own ex- 
perience that we can do what must be done. 

When I think back to the country I grew up 
in — and then look at what our country has be- 
come — I am quite certain that having done so 
much, we can do more. 

After all, it has been scarcely 15 years since 
most Americans rejected out-of-hand the wise 
counsel that aggi'essors must be "quarantined." 
The very concept of collective security, the foun- 
dation stone of all our actions now, was then 
.strange doctrine, shunned and set aside. Talk 
about adapting; talk about adjusting; talk about 
responding as a people to the challenge of changed 
times and circumstances — tliere has never been a 
more spectacular example than this great change 
in America's outlook on the world. 

Let all of us pause now, think back, consider 



January 19, 1953 



95 



carefully the meanino: of our national experience. 
Let us draw comfort from it and faith, and confi- 
dence in our future as Americans. 

Tlie Nation's business is never finished. The 
basic questions we have been dealing with, these 
8 years past, present themselves anew. That is 
the way of our society. Circumstances change and 
current questions take on different forms, new 
complications, year by year. But underneath, the 
great issues remain the same — prosperity, welfare, 
human rights, effective democracy', and above all, 
peace. 

Now we turn to the inaugural of our new Presi- 
dent. And in the great work he is called upon 
to do he will have need for the support of a united 
people, a confident people, with firm faith in one 
another and in our common cause. I pledge him 
my support as a citizen of our Republic, and I ask 
you to give him yours. 

To him, to you, to all my fellow citizens, I say. 
Godspeed. 

May God bless our country and our cause. 



Harrt S. Truman 



The White House, 
January 7, 1953. 



ESTIMATED EXPENDITURES FOR 
FISCAL YEAR 1953 

{In bUUons) 





January 


January 


Increaie 


Program 


1961 


19BS 


(+) or de- 




utimate 


etlimate 


er rase (—) 


Major national security 








Military services . . . 


$51.2 


$44.4 


.?-6. 8 


International security 








and foreign relations . 


10.8 


6.0 


-4.8 


Development and con- 








trol of atomic energy . 


1.8 


2.0 


+ ■2 


Promotion of the mer- 








chant marine .... 


.2 


.2 




Promotion of defense 








production and eco- 








nomic stabilization. . 


. 8 


. 5 


-.3 


Civil defense 


.3 


. 1 


-.2 


Total, major national 








security 


65. 1 


53.2 


-11. 9 


Interest 


6.2 


6.5 


+ .3 


Veterans' services and 








benefits 


4. 2 


4.5 


+ .3 


.Ml other 


9.9 


10.4 


-I-.5 


Total 


85.4 


74.6 


-10.8 



Revised Budget Estimate 
For Fiscal 1953 

White House press release dated January 9 

In the 1953 Budget, which was transmitted to 
the Congress in January 1952,' budget expendi- 
tures for the fiscal year 1953 were estimated at 85.4 
billion dollars. In the 1954 Budget now being 
transmitted,- expenditures for 1953 are estimated 
at 74.6 billion dollars, a decrease of 10.8 billion 
dollars. 

The original estimate was made 6 months before 
the fiscal year 1953 began and was based on pro- 
gram plans as they then existed. The current 
revision has been prepared with the benefit of 5 
months' actual experience in the fiscal year 1953 — 
from July through November. It reflects produc- 
tion difficulties, amendments to the 1953 Budget 
made after it was transmitted to the Congress, and 
the effects of appropriations and other legislation 
enacted during the last session of the Eighty- 
second Congress. 

As the following table indicates, the decline in 
estimated expenditures for 1953 is lai'gely the re- 
sult of revisions in the major national security 
programs — military services, international secu- 
rity and foreign relations, atomic energy, and a 
few other directly defense-related programs : 



' H. doc. 285, 82d Cong., 1st sess. 

' H. doc. 16, S3d Cong., 1st sess., transmitted Jan. 9. 



The downward revision of 11.9 billion dollars 
in estimated expenditures for major national se- 
curity programs occurs almost entirely in the 
estimates for our own military services and for 
foreign aid. It reflects lower levels of production 
and delivery of military equipment for our Armed 
Forces and for the foreign military-assistance pro- 
gram than were scheduled last January. The 
monthly levels of production scheduled a year 
ago, upon which the estimates in the 1953 Budget 
were based, turned out to be too high in the light 
of the complex designs of military equipment and 
the difficulties encountered in firming up contracts 
before they were let. In addition, the original 
estimate of expenditures has been reduced because 
the Congress authorized smaller programs for the 
Department of Defense and the Mutual Security 
Pi'ogram than were included in the 1953 Budget. 
Labor-management disputes, particularly those in 
the steel and aircraft manufacturing industries, 
also slowed down the rate of deliveries and of 
expenditures. 

Expenditures for the atomic-energy program in 
the fiscal year 1953 are now estimated .2 billion 
dollars higher than a year ago because of the ex- 
pansion of the program approved by the second 
session of the Eighty-second Congress after the 
1953 Budget had been transmitted. Primarily 
because more private financing was available than 
had originally been anticipated, direct Govern- 
ment expenditures for expanding defense produc- 
tion are now estimated .3 billion dollars lower 
than in January 1952. The decline of .2 billion 
dollars in estimated expenditures for civil defense 



96 



Deparfment of Sfafe Bulletin 



is largely the result of a substantial reduction by 
the Congress in the appropriation recommended 
by the President in the 1953 Budget. 

On the whole, expenditures for other programs 
in 1953 are now expected to be 1.1 billion dollars 
higher than they were estimated a year ago. The 
increase in the estimate for interest is due mainly 
to the fact that an extra interest-payment period 
on some securities fell within the fiscal year 1953. 
The increase in estimated expenditures for vet- 



erans' services and benefits reflects primarily the 
legislation enacted during the second session of 
the Eighty-second Congress providing readjust- 
ment benefits for Korean veterans and increased 
pensions. Increased expenditure estimates for 
farm-price support programs (primarily Com- 
modity Credit Corporation) and for mortgage 
purchases by the Federal National Mortgage 
Association account for the rise in the estimate 
for all other programs. 



Commission on Immigration and Naturalization Reports to the President 



Following are excerpts from the report of the 
Presidents Commission on Immigration and 
Naturalization^ released January 1 : 

Letter of Transmittal 

Janttart 1, 1953. 
Dear Mr. President: 

The President's Commission on Immigration 
and Naturalization submits to you its report pur- 
suant to your request of September 4, 1952, and 
Executive Order No. 10382.^ 

We believe that the separately printed record 
of hearings held by the Commission provides in- 
formation of permanent value to the executive and 
legislative branches of the Government. The 
work could not have been done without the whole- 
hearted cooperation of many individuals, organi- 
zations, and institutions interested in the problem. 

The Commission hopes that its study and rec- 
ommendations will contribute to public under- 
standing of this vital matter, and assist the 
Congress in the consideration of legislation to im- 
prove the immigration and naturalization laws 
and policies of the United States. 
Kespectfully submitted. 

Thomas G. Finucane 
Adrian S. Fisher 
Thaddeus F. Gullixson 
Msgr. John O'Gradt 
Clarence E. Pickett 
Earl G. Harrison 
Vice Chairman 
Philip B. Perlman 
Chairman 



Hahrt N. Rosenfield 
Executive Director 



' Bulletin of Sept. 15, 1952, pp. 407-408. 
January 19, 1953 



Introduction 

Tlie President of the United States established 
the President's Commission on Immigration and 
Naturalization on September 4, 1952, and required 
it to make a final report not later than January 1, 
1953. He directed the Commission "to study and 
evaluate the immigration and naturalization poli- 
cies of the United States" and to make recommen- 
dations "for such legislative, administrative, or 
other action as in its opinion may be desirable in 
the interest of the economy, security, and re- 
sponsibilities of this country." 

This Report is the result of the Commission's 
study, and contains the recommendations for an 
immigration policy best suited, in its judgment, to 
the interests, needs, and security of the United 
States. The Commission's functions under the 
Executive Order are now completed, and it ceases 
to exist 30 days after this Report is submitted to 
the President. 

It is noteworthy that all the major religious 
faiths of America urged the President to appoint 
a commission for this general purpose. The Gen- 
eral Board of the National Council of the Churches 
of Christ in the United States of America issued 
a statement to this effect in March 1952. In Au- 
gust 1952, the American Council of Voluntary 
Agencies for Foreign Service, through its Com- 
mittee on Displaced Persons and Refugees, urged 
the creation of a commission to study the basic as- 
sumptions of our immigration policy. Its state- 
ment was signed by representatives of the War Re- 
lief Services of the National Catholic Welfare 
Conference, the Church World Service of the 
National Council of the Churches of Christ, the 
United Service for New Americans, and the 
National Lutheran Council. And in September 
1952, the General Convention of the Protestant 
Episcopal Church urged the appointment of a 
commission to study the need for emergency 

97 



refufjjee legislation and "to review our permanent 
immigration policy and its basic assumptions." 

It betiime evident during the debate in Congress 
and public discussions after the passage June 27, 
1952, of the Inmiigration and Nationality Act of 
1952 (generally known as the McCarran-Walter 
Act) over the President's veto,^ that the new legis- 
lation does not adequately solve immigration and 
naturalization problems, and that the codification 
it contains fails to embody principles worthy of 
this country. 

Immigration and nationality law in the United 
States should perform two functions. First, it 
should regulate the admission and naturalization 
of aliens in the best interests of the United States. 
Second, it should properly reflect the traditions 
and fundamental ideals of the American people in 
determining "whom we shall welcome to a partici- 
pation of all our rights and privileges." 

This Report discusses the manner in which the 
law presently regulates the admission and natural- 
ization of aliens, recommends revisions, and ex- 
plains why the Commission believes these revisions 
better serve the welfare and security of the United 
States. 

As a separate document, the Judiciary Commit- 
tee of the House of Representatives has published 
the extensive record of the 30 sessions of hearings 
held by the Commission in 11 cities in various sec- 
tions of the country. The record shows what a 
substantial and representative cross section of the 
American people believe to be the best immigra- 
tion policy for this country. 

It is appropriate to examine the second func- 
tion of immigration policy, the reflection of Amer- 
ican traditions and ideals. The Commission would 
state them as follows : 



WE HOLD THESE TRUTHS . . . 

1. America was founded upon the principle that 
all men are created equal, that differences of race, 
color, religion, or national origin should, not he 
used to deny equal treatment or equal oppor- 
tunity, 

Americans have regarded such doctrines as self- 
evident since the Declaration of Independence. 

The immigration law is a key to whether Amer- 
icans today believe in the essential worth and dig- 
nity of the individual human being. It is a clue 
to whether we really believe that all people are 
entitled to those "unalienable rights" for the pres- 
ervation of which our nation was created. It in- 
dicates the degree of American humanitarianism. 
It is a gauge of our faithfulness to the high moral 
and spiritual principles of our founding fathers — 
to whom people, as the children of God, were the 
most important resoui'ces of a free nation. 

2. America historically has heen the haven for 
the oppressed of other lands. 

' For text of the veto message, see ihid., ,TuIy 14, 1952, 
p. 78. 



The innnigration law is an index of the extent 
of our acceptance of the principle that tyranny 
is forever abhorrent and that its victims should 
always find asylum in the land of the free. It tests 
whether we continue to believe that the home of 
the brave should offer a promise of opportunity 
to people courageous enough to leave their an- 
cestral homelands, to search for liberty. It is a 
measure of our fidelity to the doctrine upon which 
this country was founded, the right of free men 
to freedom of movement. The immigration law 
discloses whether Americans still concur in George 
Washington's challenge : 

". . . to bigotry no sanction, to persecution 
no assistance." 

3. American national vmity has heen achieved 
vnthout national uniformity. 

The immigration law demonstrates whether we 
abide by the principle that the individual should 
be free of regimentation. It attests whether we 
still respect differences of opinion and the right 
to disagree with the prevailing ideas of the ma- 
jority, and whether we still welcome new knowl- 
edge, new ideas, and new people. It reveals the 
strength or weakness of our convictions that de- 
mocracy is the best philosophy and form of gov- 
ernment. 

4. Americans have believed in fair treatment 
for all. 

The immigration law is a yardstick of our ap- 
proval of fair play. It is a challenge to the tra- 
dition that American law and its administration 
must be reasonable, fair, and humane. It betokens 
the current status of the doctrine of equal justice 
for all, immigrant or native. 

5. America' s philosophy has always heen one 
of faith in our future and helief in progress. 

The immigration law indicates our outlook on 
the future of America. Those who have faith in 
a dynamic, expanding, and strong American econ- 
omy see immigration not only as a part of our 
heritage but also as essential to our future. On the 
other hand, those who regard the future of Amer- 
ica in terms of a static economy and a maximum 
population, view immigration with alarm. 

6. American foreign policy seeks peace and 
freedom,, mutual understanding and a high stand- 
ard of living for ourselves and our world neigh- 
hors. 

The immigration law is an image in which other 
nations see us. It tells them how we really feel 
about them and their problems, and not how we 
say we do. It is also an expression of the sincerity 
of our confidence in ourselves and our institu- 
tions. An immigration law which reflects fear 
and insecurity makes a hollow mockery of confi- 
dent world leadership. Immigration policy is an 
important and revealing aspect of our foreign 
policy. 

No doubt our ideals have not been honored in 
America at every moment and in everj' respect. 
But they have certainly governed our thought and 



98 



Department of State Bulletin 



actions over the 175 years of the nation's life. 
They will continue to do so. The Commission be- 
lieves that these traditions and ideals should be 
basic to our immigration laws. Insofar as our 
immigration policy violates these American tra- 
ditions and ideals, it weakens the foundations oi 
our liberty and undermines our security and well- 
being. It also damages our position of leader- 
ship and destroys the esteem and good reputa- 
tion the United "States has earned in the past. 

Other considerations must also condition our 
immigration laws, such as the protection and 
preservation of our security against the dangerous 
and the diseased. The Commission emphasizes 
that one of its major concerns in applying these 
principles has been the necessity for the immigra- 
tion law to safeguard the welfare and security of 
the United States. However, it is convinced that 
a full regard for protecting our national security 
does not require a hostile attitude toward im- 
migration; on the contrary, it believes that full 
security can be achieved only with a positive im- 
migration policy based not on fears but on faith 
in people and in the future of a democratic and 
free United States. 

WHAT WE BELIEVE 

The Commission believes that immigration has 
given strength to this country not only in man- 
power, new industries, inventiveness, and pros- 
perity, but also in new ideas and new culture. 
Immigrants have supplied a continuous flow of 
creative abilities and ideas that have enriched our 
nation. 

The Commission believes that an outstanding 
characteristic of the United States is its great 
cultural diversity within an overriding national 
unity. The American story proves, if proof were 
needed, that such differences do not mean the 
existence of superior and inferior classes. 

The Commission believes that it is contrary to 
the American spirit to view every alien with sus- 
picion and hostility. The Commission is con- 
vinced that the American people will not know- 
ingly tolerate immigration laws that reflect dis- 
trust, discrimination, and dangerous isolationism. 
The Commission believes that the American people 
are entitled to a positive, not a negative immigi-a- 
tion policy, and that they desire a law geared to 
the forward-looking objectives of a great world 
power. 

The Commission believes that although immi- 
grants need the United States, it is also true that 
the United States needs immigrants, not only for 
its domestic or foreign benefit, but also to retain, 
reinvigorate and strengthen the American spirit. 

The Commission believes that we cannot be true 
to the democratic faith of our own Declaration 
of Independence in the equality of all men, and 
at the same time pass immigi-ation laws which dis- 
criminate among people because of national origin, 
race, color, or creed. We cannot continue to bask 



in the glory of an ancient and honorable tradition 
of providing haven to the oppressed, and belie that 
tradition by ignoble and ungenerous immigi-ation 
laws. We cannot develop an effective foreign pol- 
icy if our immigi-ation laws negate our role of 
world leadership. We cannot defend civil rights 
in principle, and deny them in our immigration 
laws and practice. We cannot boast of our mag- 
nificent system of law, and enact immigration leg- 
islation which violates decent principles of legal 
protection. 

Nor can we ourselves really believe, or persuade 
others to think that we believe, that the United 
States is a dynamic, expanding, and prosperous 
country if our immigration law is based upon a 
fear of catastrophe rather than a promise and 
hope for greater days ahead. 

The Commission believes that our present immi- 
gration laws — 

flout fundamental American traditions and 

ideals, 
display a lack of faith in America's future, 
damage American prestige and position among 

other nations, 
ignore the lessons of the American way of life. 

The Commission believes that laws which fail 
to reflect the American spirit must sooner or later 
disappear from the statute books. 

The Commission believes that our present immi- 
gration law should be completely rewritten. 

Immigration and Our Foreign Policy 

The Commission is convinced that our present 
immigration law has a detrimental effect ujion our 
foreign relations in a variet}' of ways. 

Discriminatory racial and national restrictions 
in immigration law have made enemies for the 
United States in the past, and will continue to lose 
us friends as long as they remain in the law. In 
this respect, our immigration law conflicts with 
American propaganda abroad, an important arm 
of foreign policy, which emphasizes equality and 
mutual interests among the free nations. Present 
immigration law causes large areas of the world, 
of greatest importance to our own national security 
and welfare, to resent us and view us with growing 
distrust. 

The immigration laws of the United States frus- 
trate our foreign policy by hindering our efforts 
in friendly and allied countries to encourage their 
political stability and iniity, rebuild their econ- 
omies and strengthen their military power. 

Rigidity in the national origins quota system 
prevents the United States from acting quickly 
and effectively in helping to relieve refugee and 
overpopulation problems when and where they 
arise. Popidation pressure gives rise to economic 
and political instability and thus augments the 
very conditions which foreign aid programs of the 
United States are designed to ameliorate. More- 



January 19, 1953 



99 



over, (lie inability of the United States to deal 
flexibly with refugee and overpopulation pres- 
sures reduces the influence this country might exert 
on other countries to help solve these problems. 

Our present national origins quota system pre- 
vents the United States from giving asylum to 
escapees from the Iron Curtain countries. Be- 
sides being contrary to American traditions, this 
barrier tends to disillusion the escapees, and denies 
us the value of their help in organizing effective 
pro-democratic appeals. The present immigration 
law is inconsistent with the aim of our foreign 
policy to uphold the values of freedom in contrast 
to the chains of Communist dictatorship. The 
effect is to blunt one of our most important psy- 
chological weapons in the cold war. 

Our immigration law and procedures have had 
the effect, in some instances, of keeping out tem- 
porary visitors who should be welcomed to this 
country. The testimony has shown that important 
circles in friendly foreign countries are growing 
resentful of American immigration policy, and are 
losing confidence in the sincerity of American pro- 
fessions of devotion to democracy. 

The Commission's study of the effect of the pres- 
ent immigration laws upon our foreign relations 
leads to this conclusion : in order to advance our 
national interests, strengthen our security, and 
contribute to the achievement of our foreign aims, 
American immigration policy should be free from 
discrimination on the basis of nationality, race, 
creed, or color and should be flexible enough to 
permit the United States to engage fully in such 
special migration efforts as may be important to 
the security of the Free World. 

The Administrative Agency 

The Commission recommends: 

1. That a Commission on Immigration and Nat- 
uralization be created, to be appointed by the 
President subject to Senate confirmation, respon- 
sible for the aclministration of all immigration and 
naturalization laws. 

2. That present duplication of functions be- 
tween the consular officers in the Foi'eign Service 
of the Department of State and the immigrant in- 
spectors in the Immigration and Naturalization 
Service of the Department of Justice be elimi- 
nated, and that a consolidated service under an 
Administrator of Immigration and Naturalization 
responsible to the proposed Commission be sub- 
stituted. 

3. That a Board of Immigration and Visa Ap- 
peals be created under the proposed Commission, 
with final administrative appellate authority (ex- 
cept in cases involving the exercise of discretion) 
in all cases of visa denials, exclusions, deporta- 
tions, and other related matters. 



ADDITIONAL VIEWS OF ADRIAN S. FISHER 
LEGAL ADVISER, DEPARTMENT OF STATE 

I concur wholeheartedly in the policy recom- \ 
niendations in the report of the President's Com- ' 
mission on Immigration and Naturalization. I 
believe that their prompt adoption would be in 
the interest of the United States, both in the con- 
duct of its foreign relations and in the continued i 
vigorous growth and development of its economy ' 
and its society. However, in only one small aspect I 
of the report, that dealing with the administra- I 
tive arrangements for the issuance of visas over- 
seas, I cannot see eye to eye with my colleagues, i 

The Report proposes to set up, in effect, another 
separate foreign service by authorizing the Ad- 
ministrator of Immigration and Naturalization to 
set up visa offices overseas as part of the unified 
program. In view of the importance which the 
report places on the foreign policy of the United 
States, a view in which I wholly concur, I cannot 
see what is to be gained by separating the admin- 
istration of the proposed program from the agency 
v^'hich is charged with the administration of the 
foreign policy of the United States. It may well 
be that the Department of State is subject to legit- 
imate criticism in its activities under the present 
system for not having paid enough attention to 
tile foreign policy aspects of the administration 
of the visa issuing function. But in my judgment 
the remedy for that defect is not to be found in 
divorcing it entirely from this function. It may 
well be true that in its administration of the visa 
function overseas the Department of State has 
relied excessively upon "experts:" that is, persons 
who spend a large proportion of their time doing 
nothing but visa work. If the Department, how- 
ever, has erred in this respect, this tendency should 
be corrected, not accentuated, and the participa- 
tion in the visa function of officers who have 
an over-all responsibility for the conduct of 
foreign relations should be encouraged, not made 
impossible. 

The same can be said with reference to the prob- 
lem of placing an additional group of United 
States officials in foreign countries to represent 
the United States of America. I am aware that my 
colleagues are led to their concept of administra- 
tion by their views that a visa once issued should 
be final, and not subject to review at the port 
of entry except for identity, physical condition, 
and security status. From this they deduce, by 
the maxim of "No responsibility without author- 
ity," the conclusion that the visa issuing function 
must in turn be under the proposed commission. 
I wholly agree that a visa once issued should be 
final and not subject to review at the port of entry 
except for identity, physical condition, and secu- 
rity status. I wholly agree also that there should 
be an independent Commission on Immigration 
and Naturalization. I am completely in accord 
with the recommendation that there should be a 
formal procedure for review of consular decisions 



100 



Department of State Bulletin 



with respect to visas. However, I do not agree 
that these desirable ends require that persons other 
than consular officers should issue the visas. 

I am reinforced in this view by the fact that in 
over 200 Foreign Service posts there is not an ade- 
quate work-load of visa cases to justify the estab- 
lishment of a separate visa office. My examina- 
tion of the statistics shows that almost 50 percent 
of all visas are issued in posts of this kind. The 
proposed solution — that is, to have the consul, in 
effect, act as a hearing officer but without any 
power of decision, even in a clear case — does not 
seem to me to be a satisfactory one. Certainly it 
does not seem to be satisfactory to have two sepa- 
rate systems, one disposing of 53 percent of the 
visas and the other disposing of 47 percent. 

I believe the proposed Commission should avail 
itself of the very real advantages in using the For- 
eign Service to accomplish its requirements 
abroad, as do some 45 United States Government 
agencies at the present time. The proposed Com- 
mission would thus have a widespread, flexible, 
operating service with the particular advantage 
of utilizing its broad experience in foreign affairs. 
This experience will be invaluable in evaluating 
the intent of the alien, and his social, economic, 
and political background, and in estimating the 
effect of the alien's admission to the United States 
upon our foreign relations and domestic security 
and development. 

The proposed Commission would have the same 
responsibility and authority, the same freedom in 
the issuance of substantive guidance and direction 
as it would enjoy with its own en^loyees. It 
could participate with other government agencies, 
under procedures now established under the For- 
eign SerAace Act of 1946, in the selection, training, 
assignment, and promotion of Foreign Service 
personnel, and could participate in the day to day 
administration of the Service by the Department 
of State to the extent necessary to meet its require- 
ments. 

Except for this single administrative detail, I 
am in complete accord with the Commission's con- 
clusions and recommendations. 



Recommendations 

Throughout this Report are various recommen- 
dations, appearing in the chapters in which par- 
ticular subjects are discussed. The more impor- 
tant ones are briefly restated here, without refer- 
ence to the order in which they appear elsewhere : 

The Quota System 

1. The national origins quota system should be 
abolished. 

2. There should be a unified quota system, which 
would allocate visas without regard to national 
origin, race, creed, or color. 

3. The maximum annual quota immigration 
should be one-sixth of 1 percent of the population 



of the United States, as determined by the most 
recent census. Under the 1950 census, quota inuni- 
gration would be open to 251,162 immigrants an- 
nually, instead of the 154,657 now authorized. 

4. All immigration and naturalization functions 
now in the Department of State and the Depart- 
ment of Justice should be consolidated into a new 
agency, to be headed by a Commission on Immi- 
gration and Naturalization whose members should 
be appointed by the President and confirmed by 
the Senate. 

5. The maximum annual quota of visas should be 
distributed, as determined by the proposed Com- 
mission on Immigration and Naturalization, on 
the basis of the following five categories : 

The Right of Asylum 
Reunion of Families 
Needs in the United States 
Special Needs in the Free World 
General Immigration 

6. For the next three years, within the maxi- 
mum aimual quota, there should be a statutory 
priority, implementing the Right of Asylum, for 
the admission annually of 100,000 refugees, ex- 
pellees, escapees, and remaining displaced persons. 

7. The allocation of visas within the maximum 
annual quota should be determined, once every 3 
years, by the proposed Commission on Immigra- 
tion and Naturalization, subject to review by the 
President and the Congress. 

Fair Hearings and Procedure 

8. Enforcement functions should be exercised, 
under the Commission's supervision and control, 
by an Administrator. Quasi-judicial functions 
should be exercised, under the Commission's super- 
vision, by a statutory Board of Immigration and 
Visa Appeals. "^ 

9. The same officials should not be permitted to 
exercise both enforcement and judicial functions. 
Aliens should be accorded a fair hearing and pro- 
cedure in exclusion and deportation cases. Hear- 
ings in deportation cases should conform with the 
requirements of the Administrative Procedure 
Act. Hearing officers should be responsible only 
to the proi^osed Board of Immigration and Visa 
Appeals, which should have authority to exercise 
final administrative review of their decisions, sub- 
ject to further review in limited cases by the Com- 
mission. Aliens should have a right of adminis- 
trative review, before the Board of Immigration 
and Visa Appeals, from denials of visas; and have 
a clearly defined method of seeking court review 
of orders of deportation. 

Admissions and Deportations 

10. The conditions for admission of aliens into 
the United States should 

bear a reasonable relationship to the national 
welfare and security; 



January 19, 1953 

237631—53 3 



101 



be definite in their meaning and application; 

include discretionurv nutliority to waive speci- 
fied grounds of inadmissibility, in meritorious 
cases; 

provide for exclusions without hearing, for rea- 
sons of security, only upon direction of the 
Board of Immigration and Visa Appeals; and 

not be based on the so-called criminal judgments 
of totalitarian states. 

11. The grounds for deportation of aliens al- 
ready In the United States should 

bear a reasonable relationship to the national 
welfare and security; not be technical or ex- 
cessive ; 

not be retroactive so as to penalize aliens for 
acts which were not prohibited when commit- 
ted ; and 

not require the deportation of aliens who en- 
tered the country at an early age, or those who 
have been residents for such a long period as to 
become the responsibility of the United States. 

12. In connection with the deportation of aliens, 
there should be discretionary authority to 

allow them to depart voluntarily instead of de- 
portation ; 

adjust their status within the United States if 
they are currently qualified to reenter; 

suspend deportation under reasonable condi- 
tions ; and 

adjust the status of bona fide oiScial defectors 
from totalitarianism. 

13. A resident alien who is not otherwise de- 
portable should not, by reason of a brief absence 
from the United States, be subject to exclusion or 
deportation. 

14. Unless proceedings for deportation and de- 
naturalization are brought within ten years, 
they should be barred. 

15. Arrangements should be made to expedite 
the processing of visas for temporary visitors, in- 
cluding leaders in art, scientific and business 
fields, and the law should apply to such nonim- 
migrant aliens only such restrictions as are di- 
rectly concerned with the health, safety, and se- 
curity of the United States. 

Security 

16. The security of the United States should be 
protected by continuing to bar the entry of spies 
and saboteurs. 

Aliens who are present members or affiliates of 
any totalitarian party, including Communists, 
Nazis, and Fascists, should be denied admission 
into the United States except where their member- 
ship is involuntary; or 



affiliations is not knowingly or willingly to fur- 
ther the aims and principles of such parties. 

Tliey should be deported except where they 

entered the United States at an early age or have 
been residents for such a long ))erio(l of time as 
to have become the responsibility of the United 
States. 

Aliens who are former members or affiliates of 
any totalitarian party may be admitted provided 

the}' have repudiated and are now opposed to 
such totalitarian ideologies; and 

the responsible administrative officers make a 
finding that the admission of such aliens would 
not be contrary to the public interest. 

They should be deported unless 

they have repudiated such doctrines for at least 
five years. 

Citizenship 

17. The law should not discriminate against 
naturalized citizens but should place them in the 
same status as native-born citizens, except where 
citizenship was procured by fraud or illegality. 
The law should minimize or remove restrictions 
which create statelessness, disrupt family unity, 
or impose unreasonable conditions or procedures 
upon the acquisition or retention of citizenship. 



Restrictions on Dairy Imports 

Staterwent hy the President 

White House press release dated December 31 

The Secretary of Agi'iculture announced yester- 
day [December 30] that he was applying some 
additional restrictions to imports of dairy prod- 
ucts, in accordance with the provisions of Section 
104 of the Defense Production Act. 

Section 104 requires the Secretary of Agi-icul- 
ture to put restrictions on imports of dairy prod- 
ucts in various circumstances, including the 
situation in which the restrictions may be needed 
to prevent unnecessaiy expenditures under a Gov- 
ernment price-support program. Since the Gov- 
ernment has recently been buying considerable 
amounts of butter and other dairy products, the 
Secretary had no choice but to restrict imports 
which might add unnecessarily to his purchases. 

It is a thoroughly objectionable piece of legisla- 
tion. It was tacked on to the Defense Production 
Act in 1951, over the Administration's opposition. 
The measures which the Secretary of Agriculture 
has been forced to take under its provisions will 
not be helpful to American interests. On the con- 
trary, this kind of step in the end is bound to hurt 
not only our relations with other friendly coun- 
tries but also the agricultural interests that the 
law is supposed to protect. While the restrictions 



102 



Department of State Bulletin 



themselves are going to have very little effect on 
the American market, they are going to hurt our 
friends in the Netherlands, Sweden, New Zealand, 
and a number of other countries. These countries 
are going to lose dollars. They are going to be 
in a poorer position to buy American agricultural 
products and in a poorer position to finance their 
defense efforts. This is the kind of law which 
makes the job of the Kremlin's propaganda ex- 
perts a great deal easier. The only recourse I can 
see is to repeal this jDrovision of the law. 



Joint Emergency Loan 
to Afghanistan for Wheat 

Press release 10 dated January 8 

The Department of State and the Export- 
Import Bank of Washington announced on Janu- 
ary 8 an emergency loan of 1.5 million dollars to 
Afghanistan for the procurement of wheat and 
flour from the United States. Sardar Moham- 
mad Naim, Afghanistan's Ambassador to Wash- 
ington, with Herbert E. Gaston, Chairman of the 
Board of Directors of the Export-Import Bank, 
and officials of the Department of State con- 
cluded loan arrangements in a ceremony at the 
Bank. 

In normal years Afghanistan is self-sufficient in 
wheat, which is its basic food. However, this year 
Afghanistan must import a substantial propor- 
tion of its wheat needs. The extent of Afghan- 
istan's wheat shortage and the limitations of its 
foreign-exchange position are such that the U.S. 
Government has felt it necessary to take prompt 
steps to meet the request of the Govermnent of 
Afghanistan for the acquisition of wheat and flour 
from the United States. 

The loan to the Government of Afghanistan is 
being made by the Export-Import Bank, using 
funds to be disbursed by the Technical Coopera- 
tion Administration and made available under the 
authority provided in the Mutual Security Act of 
1951, as amended. The loan is to run for 35 years 
with interest at 21/0 percent per annum, interest 
payments to begin after 4 years and repayment 
of principal to begin after 6 years. The wheat 
and flour thus provided is to be distributed by the 
Government of Afghanistan in certain critical 
areas of the country to supplement quantities pro- 
cured locally. 

Serious adverse crop conditions in Afghanistan 
have I'esnlted in a drastic wheat shortage, with 
the result that in some normally surplus areas the 
yield was less than two-thirds of the 1951 harvest. 
It is expected that the wheat and flour will begin 
to move almost immediately to meet the emer- 
gency need of this country situated in South Asia 
on the borders of Iran, Pakistan, and the 
U.S.S.R. 



Panel of Consultants Submits 
Study Concerning Armaments 

Press release 13 dated January 9 

On April 28, 1952, the Department of State 
announced the appointment of a Panel of Con- 
sultants to advise and assist the Department and 
other agencies of the Government in connection 
with the work of the U.N. Disarmament Commis- 
sion. The members of the Panel are : 

Vannevar Bush, Carnegie Institute of Washington 

John Dickey, President, Dartmouth College 

Allen W. Dulles, Deputy Director, Central Intelligence 

Agency 
Joseph E. Johnson, Carnegie Endowment for Inter- 
national Peace 
J. Robert Oppenheimer, Director, Institute for Ad- 
vanced Study 

The Panel elected Dr. Oppenheimer chairman, 
and selected McGeorge Bundy, associate professor 
of Government at Harvard University, as execu- 
tive secretary. The Panel has held some 20 
meetings. 

The Panel has also from time to time discussed 
a number of specific problems with officers of the 
Department of State and with members of the 
U.S. delegation to the United Nations. The 
Panel has now concluded its work with the sub- 
mission to the Secretary of State of a study con- 
cerning armaments and American policy. This 
paper embodies the findings and recommendations 
of the Panel and will be available to the incoming 
Secretary. 



Liberian Lend-Lease Payment 

Press release 918 dated December 15 

On December 10 the Liberian Governrnent, 
through its Embassy at Washington, remitted 
checks totaling $150,000 to the U.S. Government. 
This sum represents the first amortization pay- 
ments made by the Liberian Government to the 
United States for lend-lease expenditures in con- 
nection with the construction of the Port of 
Monrovia. 

The cost of the Port construction was $20,000,- 
000 and will be paid back in full from the money 
earned by operation of the Port facilities. 



Letter of Credence 

Great Britain 

The newly appointed Ambassador of Great 
Britain, Sir Roger Makins, presented his creden- 
tials to the President on January 7, 1953. For 
the texts of the Ambassador's remarks and the 
President's reply, see Department of State press 
release 8 of January 7. 



January ?9, 1953 



103 



Inter-American Cooperation on Higliway Problems 



EXTRAORDINARY PAN AMERICAN HIGHWAY CONGRESS, 
MEXICO CITY, OCTOBER 26 TO NOVEMBER 1, 1952 



hy Jack Garrett Scott and Melville E. Osborne 



An Extraordinary Pan American Highway 
Congress met at Mexico City from October 26 to 
November 1, 1952. This special meeting was held 
chiefly to consider problems related to the possible 
establishment of a permanent highway organiza- 
tion which would fmiction in the intervals between 
the periodic Pan American Highway Congresses, 
pursuant to a provision made by the Fifth Pan 
American Congress, held at Lima in 1951. Other 
projects studied during the Congress concerned 
methods of planning, financing, constructing, 
maintaining, and elaborating the highway sys- 
tems of all the Latin American Republics. 

The Congress was attended by more than 300 
official delegates and observers, including official 
representatives from 16 of the American Repub- 
lics. The U.S. Government was represented by 
the following delegation : 

Oliairman 

Jack G. Scott, Under Secretary of Commerce for Trans- 
portation, Department of Commerce 

Special congressional delegate 
Spessard L. Holland, U.S. Senate 

Delegates 

Robert B. Brooks, Consulting Engineer, St. Louis, Mo. 

Edwin W. James, Chief, Inter-American Regional Ofl5ce, 
Bureau of Public Roads, Department of Commerce 

Henry H. Kelly, OflSce of Transportation and Communica- 
tions, Bureau of Economic Affairs, Department of 
State 

Charles P. Nolan, OflScer in Charge, Transportation and 
Communications, Bureau of Inter-American Affairs, 
Department of State 

RusseU Singer, Executive Vice President, American Auto- 
mobile Association, Washington, D. C. 

Francis Turner, Assistant to the Commissioner, Bureau of 
Public Roads, Department of Commerce 

Secretarif 

Melville Osborne, Assistant Attach^, American Embassy, 
Mexico City 

All delegations were agreed on the urgency and 
need for completing the Pan American Highway 



at the earliest opportunity and imdertook their 
discussions in a spirit of complete harmony and 
unity of purpose. 

Resolutions Adopted by the Congress 

The principal question, that of the possible 
formation of a pan- American highway organiza- 
tion of permanent character, was considered ini- 
tially by the commission dealing with interna- 
tional relations. The plan which emerged from 
the commission's deliberations and which was 
finally adopted by the Congress in plenary session 
(1) eliminated all previously organized bodies 
designed to provide continuity between Pan Amer- 
ican Highway Congresses; ^ (2) established a new 
Interim Committee to implement the resolutions 
of this and previous Congresses until the next 
Highway Congress meets; '^ (3) accepted the offer 
of the Organization of American States to pro- 
vide, through the Pan American Union, secretar- 
iat services for future Highway Congress activi- 
ties; and (4) established three Technical 
Committees of Experts. These working groups 
are to make studies and recommendations, respec- 
tively, on (1) the problems of the organization 
of modern national highway departments; (2) 
planning of the Pan American Highway and its 
secondary road system, particularly where such 
routing crosses international boundaries; and (3) 
the financing of public highways. Each of the 
21 American Republics was appointed to serve on 
at least one of these working groups of experts. 



' The organizations terminated were the Permanent 
Institution of Pan American Highway Congresses, includ- 
ing the Central Committee of that body, and the Pan 
American Highway Confederation, a semioflBcial group 
which had been in existence for several years. 

' The Sixth Highway Congress is scheduled to meet 
in Venezuela in 1954, at which time the Interim Commit- 
tee will be disbanded in favor of whatever new organiza- 
tion is set up by that Congress. 



104 



DepaMmenl of Slate Bulletin 



statement by Senator Holland 

Following are excerpts from a statement made 
on October 29 at the Pan American Highway Com- 
gress hy Senator Spessard Holland, chairman of 
the Senate Subcommittee on Roads, who teas a 
delegate to that meeting. 

The United States favors the early comple- 
tion of the Inter- American Highway, which 
will provide modern and efficient overland 
communication through the friendly Repub- 
lics extending from Panama to the United 
States. As tangible evidence of our continu- 
ing interest and cooperation, the United 
States has given substantial assistance, tech- 
nically and financially, to the construction of 
the highway. 

For example, under legislation enacted by 
the U.S. Congress and through bilateral 
agreements entered into with individual 
Republics for the purpose of sharing con- 
struction costs, more than 40 million dollars 
has already been spent or committed by the 
United States, most of it in recent years. As 
further assurance of our sincere and friendly 
interest, the U.S. Congress has this year au- 
thorized, but not yet appropriated, an addi- 
tional sum of 16 million dollars, consisting of 
8 million dollars for each of the next 2 fiscal 
years, 1953 and 1954, for the purpose of con- 
tinuing tlie construction of this highway on a 
cooperative basis. 

We all look forward to the early comple- 
tion of the highway from Panama to the 
United States, so that all kinds of motor 
vehicles may move readily across this mag- 
nificently interesting and important region 
and promote its economic development, along 
with better hemispheric understanding and 
greater solidarity. 

Mr. President, I wish to express the cordial 
appreciation of our Nation for the friendly 
mention appearing in the pending resolution 
of the part which the United States has 
played in this joint venture. We firmly 
believe that the completion of the Inter- 
American Highway will be highly beneficial 
to our Nation and to each of our friendly 
neighbors which it will traverse. 



Functions of the Interim Committee 

The new Interim Committee, composed of the 
representatives of the Governments of Argentina, 
Brazil, Mexico, Peru, and the United States, was 
empowered to (a) study proposals and submit to 
the Sixth Congress draft plans on a permanent 
pan-American highway organization to provide 
continuity between Highway Congi'esses; (i) 
stimulate and coordinate the activities of the three 
working committees; (c) review the reports of 



these committees and submit comments and sug- 
gestions on their final reports; (d) stimulate the 
distribution of information on pan-American 
highway problems and techniques through the 
facilities of the Secretariat of the Organization 
of American States; and (e) encourage the Ameri- 
can Republics to adopt and put into effect the reso- 
lutions of all Highway Congresses. In coopera- 
tion with the Inter-American Economic and So- 
cial Council (Ia-Ecosoc) of the Organization of 
American States, this committee will also handle 
the general functions of preparing for the next 
Congress. The Committee's first session will be 
convoked by the Ia-Ecosoc. 

A Transitory Committee was appointed to 
carry out the functions of the Interim Committee 
until such time as the latter is functioning. The 
members of the Transitory Committee were desig- 
nated as the delegates to the Council of the Or- 
ganization of American States from Argentina, 
Brazil, Mexico, Peru, and the United States. 

During its discussion of the organization of 
national highway departments, a subject which 
will be studied by one of the working groups, the 
Congress adopted the report of a technical com- 
mittee which recommended standards for the or- 
ganization of highway departments in those coun- 
tries without present adequate highway depart- 
ments and presented in general outline the objec- 
tives to be reached in organizing a modern high- 
way department. 

The Congress adopted two practically identical 
resolutions, suggested by its Commission on Fi- 
nancial and Administrative Affairs, with regard 
to financing the Highway. One concerned financ- 
ing the uncompleted sections of the Inter- Ameri- 
can Highway, that part of the Pan American 
Highway extending from the Mexican-U.S. bor- 
der to the Panama Canal, and the other concerned 
financing the remainder of the Pan American 
Highway. Both resolutions suggest a plan 
whereby the American Republics may seek the 
assistance of the International Bank for Recon- 
struction and Development in financing the un- 
completed sections of the Highway within their 
borders. Under this plan the International Bank 
would purchase national bonds to guarantee any 
loans made. 

The resolution concerning the Inter-American 
Highway expressed thanks to the United States 
for its financial and technical assistance which 
has made possible the building of the Highway 
to its nearly completed stage. 

The Congress reviewed over 100 technical papers 
which had been recommended for publication by 
its commissions on road-engineering techniques, 
highway operation and safety, and highway edu- 
cation and rapprochement. A large percentage 
of the papers submitted was ordered published 
in the technical documentation of the Congress. 

The Commission on Highway Operation and 
Safety considered numerous proposals and plans 



January 19, J 953 



105 



for improving liighway safety in the Western 
Hemisphere. A number of these proposals were 
presented in plenary sessions for adoption by the 



Congress in the form of resolutions, 



Construction Priorities Established 

The Congress recommended that first priority 
in construction work be given the uncompleted 
sections of the Pan American Highway and second 
priority be given to transversal branches connect- 
ing the capitals of the American Republics with 
the arterial Highway. This resolution had partic- 
ular significance for those Republics through 
whose capitals the Pan American Highway is not 
routed and whose resouices are insufficient for 
immediate construction of both the arterial and 
the transversal highways desired. 

In a resolution deriving from proposals made 
by its commission dealing with international rela- 
tions, the Congress reconunended the immediate 
signature and ratification by all American Repub- 
lics of the International Convention on Road 
Traffic of 1949. This treaty, which came into force 
in March 11)52,^ provides for world-wide reciproc- 
ity on automobile registration plates and drivers' 
licenses, as well as for other measures designed 
to facilitate international motoring, and will 
eventually supersede the 1943 Convention on the 



Regulation of Inter-American Automotive Traffic. 
The Congress also reconunended tliat the Amer- 
ican Republics adopt an international convention 
on uniform road signs and signals when such a 
convention is presented for ratification by the 
United Nations. 

The Commission on Highway Education and 
Rapprochement considered a number of technical 
proposals relating to public education on the im- 
portance of roads and highways. 

A complete report on the activities and decisions 
of the Congress will be published in due course 
by the Mexican Organizing Committee. 

Discussions in commission meetings and ple- 
nary sessions revealed clearly the desire of the 
delegates to establish a new and clear basis for 
cooperative activities, to work closely with the 
Organization of American States and its secre- 
tariat (the Pan American Union), and to insure 
that definite recommendations on numerous im- 
portant problems are prepared for action at the 
next Congress in 1954. The Congress met in a 
spirit of mutual friendliness and cooperation, and 
unanimity was reached on all of its resolutions. 

* Messrs. Jach Garrett Scott and Melville E. 
Osborne, coauthors of the above article, xoere chmr- 
man and secretary, respectively, of the U.S. dele- 
gation to the Extraordinary Pan American High- 
way Congress. 



United Nations Progress in the Task of Peace 

Address by Ambassador Warren R. Aiistin 
U.S. Representative to the United Nations * 



I talk with you at a time when our hearts are ex- 
panded by the Christmas message of Peace on 
Earth, Good Will Toward Men. 

These words have a profound spiritual meaning. 
In my assignment as U.S. rein-esentative to the 
United Nations I have tried to act in accordance 
with them. Our job is to bring peace on earth, 
and to instill good will among men. In a moment 
I will report to you about these effoi'ts. 

But first I should like to acknowledge tribute 
to Woodrow Wilson. In my adoption of the 
United Nations, I have been strengthened by study 
of the Wilson tradition. I opposed the League 
of Nations, although I favored the World Court. 
During the dark days of World War I, President 



' See Bulletin of Apr. 7, 1952, p. 545. 

* Made over the NKC radio network ou Dec. 127. in con- 
nection with tlie Woodrow Wilson Foundation's observ- 
ance of the S)6th birthday anniversary of President Wilson. 



Wilson's mission was to convince the world that 
it must organize itself for peace. He did that job 
well. Although the League of Nations foundered, 
President Wilson's ideas took deep root in the 
minds of men. His ideas, and the noble exper- 
iment they engendered, helped inspire our second 
great attempt to organize the world for peace — the 
United Nations. 

My study has also given me the faith and com'- 
age of our forefathers, including our greatest 
Presidents. Now, my friends, my official mi-ssion 
is coming to a close. Soon I shall be turning over 
the task to an able and distinguished successor — 
Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, jr. 

This is an appropriate time for me to share with 
you my great faith in the United Nations. It is 
a faith tempered by the tragedy of our time — the 
tragedy that peace, so near our grasp, eludes us; 
the tragedy that freedom, even dearer than peace. 



106 



Department of State Bulletin 



must be defended by force in Korea and elsewhere. 
But my faitli is strengtliened by the knowledge 
that those who fight in Korea understand Wood- 
row Wilson's words, ''right is more precious than 
peace." 

As an American and a Republican, I am deeply 
proud that we have taken leadership in the effort 
to make the United Nations work. This is a task 
which we owe history. We should not forget that 
our failure to make the League of Nations work 
contributed heavily to a tragic era. But America 
has gone through a profound revolution in its out- 
look on world affairs since then. We have ded- 
icated our resources and our energies to full par- 
ticipation in world affairs because we know that 
our security and liberties permit no other course. 

Let me give you a few concrete illustrations of 
the vast progress we have made since President 
Wilson's time, and more especially during the 
past 7 years. Wlien the first clouds of aggression 
loomed in Manchuria, and Ethiopia, and Municli, 
the free nations failed the League. Wlien the sec- 
ond aggression occurred, all member states of the 
United Nations — save the Soviet group — volun- 
tarily* and spontaneously united in resistance to 
aggression. Under inspiring American leader- 
ship, the United Nations first met force with force 
in Korea. That action was right in 1950, and it is 
right today. If we had not met the challenge in 
Korea, we would surely have been forced to meet 
it on our own shores. 

But the political and military mission is still 
unfulfilled in Korea. Our hearts are heavy that 
American boj's have to spend Christmas under 
fire. We are saddened by the sacrifice which the 
Korean peoples have been called ui^on to make. 
We are deeply moved by the fact that soldiers of 
many nations have given their lives for the com- 
mon security against armed aggi'ession. 

These past weeks, we tried to find a peaceful 
solution through the General Assembly. But the 
Communists have made it perfectly clear that they 
will not stop the fighting unless we pay a price 
in human freedom which would mean our aban- 
doning the cause we have been fighting for. Now 
54 nations in the Assembly have said with un- 
mistakable firmness that the free world will not 
pay that price. The free peoples have said that 
they will continue to oppose the Communists' 
armed forces and violation of moral obligations. 
We will not be a party to a forced repatriation of 
prisoners of war. Forced repatriation would re- 
sult in mass murder. It would crush the spirit of 
resistance which sustains peoples against the 
threat of Communist aggi'ession. 

The stakes in Korea are world peace and human 
freedom. These the United Nations will never 
surrender. While our hearts are heavy that the 
fighting goes on, our faith and determination to 
see the job effective remains strong. 

In reflecting on the past years of my mission, I 
think also of our success in healing conflicts. 



There were times — in Palestine, in Indonesia, and 
in Kashmir — when the fighting seemed destined 
to go on forever. Yet the United Nations suc- 
ceeded in stopping each armed conflict. It also 
.succeeded in removing the controversy from the 
battlefield to the conference table. Is this not 
evidence that our courage and faith will prevail? 

Recall the near conflicts, such as the Soviet 
pressure on Iran in 1946, when the United Nations 
helped to prevent war from starting. 

I remind you also of the record the United 
Nations has made in adjusting difficult situations 
and working out settlements on thorny issues — 
such as the Indonesian question, which was 
brought from the battlefield to the conference 
table and was finally settled. Indonesia today is a 
sovereign state which participates as a member 
with us in the councils of the United Nations. 

Recently we have had another example of the 
advantage of conciliation in the United Nations. 
The General Assembly was confronted by tense 
and difficult situations in North Africa. There 
was full and frank discussion of the Tunisian and 
Moroccan questions. The Assembly by large ma- 
jorities agreed on resolutions which counsel nego- 
tiation between the parties — negotiation with 
respect to the political development of these coun- 
tries. The Assembly helped create an atmosphere 
favorable to the working out of real solutions to 
these problems. Thus positive gain in the right 
direction was defined. 

There is the extraordinary progress which the 
United Nations has made in facilitating better 
living conditions for the great majority of the 
world's peoples. In different ways the United 
Nations has spurred economic and social progress. 
It has brought hope to those who otherwise might 
have succumbed to Communist pretentions. If 
there is inadequate food, lack of freedom often 
seems relatively unimportant. "WHiat price glory 
to struggle against poverty and slavery? How- 
ever, the United Nations has done the job on the 
ground — by showing peoples from Haiti to Thai- 
land how to suppress malaria ; how to grow more 
and better corn; how to read and write; how to 
build dams and irrigation systems. This work is 
of immense importance, for it helps stamp out the 
root causes of war, and it gives people a real stake 
in freedom. 

In these past 7 years, we have learned much 
about the road to peace. We have seen U.N. 
achievements, and we have begun to learn that the 
United States is equal to the demand that the quest 
for peace imposes. 

The road is rougher than we hoped it would be 
when we signed the Charter in 1945. We have lost 
some of the buoj^ant enthusiasm of those days, but 
we have gained the determined courage of a battle- 
tested veteran. We have found the direction, 
though time has not been speedy. 

At this Christmastide, and at this time in my 



January 19, 1953 



107 



career, I know as never before that this Nation 
cannot stand alone. It cannot survive without 
spiritual growth. It must strengthen its freedom 
now through fullest participation in and support 
for the United Nations. 

My task is unfinished. The task of men is never 
finished. To Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., I 



have confidence in turning over my official re- 
sponsibilities. Carrying forward the task of peace 
is an assignment which enriches significance in 
history and adds new meaning to faith. The tre- 
mendous resources to guide the U.S. Mission to 
the United Nations are truth and an understanding 
heart. 



A Reply to Charges Against the U. S. Economic System 

Statement hy Senator Alexander WUey 
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 



U.S./U.N. press release dated December 18. 

Many unfounded charges have been made 
against the United States by the representative of 
the Soviet Union and the representatives of its 
satellite states. I have requested the opportunity 
to reply. 

The representatives from the Soviet countries 
have had a great deal to say in this debate about 
the so-called "aggressive armaments race," al- 
legedly instigated by the United States. It is 
true that we in the United States have decided to 
divert a large proportion of our productive capac- 
ity to building up our defenses. "VVliy have we 
done so? We have done so because free peoples 
everywhere have seen aggression and threats of 
aggression — in Korea, in Malaya, in Yugoslavia, 
Berlin, and Greece, to mention but a few. 

The fact is that the Soviet economy never really 
demobilized after the war. It continued to pro- 
duce large quantities of weapons and to maintain 
large military forces. In the middle of 1950, 
almost 5 years after the end of the war, the Soviet 
Union still had approximately 4% million men 
under arms. In contrast, the United States re- 
duced its active military forces from about 12 
million men in 1945 to 2i/^ million in 1946, and to 
11/2 million by the middle of 1950. We also cut 
down our military expenditures drastically. In 
terms of 1951 prices, our defense expenditures were 
reduced from 1944 to 1946 by almost 120 billion 
dollars. In contrast, the Soviet Union was de- 
voting twice as great a proportion of its national 
income in 1946 to military expenditures as was the 
United States. In the years from 1947 to 1950, 

'Made in Committee II (Economic and Financial) on 
Dee. 18. 



108 



the Soviet Union devoted almost three times as 
great a proportion of its national income to mili- 
tary purposes as the United States. 

In the face of aggression and threats of aggres- 
sion backed up by this huge Soviet military force, 
may I ask what alternatives were available to the 
free peoples of the world? Should they have 
supinely accepted the loss of their freedom? 
Until some enforceable international arrange- 
ment is accepted by the Soviet Union to curtail 
armaments and to assure against further Soviet 
aggression, is there any alternative to the Amer- 
ican people other than to see to their defenses? 

The American people are determined to remain 
free. The ruling classes in the United States — 
workers, farmers, and businessmen, almost 160 
million of us — are determined to make every nec- 
essary sacrifice for this purpose. That is why we 
have embarked upon and will continue to pursue 
our proOTam of rebuilding our defenses. 

The financial burden of fighting Communist 
aggression in Korea has been heavy. The burden 
of rebuildingj;he defenses of the free world has 
been great. Despite this, the developed countries 
have not flagged in their support of practical de- 
velopment programs in the less developed regions. 
The volume of grants and loans available to these 
parts of the world in 1951 increased over the pre- 
vious year and continued at approximately the 
same level in 1952. And I may repeat what has 
been so frequently said by my Government: The 
expansion of the economies of the underdeveloped 
countries is an integral part of our program to 
increase the strength of free peoples against the 
subversion and aggression which threaten them 
as well as ourselves. 

Thanks to the high level of economic activity in 

Department of State Bulletin 



the United States, the Amei'ican people have been 
able to continue their assistance in bnildinf; up the 
free world. Our production has continued to ex- 
pand in 1952. Our gross national product has 
risen from 325.6 billion dollars in the first half of 
1951 to 333 billion dollars in the second half of 
the year and to 336.5 billion dollars in the first 
half of 1952. 

Our employment has continued at record high 
levels. In the first half of 1952 civilian employ- 
ment averaged 60.5 million. Unemployment de- 
clined from 3.3 percent of the civilian labor force 
in the first half of 1951 to 2.9 percent. Today, 
our unemployment figure is less than 1,500,000 
people — of which more than one-half were only 
unemployed 4 weeks or less. And the standard of 
living of our workers has not declined — as many 
predicted that it would. 

This does not mean that everything is perfect in 
the United States. There is still a need for soil 
conservation. There are still farms that need elec- 
tricity. There is still a need for houses. Many 
parts of our country can use more and better 
schools and hospitals. There are still a number 
of people whose incomes do not permit them the 
standard of living that we think is adequate. "We 
are conscious of these needs and we are striving to 
meet them. 

Propaganda of "Collapse" 

Do the figures I have just given sound like the 
description of a nation about to collapse economi- 
cally — as the propaganda from Eastern Europe 
would lead us to believe? The figures I have 
quoted are evidence of an economic strength which 
will continue. "VVlien our defense expenditures 
start to level off, we shall be able to make the 
necessary adjustments. Our tax structure, our 
system of farm aid, our wage and income struc- 
tures, the more equitable distribution of our na- 
tional income, our system of social-security bene- 
fits — all these will serve to cushion such adjust- 
ments. Moreover, the indications are that private 
investment will remain high. And our wage 
structure and the large liquid assets in the hands 
of our workers and farmers should dispel any 
doubt as to the maintenance of high consumer 
spending. 

The delegate from Poland has referred to the 
purposes that the Economic and Social Council 
and this Committee were meant to serve. We look 
upon these bodies as world economic forums where 
we might learn to understand each other's prob- 
lems more thoroughly. The fact is, however, that 
at times this forum has been grossly abused. In- 
stead of presenting honest information so that we 
might constructively aid one another, the delegates 
of the Soviet Union and the Eastern European 
states have used this forum to wage a propaganda 
war against the fi'ee world. Year after year, they 
have tried to spread the illusion that the United 



States is a nation of greedy and bloody monop- 
olies. They would have the world believe that we 
have no interest other than power and profits. 
The Soviet delegate has even gone so far as to say 
that our only interest in the less developed coun- 
tries is to "suck the blood" of their economic life. 

I do not think that I need identify the motives 
behind these systematic attacks. They are all 
too obvious. 

No matter how long they continue this attack, 
however, and no matter how often they repeat 
their distortions, this deliberate attempt to xinder- 
mine loorJd cowfidence in freedom — whether it be 
human freedom or the freedom of enterprise — is 
doomed to failure. No matter how insistent their 
efforts to divide the free world by distortions and 
wild fabrications, they are doomed to failure. 

They are doomed to failure because they refuse 
to accept the fact that the basic tenet of freedom 
is a profound faith in the individual human being. 
The basis of free government is that every single 
individual has inherent within him hopes and 
desires, talents and skills and abilities, which in an 
atmosphere of freedom and encouragement pro- 
vide immense opportunities for development. 
Given the tools with which he may work his way — 
and by that I mean mainly a good education and 
his own inborn ability; and given the opportun- 
ity — and by that I mean a society in which he is 
free to develop and use his talents and skills — he 
will exert himself to the utmost of his energy to 
achieve the hopes which he holds dear. 

And when I talk of freedom, I am not talking 
of unlimited business license. Nor do I mean 
that lack of self-discijjline which was character- 
istic of much of the nineteenth century. Ameri- 
can public opinion rejects the profiteer just as it 
does the rascal. 

U.S. Attitude Toward Monopoly 

Now, what about these great American busi- 
nesses, these so-called monopolies which Soviet 
propaganda insists have no other ambition than 
to enslave the world ? 

Let me first say that we believe it is unhealthy 
for any single business enterprise to acquire an 
overwhelming measure of economic power. For 
this reason we have our antitrust laws and our 
investigators and our prosecutors who are con- 
stantly on the watch for those who would conspire 
to monopolize any economic sphere in restraint of 
trade on behalf of their own self-interest. This 
is not merely a paper law. It is a deeply held 
philosophy of government engrained in our 
society. 

This is not to deny the fact that we have many 
large corporations in the United States. But who 
owns these corporations? A recent survey 
showed that more than 614 million persons hold 
stock in the relatively small proportion of U.S. 
corporations that are listed in the New York Stock 
Exchange. In fact, in many of America's larger 



Januory 79, 7953 



109 



corporations, the number of stockholders actually 
exceeds the number of workers. In 11)51, for 
example, average employment in America's 100 
largest manufacturing organizations was about 
42,000 per comjjany. At the same time, the aver- 
age number of shareholders per company was 
54,000. Thus, for every four employees there 
were five shareholdei"S. 

For example, the American Radiator Company 
had 67,004 shareholders and 22,581 employees— 
a ratio of 3 owners to 1 employee. The Ameri- 
can Tobacco Company had 75,017 shareholders 
and 19,000 employees— a ratio of 4 to 1. The 
Anaconda Copper Mining Company had 118,616 
shareholders and 39,672 employees— a ratio of 3 
to 1. The Du Pont Company had 138,168 share- 
holders and 86,874 employees. General Electric 
Company had 252,993 shareholders and 210,220 
employees. And even such huge enterprises as 
U.S. Steel and Western Electric had approxi- 
mately as many owners as workers. In the case 
of U.S. Steel, there were a little over 300,000 
workers compared to 268,226 shareholders. West- 
inghouse's 102,912 shareholders may be compared 
to its 108,654 employees. And many of these 
employees are among the stockholders of the 
companies in which they work. 

In addition to these millions of stockholders, 
there are 86 million insurance-policy holders 
whose savings are invested in 29 billion dollars' 
worth of corporate bonds held by U.S. insurance 
companies and who thus have a vast stake in U.S. 
industries. And millions of others, not share- 
holders themselves, have savings to the tune of 40 
billion dollars invested in the U.S. economy by the 
savings banks and savings and loan associations in 
which they have their deposits. 

One need only go back to the most recent busi- 
ness census of the United States for another refu- 
tation of the specious monopoly charges of the 
East European delegates. That census showed 
that there were 3,840,000 independent business 
firms operating in the United States in 1947. It 
also showed that two out of every three businesses 
are owned by individuals. Twenty percent are 
partnerships. Only one business in ten is a cor- 
poration. Even in'manufacturing, neaidy 70 per- 
cent of our business firms are individually owned. 

When we do have monopolies in the United 
States, they are publicly regulated. They are to 
be found in the public-utility field, primarily in 
the fields of electric power, 'transportation, and 
communications. 

The American Telephone and Telegraph Com- 
pany is regulated by the Federal Government and 
by 48 State governments and the District of Co- 
lumbia. This system now serves nearly 371/0 mil- 
lion telephones of its own — more than twice the 
number it serviced before the war. Last year, it 
spent over a billion dollars on new construction. 
It serviced a total of over 145 million telephone 
conversations every day of the week. 

no 



How the Working Man Fares 

Since the propagandists of the Soviet Union 
and its puppet states like to shed such tears on 
behalf of the workers of the world, it would be 
appropriate to inquire what effect the American 
type of shared ownership has had on the ordinai-y 
men and women in our society. Take the average 
income of factory workers as an example. Their 
average weekly earnings increased from less than 
10 dollars a we'ek in 1909 to about 60 dollars a week 
in 1951, or sixfold. Real earnings, after allow- 
ance for rise in prices, more than doubled. At the 
same time, the length of the working week was 
reduced from 60 hours to 40 hours. The average 
family income last year was 4,320 dollars. Half 
of our families had incomes in excess of 3,530 
dollars. 

Underlying these changes has been the con- 
tinued increase in our productivity — in agricul- 
ture, in industry, and in transportation. In 20 
years, from 1929 to 1950, there was a 75 percent 
increase in total physical output of all private 
industry. Taking into consideration the popula- 
tion increase, the average increase in production 
in private industry per person was 1% percent 
every year. This phenomenal increase in produc- 
tivity represents not only technological advance- 
ment but growing cooperation between labor 
unions and management. With the years, wages 
have gone up, profits have increased, and consvun- 
ers have more goods to buy at moderate prices. 

In 1914 it took the average worker 25 hours to 
buy a ton of coal to heat his house. Now it takes 
less than half as long — 10 hours and 20 minutes. 
In 1914 it took 17 minutes to earn a pound of 
bread. Now it takes 6 minutes. It took 24 
minutes' work then to buy one quart of milk. Now 
it takes 9 minutes — about a third as long. 

All of these things have been made possible 
because we have learned how to combine tech- 
nology with forward-looking management tech- 
niques and morale-building human relations. 
And by the term "human relations" I mean every- 
thing from trained executive personnel to rela- 
tions between management and free labor unions. 
I also mean the personal relations that exist 
between foremen and workers and between 
workers themselves. 

These things have been made possible because 
we have learned how to share the savings arising 
from greater productivity with the workers in the 
form of higher wages, and with consumers in the 
form of lower prices. This, in turn, has bettered 
our standard of living and increased employment 
opportunities. 

This sharing of our increasing output — together 
with a system of progressive income taxation- — 
has resulted in a vast upward leveling in the dis- 
tribution of our national income. 

In 1929, when our national income was less than 
90 billion dollars, five percent of our citizens in 
the top income brackets got 34 percent of this 

Department of Sfafe Bulletin 



national income. In 1951, when our national in- 
come was nearly 280 billion dollars, the percent- 
age that went to this group was only 18 percent. 
Or, to put it another way : In 1929, 66 percent of 
the national income was received by the 95 per- 
cent of our population in the lower income 
brackets. In 1951 their share of this much larger 
income had risen to 82 percent. 

Thus, the average income of families in our 
lower and middle-income groups has risen very 
rapidly. In 1951 one in every three families had 
an income of 3,000 to 5,000 dollars; another one 
in every five between 5,000 and 10,000 dollars. 
Thus, millions and millions of families have 
moved upward into an income bracket which per- 
mits them to enjoy the better things of life. They 
are industrial workers, office workers, farmers — 
millions of whom, in the past 2 decades, have 
moved upward in the income scale. 

In a moment, I shall contrast this situation with 
what is taking place in the Soviet Union. 

Restrictive Elements Must Go 

Now, what is the significance of all of this? 
It is this: If we are to have a continuously ex- 
panding economy, we must eliminate, insofar as 
is humanly possible, the elements which make for 
restriction. This means the strengthening of free 
labor unions so that they can act effectively to 
assure that workers do in fact get their fair share 
of the benefits of improved productivity. It 
means giving as much attention to marketing and 
distribution as to production. It means develop- 
ing competitive conditions among producers and 
distributors of commodities so that they have no 
alternative but to pass on the benefits of improved 
productivity to consumers. 

In short, we have learned that to have a growing 
economy we must eliminate practices that place 
limitations on production, such as the division of 
markets and the restriction of output — whether 
imposed by public regulation or by private ar- 
rangement or merely by habit patterns which act 
to hold back the progress of production and low- 
cost distribution. 

By contrast, let us look at the promise and 
reality of the Soviet world. 

The political philosoj^hy and the social organi- 
zation of the Soviet system constitute a complete 
denial of those human values and concepts which 
have made for freedom and for progress. 

The result is a society with no understanding, 
let alone respect, for the dignity and the rights 
of the individual. He is a tool of the all-powerful 
state. He has no political rights. True, there are 
the trappings of Western democracy and a Consti- 
tution stipulating popular representation, the 
rights of man, and limits to governmental power. 
But, as Andrei Vyshinsky, the authoritative inter- 
preter of Soviet law, has put it: "The dictatorship 
of the proletariat is unlimited by any statutes 



whatsoever." Thus we have before us the picture 
of a great nation which, having cast off' the j'oke 
of an inefficient and corrupt monarchy, has fallen 
victim to an even worse despotism. All decisions 
on political, social, cultural, and economic matters 
are made by a few men at the top of the Soviet 
Communist Party. If ever there was a monopoly, 
here is one. Contrast this with the GO million 
people who went to the polls in the United States 
a little over a month ago. Of these, over 33 million 
dared to vote against the party in power. 

Let us consider the conditions of the ordinary 
worker in the Soviet Union. The organizations 
which call themselves trade-unions in the U.S.S.R. 
have chiefly one function : to increase, in the in- 
terest of the state, the volume and quality of pro- 
duction while lowering the cost of production. 
Collective bargaining is not among their func- 
tions and the strike not among their weapons. A 
concrete illustration of what this means in the 
Soviet world has been given us by the Czecho- 
slovak Minister of Interior, Nosek. In 1951 the 
Czech coal miners dared to ask for the restoration 
of the 5-day workweek which they had enjoyed 
before the Communists took over. To this, Mr. 
Nosek replied that "what was revolutionary under 
the capitalist system is reactionary and counter- 
revolutionary today." 

Soviet Regimentation of Labor 

Soviet workers have to put up with whatever 
labor conditions their one and only employer dic- 
tates. Wages are fixed by the governments. So 
are prices and working hours. Labor discipline is 
strict and any breach of its numberless provisions 
is severely punished. All jobs are frozen. Leav- 
ing the place of employment without the express 
permission of the management is punishable by 
imprisonment for from 2 to 4 months or, in defense 
industries, up to 8 years. 

Since 1938 every worker has been required to 
have a labor book with detailed data on his em- 
ployment history. This internal passport enables 
the boss to control the worker effectively at all 
times. To sum up : Labor is defenseless against 
the monopolistic employer — the OTnnipotent state. 
It is hedged in by punitive legislation. It is under 
constant pressure to increase output. 

There is another question that might be asked : 
Has the Soviet system of complete regimentation 
paid off in terms of social dividends? Have the 
sweat and toil of the Soviet worker, not to mention 
his loss of freedom, been compensated by a better 
life for the people and by higher standards of 
living? 

An approach to this question can be found by 
comparing the time it takes a worker in Moscow 
and in some of the free countries to earn the neces- 
sities of life. Take food, for example. A recent 
study shows that it requires 414 hours of working 
time for a typical factory worker to buy a pound 



January 79, 1953 



111 



of butter in Moscow as compared with a little 
under 2 hours in Germany and % of an hour in 
Denmark. 

It takes 9 minutes of work in a factory to earn 
a pound of potatoes in Moscow. Throughout 
Western Europe it requires less than 5 minutes, 
whether it be in Italy or Denmark or Germany. 
In some of these countries, it takes as few as 2 
minutes. 

The cost of a pound of bread varies from about 
14 minutes of work in Moscow to 6 to 10 in Switzer- 
land, Ireland, Denmark. It takes nearly twice as 
long to earn the money to buy a pound of pork in 
Russia as in Italy and 3I/2 times as long as in 
Norway. For a pound of sugar it takes a little 
under 2 hours' work in Moscow as compared with 
37 minutes in Italy and 21 minutes in France and 
Germany. 

There is evidence available to show that in 1937, 
the peak year before the Second World War, per 
capita consumption in the U.S.S.R. was as low 
as in 1928. Indeed, the evidence indicates that 
per capita consumption in 1937 was not much 
above the level of 1913 — the last year of peace in 
Czarist Russia. And there is every evidence that 
since 1937 per capita consumption in the U.S.S.R. 
has increased only slightly, if at all. 

Wliile income distribution in the United States 
has been substantially leveled up in the past 2 
decades, the opposite development can be observed 
in the Soviet Union. There is a growing dispar- 
ity in incomes and with it there has emerged a new 
class structure. 

The Soviet Union has developed several upper 
classes. At the top, there are the leaders of the 
Party and Government, the managers of large 
enterprises, and well-known intellectuals. On the 
next level are minor dignitaries and luminaries. 
Down below are the toilers. Furthermore, the 
upper class may now endow their children with 
expensive education and with considerable inheri- 
tance. Soviet income taxes on high incomes are 
low. There appears to be no inheritance tax. 
From a tax point of view, the Soviet Union is an 
ideal place for millionaires. 

The Question of East-West Trade 

I now turn to some other false charges that have 
been made against my Government. Among them 
is the charge that the United States has tried to 
prevent East -West trade in peaceful goods. The 
truth — stated many times by other official spokes- 
men for the United States, and a truth which I 
assert again — is that the United States is not op- 
posed to such trade and has not opposed such trade. 

We will not, however, condone the shipment of 
strategic goods to the Soviet bloc. The reason 
for this is well known. We will not permit our 
trade to feed a Communist war machine which has 
already unleashed a military attack against peace- 
ful i^eoples in Korea and which previously had 



shown the true face of its aggressive designs in the 
Soviet seizure of Czechoslovakia. 

We are all too familiar with the many tirades 
delivered in the United Nations in recent years by 
representatives of the Soviet Union or its satellites 
on the subject of trade controls. 

In recent months, however, the Soviet bloc has 
given a new twist to these tirades. They now talk 
not only about the wickedness of our security trade 
controls — while, of course, maintaining rigid con- 
trol over their own strategic exports. But they 
now talk about more than this. They now talk 
about the value — indeed, the necessity — of ex- 
panding international trade generally. Listening 
to the representatives of the Soviet bloc, one might 
believe that the Soviets had now abandoned doc- 
trines which have guided their conduct for over 
30 years. 

I think we are all familiar with these doctrines. 
They were set out by Lenin himself in his report 
on concessions at the Eighth Congress of Soviets, 
in December 1920. Said Lenin : 

Restoration of trade relations is a means of making 
large purchases of machinery needed by us. . . . The 
sooner we have achieved this . . . the sooner will we he 
economically independent from the capitalist countries. 

That was in 1920. In 1941 a prominent Soviet 
economist, Mishustin, spelled out the same prin- 
ciple in greater detail. He wrote : 

The main goal of Soviet import is to utilize foreign 
merchandise, and first of all machinery, for the speediest 
realization of the plans for socialist reconstruction, for 
the industrialization of the national economy, and for the 
technical and economic independence of the U.S.S.R. . . . 
The import of the U.S.S.R. is .so organized that it aids 
the speediest liberation from import. 

That was in 1941. And, 5 years later, with the 
postwar creation of a Soviet sphere of influence, 
Moscow imposed this self-sufficient policy — a pol- 
icy which, need I add. is the death of international 
trade — on the Soviet bloc as a whole. In its deal- 
ings with its East European satellites and with 
Communist China, Soviet policy has been to re- 
orient their trade almost exclusively to itself. 
And, in its dealings with the free world, its policy 
has been to limit imports to goods essential for 
reindustrialization and rearmament. 

The extent to which this policy goes has been 
bluntly spelled out in a secret Czechoslovak direc- 
tive issued in the spring of 1950. This directive 
pulled no punches. It provided : ( 1 ) Only absolute 
essentials are to be imported from capitalist coun- 
tries and these only when adequate supplies cannot 
be found within the Soviet realm; (2) insofar as 
possible, payments are to be made through exports 
of nonessential goods; (3) to the extent that ship- 
ping is available, all imports are to be channeled 
through Polish ports and are to be carried in 
Soviet-realm ships. 

So much for imports. Now, regarding exports : 
(1) Nothing is to be delivered to capitalist coun- 
tries which is required in the Soviet Union or the 



112 



Department of Sfate Bulletin 



so-called People's Democracies; (2) no exports of 
strategic goods are permitted to capitalist coun- 
tries; (3) the People's Democracies are to be 
granted priority in delivery of goods required for 
the rebuilding of their economy; (4) exports to 
capitalist countries are to be limited to nonessen- 
tial goods insofar as possible; (5) deliveries of 
steel products to capitalist countries are to be re- 
duced to a minimum; (6) shipping across West 
Germany and from West European ports is to be 
reduced to a minimum ; and, whenever possible, 
Soviet Union or satellite vessels are to be employed 
for overseas trade. 

This history of Soviet trade shows the hypoc- 
risy of the appeals made by the representatives of 
the Soviet bloc for an expansion of trade between 
the Soviet-bloc countries and the free world. 

Soviet Noncooperation in World Trade 

And where has the Soviet Union been when the 
free nations of the world have tried to further 
world trade? 

Not only has the Soviet Union refused to par- 
ticipate in projects of international cooperation; 
it has tried its best to discredit them, to smear 
them, and to sabotage them at every opportunity. 

So, we may ask, whence comes this sweet reason- 
ableness, this talk about trade and peace? But, 
some may say, Soviet doctrine and Soviet be- 
havior toward these various international organi- 
zations and programs do not reflect actual Soviet- 
bloc practices in concrete transactions. Well, let's 
take a look at Soviet-bloc trading practices. 

I might refer you to the difficulties my own 
countrymen have experienced in trying to do busi- 
ness with Communist Czechoslovakia. We have 
heard a lot about the Soviet-bloc countries want- 
ing to trade with foreign businessmen. But how 
do the facts fit in with these claims? First, the 
property of American nationals in Czechoslovakia 
was confiscated without compensation. Next, the 
Czechoslovak Government persecuted and har- 
assed American firms to such an extent that it was 
virtually impossible for them to do business in 
Czechoslovakia. Third, the Czech Government — 
as have all Soviet-bloc governments — declared it 
treasonable for its citizens to furnish the necessary 
information on trade which is essential to the con- 
duct of commercial enterprise. Fourth, American 
charitable and welfare organizations were forced 
to discontinue their work. And, finally, Ameri- 
can citizens were imprisoned without justification. 

This is what can happen to individuals. It can 
also happen to nations. For individuals the cost 
can be too high financially. For nations it can 
cost too much in independence. 

I have recalled to you the facts of Soviet doc- 
trine and practice in the international trade field. 
I ask you to examine the current Soviet preten- 
sions in the light of their behavior. Plainly, 
Soviet doctrine and practice in this field, to say 



nothing of Soviet doctrine and practice in the 
political and military fields, force us to consider 
the recent statements of representatives from the 
Soviet bloc on this question as simply hypocritical 
propaganda. 

In saying this, I do not mean to imply that the 
United States — as other free nations—would not 
welcome bona fule action by the Soviet bloc in 
joining the family of nations that practice as well 
as preach an expansion of international trade. 
The Government of the United States always wel- 
comes opportunities to increase world trade — but 
Twt at the price of its national security or the 
security of other free nations. 

I might add that the Soviet bloc would find the 
reception of its trade propaganda more favorable 
if other Soviet activities were consistent with it. 
As it is, this propaganda falls on skeptical ears 
because it is accompanied by aggression and 
threats of aggression and by subversive activity 
everywhere. The Soviets must change their ways 
before any credence can be given to their woi'ds. 
And, until they do change, we must continue to 
take with a large grain of salt all their current talk 
about peace and trade. 

Polish Charges 

The United States has also been charged with 
"torpedoing" international economic cooperation. 

This sounds strange— coming as it does from 
the delegate of Poland, a state which has refused 
to become a contracting party to the General 
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and which seems 
to be making a habit of pvilling out of the few 
specialized agencies it has joined without paying 
the contributions it has solemnly contracted to 
pay. 

The charge sounds hollow from a member of a 
bloc of states which has established an unenviable 
reputation for obstructing international economic 
cooperation in the United Nations in all its forms. 
These countries make it a crime to supply to the 
U.N. Statistical Office certain information which 
most other member nations gladly supply. 

All we hear from them is percentages — rarely, 
if ever, a figure that means anything. The Soviet 
bloc has never contrilmted a ruble, a zlotv, or a 
crown to the relief of the Palestine or Korean 
refugees, yet they make loud outcries and politi- 
cal capital out of their sufferings. These coun- 
tries refuse to cooperate in the work of the Eco- 
nomic Commission for Europe and now use the 
Commission only as a sounding board for political 
propaganda. These countries have made it a 
principle not to join in, or cooperate with, the 
work of most of the specialized agencies. 

According to the Polish delegate, the economic 
state of the world outside of what he called his 
"harmonious" area is one of stagnation and de- 
cline. Although the Polish delegate quoted coi^i- 
ously from the last bulletin of the Economic Com- 



Januaiy 19, 1953 



113 



mission for Europe, it is plain that he did not read 
all of it. If he liad, he niight have seen tliat in a 
number of West European countries, 1952 con- 
sumption is at considerably hinrher levels than in 
1949 and that agriculture and building are making 
strides. He might also have seen tlie statement 
that in Eastern Europe, despite the continued in- 
crease in industrial production, consumption 
standards in several countries, notably Poland and 
Czechoslovakia, show no tendency to rise. In- 
deed, in Poland and Czechoslovakia — and I 
quote — "there has been a general lowering of real 
wages." 

Finally, the representatives of the Soviet bloc 
have dragged out their shopworn slander that 
American business — or, as they call it, "American 
monopoly capital" — wants war and lias forced an 
"armaments race" upon the world. Tliey say that 
American capital has forced this armaments race 
on the worlcl because of its lust for vast profits. 

Since the concept that the capitalist system 
maintains itself by war is basic to the Lenin-Stalin 
theory of economics, one would naturally expect 
the representatives of the Soviet bloc to repeat 
this falsehood. 

But let us look at what war means to American 
business. It means price controls, wage controls, 
and priorities. It means allocations, power 
shortages, shortages of materials, ancl higher 
taxes. It means wearing out of equipment, dis- 
location of markets, conversion difficulties and 
reconversion hangovers, relocation of plants, the 
fear that comiietitors will take over their peace- 
time markets, and endless other headaches. 

Is it surprising, then, that the American busi- 
nessman does not want war or an armaments race ? 
Is it surprising, then, that, at the beginning of 
World War II, it was the totalitarian countries 
and not the capitalist countries which were most 
prepared for war? 

The Profits Picture 

And as to the false charge that American busi- 
ness realms great profits out of the defense effort, 
let us look at the facts. The only profit that inter- 
ests businessmen is profit after taxes. In this 
connection, the defense effort, forced upon my 
country by the aggression which took place in 
Korea in mid-195d, has already brought about a 
29 percent increase in personal taxes, a sharp boost 
in excise taxes, a 53-percent jump in corporate 
taxes, and the revival of the excess-profits tax as 
well. 

And now let us see what has happened to the 
actual earnings of American business since the 
Korean war began. Last year, as our delegate in 
this Committee pointed out, the trend had already 
become clear. He showed that earnings, after 
taxes, of U.S. business in the first 9 months of 1951 
were 9 percent lower than they had been in the 
same period in 1950 before the defense effort had 

114 



taken effect. He also showed that this was true 
for most industries, including those which are 
generally considered to be armaments industries. 

That trend still continues. The figures showing 
the earnings of American business for the first 9 
months of 1952 indicate that the earnings of 510 
of our largest companies in 60 different fields 
amounted to .3.9 billion dollars— as compared to 
4.4 billion dollars in 1951 and 4.8 billion dollars 
in 1950. In other words, they dropped 9 percent 
between 1950 and 1951 and they dropped another 
10 percent between 1951 and 1952. 

And what industries showed these declines in 
profits? It is true that the earnings of the air- 
craft and machine-tool industry rose. But the 
earnings of the steel companies, the iron and steel 
fabricators, the petroleum companies, and the 
chemical companies — that is to say, the industries 
vitally related to our defense program — all of 
these earnings fell, most of them for the second 
successive year since Korea. 

We feel that the facts speak for themselves. 
Their significance will be recognized by any fair- 
minded person who is not so smothered in Stalin's 
dogma that he is unable or unwilling to see the 
truth. 

But the real test of who wants war and who 
wants peace is what governments do to further one 
or the other. This Assembly has tried its best to 
find fair and equitable solutions to the Korean 
situation. Wlio was it who voted against the 
Indian proposal — a proposal which represented 
the civilized world's effort to bring about peace in 
Korea ? The roll call against the Indian resolu- 
tion included only (1) the Soviet Union, (2) the 
Soviet Ukraine, (3) Soviet Byelorussia, (4) 
Czechoslovakia, (5) Poland. Nobody else voted 
against it. They spoke vehemently against it, 
both in the First Committee and in the Plenary. 

By their acts you shall know them. 

My Government has repeatedly stated in this 
Committee and throughout the Assembly that we 
look forward to the day when men "shall beat 
their swords into plowshares and their spears into 
pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword 
against nation, neither shall they learn war any 
more." 

We still cling to our belief in this prophecy. 
Above all things we desire peace — world peace- 
lasting peace and the world-wide prosperity which 
that peace will make possible. Of course we can- 
not accept peace imposed on Soviet terms and 
based on Soviet domination. Wlien we say peace, 
we mean peace based upon mutual respect among 
free nations. 

We look forward to the day when all the mem- 
bers of the United Nations will be able to agi-ee 
upon a universal plan of disarmament with ade- 
quate control, inspection, and enforcement. On 
that day, we in the United States shall be glad 
to join with other member states in increasing our 
contribution to a widespread program of economic 

Department of Stale Bulletin 



^ 



development, a program which might well accom- 
plish the great objectives outlined for ns in our 
Charter. I hope that when that day comes all 
freedom-loving, democratic countries will be able 
to join together in putting into constructive use 
those resources of goods and technology which are 
already available to us but which the obstruction 
of a small group of states prevents us from ap- 
plying to better ends than arms. 

The sooner the world is freed from the fear of 
aggression, the sooner will my country be in a 
position to carry out its share in the great program 
of development which we all so desire. 



U.N. Membership Based 
on Principles, Not on Deals 

Statement hy Benjamin V. Cohen 

U.S. Rejn'esentative to the General Assenibly ^ 

U.S. /U.N. press release dated December 21 

I should like to explain briefly the votes the 
U.S. delegation will cast on the resolutions before 
us. 

It is clear from the debates in Committee that 
all of us regard the membership problem as the 
outstanding organizational and constitutional 
problem of the United Nations. The future 
growth and vitality of the United Nations depends 
upon its solution. So long as all of those nations 
qualified for membership are not here among us, 
the United Nations cannot achieve its maxinmm 
effectiveness. New blood would bring fresh 
energy and enthusiasm as well as collective 
strength and wisdom to our discussions. 

The debate in the Committee convinced my 
Government that the Central American draft reso- 
lution calling for the creation of a special com- 
mittee to study the problem of admission to mem- 
bership offered the most constructive method of 
procedure. Such a committee will be able to make 
an objective and careful exploration and analysis 
of the membership problem. In this connection, 
we recall the work of the subcommittee set up by 
the Interim Committee to study the problem of 
voting in the Security Council. The results of 
that study were, in the opinion of most delega- 
tions, highly useful. The results of the efforts of 
a similar group on the membership problem should 
be of equal, possibly greater, utility to the United 
Nations. We sincerely hope that the work of the 
Cormnittee will help the United Nations to 

" Made In plenary session on Dec. 21. Later in the same 
meeting ( the last held by the General Assembly before 
adjourning until February 1953), the following actions 
were taken on membership : The Assembly voted to estab- 
lish a special committee to study proposals on membership, 
confirmed the U.S. proposal as to Japan's fulfillment of 
membership qualifications, approved similar resolutions 
relating to Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Libya, and Jordan, 
and rejected tJie Polish "package" resolution. 



progress toward the goal of universality of 
membership. 

During the course of discussions in the Com- 
mittee, many suggestions were made with a view 
to ending the membership deadlock. Our delega- 
tion was particularly impressed by the serious 
thought and study our friends from Latin Amer- 
ica have given to the membership problem. We 
listened with great interest especially to the dis- 
tinguished delegate from El Salvador, Ambassa- 
dor Urquia, and to Ambassador Belaunde from 
Peru. While a number of the suggested solutions 
seem to my Government to raise grave constitu- 
tional issues, the special committee will un- 
doubtedly wish to study them all carefully to de- 
termine whether they offer a feasible method to 
move toward fuller recognition and implementa- 
tion of the principle of universality. 

Our delegation will have to vote against the 
Polish draft resolution which was defeated in the 
Committee. The Polish resolution, which calls 
for a "package deal" admission of 14 states, in our 
opinion, prejudges the question of admission. 
This is true whether the text of the proposal calls 
for simultaneous admission or simply for admis- 
sion. The Polish draft resolution would have the 
General Assembly express by implication what 
we have not been willing to express explicitly: 
that all of the states listed therein are qualified. 
It would equate certain states which have not been 
found qualified (that is Albania, Hungary, Bul- 
garia, Rumania, and Outer Mongolia) with such 
peace-loving nations as Italy, or Austria, or 
Ceylon. 

We are firm supporters of universality of mem- 
bership, Mr. Chairman, but universality should be 
based upon principles and not upon deals. The 
Polish proposal is based on a deal not on a prin- 
ciple. It includes some applicants and excludes 
others on the basis of no stated standard. It in- 
cludes some but not all applications which have 
received endorsement by a majority of the Security 
Council and includes those applications which 
have not received such endorsement. It provides 
the United Nations with no clear and defined cri- 
teria by which to judge the pending applications 
not included in the partial list contained in the 
Polish resolution or to judge future applications. 
We favor no deals which leave some existing and 
all future applications to the whim of future deals 
rather than to disposition on the basis of stated 
principles or standards. It may possibly be urged 
with reason that principles of admissibility should 
be more liberal than those we now apply. But 
those principles upon which we agree should be 
of universal application so that they may be ap- 
plied to all future as well as existing applicants. 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, a word of explanation 
of our vote endorsing the membership applications 
of Japan, the three Associated States of Indo- 
china, Jordan, and Libya. 

This will be the first time the General Assembly 



January 19, 1953 



115 



is able to pass on the application of Japan. The 
Japanese Government filed its application for 
niembersliip in June of this year. It would al- 
ready have had a favorable recommendation fi'om 
the Security Council were it not for the veto cast 
by the Soviet delegate to the Council last Sep- 
tember. 

In the view of my Government and in the view 
of the overwhelming majority of representatives 
on the Ad Hoc Committee, Japan is qualified for 
membership. It seems to me, therefore, it is only 
fair for the Assembly to put itself on record in 
this sense. Such action will provide Japan with 
further stimulus to continue the positive contribu- 
tions it is already making to the specialized agen- 
cies of the United Nations of which she is a mem- 
ber. It will encourage the Japanese people to 
continue on the path of peaceful advancement. 

For similar reasons we have endorsed the mem- 
bership applications of the three Associated 
States of Indochina and will vote for them. And, 
finally, we will vote to support the membership 
applications of Jordan and Libya. The Assem- 
bly has already found those two states qualified for 
membership. We shall be glad again to express 
our endorsement of their qualifications for mem- 
bership. 



Soviet Attacks on Social Conditions 
in U.S. 

Statement by Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

U.S. /U.N. press release dated December 9. 

After the speakers' list was closed, the Commit- 
tee heard the distinguished delegates of the 
Ukraine, Soviet Union, Poland, and Byelorussia 
talk at great length about social conditions in the 
United States. These four speakers, like another 
speaker earlier in the debate, made many allevia- 
tions about declining standards of living in this 
country, about our inadequate facilities lor hous- 
ing, education, health, and social welfare, about 
racial discrimination, and about the high cost of 
living in the United States. These speakers all 
asserted that the defects in American life are due 
primarily to the preparations of our Government 
for war. 

This is the seventh year in which I have heard 
these same old, stale charges hurled against the 
United States. On several previous occasions I 
have replied to these charges, point by point, with 
the true facts. But, after all, no one ever expects 
replies to Soviet slanders to have any effect what- 
soever on their representatives. Each year I pre- 
sent the facts about the situation in the United 



'Marie in Committee III (Social, Humanitarian and 
Cultural) on Dec. 9. 



States; and then the next year these representa- 
tives offer up the same old distortions of fact. 

The Committee is so far behind in its schedule 
that I will not delay it todaj' with any detailed 
rebuttal. I should like merely to summarize what 
I have said on six previous occasions, knowing full 
well it will not prevent this group of representa- 
tives from saying the same thing all over again 
next year. 

First, the U.S. Government and the American 
people do not want another world war ; they are not 
preparing for another world war; they are doing, 
and will do, everything in their power to maintain 
international peace and security and to resist 
aggression. 

Second, social conditions in the United States 
are not perfect and the standard of living of large 
numbers of the American people is far from satis- 
factory. It does not require this annual shower 
of crocodile tears by this group of representatives 
to make me aware of the defects in American life. 
I am fully aware of these defects, for I have spent 
the better part of my life fighting to help correct 
them. 

Third, despite the fact that the standards of 
health, education, social welfare, housing, and 
race relations are not as high in the United States 
as we Americans would desire, they are much 
higher than the distinguished delegate of the 
Soviet Union and her colleagues would lead the 
Committee to believe. 

Every year, the distinguished delegate of the 
Soviet Union and her colleagues quote a long list 
of figures to show what a small part of the Federal 
budget of the United States is devoted to educa- 
tion, health, social insurance, and similar activi- 
ties. Every year I have to remind these delegates 
that the major expenditures in our country for 
education, health, social insurance, and similar ac- 
tivities comes not out of the Federal budget, but 
from the States, the counties, the cities, and the 
towns, and from private sources of many kind-;. 
Let me cite just one figure, for probably the seventli 
time, to show the utter falseness of all these 
charges. The distinguished delegate of the Soviet 
Union .stated that less than 1 percent of the budget 
of the Federal Government in the United States 
is devoted to education. That is a correct statistic 
because education is not the primary responsibility 
of the Federal Government, but that statement 
gives a completely false impression. The States, 
local communities, and private institutions are pri- 
marily responsible for education in the United 
States. In the fiscal year 1950-51 our State and 
local governments spent a total of $7,500,000,000 
on education, or 34.1 percent of their total expend- 
itures; and our private institutions in addition 
spent many millions of dollars on education. 

Fourth, despite all the imperfections in our 
American society and despite all I have heard 
about the perfect paradise that exists in the Soviet 
Union, Poland, Byelorussia, and in certain other 



1 



116 



Department of State Bulletin 



countries — I am sure every person with decent in- 
stincts still prefers to live in imperfect freedom 
than in a propaganda paradise without freedom. 
For the last 20 yeai-s in this country, the Republi- 
can Party, a majority of our newspapers, and mil- 
lions of our citizens have been criticizing and de- 
nouncing the Government; and for the next -1 
years, the Democratic Party, many of our news- 
papers, and millions of our citizens will be criti- 
cizing and denouncing the new Administration. 
Yet not one Republican politician or diplomat has 
been imprisoned or hanged for his opposition to 
the Government in power. Not one newspaper has 
been suppressed. Not one citizen has been shipped 
off to a slave-labor camp. Nor will anything of 
this kind happen in the next 4 j'ears to any Ameri- 
can who happens to disagree with the Republican 
Administration. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, we in the United 
States know better than these critics the many 
things that are lacking in our country. We have 
done much in the past, and we are doing much 
today, to correct these injustices and these low 
stanclards. We would be doing even more today 
if we were not compelled by the aggression in 
Korea and by the threat of aggression elsewhere to 
help strengthen the free world and to preserve the 
peace. 



Activities of the International 
Materials Conference 



Direct defense needs have agaih been given prior- 
ity. 

Primary copper only (blister and refined) is 
included in the distribution plan. As in pirevious 
quarters, semifabricated products have not been 
allocated but all exporting countries are again 
asked to maintain their exports of semifabricated 
products at a level commensurate with their allo- 
cation of primary metal for civilian consumption 
in accordance with normal patterns of trade. 

The Committee agreed to continue the arrange- 
ment whereby domestic users in the United States 
and in other countries would have the opportunity 
to pui'chase any copper allocated to other countries 
participating in the International Materials Con- 
ference and not used by them. 

In accepting the Committee's recommendations, 
the Chilean Government made a reservation by 
which it may dispose of a limited tonnage of its 
copper without reference to the distribution plan. 
Notwithstanding this reservation, the Chilean 
Government has stated its desire to take into ac- 
count the recommendations of the Committee 
whenever possible in regard to that limited ton- 
nage. 

Twelve countries are represented on the Com- 
mittee. They are Australia, Belgium (represent- 
ing Benelux), Canada, Chile, France, the Federal 
Republic of Germany, Italy, Mexico, Norway, 
Peru, the United Kingdom, and the United States. 
The plan of distribution has been forwarded also 
to the governments of 27 other countries, not rep- 
resented on the Committee, for which allocations 
have been recommended. 



Distribution of Copper 

The Copper-Zinc-Lead Committee of the Inter- 
national ilaterials Conference announced on De- 
cember 16 that member governments have accepted 
its proposal for an allocation of copper for the 
first quarter of 1953,^ subject to a review of the 
supply-demand situation at the end of January 
to ascertain whether the allocation need be con- 
tinued for the remainder of the quarter. 

Reported requirements of primary copper for 
the first quarter 1953 continue to exceed estimated 
availabilities, even though there has been a notice- 
able easing of the copper market in recent months. 

Estimated availabilities of primary copper in 
the first quarter 1953 amount to 704.790 metric 
tons. The Committee has recommended a first- 
quarter jjlan of distribution of 723,080 metric tons 
as compared with 747,655 metric tons in the pre- 
vious quarter. The requirements indicated by- 
some countries are slightly lower than in the pre- 
vious quarter and this factor and more realistic 
supply figures result in a reduced total allocation. 
There is an apparent over-allocation of 18,290 
metric tons (2.6 percent) which will provide a 
measure of flexibility to the distribution plan. 

' For distribution plan, see Imc press release of Dec. 16. 



Distribution of Molybdenum 

The Tungsten-Molybdenum Committee on De- 
cember IS announced its recommended distribution 
of molybdenum for the first calendar quarter of 
1953.^ The Governments of all 13 countries rep- 
resented on the Committee have accepted the rec- 
ommendations. These countries are Australia, 
Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, France, the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany, Japan, Portugal, 
Spain, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the 
United States. 

In accepting the recommendations, the Govern- 
ment of the United States made the condition that 
domestic users of molybdenum in the United 
States should be authorized to purchase the quan- 
tity of such material allocated to other countries 
participating in the International Materials Con- 
ference and not used by any such participating 
country. In view of this, the Committee agreed 
to make arrangements whereby such domestic users 
in the United States or other countries would have 
the opportunity to purchase molybdenum allo- 
cated to other countries participating in the Inter- 
national Materials Conference but not used by any 
such participating country. 

■' For distribution plan, see Imc press release of Dee. 18. 



January J 9, 1953 



117 



Molybdenum lias been under an international 
plan of distribution since July 1, 1951. Although 
availabilities have been increasing, the metal con- 
tinues to be in very short supply as compared with 
the requirements of the consuming countries. 
This is especially so when the stock-piling require- 
ments of these countries are taken into considera- 
tion. 

Total free-world production of molybdenum in 
the first quarter of 1953 is estimated by the Com- 
mittee at 6,408.25 metric tons metal content. This 
estimated production sliows an increase of nearly 
13 percent as compared with estimated production 
in the fourth quarter of 1952 and over 75 percent 
above the rate of production in 1950. On the other 
hand the defense and stock-piling requirements of 
the free world are still much in excess of the esti- 
mated production. It is necessary therefore that 
all countries of the free world should do their ut- 
most to implement the present recommendations 
for the distribution of the metal and give every 
attention to the measures recommended by the 
Committee for conservation and substitution. 

The plan recommended provides for the dis- 
tribution of the whole free-world production of 
molybdenum, both in the form of ores and con- 
centrates and primary products. Primary prod- 
ucts are defined, as in the case of previous distri- 
butions by the Committee, as ferromolybdenum, 
molybdic acid and molybdenum salts, including 
calcium-molybdate and molybdic oxide. Eoasted 
molybdenum concentrates are regarded by the 
Committee as being included in ores and concen- 
trates, as in the case of previous distribution 
plans. 

In framing the recommended plan of distribu- 
tion, the needs of all countries, whether members 
of the Committee or not, were carefully con- 
sidered. The distribution plan is now trans- 
mitted to all governments, including those not 
represented on the Committee, wherever the coun- 
tries concerned are interested in the export or im- 
port of molybdenum in the form of ores and con- 
centrates or primary products. All governments 
are being requested to carry out the plan of dis- 
tribution recommended. 

Of the total estimated production of 6,408.25 
metric tons metal content of molybdenum to be 
produced in the first calendar quarter of 1953, the 
distribution plan provides that 6,124.25 metric 
tons be distributed in the form of ores and con- 
centrates and 284 metric tons as primary prod- 
ucts, this latter quantity also being distributed, in 
the first instance, to countries manufacturing 
primary products from ores and concentrates. 

Distribution of Nickel 

The Manganese-Nickel-Cobalt Committee on 
December 18 announced that its 14 member gov- 
ernments have accepted a first quarter 1953 dis- 
tribution plan for primary nickel and oxides.^ 

' For distribution plan, see Imc press release of Dec. 18. 



The recommended plan of distribution has been 
forwarded to all interested governments for im- 
plementation. 

As in the distribution plans for the last two quar- 
ters of 1952, provision has been made whereby 
any nickel allocated to, but not used by, countries 
participating in the plan of distribution, will be- 
come available for purchase by consumers in the 
United States and other countries. Japanese pro- 
duction has reached a level which will permit the 
export in 1953 of a small amount of refined nickel. 

The estimated nickel availabilities for the first 
quarter of 1953 of 37.270 metric tons are only 210 
tons or about 0.6 percent higher than for the fourth 
quarter of 1952. Therefore, the recommended 
allocation still falls considerably short of require- 
ments. As a result, the Committee's report to all 
governments again stresses the need for strict 
economy in the use of nickel. 

The countries represented on the Manganese- 
Nickel-Cobalt Committee are Belgium (for Bene- 
lux), Brazil, Canada, Cuba, France, the Federal 
Republic of Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Nor- 
way, Sweden, the Union of South Africa, the 
United Kingdom, and the United States. 

Tungsten Distribution Plans Discontinued 

The Tungsten-Molybdenum Committee of the 
International Materials Conference announced on 
December 18 that member governments had ac- 
cepted its recommendation to discontinue inter- 
national distribution plans for tungsten after 
December 31, 1952. 

The consistent improvement in the tungsten- 
supply situation, together with the return of easier 
market conditions, will now permit such action. 

The Committee will, however, continue to keep 
the supply and demand position under review. 
Any developments which would justify further 
action will be given due consideration. It has 
been agreed that if two or more countries, whether 
members of the Committee or nonmembers, experi- 
ence serious difUculties in obtaining the necessary 
supplies, they may request the Committee to con- 
sider the reestablishment of the allocation system. 

When tungsten was first allocated in July 1951, 
for the third quarter of that year, actual produc- 
tion of the metal amounted to about 3,150 metric 
tons metal content, whereas production for the 
first quarter of 1953 is estimated at more than 
4,700 metric tons. With this increase of about 50 
percent, supply and demand are approximately in 
balance. Further increases in production, how- 
ever, are expected and it is believed that they will 
be necessary before the existing restrictions on end 
use can be fully relaxed. 

The 13 countries represented on the Tungsten- 
Molybdenum Committee are Australia, Bolivia, 
Brazil, Canada, Chile, France, the Federal Repub- 
lic of German}', Japan, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, 
the United Kingdom, and the United States. 



118 



Departmenf of State Bulletin 



Allocation of Sulfur 

The Sulfur Committee of the International 
Materials Conference on December 22 announced 
the allocation plan for crude sulfur for the first 
quarter of 1953, which was unanimously accepted 
by its member governments. Seventeen govern- 
ments are represented on the Sulfur Committee: 
Australia, Belgium (representing Benelux), 
Brazil, Canada. France, the Federal Eepublic of 
Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Mexico, New 
Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, the Un- 
ion of South Africa, the United Kingdom, and 
the United States. 

A substantial improvement has taken place in 
the sulfur position over the last 6 months of 1952. 
This has been brought about both by an increase 
in production and by some reduction in demand, 
resulting from the fact that the level of industrial 
activity in many countries was lower than pre- 
viously anticipated, and from the increased use 
of other sulfur-bearing materials and various 
conservation measures. The export availabilities 
and import requirements for the first quarter of 
1953 are approximately in balance. 



The Committee discussed the possible termina- 
tion of international allocations but considered 
that the improvement in the supply position 
might be only of a temporary nature. Further- 
more, the Committee recognized that in many 
cases the requirement figures for individual coun- 
tries were based on a continuation of restrictions 
on the use of sulfur as such and thus might not 
reflect a true estimate of world demand. In view 
of this, the Committee has recommended the con- 
tinuation of allocations for the first quarter of 
1953, as shown in the attached schedule.^ 

The Committee agreed to make arrangements 
whereby domestic users in the United States and 
in other countries may purchase any sulfur al- 
located to other countries participating in the 
International Materials Conference and not used 
by any such participating country. 

As on previous occasions, the Committee dealt 
only with crude sulfur and did not allocate the 
relatively small quantities of refined sulfur which 
enter into international trade. The Committee 
expects, however, that trade in refined sulfur will 
continue to follow the normal pattern. 



U.S. Delegations to International Conferences 



Discussions on World Rice Situation (FAO) 

The Department of State announced on January 
6 (press release 7) that under the auspices of the 
Food and Agriculture Organization of the 
United Nations (Fao), an intergovernmental 
meeting on the world rice situation had convened 
at Bangkok on January 5. The U.S. delegation 
to this meeting is as follows : 

Delegate 

Dexter V. Rlvenburgh, Commofiities Specialist, Production 
and Marketing Administration, Department of Agri- 
culture 

Meinbers 

Isom Deshotels, Assistant Agricultural Officer, Special 

Technical Economic Mission, American Embassy, 

Rangoon 
Howard Parsons, Economic Counselor, American Embassy, 

Bangkok 
Graham Quate, Agricultural Attach^, American Embassy, 

Bangkok 

At the meeting, representatives of both import- 
ing and exporting countries, which are members of 
Fao, will review the recent trends in the produc- 
tion and international movement of rice and dis- 
cuss governmental policies affecting rice pi'oduc- 
tion. Participants will exchange information 

January J9, 1953 



about production policies, economic incentives, 
marketing methods, and technical assistance and 
will consider possible arrangements for future 
consultations on problems of ric« supply. Techni- 
cal questions concerning the storing of rice will 
also be discussed as an Fao meeting to deal with 
rice storage, previously scheduled for December 
1952, was postponed to coincide with this meeting. 

Inter-American Seminar on National Income 

Press relense 5 dated January 5 

From January 5 to 17, statistical experts from 
the United States will attend an Inter-American 
Kesearch Seminar on National Income at Santi- 
ago, Chile. The seminar, which will be held on 
the campus of the University of Chile, is being 
sponsored by the Government of Chile, the Pan 
American Union, and the Inter- American Statis- 
tical Institute, with the cooperation of the Uni- 
versity of Chile and the United Nations. 

U.S. participants in the seminar will be : chair- 
man, M. Joseph Meehan; memhers, George Jaszi 

■* For allocation schedule, see Imc press release dated 
Dec. 22. 

119 



and Harlow D. Osborne, all from the OiEce of 
Business Economics, Department of Commerce. 
Also participatino; will be Hale T. Shenefield of 
the American Embassy, Santiago. 

The <reueral purpose of the seminar, which is 
one of tlie projects of the technical-cooperation 
progi'am of the Organization of American States, 
is to provide an opportunity for statistical special- 
ists from the American Republics to exchange in- 
formation on the problems involved in the use of 
national-income data and to analyze methods of 
solving these problems. It is hoped that the 
seminar will encourage the support and assistance 
which experts and oilices will require in their ef- 
forts toward the stabilization and development of 
national incomes; and that it will establish rela- 
tions which will permit the exchange of personnel 
and information among countries leading to an 
improvement of statistical services in each country. 

Interested international organizations and in- 
stitutions, including those which maintain rela- 
tions with the Organization of American States, 
have been invited to send observers to the seminar. 



Nature of Reports to U.N. 
by Unified Command 

Press release 1 dated January 2 

Following is the text of a letter from Ben H. 
Brown., Jr., Acting Assistant Secretary for Con- 
gressional Relations, which is in reply to a letter 
from Representative Walter Rogers regarding an 
inquiry received hy Representative Rogers from 
a constituent concerning reports that all military 
movements in Korea must initially he cleared 
through a Soviet citizen on the United Nations 
Secretariat: 

December 30, 1952 
My dear Mr. Rogers : I have your letter with 
which you enclosed a letter from a constituent who 
refers to an article appearing in the November 
issue of the Ajnerican Memory and asks if it is 
true that all military movements in Korea must 
first be cleared through Constantine Zinchenko. a 
Soviet citizen on the United Nations Secretariat. 
The statement which is attributed to the article 
in the American Merc^iiy is entirely without 
foundation. By resolutions of the Security Coun- 
cil the United Nations established for the Korean 
action a Unified Command under the United 
States. The actual conduct of operations in 
Korea in accordance with general United Nations 
principles and objectives was left to the United 
States. The United States Government has not 
cleared and does not clear any proposed military 
movements or any directions to the troops with 
any organ of the United Nations or any person on 
the Secretariat. The United States reports to 
the United Nations periodically on the events 



which have taken place in the Korean fighting.] 
These reports do not contain classified informa- 
tion and are available to the public generally.^ 

Mr. Zinchenko has held in the United Nations 
Secretai'iat the post of "Assistant Secretary Gen- 
eral in charge of the Department of Security 
Council Affairs". In this capacity he has no ac- 
cess whatever to any classified information of the 
United States Government and no voice in the i 
determination of any policies of the United States i 
or of the United Nations in regard to Korea. Any 
decisions or recommendations which the United 
Nations might wish to make in regard to the 
Korean fighting would have to be made by the 
Security Council or by the General Assembly. 
Mr. Zinchenko and other members of the United 
Nations Secretariat would have nothing to say in 
regard to the adoption of any such resolution. 

If I can give you further information on this or 
any other subject, do not hesitate to call on me. 
Sincerely yours. 

For the Secretary of State : 

Ben H. Browx, Jr. 
Acting Assistant Secretary 



Current Legislation on Foreign Policy 

Subcommittee on Overseas Information Programs of tlie 
United States. Staff Study No. 1. United States 
Overseas Information Programs (Background Study). 
November 17, 1952. Committee Print. 82d Cong., 2d 
sess. 4S pp. ; Staff Study No. 3. The Soviet Propa- 
ganda Program (A Preliminary Study). November 
17, 1952. Committee Print. S2d Cong., 2d sess. 23 pp. 

Treaties and Executive Agreements. Hearings Before a 
Subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary. 
United States Senate, Eighty-Second Congress, Sec- 
ond Session on S. J. Res. 130 Proposing an Amendment 
to the Constitution of the United States Relative to 
the Making of Treaties and Executive Agreements. 
May 21, 22, 27, 28, and June 9, 1952. 540 pp. 

The Katyn Forest Massacre. Hearings Before the Select 
Committee To Conduct an Investigation of the Facts, 
Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest 
Massacre. Eighty-Second Congress, Second Session 
on Investigation of the Murder of Thou.sands of Polish 
Oifioers in the Katyn Forest Near Smolensk. Russia. 
Part 6. (Exhibits 32 and 33 Presented to the Com- 
mittee in London by the Polish Government in Exile i. 
199 pp. ; Part 7. June 3, 4, and November 11, 12, 13. 
14, 1952. 537 pp. 

Mutual Security Legislation and Related Documents With 
Explanatory Notes. Committee on Foreign Affairs, 
House of Itepresentatives. November 1952. Com- 
mittee Print. 82d Cong., 2d sess. 137 pp. 

Institute of Pacific Relations. Hearings Before the Sub- 
committee To Investigate the Administration of the 
Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security 
Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary, United 
States Senate, Eighty-Second Congress, Second Ses- 
sion on the Institute of Pacific Relations. Part 13. 
April 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, May 15, 16, and 29, 1952. 550 pp. ; i 
Part 14. Jlay 2 and June 20, 1952. 805 pp. | 

' For tests of the most recent U.N. Command reports 
and citations to earUer reports, see Bulletin of Dec. 29, 
1952, p. 1034. 



120 



Department of State Bulletin 



THE FOREIGN SERVICE 



Davies, Vincent Loyalty Cases 

LOYALTY REVIEW BOARD'S FINDINGS 

Press release 920 dated December 15 

The Department of State on December 15 made 
the following announcements: 

The Loyalty Review Board of the Civil Service 
Commission notified the Department on December 
12 that it had "arrived at the conclusion that there 
is no reasonable doubt of the loyalty of Mr. John 
Paton Davies, Jr., to the Government of the 
United States." x\ccordingly, the Loyalty Review 
Board approved the favorable finding of the State 
Department Loyalty Security Board, which had 
cleared Mr. Davies on October 17, 1952. 

The Loyalty Review Board has also notified the 
Department of its conclusion in the case of John 
Carter Vincent, "that there is a reasonable doubt 
as to his loyalty to the Government of the United 
States." In making this finding, the Loyalty Re- 
view Board noted specifically that it had not found 
Mr. Vincent "guilty of disloyalty." 

Mr. Vincent, who is 53 years old, served in the 
U.S. Army in the First World War and has over 
30 years Government service. 

The Department on December 15 suspended Mr. 
Vincent, who is minister and diplomatic agent at 
Tangier, and ordered him home. The recommen- 
dation of the Loyalty Review Board that the serv- 
ices of Mr. Vincent be terminated has been brought 
to the attention of the President, who will discuss 
the matter with Secretary Acheson upon the lat- 
ter's return from the Nato Conference at Paris. 

Complete texts of the letters addressed to 
Secretary Acheson by Hiram Bingham, chairman 
of the Loyalty Review Board, in regard to Mr. 
Vincent and Mr. Davies are printed below : 

December 12, 1952 

The Honorable 

The Secretary of State 

In Re: Case of John Carter Vincent 

Chief of Mission, Tangier, Morocco 

Sir : Under the provisions of Regulation 14 of the Rules 
and Regulations of the Loyalty Review Board, a panel of 
the Board has considered the case of the above named 
employee. The members of the panel reviewed the entire 
record in the case and heard the testimony of Mr. Vincent 
in person and argument of counsel on his behalf. 

Without expressly accepting or rejecting the testimony 
of Louis Budenz that Mr. Vincent was a Communist and 
"under Communist discipline" or the findings of the Sen- 
ate Committee on the Judiciary (o) that "over a period 
of years John Carter Vincent was the principal fulcrum 
of I. P. R.' pressures and influence in the State Depart- 



ment" and (6) that "Owen Lattimore and John Carter 
Vincent were influential in bringing nl)out a change in 
the United States Policy In 1945 favorable to the Chinese 
Communists," the panel has taken these factors into 
account. 

Furthermore, the panel calls attention to the fact that 
Mr. Vincent was not an immature or subordinate repre- 
sentative of the State Department but was an experienced 
and responsible oflicial who had been stationed in China 
from April 1924 to February 1936 and from March 1941 
to August 194.3, and who thereafter occupied high posi- 
tions in the Department of State having to do with the 
fonnulation of our Chinese policies. 

The panel notes Mr. Vincent's studied praise of Chinese 
Communists and equally studied criticism of tlie Chiang 
Kai-shek Government throughout a period when it was 
the declared and established policy of the Government 
of the United States to support Chiang Kai-shek's 
Government. 

The panel notes also Mr. Vincent's indifference to any 
evidence that the Chinese Communists were affiliated 
with or controlled by the U.S.S.R. 

Mr. Vincent's failure properly to discharge his respon- 
sibilities as Chairman of the Far Eastern Subcommittee 
of State, War and Navy to supervise the accuracy or 
security of State Department documents emanating from 
that Subcommittee was also taken into account. 

Finally, the panel calls attention to Mr. Vincent's close 
association with numerous persons who, he had reason 
to believe, were either Communists or Communist 
sympathizers. 

To say that Mr. Vincent's whole course of conduct in 
connection with Chinese affairs does not raise a reasona- 
ble doubt as to his loyalty, would, we are forced to think, 
be an unwarranted interpretation of the evidence. While 
we are not required to lind Mr. Vincent guilty of disloyalty 
and we do not do so, his conduct in office, as clearly indi- 
cated by the record, forces us reluctantly to conclude that 
there is reasonable doubt as to his loyalty to the Govern- 
ment of the United States. 

Therefore, it is the recommendation of the Loyalty 
Review Board that the services of Mr. John Carter Vin- 
cent be terminated. 



' Institute of Pacific Relations. 



December 12, 1952 
The Honorable 

The Secretary of State 

In Re : Case of John Paton Davies, Jr. 
Foreign Service Officer 

Sir: Under the provisions of Regulation 14 of the Rules 
and Regulations of the Loyalty Review Board, a panel 
of the Board has considered tlie case of the above named 
employee. The members of the panel reviewed the entire 
record in the case and heard the testimony of Mr. Davies 
in person and argument of counsel on his behalf. The 
panel also heard the testimony of several witnesses and 
considered additional top-secret evidence. 

It is not within the province of the Loyalty Review 
Board to approve or disapprove of the wisdom or judg- 
ment of Mr. Davies as a Foreign Service Officer and we 
do not purport to do so. 

After a full study of the entire record, and after listen- 
ing to the highly confidential testimony of General Walter 
Bedell Smith, Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, 
and Ambassador George Kennan, former head of the 
policy planning staff of the State Department, particu- 
larly with regard to Mr. Davies' suggested utilization by 
the C.I.A. of the services of persons alleged to be Com- 
munists, we have arrived at the conclusion that there 
is no reasonable doubt of the loyalty of Mr. John Paton 
Davies, Jr., to the Government of the United States. 

Accordingly, the findings of the State Department 
Loyalty Security Board are hereby approved. 



January 19, 1953 



121 



PRESIDENT AUTHORIZES NEW REVIEW 
OF VINCENT CASE 

White House press release dated January 3 

The President on Janiuiry 3 sent the following 
memorandum to Secretary Acheson: 



Memorandum to : 



The Secretary of State 



I have read your memorandum of today con- 
cerning the case of John Carter Vincent. I think 
the suggestions which you make are well taken 
and I authorize and direct you to proceed in the 
manner which you have outlined. 

Harry S. Truman 



Following is the text of Secretary Acheson'g 
m^emorandum to the President: 

Memorandum eor the President 

Subject: Case of John Garter Vincent 

I have recently been advised by Chairman Bing- 
ham of the Loyalty Review Board that a panel 
of the Loyalty Review Board has considered the 
case of Mr. Jolm Carter Vincent, a Foreign Serv- 
ice Officer with class of Career I\Iinister. Chair- 
man Bingham also advises me that while the panel 
did not find Mr. Vincent guilty of disloyalty, it 
has reluctantly concluded that there is reasonable 
doubt as to his loyalty to the Government of the 
United States. (Chairman Bingham further ad- 
vises me that it is therefore the recommendation 
of the Board that the services of Mr. Vincent be 
terminated. 

Such a recommendation by so distinguished a 
Board is indeed serious and impressive and must 
be given great weight. The final responsibility, 
however, for making a decision as to whether Mr. 
Vincent should be dismissed is that of the Secre- 
tary of State. I am advised that any doubt which 
miglit have previously existed on this point has 
been removed by the recent decision of the United 
States Circuit Court of Appeals for the District 
of Columbia in James Kutcher, Appellant, v. Carl 
Gray, Jr., Veterans Administration, Appellee. 
That case establishes that the action of the Board 
is a recommendation "just that — nothing more" 
and that in the last analysis upon the Head of the 
Department is imposed "the duty to impartially 
determine on all the evidence" the proper disposi- 
tion of the case. 

A most important item on which I must rely 
in exercising this responsibility, is the communi- 
cation from Chairman Bingham in which he ad- 
vised me of the conclusion reached by his panel. 
This communication contains elements which raise 
serious problems. 

In the first place, I note a statement that the 
panel has not accepted or rejected the testimony 
of Mr. Budenz that he recalls being informed by 



others that Mr. Vincent was a Communist and 
under Communist discipline. The panel also 
states that it does not accept or reject the findings 
of the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate 
with respect to Mr. Vincent and the Institute 
of Pacific Relations or the findings of the Com- 
mittee witli respect to the participation of Mr. 
Vincent in the development of United States 
policy towards China in 1945. The panel, how- 
ever, proceeds to state that, although it has not 
accepted or rejected these factors, it has taken 
them into account. I am unable to interpret what 
this means. If the panel did take these factors 
into account, this means that it must have relied 
upon them in making its final determination. Yet 
I am unable to understand how these factors could 
have plaj'ed a part in the final determination of the 
panel if these factors were neither accepted nor 
rejected by the Board. 

This is not merely a point of language. It is a 
point of real substance. It is difficult for me to 
exercise the responsibility which is mine under the 
law with the confusion which has been cast as to 
the weight which the panel gave to the charges 
of Mr. Budenz or the findings of the Senate Com- 
mittee. 

Tlie communication from the panel raises 
another issue which goes to the heart of operation 
of the Department of State and the Foreign Serv- 
ice. It is the issue of accurate reporting. The 
communication contains the following statement : 

The panel notes Mr. Vincent's studied praise of Chinese 
Communists and equally studied criticism of the Chian? 
Kai-shek Government throughout a period when it w:is 
the declared and established policy of the Government of 
the United States to support Chiang Kai-shek's Govern- 
ment. 

Mr. Vincent's duty was to report the facts as he 
saw them. It was not merely to report successes 
of existing policy but also to report on the aspects 
in which it was failing and the reasons therefor. 
If this involved reporting that situations existeti 
in the administration of the Cliinese Nationalists 
which had to be corrected if the Nationalist Gov- 
ernment was to survive, it was his duty to report 
this. If this involved a warning not to underesti- 
mate the combat potential of the Chinese Commu- 
nists, or their contribution to the war against 
Japan, it was his duty to report this. In the hear- 
ings which followed the relief of General Mac- 
Arthur, General Wedemeyer has testified that he 
has made reports equally as critical of the admin- 
istration of the Chinese Nationalists. 

The great majority of reports which Mr. Vin- 
cent drafted were reviewed and signed by Ambas- 
sador Gauss, an outstanding expert in the Far , 
East. Ambassador Gauss lias made it crystal 
clear that in his mind the reports drafted by Mr. 
Vincent were both accurate and objective. 

I do not exclude the possibility that in this or 
in any other case a board might find that the re- 
ports of an officer might or might not disclose 



122 



Department of State Bulletin 



a bias which mif;;ht have a bearing on the issue of 
his loyalty. But in so delicate a matter, affecting 
so deeply the integrity of the Foreign Service, 
I should wish to be advised by persons thoroughly 
familiar with the problems and procedures of the 
Department of State and the Foreign Service. 
This involves an issue far greater in importance 
than the disposition of a loyalty case involving 
one man. Important as it is to do full justice to 
the individual concerned, it is essential that we 
shoidd not by inadvertence take any step which 
might lower the high traditions of our own For- 
eign Service to the level established by govern- 
ments which will permit their diplomats to report 
to them only what they want to hear. 

The memorandum from Mr. Bingham indicates 
that the Board also took into account "Mr. Vin- 
cent's failure properly to discharge his responsi- 
bilities as Chairman of the Far Eastern Subcom- 
mittee of State, War and Navy to supervise the 
accuracy or security of State Department docu- 
ments emanating from that Subcommittee". The 
statement which refers to the security of the files 
seems to me to be inadvertent. Presumably it 
is a reference to the fact that State Department 
documents were involved in the Amera.iia case. 
However, in the many Congressional investiga- 
tions which have followed that case it has not 
been suggested that Mr. Vincent had any respon- 
sibility for those documents. I have not discov- 
ered any such evidence in the file in this case. The 
reference to the accuracy of the State Depart- 
ment documents emanating from that Committee 
is obscure. In any case, while it might be relative 
to Mr. Vincent's competence in performing his 
duties, it does not seem to me to have any bearing 
I on the question of loyalty. 

The report finally refers to Mr. Vincent's asso- 
ciation with numerous persons "who, he had rea- 
son to believe", were either Communists or Com- 
munist sympathizers. This is indeed a matter 
, which, if unexplained, is of importance and clearly 
; relevant. It involves inquiry as to whether this 
■ association arose in the performance of his duties 
• or otherwise. It further involves an inquiry as 
to the pattern of Mr. Vincent's close personal 
friends and %yhether he knew or should have 
known that any of these might be Communists or 
, Communist sympathizers. 

All these matters raised in my mind the neces- 
sity for further inquiry. This further inquiry 
was made possible by the documents in this pro- 
ceeding which you provided me upon my request. 
I find upon examining the documents that the 
recommendation made by the panel of the Loyalty 
Review Board was made by a majority of one, 
two of the members believing that no evidence had 
been produced which led them to have a doubt 
as to Mr. Vincent's loyalty. In this situation, I 
believe that I cannot in sood conscience and in 



the exercise of my own judgment, which is my duty 
under the law, carry out this recommendation 
of the Board. I do not believe, however, that in 
the exercise of my responsibility to the Govern- 
ment. I can or should let the matter rest here. 
I believe that I must ask for further guidance. 

I, therefore, ask your permission to seek the 
advice of some persons who will combine the 
highest judicial qualifications of weighing the evi- 
dence with the greatest possible familiarity of the 
works and standards of the Department of State 
and the Foreign Service, both in reporting from 
the field and making decisions in the Department. 
If you approve, I should propose to ask the fol- 
lowing persons to examine the record in this case 
and to advise me as to what disposition in their 
judgment should be made in this case. 

Judge Learned B. Hand, who, until his retirement, 
has been the senior judge for the United States 
Circuit Court of Appeals for the Second Cir- 
cuit, to serve as Chairman ; 

Mr. John J. McCloy, former High Commissioner 
for Germany ; 

Mr. James Grafton Rogers, former Assistant Sec- 
retarj' of State under Secretary Stimson ; 

Mr. G. Howland Shaw, a retired Foreign Service 
Officer and a former Assistant Secretary of 
State under Secretary Hull ; and 

Mr. Edmund Wilson, a retired Foreign Service 
Officer and former Ambassador. 

I should ask them to read the record in this case 
and at their earliest convenience inform the Sec- 
retary of State of their conclusions. 

Dean G. Acheson 
Secretary of State 



Check List of Department'of State 
Press Releases: Jan. 5-9, 1953 

Releases may be obtained from the Office of the 
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department 
of State, Washington 25, D. C. 

Press releases issued prior to Jan. 5 which ap- 
pear in this issue of the Utilletin are 918 and 920 
of Dec. 15, 1952, and 1 of Jan. 2, 195.3. 

Subject 

Seminar on national income 

Exchange of persons 

World rice situation (Fao) 

Letter of credence : Great Britain 

Point 4 teclinicians assigned 

Loan to Afghanistan for wheat 

Exchange of persons 

Executive order on Americans in U.N.' 

Disarmament consultant panel 

*Not printed. 

^ See Bulletin of Jan. 12, 195.3, p. 62. 



No. 


Date 


5 


1/5 


*6 


1/5 


7 


1/6 


8 


1/T 


*9 


1/7 


10 


1/8 


*11 


1/9 


12 


1/9 


13 


1/9 



January J 9, J 953 



123 



January 19, 1953 



Ind 



ex 



Vol. XXVIII, No. 708 



Africa 

LIBERIA: Lend-lease payment 103 

American Principles 

A reply to charges against the U.S. economic 

system (Wiley) 108 

American Republics 

Inter-American cooperation on highway prob- 
lems 104 

Asia 

AFGHANISTAN: Joint emergency loan lor 

wheat 103 

KOREA: Nature of reports to U.N. by Unified 

Command 120 

Congress 

Current legislation on foreign policy .... 120 
MESSAGES TO CONGRESS: The state of the 

Union (President's message to Congress) . 87 
Revised budget estimate for fiscal 1953 ... 96 

Disarmament Commission 

Panel of consultants submits study concerning 

armaments 103 

Europe 

UNITED KINGDOM: Letter of credence ... 103 
U.S.S.R.: Attacks on social conditions in U.S. 

(Roosevelt) 116 

Finance 

Joint emergency loan to Afghanistan for wheat . 103 

Foreign Service 

Da vies, Vincent loyalty cases 121 

Immigration 

Commission on immigration and naturalization 

reports to the President (excerpts) ... 97 

International Meetings 

Inter-American cooperation on highway prob- 
lems 104 



U.S. DELEGATIONS: 

Discussions on world rice situation (Fao) . 
Inter-American seminar on national Income 



Presidential Documents 

MESSAGES TO CONGRESS: 
Union (Truman) . . . 



The state of the 



119 
119 



87 



Strategic Materials 

Activities of International Materials Conference . 117 

Trade 

A reply to charges against the U.S. economic 

system (Wiley) 108 

Restrictions on dairy Imports (Statement by the 

President) 102 

United Nations 

Membership based on principles, not on deals 

(Cohen) 115 

Nature of reports to U.N. by Unified Command . 120 
Panel of consultants submits study concerning 

armaments 103 

Progress in the task of peace (Austin) .... 106 
Soviet attacks on social conditions in U.S. 

(Roosevelt) 116 

Name Index 

Acheson, Secretary 121 

Austin, Warren R 106 

Brown, Ben H., Jr 120 

Cohen, Benjamin V 115 

Davies, John P.. Jr 121 

Holland, Spessard 104 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 106 

Makins, Sir Roger 103 

Meehan, M. Joseph 119 

Oppenheimer, J. Robert 103 

Osborne, Melville E 104 

Rivenburgh, Dexter V 119 

Roosevelt, Mrs. Franklin D 116 

Scott, Jack Garrett 104 

Truman, President 87, 97, 102, 121 

Vincent, John Carter 131 

Wiley, Alexander 108 



U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE; t953 



fJAe/ ^eha/^imeTil/ <w t/tai& 




Tol. XXVIII, No. 709 
January 26, 1953 




THE CHALLENGE OF THE COLD WAR • President 

Trufnan's Farevoell Address to the Nation 127 

THE NATURE OF THE ATLANTIC PARTNERSfflP • 

Press Conference Statement by Secretary Acheson ... 129 

DEPUTY U.S. REPRESENTATIVE ON DISARMAMENT 

COMMISSION RO'ORTS TO THE PRESIDENT . 142 

YEAR-END REPORT OF THE MUTUAL SECURITY 

AGENCY 136 

THE PRINCIPLE OF NATIONAL UNITY IN FOREIGN 

POLICY • by Myron M. Couien 132 



For index see back cover 



k»«* o» 




'■♦T«« O* 



M. 



%e 



~2^€/ia/ytm,€^t /)^ ^ate JL^ LI 1 1 Kj L 1 1 1 



Vol. XXVIII, No. 709 • Publication 4885 
January 26, 1953 



For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents 

n.8. Oovernment Printing OflSce 

Wwhlngton 25. DC. 

Price: 

ez issuea, domeitlc S7 60, forelRD $10.25 

Single copy. 20 cents 

The printing of thU publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1652). 

Note: Contents of thU publication are not 
copyrighted and Itemi contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the DiPABTyiNT 
or State Bdllitin as the source will be 
appreciated 



The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the ff'hite House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs arui the furu:- 
tions of tile Department. Infornui- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become n party and treaties of gen- 
eral interruitional interest. 

I'tiblicntions of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



The Challenge of the Cold War 



Excerpt from President Trwnan^s Farewell to 

the Nation ^ 



I suppose that history will remember my term 
in office as the years when the cold war began to 
overshadow our lives. I have had hardly a day in 
office that has not been dominated by this all- 
embracing struggle, this conflict between those 
who love freedom and those who would lead the 
world back into slavery and darkness. And al- 
ways in the background there has been the atomic 
bomb. 

But when history says that my term of office saw 
the beginning of the cold war, it will also say that 
in those 8 years we have set the course that can 
win it. We have succeeded in carving out a new 
set of policies to attain peace — positive policies, 
policies of world leadership, policies that express 
faith in other free people. AVe have averted World 
War III up to now, and we may already have suc- 
ceeded in establishing conditions which can keep 
that war from happening as far ahead as man can 
see. 

These are great and historic achievements that 
we can all be proud of. Think of the difference 
between our course now and our course 30 years 
ago. After the First World War, we withdrew 
from world affairs ; we failed to act in concert with 
other peoples against aggression ; we helped to kill 
the League of Nations ; and we built up tariff bar- 
riers which strangled world trade. This time we 
avoided tliose mistakes. We helped to found and 
to sustain the United Nations. We have welded 
alliances that include the greater part of the free 
world. And we have gone ahead with other free 
countries to lielp build their economies and link 
us all together in a healthy world trade. 

Think back for a moment to the 1930's and you 
will see the difference. Tlie Japanese moved into 
Mancliuria, and free men did not act. The Fas- 
cists moved into Ethiopia, and we did not act. The 
Nazis marclied into the Rhineland, into Austria, 
into Czechoslovakia, and free men were paralyzed 
for lack of strength and unity and will. 

'Address m.ide over radio and television on Jan. 15 and 
released to the press by the White House on the same date. 



Think about those years of weakness and in- 
decision, and World War II which was their evil 
result. Then think about the speed and courage 
and decisiveness with which we have moved 
against the Communist threat since World War 

II. 

The first crisis came in 1945 and 1946, when the 
Soviet Union refused to honor its agreement to 
remove its troops from Iran. Members of my 
Cabinet came to me and asked if we were ready to 
take the risk that a firm stand involved. I replied 
that we were. So we took our stand. We made 
it clear to the Soviet Union that we expected them 
to honor their agreement and the Soviet troops 
were withdrawn. 

And then in early 1947, the Soviet Union threat- 
ened Greece and Turkey. The British sent me a 
message saying they could no longer keep their 
forces in that area. Something had to be done at 
once, or the Eastern Mediterranean would be 
taken over by the Communists. On March 12 I 
went before the Congress and stated our determi- 
nation to help the people of Greece and Turkey 
maintain their independence.^ Today, Greece is 
still free and independent; and Turkey is a bul- 
wark of strength at a strategic corner of the world. 

Then came the Marshall Plan which saved Eu- 
rope, the heroic Berlin airlift, and our military- 
aid programs. 

We inaugurated the North Atlantic pact, the 
Rio pact binding the Western Hemisphere to- 
gether, and the defense pacts with countries of the 
far Pacific. 

Korea: History Repeating Itself 

Most important of all, we acted in Korea. I 
was in Independence, Mo., in June 1950, when 
Secretary Acheson telephoned me and gave me 
the news about the invasion of Korea. I told the 
Secretary to lay the matter at once before the 

■ For text of the President's message, see Bulletin of 
Mar. 23, 1947, p. 534. 



January 26, 1953 



127 



United Nations and I came on back to Wash- 
in^on. 

Flying back over the flat lands of the Middle 
West and over the Appalachians that summer 
afternoon, I had a lot of time to think. I turned 
the problem over in my mind in many ways, but 
my tliouglits kept com'ing back to the 1930's— to 
Manchuria, Etliiopia, the Khineland, Austria, and 
finally to Munich. 

Here was history repeating itself. Here was 
another probing action, another testing action. 
If we let the Republic of Korea go under, some 
other country would be next, and then another. 
And all the time, the courage and confidence of 
the free world would be ebbing away just as it did 
in the 1930"s. And the United Nations would go 
the way of the League of Nations. 

When I reached Washington, I met immedi- 
ately with the Secretary of State, the Secretary 
of Defense, and General Bradley, and the other 
civilian and military officials who had information 
and advice to help me decide what to do. We 
talked about the problems long and hard. It was 
not easy to make the decision that sent American 
boys again into battle. I was a soldier in the First 
World War and I know what a soldier goes 
through. I know well the anguish that mothers 
and fathers and families go through. So I knew 
what was ahead if we acted in Korea. 

But after all this was said, we realized that the 
issue was whether there would be fighting in a 
limited area now or on a much larger scale later 
on, whether there would be some casualties now 
or many more casualties later. 

So a decision was reached — the decision I be- 
lieve was the most important in my time as 
President. In the days that followed, the most 
heartening fact was that the American people 
clearly agreed with the decision. And in Korea, 
our men are fighting as valiantly as Americans 
have ever fought because they know they are fight- 
ing in the same cause of freedom in which Ameri- 
cans have stood ever since the beginning of the 
Republic. 

Where free men had failed the test before, this 
time we met the test. We met it firmly We met it 
successfully. The aggi-ession has been repelled. 
The Communists have seen their hopes of easy 
conquest go down the drain. The determination 
of free people to defend themselves has been made 
clear to the Kremlin. 

As I have thought about our world-wide 
struggle with the Communists these past 8 years, 
day in and day out, I have never once doubted that 
you, the people of our country, have the will to do 
what is necessary to win this terrible fight against 
communism. Because I have been sure of that, 
I have been able to make necessary decisions even 
though they called for sacrifices by all of us. And 
I have not been wrong in my judgment of the 
American people. 

That same assurance of our people's determina- 

128 



tion will be General Eisenhower's greatest source 
of strength in carrying on this struggle. 

Now, once in a while, I get a letter from some 
impatient person asking, why don't we get it over 
with? Why don't we issue an ultimatum, make 
all-out war, drop the atomic bomb? 

For most Americans, the answer is quite simple: 
We are not made that way. We are a moral peo- 
ple. Peace is our goal, and justice and freedom. 
We cannot, of our own free will, violate the very 
principles that we are striving to defend. The 
whole purpose of what we are doing is to prevent 
World War III. Starting a war is no way to make 
peace. 

But if anyone still thinks that just this once, 
bad means can bring good ends, then let me re- 
mind you of this : We are living in the 8th year of 
the atomic age. We are not the only nation that is 
learning to unleash the power of the atom. A third 
world war might dig the grave, not only of our 
Communist opponents but also of our own so- 
ciety — our world as well as theirs. 

Fatal Flaw of Communist Society 

Starting an atomic war is totally unthinkable 
for rational men. Then, some of you may ask, 
when and how will the cold war ever end ? I think 
I can answer that simply. The Communist world 
has great resources and it looks strong. But there 
is a fatal flaw in their society. Theirs is a godless 
system, a system of slavery; there is no freedom 
in it, no consent. The Iron Curtain, the secret po- 
lice, the constant purges, all these are symptoms 
of a great basic weakness — the rulers' fear of their 
own people. 

In the long run, the strength of our free society 
and our ideals will prevail over a system that has 
respect for neither God nor man. 

Last week, in my State of the Union Message to 
the Congress,^ and I hope you will all take the time 
to read it — I explained how I think we will finally 
win through. 

As the free world grows stronger, more united, 
more attractive to men on both sides of the Iron 
Curtain, and as the Soviet hopes for easy ex- 
pansion are blocked, then there will have to come a 
time of change in the Soviet world. Noloody can 
say for sure when that is going to be, or exactly 
how it will come about, whether by revolution, or 
trouble in the satellite states, or by a change inside 
the Kremlin. Whether the Communist rulers 
shift their policies of their own free will, or 
whether the change comes about in some other way, 
I have not a doubt in the world that a change wiU 
occur. 

I have a deep and abiding faith in the destiny 
of free men. With patience and courage, we shall 
some day move on into a new era, a wonderful 
golden age, an age when we can use the peaceful 

' Ibid., Jan. 19, 1953, p. 87. 

Department of State Bulletin 



tools that science has forged for us to do away 
with poverty and human misery everywhere on 
eartli. 

Think what can be done, once our capital, our 
skills, our science — most of all atomic energy — 
can be released from the tasks of defense and 
turned wholly to peaceful purposes all around 
the world. There is no end to what can be done. 

I can't help but dream out loud a little here. 
The Tigris and Euphrates Valley can be made to 
bloom as it did in the times of Babylon and 
Nineveh. Israel can be made the country of milk 
and honey as it was in the time of Joshua. 

There is a plateau in Ethiopia some 6 to 8 
thousand feet high that has 65 thousand square 



miles of land just exactly like the corn belt in 
northern Illinois. Enough food can be raised there 
to feed 100 million people. 

There are places in South America — places in 
Colombia and Venezuela and Brazil just like that 
plateau in Ethiopia — places where food could be 
raised for millions of people. 

These things can be done, and they are self- 
liquidating projects. If we can get peace and 
safety in tlie world under the United Nations, the 
developments will come so fast we will not recog- 
nize the world in which we now live. 

This is our dream of the future — our picture 
of the world we hope to have when the Com- 
munist threat is overcome. 



The Nature of the Atlantic Partnership 



SECRETARY ACHESON'S FAREWELL PRESS CONFERENCE STATEMENT 



Press release 25 dated January 14 

If you will indulge me this morning, I have 
jotted down a few sentences of a personal nature, 
which I should like to say to you in this meeting. 

My Friends and Colleagues of many years: 
This is our last meeting. Ours has been a long 
and often tumultuous life together. But rarely 
dull ! We have known one another too well to 
expect sentimentality or grandiloquence at this 
changing of the guard. 

So we can say at noon what one said by moon- 
light, that "parting is such sweet sorrow." And 
we can agree with another poet that "the one who 
goes is happier than those he leaves behind," with- 
out overdoing the happiness or the sweetness of the 
sorrow. 

This is an end and to be taken as such. 

The President has told what we have aspired to 
do and done, and why, in one of the great State pa- 
pers of our Republic — the message on the State of 
theUnion.^ He will speak again tomorrow. And 
he should speak, and speak alone, for his has been 
the great task and burden of leadership simply 
and bravely carried. 



' Bulletin of Jan. 19, 1953, p. 87. 
January 26, 1953 



My testament is much shorter and easier. It is 
a final word to fellow craftsmen, a word out of a 
long striving. It is not a word for popular con- 
sumption, no "message," no inspirational para- 
graph. 

I don't need to tell you that the Secretary and 
the Department of State are only and, in their 
field, the chief servants and advisers of the Presi- 
dent and that only by mutual loyalty in those roles 
can the Republic be best served. I need not say, I 
think, that in my experience this loyalty has been 
mutual and complete. I am deeply grateful for 
that. 

But now the roles of command and advice and 
the travail of alien knowledge which goes with it 
pass to other hands. And our thoughts are with 
them. I ask for them something beyond good 
will and a fair chance. 

"Efficiency," says Conrad, "of a practically 
flawless kind may be reached naturally in the 
struggle for bread. But there is something be- 
yond — a higher point, a subtle and unmistakable 
touch of love and pride beyond mere skill." 

This place cannot live without that, nor prosper 
without your recognition of it. So do not keep 
your eyes too close to your pencil points. And do 
not think too ill of my successor if occasionally 

129 



there is a reminiscent note. For continuity of 
tradition is strong even in this new building. 

Think, rather, of Prester John : 

Then he walks as to his garden where 

he sees a feathered demon 
Very splendid and important on a spicy 

sort of tree ! 
"That's the Phoenix," whispers Prester, "which 

all eddicated seamen 
Know the only one existent, and he's 

waiting for to flee! 
When his hundred years expire 

Then lie'll set hisself afire 
And amither from his ashes rise most 

lienutiful to see! 
With winss of gold and emerald, most 

beautiful to see !" 

Perhaps "wings of gold and emerald" are too 
much to expect of the foreign policy of the United 
States. But wings there have been and will be, 
strong and buoyant; and in their fashioning will 
continue to be that subtle and unmistakable touch 
of love and pride beyond mere skill. 

Now, I think we shall open the meeting, as we 
usually do, to questions. 



The European Defense Community 

Q. Mr. Secretary, are you at all concerned at the 
action of the new French Government in seeking 
some anendments to the EDO treaty? 
_ A. May I talk for a moment about the situa- 
tion, as I see it, in Europe today, and answer that 
question a little indirectly and with some back- 
ground. 

I think there are clouds on the horizon in Eu- 
rope, there are problems, there are difficulties. 
The other day I asked some of my colleagues if 
they would look through the press" in the months 
in 1947 prior to General Marshall's speech at Har- 
vard, and the announcement of the Marshall Plan, 
with a view to comparing the amount of space and 
the nature of the comment on European affairs 
then with the amount of space and the nature of 
the comment now. This was done quickly and 
what I report is not a scientific survey of the press, 
but it is interesting to note that there was far less 
discussion about the condition of Europe in, say. 
May 1947 than there is today. Today there is a 
great deal of discussion, informed and good dis- 
cussion, and a great deal of worry. 

Now the interesting thing about that to me is 
that the condition of Europe in the spring of 1947 
was very serious indeed, almost approaching dis- 
aster; whereas, the situation wliich we find today 
is that, if anything, there has been a check in for- 
ward progress, but not a retrogression. I think 
it is natural and very interesting to see that there 
was less worry and less comment about an almost 
disastrotis situation 5 years ago than tliere is now 
about a situation which had been moving forward 
very strongly and which is temporarily checked. 

It IS right that there should be concern and, of 

130 



course, it is right that there should be a lot of 
comment. I think it is proper to note the nature 
of the problems but I think we should not become 
completely obsessed in the difficulties and not see 
the background. 

The facts of the matter are, I think, that there i 
has been very great progress, economicallv, mill- I 
tarily, and politically, in the whole Atlantic com- ; 
munity and in the AVestern European part of it. f 
The European defense forces today are very ■, 
sizable forces, not as great as we would wish, but 
very sizable. They hardly existed 5 years ago. 

We have heard a great deal about set-backs and 
slowdowns, but the fact of the matter is that in 
1953 our European allies will be spending over a 
billion dollars more on their defense requirements 
than they did in 1952, so that we are going for- 
ward ; we are not going backward. 

There has always been, over these years, a very 
substantial economic recovery so that this military 
effort has been made without cutting into existing 
standards of life. Of course, that effort has pre"^ 
vented a forward movement in those standards but 
it has not caused them to retrogress. 

Now, all of that, I think, is important to have 
in mind. I think it is also important to have in 
mind, and this bears more directly upon the ques- 
tion which was asked of me, that "there has been a 
very great political development, a very great un- 
derstanding on both sides of the Atlantic, of the 
nature of the Atlantic partnership and what is 
required to make it endure. 

Certainly, in this country we are fully aware, 
I believe, that our European allies in Nato are in 
a true sense of the word partners and that we must 
work with them and treat them as partners. I 
think on their side they see the nature of the effort 
which they must make to maintain their part of 
the partnership. 



Secretary Acheson, in an informal ceremony, on January 16, 
bade farewell to his colleagues in the Department and in the 
Foreign Service. On that occasion, employees presented Mr. 
Acheson with the chair which he occupied at White House Cabi- 
net meetings. For text of remarks made at the ceremony by 
Mr. Acheson, see p. 161. 



It is no longer, I think, an open question that 
we in the United States need this partnership 
and want this partnership. I think that is an ac- 
cepted political fact in American life. 

What is not so clear is what it is that we are 
going to get and what it is that we shall be in 
partnership with; and here may I refer to some- 
thing which I spoke about at the last meeting of 
Nato, and I think that the remarks made at that 
time are going to be released today and will be 
available to you.^ That was the tremendous im- 



'Ihid., Jan. 5, 1953, p. .5. 

Department of State Bulletin 



portance of the fact of the growing unity of 
Western Europe and some of the consequences 
which flow from that. I pointed out that the 
Schuman Plan was no longer a plan, it was an 
actuality, it was in actual operation, and next 
month there will open the broad market provided 
by the Schuman Plan and the various taxes and 
other things which are provided for will go into 
effect. 

In other words, it is an operating fact in Eu- 
rope today and it is profoundly changing, the at- 
titudes of" mind of all people in the six countries 
and outside who are affected by it or part of it. 
Some time ago it would have seemed almost im- 
possible that this could happen. So when we 
see that there are difficulties in the way of the 
European Defense Community, I think we have 
to compare them with the difficulties which existed 
for the Schuman Plan and, when we see another 
fact. I think that we can be optimistic and not 
pessimistic about the future of the European De- 
fense Community. 

I think that community, the work of the ad hoc 
committee which is working on the political struc- 
ture which will supervise and control both the 
Schuman Plan and the European army are indi- 
cations that the real vital force in the mid- 
twentieth century is this movement toward unity 
and it will have a very gi'eat effect upon our At- 
lantic partnership. 

I ventured to say in Paris, at this last meeting, 
that it seemed to me that the movement toward 
unity in Europe could be compared to a centripetal 
force operating in the center of this Atlantic part- 
nership, because strength attracts strength — 
weakness repels strength — and as this strength 
grows in Europe, there will be. to my mind, an 
inevitable drag closer of Great Britain and then 
of North America into closer and closer associa- 
tion in the Atlantic alliance. 

If that movement toward unity does not con- 
tinue, if it should turn in the opposite direction 
and be a movement toward disunity, then I said 
that I thought there would be a centrifugal force 
set up in the center of a line which would tend 
to throw off and break apart, rather than pull 
together and make closer. 

It seems to me that these are fundamental axi- 
oms of political life. They are not ones that one 
can argue about. It does no good to say that it 
would be better if it were otherwise. It's just a 
fundamental fact of political life that this strength 
will pull in all parts, knit them more closely, hold 
them more closely together, whereas the opposite 
will inevitably bring about a loosening of the 
alliance. 

With all of that in mind, I think it is a mistake 
to be pessimistic. I think one should look quite 
clearly and candidly at the difficulties, and they 
are formidable difficulties, but I believe that they 
can be and will be surmounted, because this Euro- 

Jonuory 26, ]9S3 



pean Defense Community is a vital part of this 
strength of the Atlantic alliance. And the strength 
of the Atlantic alliance is a vital part of the se- 
curity and life of all the countries which partici- 
pate in it. When there is such a tremendous need 
and understanding for something, I think one can 
believe that the forces which will bring it about 
are stronger than the forces which will block it. 

Soviet Evocation of Anti-Semitism 

Q. Mr. Secretary., may we have your views on 
the Soviet policy against the hackg round on the 
neios from Moscow yesterday and the anti-Semi- 
tism and the arrest of these doctors? 

A. I don't think that there is anything that I 
can add to what seems to me the brilliant analysis 
of that whole question in the President's State of 
the Union message. 1 think that really gives you 
the whole story completely and so far as this latest 
move is concerned, I think Mr. McDermott ' spoke 
about that yesterday and I concur in everything 
that he said. 

[In a statement to the press on Jan. 13, Mr. McDermott 
said : 

The reported Soviet arrest of a niimber of Jewish doc- 
tors under accusation of medical sabotage seems to be 
another step in the recent Soviet campaign asainst the 
Jews, revealed in the anti-Zionist aspects of the Slansliy 
trial.' The Soviets have had recourse again to an old 
technique of theirs. The real motivation for the present 
charges is not yet known, but the Soviets have used this 
technique of the accusation of medical sabotage before. 
For example, it was claimed during the 1937 purge trials 
that Maxim Gorky, the writer, had lieen the victim of 
medical sabotage by opponents of Stalin. It is becoming 
increasingly clear that current Soviet allegations of Zion- 
ist plots are indicative of an extraordinary and growing 
sense of internal insecurity.] 



Japanese Warning to the Soviets 

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you have anything to say 
about the situation which has developed in the Far 
East concerning Russian planes _ flying over Ja- 
pan? The warning which vms given? 

A. W^ell, I think that what has happened there 
is not surprising and is a perfectly normal attitude 
for the Japanese Government to take. I think any 
government which finds that the air over its terri- 
tory is being infringed by planes of other countries 
would naturally issue a warning that this must 
stop, and that is what the Japanese Government 
has done. I think it is also perfectly understand- 
able and normal, and natural, that in the light of 
the fact that the Japanese do not have the air force 
necessary to protect the inviolability of their own 
sky, that they should ask this Government, which 
under its treaty has the right to do so, to take any 
necessary steps to prevent further inroads. 



' Michael J. McDermott, Special Assistant for Press Re- 
lations. 

131 



The Principle of National Unity in Foreign Policy 



hy Myron M. Cowen 
Ambassador to Belgium ' 



I can quite easily understand why, when you 
were kind enough to invite me here, you suggested 
that I might talk to you about the recent election 
and the development of American foreign policy. 
For 20 years, most of the lifetime of you who are 
students, there has been one party in power in the 
United States. It was with the leadership of this 
party that the United States fought the last horri- 
ble war. It was with the leadership of this party 
that the United States helped to create the United 
Nations. 

It was under the leadership of this party that 
the United States participated in the rebuilcling 
of the economic and military strength of the West- 
ern World, through the Marshall Plan and the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 

Now another party will come into power in the 
United States. It is a party that we have not been 
able to observe in office, since during the past 20 
years it has not had the responsibility of govern- 
ment. To many people, especially outside of the 
United States, this party and its leaders have 
simply been identified as the opposition. If the 
Democratic Party has been identified with partici- 
pation in the United Nations, or with Nato, or 
with the Marshall Plan, has not the Republican 
Party been critical of the foreign policy of the 
Administration ? And will we not now see a pe- 
riod in which there will be material changes in 
U.S. foreign policy ? 

I said a moment ago that I understood why you 
might ask about the effect of the elections on the 
development of our foreign policy. I meant my 
statement sincerely, but do you know that, in a 
sense, I believe the vast ma'jority of Ajnericans 
would be a little puzzled by the question. 

During political campaigns and at other times, 
harsh criticisms are made of each other by politi- 
cal opponents. The harsher the criticism, the more 
publicity it is liable to achieve. For the visitor 

' Excerpts from an address made on Dee. 16, 1952, be- 
fore the Foreign Affairs Group at the University of 
Louvain, Louvain, Belgium. 

132 



or the foreigner, it is very difficult to appraise 
these criticisms. Which represent an important 
body of opinion and which represent an extreme 
position that commands little support? To the 
man in his own home this appraisal is so easy that 
he is frequently unaware that he is making it. 
Certainly he hears and reads that some politician 
has demanded that a chief of cabinet have his head 
chopped off. Or he reads that another politician 
demands that his country declare war on its neigh- 
bors. But to the man at home these statements 
are not causes for alarm because he knows tliey 
represent no important body of responsible 
opinion. 

If I may speak for my countrymen, I think they 
have had abundant opportunity to pass judgment 
on our foreign policy as it developed since the war. 
We have had four national elections since then— 
m 1946, 1948, 1950, and 1952. In all of these we 
voted for Senators and Members of the House of 
Representatives. In 1948 and 1952, we voted in 
addition for President. In these elections, the 
American voter has chosen men from both parties 
who have wholeheartedly supported the United 
Nations, the Marshall Plan, the Pacific security 
treaties, and Nato. 

In these 7 years since the end of the war, the 
United States has developed a foreign policy to 
meet the new conditions that have come into being 
in the world. This foreign policy has not been 
a Democratic foreign policy. This foreign policy 
has not been a Republican foreign policy. It has 
been a national foreign policy. 

Words Spoken by the New President 

As an example of its bipartisan nature, you may 
recall that the Marshall Plan was first voted into 
being by a Congress in which the Republicans had 
a majority in both the House of Representatives 
and the Senate. 

During the political campaign before the last 
elections, a distinguished American made an ad- 

Deparfment of Slate Bulletin 



dress in which he reviewed the important postwar 
votes on foreign policy. He said : 

The United Nations Charter was approved by the Sen- 
ate by a vote of 89-2; the North Atlantic Treaty was 
approveil by a vote of 82-13 and the Vandenberg Resolu- 
tion was adopted by a vote of 64-6. 

Parenthetically, I might remind you that the 
late Senator Vandenberg was the distinguished 
Republican champion of a bipartisan foreign pol- 
icy. The Vandenberg Resolution was the piece 
of legislation in which the Senate made clear the 
U S. intent to participate in regional agreements 
like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 
This resolution was therefore the bridge between 
the Brussels Pact and Nato. Returning to the 
speech from which I was quoting: 

The Marshall Plan was approved in the Senate by a 
vote of (19-17. ^ . ■., r. f 

The Japanese Peace Treaty was approved in March ot 
this vear by the Senate with only 10 opposinf; votes. 
The United' States-Japanese Security Treaty was ap- 
proved with only 9 opposing votes. The United States- 
Australian-Xew Zealand and the United States-Philip- 
pine seiurity treaties were approved with no recorded 
opposition. 

The peace contract with West Germany will restore to 
it a large measure of sovereignty and the opportunity to 
cooperate in Nato on the basis of equality. It was ap- 
proved by the Senate in May of this year with only 5 
votes in opposition. 

These words that I have been quoting were 
spoken by President-elect Eisenhower last sum- 
mer in the middle of the campaign. He went on 
to add: 

Our friends must know that they can depend upon 
the continuity of our policies. ... The Republican Party 
is dedicated to the principle of national unity in foreign 
policv As President, it will be my purpose to cooperate 
with' the congressional leaders of the Democratic Party 
and make them real partners in formulating our basic 
foreign policies. 

I could quote for j^ou many other expressions of 
the same type that illustrate a determination on 
the part of important political leaders of both 
parties to insure that we continue a bipartisan for- 
eign policy, but let us say that President-elect 
Eisenhower speaks for his Government-to-be. 

There are two observations that I think we can 
now make about the recent elections and the de- 
velopment of our foreign policy. 

The first observation is that the election of Gen- 
eral Eisenhower means a continuation of the main 
lines of foreign policy adopted by the American 
people in the 7 years since the end of the war. 

In the second place, we should notice how great 
is the number of Americans who support these 
policies. Governor Stevenson also made it appar- 
ent that he would continue these policies if elected. 

Having made these observations, how specifi- 
callv can we chart U.S. policy in differing situa- 
tions and in different parts of the world? Here I 
think it might be valuable to consider what the 
basic principles that lie back of the postwar de- 
velopment of U.S. foreign policy are. 

January 26, 1953 



We have wished a world at peace where man's 
skills and his resources can be concentrated to con- 
quer hunger and alleviate illness, a world where 
he can be free to live under a government of his 
own choosing. . ' 

We hoped that it would be immediately possible 
to progress toward such a world at the war's end. 
Therefore we were among the initiators of the 
United Nations. We thought that by the estab- 
lishment of the United Nations, the nations of the 
world would be able to build an international ma- 
chinery to ease tensions and reduce the area of 
possible conflict and, believing that, we demobi- 
lized at great speed. Never in the history of the 
world had armies comparable to ours in size de- 
mobilized so rapidly. Immediately we took steps 
to establish, within the United Nations, the ma- 
chinery for the control of world arms and 
armament. 

It is not necessary to review all of the long road 
of heartbreak and disappointment that we have 
seen since the war. But whether it is because of 
Czechoslovakia yesterday or Korea today, we un- 
derstand the necessity for building our military 
and economic strength and for building strong 
patterns of security. We have made important 
steps forward in our own rearmament. Working 
with you and the other Nato countries, we have 
together built a security pact for Europe. And 
the Nato countries have made great progress in 
building up their defenses. 

The Soviet Union Needs Time 

But we are still faced with great danger. We 
have seen in Moscow, recently, the Soviet leaders 
carefully unroll their blueprints and discuss their 
plans. Hitler wrote of his plans and we did not 
pay sufficient attention to his words. We should 
carefully consider the present Soviet reasoning. 

The Soviet Union needs time to absorb its gains 
and use the great resources in the area it controls 
from the Elbe to the waters off the Philippines. 

The leaders of the Soviet Union believe that the 
countries back of the Iron Curtain are much more 
able to endure what Ambassador Frederick An- 
derson 2 has called "a long period of strenuous 
alertness" than the countries of the Atlantic 

community. 

They believe that the free nations cannot con- 
tinue their economic recovery, their rearmament, 
and their opposition to aggression in Korea and 
Indochina. Under the strain of this effort, the 
Kremlin believes that the free nations will not 
work toaether. Stalin has said that we cannot 
exist in the contracted world cut into by the Iron 
Curtain; that without the markets back of the 
curtain we will squabble among ourselves and lose 
our unity. .„ ., 

And, of course, the U.S.S.R. will use every de- 



' Deputy U.S. special representative in Europe. 



133 



vice of its international Communist Party to cre- 
ate division, suspicion, and mistrust among the 
members of the Athmtic community. Tlieir worst 
fear is the growing unity and strength in tlie At- 
Lantic alliance. 

You have asked me what I thought the U.S. 
elections meant in terms of U.S. foreign policy. I 
think they have meant a restatement of American 
unity and American determination to pursue the 
objectives of our postwar policy. In specific ap- 
proaches to specific problems there may, of course, 
be changes. This would be true regardless of ad- 
ministration or political party. Our foreign pol- 
icy cannot be a static thing; it must be dynamic. 
And we are by no means convinced that we have 
all of the correct answers. We know we have not, 
and we know that we must ask you and the other 
free countries to give us the benefit of your tliink- 
ing and of your criticism. 

We in the free world have had to face many 
dangers in the last ISi j'ears — war and its attendant 
desolation and the period of crises of these last 7 
years. We have shown that we have been able to 
meet these problems as they arose. In one sense, 
we are now facing our greatest danger — "the long 
period of strenuous alertness." 

This period is going to test the free nations of 
the West and of the East in yet another way — it is 
going to make demands on our moral strength. 
To face it we must be prepared economically, po- 
litically, militarily, but principally and above all, 
morally. Without moral strength, we shall not 
survive. 

It is to great institutions like this University 
that men turn for strength in such times. 

I am sure that they will continue to find here the 
religious and intellectual leadership that has 
drawn them to Louvain over so many centuries. 



U. S. Requests Departure 
of Yuri V. Novikov 

Press release 27 dated January 15 

The Department of State has been working with 
the Department of Justice in connection ivith the 
espionage case of Otto Verher, et al., against -whom 
an indictment was opened on January 15} Upon 
the arrest of the defendants and in view of the 
information contained in the indictment regard- 
ing the activities of Yuri V. Novikov, Second 
Secretary of the Soviet Embassy at Wa,shingfo>'., 
the Department has 7iotifed the Embassy that Mr. 
Novikov is persona non grata to this Government 
and has requested his immediate departure from 
the United States. The text of the note follows: 

The Secretary of State presents his compliments 



' See also Department of Justice press release of that 
date. 



to His Excellency the Ambassador of the Union of 
Soviet Socialist Republics and states the following. 

The Government of the United States lias ascer- 
tained that Yuri V. Novikov, Second Secretary of 
the Embassy, has engaged in activities incompati- 
ble with his status as an accredited diplomatic 
official. 

Therefore, this Government is impelled to de- 
clare Mr. Novikov persona non grata. The Em- 
bassy is requested to make arrangements for his 
immediate departure from the United States. 

Departmext of State, 
Washington, January H, 1953 



Exchange of Notes Concerning 
Territorial Violations of Japan 

Press release 34 dated January 16 

Following is an exchange of notes between the 
Governments of Japan and the United States con- 
cerning flights by urMuthorized foreign aircraft 
over the territory of Japan. The Japanese note 
was delivered to the American Embassy at Tokyo 
on January 13. The U.S. reply wa,s delivered to 
the Japanese Foreign Office on January 16. 

Japanese Note of January 13 

Violations of Japan's territorial air over Hok- 
kaido by foreign military planes have of late be- 
come increasingly frequent. The Japanese Gov- 
ernment consiclers that such trespasses are not 
only forbidden under international law but also 
constitute a grave menace to the security of Japan. 
The Japanese Government does not possess at 
present any means effectively to repel such viola- 
tions. 

I have the honor, therefore, to request Your 
Excellency on behalf of the Japanese Govern- 
ment that, if similar violations of Japan's terri- 
torial air should occur in future, the United States 
authorities concerned take effective and appro- 
priate measures to repel them for the protection 
of the common interest of Japan and the United 
States of America. 



U.S. Note of January 16 

The Embassy of the United States of America 
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For- 
eign Affairs and has the honor to acknowledge re- 
ceipt of the jMinistry's Note concerning violations 
of Japan's teiTitorial air over Hokkaido by for- 
eign military planes. 

The United States Government has noted that 
the Japanese Government considers such tres- 
passes to constitute a grave menace to the security 
of Japan. It has further noted the request of the 
Japanese Government that the United States au- 



134 



Department of State Bulletin 



thorities take effective and appropriate measures 
to repel similar violations of Japan's territorial 
air should they occur in the future. 

In accordance with the request of the Japanese 
Government the United States Government has 
instructed the Commander-in-Chief, Far East 
Command, with all practicable assistance from the 
Japanese Government, to take all possible meas- 
ures necessary and proper under terms of the Se- 
curity Treaty between the United States and 
Japan dated September 8, 1951, to repel all such 
violations of Japan's territorial air. 



U. S. Note to U. S. S. R. 
on Austrian State Treaty 

Press release 16 dated January 12 

In pursuance of the resolution adopted hy the 
U.N. General Assetnbly on December 20, 19S2,'' 
appealing to the Governments of the United 
States, the United Kingdom, France, and the 
Soviet Union to make a renewed and urgent effort 
to reach agreement on the terms of an Austrian 
treaty, the U.S. Governjnent, through its Em- 
bassy at Moscow, on January 12 delivered a note 
to the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs inviting 
attention to the U.N. General Assembly resohition 
and announcing its intention to call a meeting of 
the Austrian treaty deputies in London at an early 
date.^ Similar notes were delivered hy the British 
and French Emhassies at Moscow. The text of 
the U.S. note follows: 

The United Nations General Assembly on De- 
cember 20, 1952, adopted a resolution addressing 
an earnest appeal to the Governments of the Four 
Powers which occupy Austria to make a renewed 
and urgent effort to reach an agreement on the 
terms of an Austrian Treaty with a view to an 
early termination of the occupation. 

The United Nations General Assembly resolu- 
tion emphasizes the world-wide support for Aus- 
tria's plea for the restoration of her full freedom 



' Bulletin of Jan. 12, 1953, p. 68. 

"The Department of State announced on January 19 
(press release .3.5) that at the request of the U.S. Govern- 
ment, whose deputy will be chairman of the next meeting, 
the Secretary General of the Austrian Treaty deputies had 
issued invitations on January 14 to the Governments of 
the United Kingdom, France, and the Soviet Union for a 
meeting of the deputies at London on January 30. 



and sovereignty. The United States Government 
which has in the past urged and continues to urge 
full Austrian independence and sovereigntj; not 
only welcomes this resolution but also considers 
that it imposes an additional and immediate obli- 
o-ation on each of the Four Powers to give renewed 
and urgent consideration to the fulfillment ot their 
pledo-e^nade in the Moscow Declaration of 1943. 
The United States Government for its part urges 
that every effort be made now to conclude a Four 
Power Treaty. It is proposed, therefore, rather 
than to continue the sterile exchange of notes, the 
most recent of which is the Soviet Government s 
note of September 27, 1952, that a meeting of the 
Austrian Treaty Deputies be held at an early date 
for the purpose of concluding an Austrian Treaty. 
Sin-e the United States Deputy will be m the chair 
at t. is meeting, he will request the Secretary Gen- 
eral of the Austrian Treaty Deputies to issue in- 
vitations for an early meeting of the Four Depu- 
ties in London. 



Special Grant to Yugoslavia 

The Mutual Security Agency on January 8 an- 
nounced a special grant of 20 million dollars to 
Yugoslavia as a supplement to 78 million dollars 
already earmarked in order to enable Yugoslavia 
to purchase food and raw materials. 

Very hard hit by drought which destroyed 
almost half its corn crop last summer, Yugoslavia 
has had to revise drastically its import program 
to cope with the situation, Msa said. Orcbnarily, 
corn is exported by Yugoslavia, but the damage 
to that crop and to all bread grains and fodder 
crops has made that impossible. 

The 20 million dollars is a special grant by Msa 
in addition to the 99-niillion-dollar tripartite aid 
program in which the United States is participat- 
ing with the United Kingdom and France. The 
U S. share of this tripartite program is 78 million 
dollars. To date for the present fiscal year Yugo- 
slavia has received allotments of 50 million dol- 
lars from the United States under the tripartite 
program, designed to assist Yugoslavia to main- 
tain its independence from Cominform domina- 
tion and to support Yugoslavia's defense effort, 
which is proportionately one of the largest in 
Europe.^ 



' For an article on U.S. and tripartite aid to Yugoslavia, 
see BULLETIN of Nov. 2-4, 1952, p. 825. 



January 26, 1953 



135 



Year-End Report of the Mutual Security Agency 



A continued rise in the output of heavy industry 
during 1952 reflects the emphasis placed by West- 
ern Europe upon building production facilit ;s in 
an effort to meet the goals of the North At mtic 
Treaty Organization (Nato), according to a re- 
port released on December 30 by the Mutual Se- 
curity Agency (Msa). 

In the Far East, the report stated, the year also 
brought stronger emphasis on defense-supporting 
activities in Formosa and Indochina, along with 
expansion of basic economic-development projects 
in these two countries and in the Philippines and 
Thailand. 

^ The report covers the activities of the Mutual 
Security Agency, which was created last December 
31 to succeed the Economic Cooperation Adminis- 
tration. In Europe, Msa operates a defenxe-sup- 
port program for the Nato countries. Western 
Germany, and Yugoslavia and continues the eco- 
nomic-aid program for Austria. In the Far East, 
Msa administers economic and technical-assist- 
ance programs in Indochina, Formosa, Thailand, 
and the Philippines. 

A summary of the report follows: 

Msa's efforts during the year -were devoted to 
supplying the Western European countries with 
the essential raw materials, machine tools, and 
other industrial and agricultural commodities to 
help our European partners carry out their de- 
fense programs and to achieve and maintain the 
expanding economy and political stability that 
are indispensable to military strength/ 

During the year, defense-support funds of Msa 
went in increasing amounts for commodities di- 
rectly useful in gearing Western European pro- 
duction to defense. 

Europe's steel output, mainstay of economic and 
defense strenMh, hit an all-time high in October, 
with the production of 5.5 million metric tons for 
the month. This was a ^ain of 12 percent over 
October of last year ; and for i\\& January-October 
period, it was 8 percent ahead of the correspond- 
ing 10-month period of 1951. 

European production of railroad equipment, 

' For an article on Msa operations in Western Europe, 
see FicU Reporter, November-December 1952, Department 
of State publication 4744, p. 3. 

136 



motor vehicles, machinery, and other defense pro- 
duction were at peak levels in 1952, while ship- 
building continued at capacity. 

The record output of metals and metal products, 
the high level of chemical production, plus the 
continued growth in construction and in capital- 
goods production, proved sufficient to offset the 
contraction in the consumer-goods industries. 

To support the increased lequirements of ex- 
panding heavy industries, Western Europe in- 
creased electricity output through October by 6 
percent over the previous year lind coal produc- 
tion by 3 percent. 

The total industrial output of Western Europe 
in September and October was higher than in the 
fall of 1951, the previous peak. Total industrial 
output for the year will show an increase of about 
2 percent over 1951 and almost 50 percent above 
the levels in the first quarter of 1948. just prior to 
the start of the Marshall Plan. Agricultural pro- 
duction has increased by 3 percent over the 1951 
crop year and by more than 30 percent over 1948. 

The European Coal and Steel Community (the 
Schuman Plan), the Organization for European 
Economic Cooperation (Oeec), and the European 
Payments Union (Epu) are noteworthy examples 
of cooperation that has been developing since the 
beginning of the Marshall Plan. 



Schuman Plan in Operation 

Designed to create a single market for coal and 
steel among member countries, the Schuman Plan 
can provide a solid base upon which to build a 
more dynamic, unified Europe for peace as well as 
defense. The Plan was brought into being July 25, 
1952, after each of six Parliaments had ratified the 
treaty. 

Other highlights dealing with Western Europe's 
economy, as reflected in latest available figures, 
are: 

(1) A decline in the cost of raw-materials im- 
ports largely restored the purchasing power of 
Western European exports to their mid-1950 ■ 
position. I 

(2) The price rise that followed the Korean 
outbreak was brought to a halt ; wholesale prices 
in almost all countries in October were below the 

Department of State Bulletin I 



December 1951 level, and the cost-of-living indexes 
were not much higher. 

(3) Unemployment, though higher than a year 
ago in most countries, was serious only in Italy. 
German unemployment has declined significantly 

from last year. „ . „ „ ■, ^u 

(4) The foreign-trade deficit fell to less than 
300 million dollars in September, whereas 12 
months before it was 470 million dollars. In the 
first quarter of 1952 it averaged 550 million dollars 
per month. 

(5) A considerable degree of balance has been 
achieved in intra-European payments. The larg- 
est debtor in the Epu, the Sterling Area, has begun 
to improve its position by running surpluses in 
recent months. The cumulative positions of the 
large Epu creditors have either leveled off, as in 
the case of Belgium, or actually declined, as in the 
cases of Germany and Italy. France and Turkey 
continue in difficult positions. 

The inflationary forces have abated and do not 
present as great a threat to economic stability and 
steady expansion as they did a year ago. Meas- 
ures taken to control inflation, the restraint of 
consumers, and good harvests have somewhat re- 
duced the serious inflationary threat. 

Materials directly related to Europe's defense 
build-up received priority in Msa's procurement 
authorizations. Out of a total of 1,251,650,000 dol- 
lars in procurement authorizations issued for 
commodities in the January-November 1952 pe- 
riod, 620,850.000 dollars went for raw materials 
and semifinished products as compared to 318,- 
499,000 dollars for the corresponding period of 
last year. Authorizations for nonferrous metals 
jumped from ap]iroximately 31 million dollars in 
1951 to 213 million dollars in 1952; iron and steel- 
mill materials from 16 million dollars to 134 mil- 
lion dollars; nonmetallic minerals from 6 million 
dollars to 19 million dollars; and metallic ores and 
concentrates from 9 million dollars to 19 million 
dollars. At the same time, authorizations for the 
food, feed, and fertilizer group dropped from ap- 
proximately 348 million dollars for that period of 
last year to 218 million dollars for the same period 
this year. 

Counterpart funds— local currencies deposited 
by Governments of participating countries in 
amounts commensurate with dollar grant aid — 
played an increasingly important role in the year's 
program. 

In accordance with the mandate of the Congress, 
the primai-y objective of Msa counterpart policy in 
Western Europe has been to advance the defense 
build-up of Nato countries. The equivalent of 
more than 568 million dollars in counterpart funds 
was approved for withdrawal, during the Janu- 
ary-October 1952 period, for direct military proj- 
ects, such as the construction of military bases and 
harbor installations, the production of aircraft, 
combat vehicles, ammunition, ships, and other 
major materiel. This brought the cumulative fig- 

Jonuory 26, 1953 



ure for military purposes, including approvals 
under Eca, to approximately 711 million dollars. 
Msa also allocated to Defense Materials Pro- 
curement Agency the equivalent of 16 million dol- 
lars in local currencies from the U.S. portion of 
counterpart accounts, in the past 5 months alone, 
for use in procuring strategic materials or to fi- 
nance projects for the development of their pro- 
duction. 

Emphasis on Productivity, Technical Assistance 

Focusing more sharply upon Western defense 
preparations, the Msa productivity and technical- 
assistance program expanded. In the calendar 
year 1952, more than 3,600 persons came from Eu- 
rope to study the causes and effects of American 
productivity; approximately 275 persons also 
came from the Far East to study the solution of 
problems directly applicable to those critical areas, 
thus bringing the total number of visitors who 
have come to the United States under the Msa-Eca 
technical -assistance program since January 1949 
to approximately 10.500. In addition the Msa- 
EcA technical-assistance program has sponsored 
the sending of more than 1,000 American experts 
abroad to help European industries increase their 
productivity and to help all participating coun- 
tries in Europe and the Far East make better use 
of existing resources, both human and material. 

Defense support was inherent in many Msa 
technical-assistance projects carried out this past 
year in such fields as foundry operations, machine 
tools, electronics and electrical equipment, chemi- 
cals, motors and engines, engineering, abrasives, 
plastics, mining, metallurgy, rubber goods, and 
production of electric power, gas, and petroleum. 
Typical of projects related directly to defense, 
through which results of American experience 
were made available to selected representatives of 
Nato countries, were: 

French officials, representing the French Insti- 
tute of Advanced Studies for National Defense, 
examined U.S. methods of solving industrial and 
military problems; Italian naval experts studied 
U.S. techniques to speed construction of Italian 
vessels; Danish Army Engineers looked into fuse 
manufacture; British and Turkish engineers niade 
studies of arms production; British technicians 
studied methods of overhauling U.S.-made engines 
used by the RAF ; Danish and French experts in- 
quired into production of quartz crystals, vital to 
manufacture of telecommunications equipment; 
Belgian paint manufacturers surveyed U.S. meth- 
ods'of protecting military equipment; and French 
technicians made a study with the view of expand- 
ing production of high-grade batteries for French 
and Nato military transport and telecommunica- 
tions. 

Yugoslavia took part in the technical-assistance 
program for the first time in 1952, sending 111 
trainees to the United States to study methods of 

137 



strengthening defense efforts against threats of 
Communist aggression. The first such project for 
Trieste also got under way. 

Some ()i of 143 major P2cA-generated projects in 
Western Europe went into operation during 1952, 
providing invahiable basic production capacity for 
the defense program. Tliese industrial, public 
utility, and public-works projects, which in some 
instances also have received supplemental aid from 
MsA, now are turning out such essential defense 
items as iron and steel, petroleum products, coal, 
chemicals, and power. 

In electric-power develoi)ment, eight units in 
MsA-EcA-sponsored projects were completed, add- 
ing more than 500,000 kilowatts to the power ca- 
pacity of the free world. 

Eleven of 16 EuropeaiijfDetroleum-refinery proj- 
ects, sponsored by Msa-Eca, were completed and 
are now operating. Five other units, still under 
construction in several of these refineries, should 
be in operation by the end of 1953. 

From the 11 operating installations, which have 
added 433,000 ban-els a day to the free nations' 
crude-oil refining capacity, are flowing gasoline, 
jet fuel, kerosene, diesel oil, fuel oil, and other 
projects essential to the defense program. 

During the past year, Msa approved a total of 
22,688,000 dollars in supplemental dollar financ- 
ing for previously approved major projects. This 
included 3,952,000 dollars for steel-mill equipment 
and 800 thousand dollars for a galvanizing line for 
the Finsider Company plants in Italy; 8,474,000 
dollars for equipment for the Sollac Company 
steel mills in France; 500 thousand dollars for 
iron-mining equipment for the Alpine Montan 
Company in Austria; and 3,155,000 dollars for a 
road-building program in Turkey. In addition, 
a 2,500,000 dollar project was approved for grain 
handling and storage facilities in Turkey. 

Investment-Guaranty Program Expanded 

Service to American firms interested in making 
private investments abroad also was expanded. 
At year's end Msa had several thousand volun- 
teer field counselors in the United States and over- 
seas to serve American firms. Msa's "Contact 
Clearinghouse Service," which places prospective 
U.S. investors in touch with foreign enterprises 
needing capital or processes, was expanded to 
cover countries in Southeast Asia and those par- 
ticipating in the Point Four Program. 

During 1952, Msa moved ahead on authority 
granted Dy the Congress to expand the scope of 
its investment-guaranty program to include coun- 
tries of the Near East, Asia, Latin America, and 
Africa. Previously, the agency issued investment 
guaranties, which insure American ■ private in- 
vestors against loss by expropriation or currency 
inconvertibility, only" in Marshall Plan countries 
of Europe. 

Under the expanded program, negotiations were 
begun with several countries for guaranty agree- 



ments, which are a prerequisite to issuing guar- 
anties on individual American investments in the 
given foreign countries. Such agreements, ini- 
tiating or expanding the program, were concluded 
by the United States with 11 countries during 
the year, including the first two in the Far East — 
the Philippines and China (Formosa) — and the 
first in a Near East country, Israel. 

Msa now has agreements with 13 nations where 
U.S. investments can be given this protection to 
cover both expropriation and currency inconverti- 
bility : Austria, Belgium, China (Formosa), Den- 
nuirk, France, Germany, Greece. Israel, Italy, the 
Netherlands, Norway, the Philippines, and Yugo- 
slavia. In two other countries, Turkey and the 
United Kingdom, currency inconvertibility cover- 
age can be issued. Negotiations are going for- 
ward with several other countries for agreements. 

Six new guaranties and three additions to exist- 
ing guaranties were issued during the year to in- 
vestors in such industries as pharmaceuticals, 
miners' lamps, boiler chemicals, valves, elevators, 
asphalt tile, and trailers to protect investments in 
the United Kingdom, Italy, Turkey, Germany, and 
France. 

Up to the end of 1952, Msa-Eca has issued a 
total of 38,792,248 dollars in investment guaran- 
ties, of which 37,489,017 dollars covered currency 
inconvertibility. 

As to over-all agricultural production, the lat- 
est crop year showed an increase of 3 percent over 
the previous year, reaching a level 13 percent 
higher than prewar. Only in Austria has the 
total output failed to reach or surpass prewar fig- 
ures. Production of bread grains and coarse 
grains was higher than the year before, while out- 
put of fats and oils rose substantially. Sugar 
and potato production was materially higher than 
prewar. 

While production increased, there were at least 
2 million more people to feed than the year before. 
As a result, per capita production showed only a 
2 percent gain and just about reached the prewar 
average. 

Despite these over-all gains, Western Europe 
still is dependent on the rest of the world for 30 
percent of its food needs. Higher output is the 
only basic answer, and the Oeec has raised its 
goal to an output of 25 to 30 percent over prewar 
for the 1956-57 crop year. 

Defense Support in Southeast Asia 

In Southeast Asia, the year witnessed expan- 
sion of defense support in Formosa and Indochina 
while, at the same time, inci'eased economic sup- 
port and technical assistance helped the two coun- 
tries build up their strength to resist the threat of 
Communist aggression. 

Defense support in the Associated States of 
Indochina is helping Indochinese and French 
troops who are fighting off the Communist Viet 
Minh attacks. The program in Formosa is de- 



138 



Department of State Bulletin 



signed to strengthen the island fortress home of 
the Government of the Kepiiblic of China, a key 
part of the free world's defense line in the Pacific. 
In these two countries, Msa is supplying items to 
increase munitions output and to expand military 
facilities . 

At the same time, Msa basic economic aid ex- 
tended to these two countries is being used for 
the purchase of commodities needed to rehabili- 
tate and revitalize production and to reduce in- 
flationary pressure. In Formosa, AIsa has helped 
the Government to broaden the industrial base by 
developing the island's hydroelectric resources, in- 
creasing the manufacture of chemicals, and ex- 
panding the production of coal. 

In Indochina, a major Vietnam-MsA program is 
resettlement of refugees from areas where the 
Communist Viet Minh are attacking. Land is 
provided by the Government, with Msa helping 
to provide emergency housing, food, and seeds. 

Programs like these, as well as projects in Thai- 
land and the Philippines, illustrate the Msa pro- 
grams which combine both technical assistance 
and complementary commodities where needed. 
In the Philippines, the Msa program has empha- 
sized projects to implement land, labor, and fis- 
cal reforms and there has been Msa financing of 
surveys, road building, and health measures for 
resettlement projects designed to ease agrarian 
problems in densely populated areas. 

In Thailand, where agricultural resources are 
not fully developed, Msa has been emphasizing 
projects designed to increase the production of 
rice for export. There have also been notable ad- 
vances in the field of public health, with Msa 
doctors, public-health officials, and nurses demon- 
strating modern techniques. 

Programs in Burma and Indonesia, which were 
administered by Msa until July 1, 1952, are now 
being carried on by the Technical Cooperation 
Administration. 

Following are a number of vital goals toward 
which the Southeast Asia nations are now work- 
ing with American cooperation : 

( 1 ) Improving governmental efficiency through 
the adoption of new administrative and fiscal pro- 
cedures, and expansion of civil service training. 

(2) Developing and strengthening services 
and practices essential to social and political sta- 
bility as well as economic develoiJment, such as 
agricultural extension services; agricultural and 
small-business credit institutions; iDublic-health 
systems; agricultural cooperatives; and leg- 
islation assuring farm tenants a fair share of 
production and correcting other land-tenure 
problems. 

(3) Increasing production of rice and corn 
through irrigation, seed improvement, and wider 
use of fertilizer, and expanding production of 
protein food through livestock improvement and 



the introduction of modern techniques in the 
fishing industry. 

(4) Increasing production and export of basic 
materials through improved transportation and 
port facilities and surveys to determine the extent 
of natural resources. 

(5) Improving their military position, expand- 
ing their foreign and internal trade, and quicken- 
ing tlie process of national unification through the 
rehabilitation of ports and inland waterways, con- 
struction of roads and bridges, and the improve- 
ment of railway operations. 

(6) Increasing the productivity of manpower 
by reducing the incidence of disease through 
malaria control, helping the establishment and 
initial operation of health centers and clinics, 
and training more medical and public-health 
personnel. 

(7) Laying the foundations for future progi'ess 
by rehabilitating and expanding agricultural- 
and vocational-training systems. 



Allocation of Loan to Spain 
for Economic Development 

The ]\Iutual Security Agency on January 8 an- 
nounced the completion of the allocation of the 
62.5 million-dollar loan to Spain whicli was au- 
thorized by the Congress in fiscal year 1951. 

The final allocations include an amount of ap- 
proximately 3 million dollars to provide equipment 
for the modernization and increased productivity 
of the Spanish coal-mining industry ; 500 tliousand 
dollars for the purchase of steel plate for the con- 
struction of an oil tanker, and 150 thousand dol- 
lars for expansion of facilities for the preserva- 
tion and canning of fruits and vegetables. 

The various credits under the 62'.5 million-dol- 
lar loan are making possible economic develop- 
ments in Spain which will otherwise be limited 
by foreign-exchange deficiencies and which will 
increase Spain's capacity to raise its levels of im- 
poi'ts and exports, as well as to inci-ease produc- 
tion of goods and services to be made available to 
the Spanish people. 

In addition to the loan program now completed, 
the Congress has authorized the use of up to 125 
million dollars, at the discretion of the President, 
for military, economic, and technical assistance to 
Spain. Negotiations leading toward agreements 
for use of these funds are now under way between 
the Governments of the United States and Spain. 

All credits under the 62.5 million-dollar-loan 
progi'am were extended by the Export-Import 
Bunk, acting as agent for Msa and its predecessor, 
EcA. All credits extended to Spain are guaran- 
teed by the Spanish Government. 

A large portion of the 62.5 million-dollar U. S. 
loan, nearly 18.3 million dollars, has been for 
the purchase of commodities — wheat, cotton, 



January 26, J 953 



139 



tin plate, coal, and others — essential to the Span- 
ish economy. Another 16.8 million dollars of the 
loan has been extended to the transportation and 
power industries, principally for the import of 
heavy equipment for railroads and for the con- 
struction and extension of power facilities, includ- 
ing a floating power plant to be located at Carta- 
gena. 

The credits established for agricultural develop- 
ment, about 13 million dollars in all, including 3.5 
million dollars for fertilizer, are designed to pro- 
vide equipment and materials that will make pos- 
sible greater agricultural production. About 8 mil- 
lion dollars, including the recent 3 million-dollar 
credit for coal-mining equipment, will go into im- 
provements in the mining industry. Equipment 
also will be provided for lead, iron, tungsten, and 
pyrites mining. 

The remaining portion of the 62.5 million-dollar 
loan has been allocated for import of other impor- 
tant equipment and supplies for Spanish industry 
for which dollar exchange would otherwise be lim- 
ited. The principal loan in this group is a 6 mil- 
lion-dollar credit for expansion of a steel mill and 
construction of a fertilizer plant. 

Following is a list of credit (in thousands of 
dollars) approved by Eca-Msa since the start of 
the loan program, September 6, 1950 : 

Capital development 

Fertilizer and steel plant $8. .540 

Spanish National railways (Renfe) 8,263 

Electric power plants 6, 751 

Minerals production (including mining equip- 
ment) 7,81.5 

Agricultural and seed-processing equipment . 3,300 

Lignite mining and power-plant equipment . . 1, 706 

Commodity assistance 

Wheat $7, 2.50 

Cotton 5,000 

Coal 3,500 

Fertilizer 3, .500 

Farm tractors, parts, and attachments .... 3,4.50 

Tin plate 2, 000 

Barrel staves 500 

Steel plates (for oil tanker) 875 



New Manganese Project 
Undertaken in Brazil 

Authorization of an Export-Import Bank loan 
of up to 67.5 million dollars and signing of a 
Defense Materials Procurement Agency purchase 
contract, involving the production of 51/2 million 
tons of hiirh-giade manganese ore from new de- 
posits in Brazil, one of the largest projects of its 
kind ever undertaken, were announced on January 
8 at Wa.shington and at Rio de Janeiro. 

The project is to be undertaken by Industria e 
Comercio de Minerios, S, A,, (Icojii) of Rio de 



Janeiro, a Brazilian corporation in which the 
Bethlehem Steel Company holds partial stock in- 
terest. Approximately 4 million dollars has al- 
ready been invested in exploration and other 
preparatory work at the mine site, 

Herbert E. Gaston, Chairman of the Export- 
Import Bank, and Jess Larson, Administrator of 
Dmi'a, said that at least 7o percent of the 51/2 mil- 
lion tons of ore, production of which will cover 
a {jeriod of several years, is to be offered to tlie 
United States. In 1951 the United States used 
about 1,700,000 tons of manganese, essential in 
steel production, and it is estimated that consump- 
tion was considerably higher last 3'ear. Most of 
the ore has to be imported. 

The principal of the credit is to be repaid by 
December 31, 1965, and it will bear interest at the 
rate of 41/2 percent per annum. The Djipa pur- 
chase contract runs to June 30, 1962, but would 
terminate upon repayment of the loan at an earlier 
date. 

The rich Brazilian deposits are located in the 
Federal Territory of Amapa about 150 miles 1 
northwest of the capital city of Macapa. | 

The deposits have been tested by core drilling " 
and are estimated to contain upward of 10,000,000 
tons of high quality ore, averaging 45 to 47 per- y 
cent manganese. Alining will be by open-pit ^ 
methods and the ore, after being crushed and 
screened at a plant to be built near the mine, will 
be shipped to the docks on the Amazon River over 
a railroad which is also yet to be constructed. 
The railroad will be of standard design and will 
be 1.34 miles in length, half in dense tropical jungle 
and half in open savannah country. 

It is expected that large-scale production will 
get under way by 1956. During that and the fol- 
lowing year, the com]iany is to deliver to the U.S. 
Government, for stockpiling or other defense uses, 
a total of 400,000 tons of ore. The U.S. Govern- 
ment has an option under the contract on 30 per- 
cent of the total output. 

In return, Dmpa has guaranteed the company 
a floor price of 65 cents per long-ton unit based 
on 45-47 percent ore (c.i.f. Eastern Seaboard 
ports) for any part of the production up to Si/o 
million tons that the company offers to the U.S. 
Government. On the basis of estimated future 
requirements, it is expected that the greater part 
of the production that is not purchased by the U.S. 
Govermnent will find a ready market in the United 
States and other countries of the free world. 

In order to produce ore on the scale contem- 
plated, extensive installations will be necessary, 
including all necessary housing and community 
facilities for employees, a dock and loading facili- 
ties at the Port of Santana, near Macajia on the 
Amazon River, the railroad from the mine to the 
port, and mining plants and equipment. 

The Port of Santana, where the ore will be 
transferred from the rail cars to oceangoing ves- 



140 



Deparlmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 



sels for shipment to the United States, will be on 
the north bank of the Amazon River near its 
mouth and is squarely on the Equator. Facilities 
for the rapid loading of large vessels will be in- 
stalled, as well as docks for the handling of other 
freight. 

Complete towns will have to be constructed, 
both at the mine and at the port, to house the com- 
pany's 500 employees and their families. In- 
cluded in the plans are schools, playgrounds, and 
hospitals and all other facilities necessary to make 
living healthful and comfortable in this tropical 
climate. 

Mr. Gaston pointed out that, in addition to pro- 
viding substantial dollar earnings for Brazil, the 
project will play an important part in safeguard- 
ing the American steel industry from future short- 
ages of this essential alloy. 

"The Brazilian Government, under President 
Getulio Vargas, and the Government of the Terri- 
tory of Amapa, under Governor Janari Gentil 
Nunes," Mr. Gaston said, "have taken an active 
role in making possible this development which 
will provide substantial employment at the mine 
and on the railway and should result in opening 
up a new area." 

Mr. Larson said the new agreement was one of 
the most significant steps taken to assure adequate 
future production of materials needed to supply 
the country's expanding defense program. 

Mr. Larson continued : 

The friendly country of Brazil, the U.S. Government, 
defense industries, and the Brazilian company that is 
undertaking this project should all benefit. 

The Defense Materials Procurement Agency has been 
doing everything possible to boost production of man- 
ganese within the continental United States. The Agency 
has a domestic purchase program and Is assisting In a 
number of research and experimental projects toward 
this end. But there is no question that the United States 
will continue to he dependent upon outside sources for the 
greater part of its manganese needs for a good while to 
come, if. Indeed, it ever can become self-sufficient. 

This project has very great potentialities, both with 
respect to this Nation's defense program and the benefits 
that automatically go with the development of a big min- 
ing operation. 



Ten-Year Development Program 
Proposed for Jamaica 

Recommendations for the economic development 
of Jamaica were published on January 9 in the 
report of a mission to Jamaica organized by the 
International Bank for Reconstruction and De- 
velopment at the request of the Governor of 
Jamaica. Eugene R. Black. President of the In- 
ternational Bank, transmitted the report to the 
Governor, His Excellency Sir Hugh Foot, on 
December 19. 

The mission, under the leadership of John C. 
de Wilde of the Bank's staff, was in Jamaica during 

January 26, 1953 

238552 — 53 3 



March and April 1952. It consisted of seven ex- 
perts.^ The two agricultural specialists were se- 
lected in consultation with the Food and Agricul- 
ture Organization (Fag), which also defrayed a 
portion of the salary and expenses of one of them. 

The mission proposes a 10-year development 
program aimed at increasing the production of 
goods and services from a level of £85 million in 
1950 to approximately £150 million in 1962. 
"Timid half-measures," the mission stresses, "will 
not solve Jamaica's problems of the future. The 
program must hold the promise of real advance if 
it is to capture the imagination of the people and 
command their continuous support and coopera- 
tion. . . ." 

The program calls for Government expenditures 
of £34,324,000 over the 10-year period. To allow 
for the possibility that obstacles may arise, a re- 
duced program has also been drawn up. Under it, 
public expenditures would be £27,973,000 and pro- 
duction would increase to about £136 million. The 
mission urges, however, that the maximum pro- 
gram be the goal; if it is carried out, Jamaica 
would make substantial progress, the mission be- 
lieves, in solving its chief problems — chronic un- 
employment and widespread poverty. 

Most of the expansion of production and em- 
ployment the mission foresees will result directly 
and indirectly from the development of agi-icul- 
ture. "Contrary to widely prevalent belief," the 
mission states, "we are convinced that the potenti- 
alities of agriculture in Jamaica are far from 
exhausted." 

Chief among the recommendations in this field 
are a vigorous soil-conservation campaign to re- 
build the fertility of hill lands ; extension of irri- 
gation in the plains and valleys and reclamation 
of part of the swampland ; a pasture-improvement 
])rogram and a rise in the price of beef to stimu- 
late the gi-owing of livestock; a complete aerial 
and ground survey as a basis for proper planning 
of land use and for carrying out essential improve- 
ment works; and the taxation of land on the basis 
of unimproved, rather than improved, value to 
give additional incentive to development. The 
mission believes that if these measures are taken 
it should be possible to put an additional 150,000 
acres of land under cultivation and to increase 
yields significantly. This would permit a sub- 
stantial increase in the production of beef and 
milk, sugar, bananas, coffee, cacao, citron, rice, 
and other food crops. 



'John Hugh Collier, economist; Albert Winseraius, 
economic adviser on industry; A. D. Spottswood, engineer- 
ing adviser; Douwe Groenveld, agricultural economist; 
W. V. Blewett, adviser on agricultural production ; I. M. 
Labovitz, adviser on social services : and Ann Mary Rozeck. 
secretary and administrative assistant. 

The report of the mission to Jamaica has been published 
in a single bound volume of 288 pages and may be obtained 
from the Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore 18, Md., for $5. 



141 



Retiring Deputy U.S. Representative on Disarmament Commission 
Reports to the President 



Press release 24 dated January 14 

Benjamin V. Oohen, deputy representative 
of the United States on the U. N. Disarmament 
Commission, on January 15 presented to the Presi- 
dent a report on the work of the U. N. Disarma- 
ment Commission and particularly on the ^'■efforts 
of the United States in close cooperation with 
other members of the Commission to carry out the 
mandate of the General Assembly in accordance 
with the spirit and the principles of the Charter^ 

Following is the text of a letter, dated January 
12, 1953, from Mr. Cohen to the President. A 
copy of the report is appended. 

January 12, 1953. 

My Dear Mr. President : 

At your request I have served as Deputy United 
States Representative on the United Nations Dis- 
armament Commission and have represented the 
United States at practically all the meetings of the 
Commission during the year 1952. 

As the work of the Commission for the year 
is now concluded, I am submitting my resignation 
both as Deputy Representative on the Commission 
and as Alternate Representative of the United 
States to the Seventh Session of the General As- 
sembly to become effective at your earliest con- 
venience. 

All of us who have worked on our disarmament 
proposals have been inspired in our work by the 
leadership you have taken in this field and by 
your continuing personal interest and support. 
We therefore felt that we should at this time make 
a report to you of the work of the Disarmament 
Commission and in particular of the efforts of the 
United States in close cooperation with other mem- 
bers of the Commission to carry out the mandate 
of the General Assembly in accordance with the 
spirit and principles of the Charter. The report 
is appended to this letter. 

The statements and proposals which have been 
made on behalf of the United States in the Com- 
mission are the product of the joint efforts of the 
Department of State, the Department of Defense, 
the Atomic Energy Commission, and the United 
States Mission to the United Nations. The tri- 
partite proposals submitted on behalf of the 



United States, France and the United Kingdom 
represent the joint efforts of all three govern- 
ments.' The cooperation achieved within our 
Government and with friendly governments has 
made it possible for us to supply principles and 
proposals for an effective and comprehensive dis- 
armament which may be realized in the future. 

Early in the deliberations of the Commission, 
the United States submitted a statement of essen- 
tial principles for a disarmament program. These 
principles sought to relate the task of disarma- 
ment to the law of the Charter and to give effect 
and meaning to the basic Charter obligation of 
states to retrain in their international relations 
from the threat or use of force in any manner in- 
consistent with the purposes of the Charter. The 
goal of disarmament therefore must be not to reg- 
ulate the armaments to be used in war, but to pre- 
vent war. To achieve this goal, all states have a 
responsibility to cooperate to establish and main- 
tain an open and substantially disarmed world. 
In a substantially disarmed world no state should 
be in a condition of armed preparedness to start 
a war. In an open world no state should be in a 
position to undertake preparations for war with- 
out other states having knowledge of such pre- 
paredness long before the offending state could 
start a war. An effective disarmament program 
must reduce the danger of war and the fear of 
aggression. 

But we did not confine our work in the Dis- 
armament Commission to the submission of gen- 
eral principles. We submitted and joined in sub- 
mitting a number of working papers which sought 
to suggest practical means and measures by which 
we might make a start in the development of a 
concrete and comprehensive disarmament pro- 
gram. 

We submitted a working paper containing con- 
crete suggestions for a continuing system of dis- 
closure and verification which would embrace all 
armed forces and armaments including atomic. 



Editor's Note. Ambassador Cohen's report is available 
in full as Department of State publication 4902. 

' For a summary of proposals made to the Disarmament 
Commission, see Bulletin of Oct. 27, 1952, p. 648. 



142 



Department of State Bulletin 



Such a system would provide the ground work for 
effective safeguards and realistic controls to ensure 
that agreed disarmament would become actual 
disarmament. xt • i 

In collaboration with France and the United 
Kingdom, we submitted proposals for fixing nu- 
merical limits on the armed forces of all states. 
The proposals, if accepted, would result in a sub- 
stantial and balanced reduction of armed strength 
and lessen the likelihood and the danger of war. 
The initial reduction for the United States and 
the Soviet Union would be more than 50 percent. 
In collaboration with France and the United 
Kingdom, we suggested practical procedures to 
prevent the undue concentration of permitted 
armed forces in particular categories of services, 
to limit armament in types and quantities to those 
necessary and appropriate for the support of per- 
mitted armed forces, and to bring all essential ele- 
ments of the disarmament program into balanced 
relationship. Under these procedures it was con- 
templated that all armed forces and armaments 
other than those expressly permitted were to be 
eliminated, that all major weapons adaptable to 
mass destruction were to be excluded from per- 
mitted armaments, and that atomic energy was 
to be placed under effective international control 
to ensure its use for peaceful purposes only. 

We reiterated our support of the United Na- 
tions plan for the control of atomic energy, but at 
the same time we reaffirmed our willingness to 
examine seriously and with an open mind any 
proposal for the effective control of atomic energy 
which might be presented. 

Finally we suggested a plan for the elimination 
of bacteriological weapons and facilities for their 
production and use, within the framework of a 
comprehensive disarmament program. The plan 
would not rely on mere paper promises that such 
weapons will not be used, but would ensure that 
such weapons are not available for use. 

We do not contend that the constructive pro- 
posals thus far presented to the Commission would 
solve all problems. The proposals were not in- 
tended to be final and defanitive in terms or ex- 
haustive in details. They were intended only to 
provide a basis for discussion and to open ave- 
nues by which we might approach understanding 
and agreement. 

No one who has closely followed the proceed- 
ings of the Disarmament Commission can doubt 
that the United States and other free nations have 
sincerely and diligently sought to find practical 
ways and means of moving towards a disarmed 
world. Unfortunately, the Soviet representative 
on the Commission was unwilling or unable to dis- 
cuss seriously any of the working papers submit- 
ted to the Commission or to make any constructive 
suggestions. The Soviet representative merely in- 
sisted that the Commission adopt the elusive phan- 
tom proposals, which the Soviet Union had first 
made in the General Assembly several years ago 

January 26, 1953 



and which had been repeatedly rejected by the 
General Assembly. Yet he refused to give ex- 
planations or answer questions concerning these 
shadowy and elusive proposals. The Soviet 
Union endeavored from the very beginning of the 
Commission's deliberations to divert it from its 
important tasks by making monstrously false 
charges that the United Nations forces in Korea 
were waging bacteriological warfare. While con- 
tinuing to reiterate these slanderous charges, the 
Soviet representative vetoed in the Security Coun- 
cil all efforts on our part to secure an impartial in- 
vestigation of them. 

The Disarmament Commission cannot force dis- 
armament agreements upon recalcitrant nations. 
It cannot bridge deep and fundamental differences 
by linguistic sleight of hand. Excessive zeal to 
obtain agi-eements which gloss over rather than 
resolve these differences may even increase the ten- 
sions and fears which stand in the way of neces- 
sary agi-eement. Until others are willing to dis- 
arm, the free and law-abiding nations of the world 
must maintain the armed strength necessary to 
deter aggression. 

In spite of the obstructive tactics of the Soviet 
Union, the work of the Disarmament Commission 
during the past year contributed significantly to 
a better understanding of the disarmament prob- 
lem, and we feel that the United States can take 
pride in its part in this work. 

In the interest of world peace it is important to 
continue, through the Disarmament Commission 
and in every other way open to us, efforts to de- 
velop a better understanding of the problems of 
armaments and the significance of disamiament 
as a means of reducing the danger and fear of war. 
We are deeply convinced that with better under- 
standing of these problems, the overwhelming 
common interest of all peoples in peace and the 
instinct of self-preservation will induce the states- 
men of all nations to save their peoples from the 
horrors of war in the Twentieth Centui-y. For as 
new instruments of warfare may be developed 
which would far surpass previous weapons in 
terms of sheer destructiveness, it becomes im- 
perative that all nations reexamine their self-in- 
terest in these problems. All nations have an 
equal stake in their solution. For at stake is the 
survival of our common humanity. 
Faithfully yours, 

Benjamin V. Cohen 



Report to the President by the Deputy United 
States Representative on the Untted Na- 
tions Disarmament Commission 



Introduction 



January 12, 1953 



In view of your deep and active interest in the 
development of an effective and comprehensive 

143 



disainiiimeiit progiam I have thought it would 
be appropriate for me at this time to make a re- 
port to you on the work of the U.N. Disarmament 
Commission and in particuhir on the efforts of the 
United States in close cooperation with other 
members of the Conmiission to carry out the man- 
date of the General Assembly in accordance with 
the spirit and the principles of the Charter. 

The statements and working proposals which 
have been made on behalf of the United States in 
the Commission are the product of the joint efforts 
of the State and Defense Departments, the 
Atomic Energy Commission, and the United 
States Mission to the United Nations. The tri- 

Eartite proposals submitted on behalf of the 
United States, France, and the United Kingdom 
represent the joint efforts of all three govern- 
ments. The cooperation achieved within our gov- 
ernment and with friendly governments on the 
Commission has made it possible for us to supply 
the ideas and materials with w^hich an effective 
and comprehensive disarmament program may in 
the future be wrought. 

Our Responsibilities Under the Charter 

It may seem paradoxical to many that we 
should discuss disarmament in the United Nations 
in 1952, when the nations of the world are in- 
creasing their armaments at an accelerated pace. 

But the United States has made it clear in the 
discussions of disarmament in the United Nations 
that the burden of armaments has been thrust upon 
us and is not of our choosing. We have learned 
that in an armed world we cannot safely rely on 
unarmed good will. But we have made it clear 
that we would infinitely prefer a world order in 
which the energies and resources now diverted to 
armaments could be used to advance human dig- 
nity and well-being. 

On November 7, 1951, in an address explaining 
the proposals of the United States, the United 
Kingdom, and France for the establishment of the 
U.N. Disarmament Commission, you, Mr. Presi- 
dent, stated : ^ 

We are determined to win real peace — -peace based on 
freediom and justice. We will do it the hard way if we 
must — by going forward, as we are doing now, to make 
the free world so strong that no would-be aggressor will 
dare to break the peace. But we will never give up 
trying for another way to peace — the way of reducing 
the armaments that make aggression possible. 

Five months later, on April 2, 1952, General 
Eisenhower, then Supreme Allied Commander 
in Europe, in his first report to the Nato countries 
declared : * 



Visible and within grasp we have the capability of 
building such military, economic, and moral strength as 
the Communist world would never dare to challenge. 

When that point is reached, the Iron Curtain rulers 
may finally be willing to participate seriously in disar- 



' Ihifl.. Nov. 19, 1951, p. 799. 
= Ibid, Apr. 14, 1952, p. 579. 



mament negotiations. Then we may see fulfilled the 
universal hope expressed in the United Nations Charter 
to reduce the "diversion for armaments of the world's 
human and economic resources." 

Our position is clear and unequivocal. Until 
all nations cooperate in good faith in putting into 
effect a balanced reduction in armed forces and 
armaments, we must build up and maintain the 
armed strength of the free world to guard and 
preserve the peace. But we have shown that we are 
ready, willing, and eager to work out a com- 
prehensive disarmament program, to reduce the 
danger of war and the fear of aggression. That 
is the duty of all member states under the Charter 
of the United Nations. 

Under the Charter, all members have agreed to 
settle their international disputes by peace- 
ful means in such a manner that international 
peace and security and justice are not endangered. 
Under the Charter all members have agreed to re- 
frain in their international relations from the 
threat or use of force against the territorial in- 
tegrity or political independence of any State 
or in any other manner inconsistent with the pur- 
poses of the United Nations. 

The maintenance of large armaments under- 
mines confidence in the fulfillment of the solemn 
Charter obligations of member states not to use 
force or the threat of force as an instrument of 
national or ideological policy. 

But the use of force or the threat of force in in- 
ternational relations cannot be eliminated by uni- 
lateral disarmament by any one state or group of 
states. All states must cooperate. 

All members of the United Nations have a re- 
sponsibility to see that force is used only in self- 
defense and in the service of the Charter and not 
as an instrument of national or ideological policy. 

Disarmament must be viewed as a means of 
carrying out the obligations under the Charter 
not to use force or the threat of force for settling 
disputes among nations. The objective of a dis- 
armament program must be to prevent waij not to 
regulate the armaments used in war. We have 
tried to make clear that the United States does 
not accept war as inevitable; that the job is to re- 
duce the likelihood of war by insuring that no 
nation possesses the means to commit a success- 
ful act of armed aggression. The aim is to reduce 
the likelihood of war by reducing the possibility 
of war and armed aggression. 

In its efforts toward disarmament, the United 
States has concentrated single-mindedly on the 
root problem, the prevention of war itself. Wlien 
men fight to kill it is hard to regulate the manner 
of killing. True humanitarianism as well as real- 
ism supports the view that the only practical 
way to eliminate the horror of war is to eliminate 
war itself. 

That of course does not mean that we are un- 
interested in examining the rules for the conduct 
of war or in finding better ways to protect civilians 



144 



Department of Stale Bulletin 



and prisoners should war occur. But in develop- 
ing a disarmament program we must strive, not to 
codify the rules of warfare but to reduce the pos- 
sibility of war. 
Responsible statesmen cannot rely upon paper 
promises which provide no assurances of their 
observance. We cannot make genuine progi'ess 
toward disarmament by piecemeal attempts to 
forbid the use of individual weapons without safe- 
guards designed to give assurance that such 
weapons will not be available for use. We have, 
therefore, urged in the United Nations that efforts 
be directed toward a comprehensive disarmament 
program which will insure that nations do not re- 
tain in their military establishment armed forces 
and armaments in types or in volume beyond those 
required for self-defense and to meet their Charter 
responsibilities. Forces and weapons not ex- 
pressly permitted should be eliminated under 
effective international safeguards sufficient to re- 
move the possibility and fear of proliibited forces 
or armaments being available for use. 

The most solemn promise in the history of inter- 
national relationships is that contained in the 
Charter against the threat or use of force of any 
kind in any way in international relations con- 
trary to the purposes of the Charter. A disarma- 
ment program should provide the safeguards nec- 
essary to assure that no state will be in a position 
to break this solemn promise. No lesser promise 
can be relied upon if that most solemn promise is 
broken. A state which would flout the Charter to 
make war cannot be relied upon to honor any 
lesser promise as to how it will wage war. 

This is the fi'amework within which we have 
undertaken in the Disarmament Commission our 
Charter responsibility "for formulating plans . . . 
for the estaolishment of a system for the regula- 
tion of armaments. 



Early Efforts Toward Disarmament 

At the time the Charter was adopted, Nazi and 
Japanese aggression had been crushed. We looked 
forward to a peaceful world. We sought to co- 
operate to relieve the peoples of the world of the 
fear of war and the burden of armaments. 

Relying on the good faith of the Soviet Union 
and its promises to fulfill its Charter and ti-eaty 
obligations, we demobilized our armed forces. 

We did even more. Less than a year after the 
momentous discovery by the United States of the 
war potential of the atom, we proposed that the 
United Nations undertake to develop an effective 
plan for the international control of atomic energy 
which would insure its use for peaceful purposes 
only. Within the same year the United States 
presented to the United Nations Atomic Energy 
Commission the basic principles of a constructive 
plan for the effective international control of this 
new force which would make possible and en- 
courage its use by all nations for peaceful pur- 



poses. These principles with minor modifications 
were accepted as a working basis by the General 
Assembly of the United Nations in the fall of 
1946, and a plan based on these principles received 
the overwhelming endorsement of the Assembly 
in 1948. The plan may not be perfect. Possibly it 
can be improved upon. But we can be very proud 
of the part we have played in working out the 
U.N. plan for the control of atomic energy. We 
are confident this plan could do the job of con- 
trolling effectively the atomic weapon and other 
related weapons as well, since its contemplated 
procedures actually encompass the entire field of 
atomic energy. 

In 1946, when we first suggested the basic prin- 
ciples of the plan, we had hoped that if general 
agreement could first be reached on a plan for th6 
effective international control of this new force 
of atomic energy, with its tremendous possibilities 
for good or for evil, then, in an atmosphere of 
mutual confidence and good will, agreement on the 
other essential parts of a comprehensive disarma- 
ment program would not be difficult of accomplish- 
ment. That was the reason why we thought in the 
early days of the disarmament discussions in the 
United Nations it would be better not to merge the 
discussions of conventional armaments with the 
discussions of atomic-energy control. 

In the Commission for Conventional Arma- 
ments the United States, France, and the United 
Kingdom placed great stress on the development 
of a system for the disclosure and verification of 
armed forces and armaments. We believed then, 
as we believe now, that such procedures generate 
mutual confidence necessary for any program of 
guaranteed disarmament. If disarmament is to 
be considered seriously and not merely as an in- 
strument of propaganda, statesmen responsible for 
the peace and security of their countries cannot 
rely on paper promises to disarm, but must have 
assured means of knowing that promises made 
are kept. 

Unfortunately our hope that progress in the 
field of atomic energy would stimulate progress in 
the field of conventional arms proved unfounded. 
Progress was stalled at a dead center in both com- 
missions. In the Atomic Energy Commission the 
Soviet Union rejected the control features of the 
plan which had been developed on the basis of the 
U.S. proposals and itself presented no acceptable 
alternative. In the Conventional Armaments 
Commission the Soviet Union rejected the pro- 
posals for a system for the disclosure and verifi- 
cation of armed forces and armaments because it 
did not include atomic armaments. In an effort 
to break this deadlock, at the fifth session of the 
General Assembly you, Mr. President, suggested 
a new approach to the task of disarmament by 
merging the work of the Atomic Energy Commis- 
sion and the Commission for Conventional Arma- 
ments. As you recall, our hope was that the val- 
uable preliminary work done in both fields could 



January 26, J 953 



145 



be preserved and that the new framework might 
be helpful in meeting the objections of tlie Soviet 
Union. 



Disarmament Resolution of January 11, 1952 

At the sixth session of the General Assembly, the 
United Kingdom, France, and the United States 
joined in proposals to set up a new commission 
with a broad mandate to develop comprehensive 
and coordinated plans for the regulation, limita- 
tion, and balanced reduction of all armed forces 
and armaments including atomic. To pave the 
way for fresh efforts to reach realistic agreements, 
the proposals stressed the fact that a genuine sys- 
tem for disarmament must include all kinds of 
armed forces and armaments, must be accepted by 
all nations whose military resources are such that 
their failure to accept would endanger the system, 
and must include safeguards which will insure 
compliance by all nations. 

By an overwhelming vote on January 11, 1952, 
the sixth General Assembly passed a resolution 
based on the proposals of the three Governments.* 
The resolution established a Disarmament Com- 
mission, composed of the members of the Security 
Council plus Canada, and directed the Commis- 
sion to prepare draft proposals to be embodied in 
a treaty or treaties for submission to a conference 
of all states, concerning — 

(1) I'egulation, limitation, and balanced reduc- 
tion of all armed forces and all armaments ; 

(2) elimination of all major weapons adaptable 
to mass destruction ; 

(3) effective international control of atomic en- 
ergy to insure the prohibition of atomic weapons 
and the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes 
only, with the present U.N. plan being used as the 
basis for the Commission's considerations until a 
better or no less effective plan were devised ; 

(4) progressive and continuing disclosure and 
verification of all armed forces and all armaments, 
including atomic, the implementation of such a 
scheme being recognized as a first and indispen- 
sable step in carrying out the disarmament pro- 
gram; 

(5) methods for fixing over-all limits and re- 
strictions on all armed forces and armaments, and 
for determining the allocation within their re- 
spective military establishments of the permitted 
national armed forces and armaments; 

(6) the establishment of an international con- 
trol organ (or organs) to insure the implementa- 
tion of the treaty or treaties; and 

(7) an adequate system of safeguards to insure 
observance of the disarmament i^rogram. 

*/6i(?., Mar. 31, 1952, p. 507. 

146 



The Disarmament Commission 

As a member of the Disarmament Commission, 
the United States has put forward every effort to 
carry out the mandate of the General Assembly. 
The United States, individually and in collabora- 
tion with France and the United Kingdom, has 
placed before the Disarmament Commission work- 
ing papers and proposals which we believe provide 
a working basis and broad outline for a practical 
and comprehensive disarmament program. In 
the development and consideration of these pro- i|i 
posals we had constructive assistance and coopera- 
tion from all members of the Commission with 
the exception of the Soviet Union. It might be 
illuminating to review the principal suggestions 
we made in the Disarmament Commission. 

Essential Principles for a Disarmament Program 

On April 24, 1952, the United States introduced 
a paper setting forth what we considered "Essen- 
tial Principles for a Disarmament Program" 
(DC/20, pp. 83-84). It represented an attempt 
to clarify and agree on objectives and principles 
which we believed should guide the Disarmament 
Commission in developing the details of a com- 
prehensive disarmament program. 

We were influenced to present these principles 
and objectives at the outset because of the insist- 
ence of the Soviet Union that we could make no 
progress until we took certain decisions on prin- 
ciples. The Soviet representative had argued in 
the Commission, as the Soviets have argued in 
past General Assemblies, that the United States 
was opposed to any general reduction in armed 
forces and armaments because the United States 
was unwilling to accept the Soviet proposals that 
immediate decisions should be taken to reduce by 
one-third the armed strength of the great powers 
and to prohibit the use of atomic weapons and 
other weapons of mass destruction. 

The record is clear that the United States is 
dedicated to the goal of significantly reducing 
armaments and effectively eliminating atomic 
weapons from the world's arsenals. The United 
States rejected the Soviet proposals for the same 
reasons which caused the General Assembly re- 
peatedly to reject them, because they are not con- 
trived to achieve a balanced reduction in armed 
strength or to provide safeguards which would 
insure their observance. In fact, they would 
clearly result in a dangerous imbalance of 
strength in favor of the Soviet Union and other 
states having mass armed forces. We were con- 
fident that our statement of principles would 
clearly demonstrate that the United States ac- 
tively favors a truly balanced reduction in over-all 
armed strength, which would include the elimina- 
tion of mass armed forces as well as all weapons of 
mass destruction. What we are opposed to is 
paper agi'eements, or paper decisions, which pro- 

Department of State Bulletin 



vide no tangible safeguards or assurances of their 
observance. 

Responsible nations cannot morally or legally 
bind themselves to disarm on the basis of a deci- 
sion in principle or on the basis of paper promises 
and without adequate and unequivocal safeguards 
to protect them from the hazards of violations 
and evasions. But if there could be agreement 
in advance on the objectives and principles which 
should govern a comprehensive and coordinated 
disarmament program, such agreement should 
greatly simplify the main and primary task of 
agreeing on specific and practical measures for 
arms reductions and eliminations, and concrete 
and workable safeguards to carry out these prin- 
ciples and objectives. 

With this hope of facilitating the work of the 
Commission, the United States submitted its paper 
on Essential Principles for a Disarmament Pro- 
gram. 

For the most part these principles, summarized 
below, derive from the Charter and the resolu- 
tions of the General Assembly. 

1. The goal of disarmament is not to regulate 
the armaments to be used in war but to prevent 
war by relaxing the tensions and fears created by 
armaments and by making war inherently, as it 
is constitutionally under the Charter, impossible 
as a means of settling disputes between nations. 

2. To achieve this goal, all states must cooperate 
to establish an open and substantially disarmed 
world, 

(a) in which armed forces and armaments will 
be reduced to such a point and in such a 
thorough fashion that no state will be in 
a condition of armed preparedness to start 
a war, and 

{h) in which no state will be in a position to 
undertake preparations for war without 
other states having knowledge of such prep- 
arations long before an offending state 
could start a war. 

This principle of an open and substantially dis- 
armed world stems from the fourth freedom, 
freedom from fear, which President Roosevelt 
proclaimed in 1941. It was President Roosevelt 
himself who translated freedom from fear in 
world terms to mean "a world-wide reduction of 
armaments to such a point and in such a thor- 
ough fashion that no nation will be in a position 
to commit an act of physical aggression against 
any neighbor — anywhere in the world." 

If we want a disarmed world we must insist that 
all states refrain from the use of force or the 
threat of force as an instrument of national or 
ideological policy. An effective disarmament 
program must be conceived with a determination 
to strengthen the peace and reduce the possibility 
of war, not as a Haggling process to determine 
the kinds of arms which may be used in the next 
war or to gain a strategic advantage at the start 



of the next war or to reduce the costs of preparing 
for war. If we want to make progress toward 
disarmament, states must come to rely for their 
strength, as for their welfare, not on the number 
of battalions or weapons they have ready to un- 
leash on a moment's notice, but on the health, hap- 
piness, and economic efficiency of their people in 
peacetime. 

The other four principles which we enumerated 
in our paper refer to the nature of the inter- 
national agreements necessary to progress toward 
the disarmament goals mentioned in our first two 
principles. 

3. These international agreements must bind all 
states to reduce their armed forces to levels and 
restrict their armaments to types and quantities 
no more or greater than may be necessary for the 
maintenance of internal order and the fulfillment 
of their obligations to maintain peace and security 
in accordance with the Charter. 

4. These international agreements must pro- 
vide a comprehensive and coordinate disarmament 
program, balanced throughout the process of 
reduction so as to avoid any disequilibrium of 
power dangerous to the peace and envisaging the 
progressive and concurrent elimination of mass 
armed forces and all instruments adaptable to 
mass destruction, including atomic and bacterio- 
logical. 

5. These international agreements must provide 
effective safeguards to insure that all phases of the 
disarmament program are carried out. In par- 
ticular, the elimination of atomic weapons must 
be accomplished by an effective system of inter- 
national control of atomic energy to insure that 
atomic energy is used for jieaceful purposes only. 

6. The safeguards provided in these interna- 
tional agreements must include an effective system 
of progressive and continuing disclosure and veri- 
fication of all armed forces and armaments includ- 
ing atomic, to achieve the open world in which 
alone there can be effective disarmament. 

We not only outlined the principles and objec- 
tives of a comprehensive disarmament program. 
We submitted a number of working papers mak- 
ing concrete suggestions as to how they could be 
carried out in practice. 

System of Disclosure and Verification of All 
Armed Forces and Armaments 

The General Assembly resolution had directed 
the Disarmament Commission to consider from 
the outset plans for progressive disclosure and 
verification, the implementation of which was 
recognized as a first and indispensable step in 
carrying out the disarmament program envisaged 
by the resolution. In order to assist the Commis- 
sion in complying with this directive, the United 
States submitted to the Commission on April 5, 
1952, a working paper containing "Proposals for 



ianuary 26, J 953 



147 



Progressive and Continuing Disclosure and Veri- 
fication of Armed F'orces and Armaments." 
(DC/20, pp. 30-42.) 

A system of progressive and continuing dis- 
closure and verification is, as the General Assembly 
has declared, an essential part of any plan for 
"guaranteed disarmament." Such a system is 
necessary to provide the basis for effective safe- 
guards and realistic controls to insure that agreed 
disarmament becomes actual disarmament. 

The system of disclosure and verification sug- 
gested in the U.S. working paper is continuing, 
progressive, and complete and would provide ad- 
vance warning against violations, under com- 
petent international control. The system covers 
all armed forces and all armaments, including 
atomic from the very start. 

We suggested that disclosure and verification 
should be carried out progressively, step by step. 
We suggested the system should proceed by stages 
not because we wanted to proceed at a snail's 
pace but because we know that in the present state 
of world tension no state would tear the veil of 
secrecy from its most carefully guarded security 
arrangements unless it could be satisfied that all 
states are proceeding with the same good faith 
and the same understanding and at the same pace. 
The concept of stages is introduced not to delay 
and obstruct but to facilitate and expedite 
progress and to establish confidence. 

Our paper suggested five stages in all, each 
stage to follow when the previous stage has been 
satisfactorily completed. This concept of stages 
was intended to protect all states in the event of a 
serious violation or collapse of the program by 
providing a check on the good faith of other states. 
The disclosure and verification system, we believe, 
should proceed from the less secret to the more 
secret information, both to prevent premature dis- 
closure of more secret information until substan- 
tial cooperation and good faith had been demon- 
strated through the working of the previous stage, 
and also because the less secret information can 
be more readily verified. We sought to provide 
that the information disclosed in the atomic field 
at successive stages should be approximately par- 
allel to the information disclosed in the nonatomic 
field. 

We have tried to make the first step in both 
fields a meaningful stride toward the goal of 
confidence. The first stage would disclose in 
breadth, although not in depth, the general con- 
tours of the military establishments of all nations. 
And the first stage includes so much information 
of a quantitative nature that the disclosures in 
the atomic field, for example, would give a clear 
indication of existing atomic strength — our own 
and that of other countries. That first stage calls 
for a verified report on the existing strength of all 
armed forces as well as on the location of instal- 
lations and facilities required for the production 
of armaments of all types, including atomic. 



The successful completion of this first stage would 
do more to inspire international confidence and 
reduce tensions than any amount of words could 
ever accomplish. 

The second stage would provide detailed infor- 
mation on the organization of armed forces and 
on the installations and facilities supplying the 
basic materials required to produce all armaments, 
including atomic. The third stage would give de- 
tailed information on armaments (except novel 
armaments which were not in general use by the 
end of World War II but are volume production 
today), as well as detailed disclosure of kinds and 
amounts of fissionable material, and full data on 
the operation of installations and facilities which 
produce armaments and fissionable material. The 
fourth stage would give information in detail 
concerning the installations and facilities used to 
produce novel armaments, including atomic 
weapons. And the fifth stage would provide de- 
tailed disclosure of the novel armaments them- 
selves and of atomic weapons. 

The Soviet representative in the Disarmament 
Commission refused to give serious attention to 
our working paper on disclosure and verification 
and at the same time failed to submit any alterna- 
tive proposals of his own to carry out the direc- 
tions of the General Assembly that plans for dis- 
closure and verification be considered from the 
outset. The Soviet representative characterized 
our effort to develop a workable system of disclo- 
sure and verification as a gigantic intelligence and 
espionage operation bearing no relation to dis- 
armament. It is true, of course, that states have 
become so accustomed to living in the dark that 
they have become suspicious of the light. But it is 
truly impossible to see how, in our imperfect 
world, we can make real progress toward dis- 
armament so long as the Soviet Union is unwilling 
even to consider means of moving toward agree- 
ment on a woi'kable, continuing, progressive proc- 
ess of disclosure and verification. Responsible 
governments cannot be expected to agree to cut 
down their own defenses unless through an ef- 
fective disclosure and verification process they are 
reliably informed as to where such cuts will in fact 
leave them in relation to the armed forces of other 
countries. 

The Soviet representative on the Commission 
also criticized our proposals on the ground that the 
atomic disclosures were relegated to a remote and 
indefinite stage. Actually there is a considerable 
amount of atomic disclosure in the very first stage. 
But the Soviet representative seemed more con- 
cerned to find reasons for rejecting our proposals 
than to open up any avenues for possible agree- 
ment. 

We recognized that there might be differences 
as to the stages and the speed with which the pro- 
gram passes from one stage to another. We con- 
templated that as soon as one stage was finished 
the next would begin. We believed that, with 



148 



Department of State Bulletin 



genuine cooperation on the part of all states, all 
the stages could be completed within 2 years. The 
purjiose of providing stages was to facilitate the 
process by creating confidence. In order that there 
be mutual confidence, there must be disclosure by 
degrees so that all nations are free of the fear that 
one nation is getting more knowledge than an- 
other or that the process is in any way inequitable. 
We tried, in submitting the plan, to make clear 
that it was a working paper, that we were open 
to suggestion, and that we wanted to find out what 
sort of safeguards we could collectively devise. 
We tried to make it clear that the proposed system 
of disclosure and verification was not intended to 
exclude or delay reductions in armed forces and 
armaments or eliminations of weapons adaptable 
to mass destruction, but on the contrary was in- 
tended to provide the necessary ground work for 
such reductions and eliminations. 

Ceilings on All Armed Forces 

On May 28, 1952, the United States, the United 
Kingdom, and France submitted to the Disarma- 
ment Commission proposals suggesting the fixing 
of numerical limits on all armed forces of all 
states. (DC/20, pp. 125-130.) 

Tlie tripartite working paper of May 28 made 
clear that we are prepared to grapple earnestly 
and sincerely not only with the problems of safe- 
guards but with substantive measures to secure 
drastic and balanced reductions in armed strength. 

The tripartite working paper of May 28 dealt 
with one of the essential parts, in some ways the 
most important part, of a comprehensive disarma- 
ment program : the manpower strength of the 
armed forces. 

A nation's armed forces are not the only measure 
of its armed strength. Other elements must be 
dealt with in any comprehensive disarmament 
program. But aggressors are not likely to go to 
war without the armed forces necessary to insure 
the successful accomplishment of their aggressive 
purposes. All armaments depend upon man- 
power, and their effectiveness in varying degrees 
is affected by the armed forces available to use 
them. A substantial and balanced reduction of 
armed forces should greatly lessen the likelihood 
and fear of war. If even tentative agreement 
could be readied on the ceilings to be placed on 
permitted armed forces, we felt that would greatly 
facilitate efforts to agree on reducing and restrict- 
ing the quantities and types of permitted arma- 
ments. 

Our tripartite working paper suggested fixed 
numerical ceilings on the armed forces of the 
United States, the U.S.S.R., China, the United 
Kingdom, and France. As a basis for discussion, 
it proposed equal maximum ceilings of between 
1,000,000 and 1,500,000 for the United States, the 
U.S.S.R., and Cliina and equal maximum ceilings 
of between 700,000 and 800,000 for the United 



Kingdom and France. The reductions proposed 
were substantial and balanced. They sought to 
avoid a disequilibrium of power dangerous to in- 
ternational peace in the relations of the great 
powers among themselves or with other states, and 
thus to reduce the danger of war. The reductions 
for the United States, and we assumed, for the 
U.S.S.R. and China would be well over 50 percent. 
We felt if tliat could be secured there would be 
less likelihood of any powerful country's being in 
a position where others would fear its i-eadiness 
for war or its capability for a surprise attack. 

The tripartite working paper also suggested that 
there should be agreed maximum ceilings for all 
other states having substantial armed forces which 
should be fixed in relation to the ceilings agreed 
upon for the Five Powers. The ceilings would 
be fixed in these cases also with a view to avoiding 
a disequilibrium of power dangerous to interna- 
tional peace and security in any area of the world 
and thus reducing the danger of war. We con- 
templated that the ceilings would normally be 
less than one percent of the population and would 
normally be less than the current levels. But 
we recognized that there would be special cases 
requiring different treatment and that there is no 
one automatic formula wiiich can be rigidly ap- 
plied in all cases. The basic objective must be 
the avoidance of any imbalance of power danger- 
ous to the peace. 

Many of the present difficulties both in Europe 
and in Asia spring from an imbalance of armed 
strength which causes some nations to feel they 
live only by leave or grace of their more powerful 
and none too friendly neighbors. If a balanced 
reduction of arms is to reduce both the fear and 
danger of aggression it must take into account 
the balance of armed strength of the most power- 
ful states not only in relation to one another but 
also in relation to their neighbors. 

The numerical limitations proposed were flex- 
ible and were not intended to be final or exhaus- 
tive. They were offered not as fixed limitations 
but as tentative standards to serve as a basis for 
discussion and negotiation. 

These proposals stressed one of our fundamental 
objectives in the disarmament field. We would 
eliminate as far as possible the danger of resort 
to war by reducing the practicability of success- 
ful aggression. Genuine enforcement of agreed 
levels of armaments would prevent excessive con- 
centrations of military power which endanger 
peace and security. 

We believed our proposals to be eminently fair 
and deserving of study. It was a great disap- 
pointment to us tliat the Soviet representative in 
the Disarmament Commission gave them scant 
consideration and denounced them as cynical and 
hypocritical. The Soviet representative also crit- 
icized and misrepresented them on the ground that 
they did not deal with the distribution of the per- 
mitted armed forces among the various services 



January 26, 1953 



149 



nor provide for the limitation of armaments and 
the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction. 
He ignored the fact tlnit our working paper and 
our statements in tlie Commission made clear that 
our paper was intended to deal with only one 
aspect of a comprehensive disarmament program 
and that the other essential components which he 
mentioned were to be dealt with before we con- 
cluded our work. But unfortunately the Soviet 
representative again showed more concern to find 
reasons for rejecting our proposals than to find 
possible avenues toward agreement. 

Distribution of Armed Forces and Limitations on 
Types and Quantities of Armaments 

On August 12, 1952, the United States again 
joined with France and the United Kingdom in 
submitting a tripartite supplement to the tri- 
partite working paper on ceilings for the armed 
forces. (DC/20, pp. 162-164.) 

In this supplement we proposed to prevent un- 
due concentration of the permitted armed forces in 
particular categories of service and to limit ar- 
maments in types and quantities to those neces- 
sary and appropriate to support permitted armed 
forces. We suggested practical pi'ocedures to fa- 
cilitate the development of mutually agreed pro- 
grams to accomplish these purposes and to bring 
all essential components of these programs into 
balanced relationship. 

We specifically suggested that if our proposals 
for fixing numerical limitations on all armed 
forces were accepted and the powers principally 
concerned were prepared to undertake in good 
faith serious negotiations looking toward their 
implementation, arrangements might be made for 
a conference of the Five Great Powers which are 
permanent members of the Security Council with 
a view of reaching tentative agreement among 
themselves by negotiation on — 

(a) the distribution by principal categories of 
the armed forces that they would consider neces- 
sary and appropriate to maintain within the 
agreed ceilings proposed for their armed forces; 

( &) the types and quantities of armaments which 
they would consider necessary and appropriate to 
support permitted armed foi'ces within the pro- 
posed numerical ceilings; 

(c) the elimination of all armed forces and ar- 
maments other tlian those expressly permitted, it 
being understood that all major weapons adapt- 
able to mass destruction should be eliminated and 
atomic energy should be placed under effective in- 
ternational control to insure its use for peaceful 
purposes only. 

We further proposed that following a Five 
Power conference, regional conferences might be 
held attended by all governments and authorities 
having substantial militai-y forces in the respec- 
tive regions. In light of the tentative agreement 



reached by the Five Great Powers, the regional 
conference would endeavor to reach similar tenta- i 
tive agreement on the above-mentioned subjects, 1 
including agreement on the over-all numerical 
ceilings for the armed forces of all governments 
and authorities in the region. 

We proposed that all these agreements should be 
incorporated in a draft treaty comprehending and 
bringing into balanced relationship all essential 
components of the disarmament program. 

In our paper we recognized that the needs and 
responsibilities of states are different. Consider- 
able flexibility in negotiation would be necessary 
to obtain concrete and satisfactorj- results. The 
important thing is to obtain the greatest practi- 
cable reduction in armed forces and armaments in 
order to reduce the danger and fear of war, bear- 
ing in mind the necessity of avoiding, throughout 
the process of reduction, any serious imbalance or 
disequilibrium of power dangerous to interna- 
tional peace and security in any part of the world. 

In order to clarify the concept of balanced rela- 
tionship between the essential components of a 
comprehensive disarmament program, the tri- 
partite supplement suggested that the timing and 
coordination of the reductions, prohibitions, and 
eliminations should insure that there would be 
balanced reductions of over-all armed strength at 
all stages throughout the disarmament process un- 
til the agreed limits are reached. In particular, 
the initial limitations or reductions in armed 
forces and in permitted armaments should com- 
mence at the same time as the first steps toward 
the elimination of prohibited armaments, with 
synchronization throughout the process. The 
elimination of prohibited armaments would cover 
the elimination of all major weapons adaptable to 
mass destruction, whatever their nature, including 
the elimination of atomic weapons as the result 
of an effective system of international control of 
atomic energy. In order to oversee the job, the 
tripartite supplement proposed that an interna- 
tional control authority should be established at 
the commencement of the program, assuming pro- 
gressively its functions to insure the carrying out 
of these limitations, reductions, curtailments, and 
prohibitions. 

This concept of synchronization throughout the 
disarmament process is necessarily stated in gen- 
eral terms, for the details depend upon working 
out the specific reduction process in each field. 
Of course the United States, France, and the 
United Kingdom do not seek to gain any advan- 
tage, imagined or real, which might give the pre- 
ponderance of military power to the West at the 
expense of other powers. 

The synchronization of the disarmament process 
must be designed to further the concept of balanced 
reduction which avoids a disequilibrium of power. 
It applies to atomic weapons, to artillery, to bac- 
teriological weapons, to mass armies. 

In this context, as throughout the entire pro- 



150 



Department of State Bulletin 



gram, effective and balanced disarnianient must 
be viewed as a means of reducing the danger and 
fear of war, not as a bargaining process to obtain 
strategic advantages in event of war. 

Unfortunately, the Soviet representative on the 
Disarmament Commission refused to accept the 
tripartite working paper with the supplement, 
even as a basis of discussion. 

International Control of Atomic Energy 

The United States has always considered that 
a system for the effective international control of 
atomic energy is an indispensable component of 
any disarmament program. 

The United States took a leading part in de- 
veloping the U.N. plan for the control of atomic 
energy. That plan was the product of thorough 
study in the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission. 
It was approved by an overwhelming vote in the 
General Assembly." It should be reiterated that 
the U.N. plan would provide for elimination and 
prohibition, through effective international con- 
trol procedures, of all the various types of weapons 
based on the release of atomic energy, and the 
plan's references to control of atomic energy 
sliould be read throughout in that light. 

The General Assembly at its last session directed 
the Disarmament Commission to use the U.N. 
plan as the basis of the Commission's delibera- 
tions until a better or no less effective plan is de- 
vised. The General Assembly further directed 
the Commission to consider any proposals regard- 
ing atomic-energy control which might be sub- 
mitted to it. 

The United States has continued to support the 
U.N. atomic-energy plan as the best plan pres- 
ently available. But we made it clear in the Dis- 
armament Commission that in no sense do we re- 
gard the plan as immutable and incapable of 
change and improvement. The United States re- 
affirmed its willingness to examine seriously and 
with an open mind any proposals for atomic con- 
trol which might be presented. 

"We did more. In our working paper proposing 
a continuing and progressive system of disclosure 
and verification of armed forces and armaments, 
the United States expressly included atomic ar- 
maments. The system of disclosure and verifica- 
tion proposed lays the ground work for continu- 
ing inspection. Other elements of control are of 
course very important and necessary in the field, 
but anj- plan must include a process of continuing 
inspection. Any international system for the con- 
trol of atomic energy, whatever its nature, must 
involve extensive disclosure and verification as 
part of a process of continuing inspection. 

The Soviet Union has rejected the U.N. atomic- 
energy plan but has proposed no acceptable al- 
ternative. It has objected particularly to the 
ownership and other control features of the U.N. 
plan, contending that control should involve only 



continuing inspection. But in the Disarmament 
Conunission the Soviet Union has refused to ex- 
plain in any detail the kind of continuing inspec- 
tion plan which would be acceptable to it, and it 
was unwilling even to consider our suggestions for 
continuing disclosure and verification in the 
atomic field or any other field. 

The concept of disclosure and verification which 
includes continuing inspection provides an indis- 
pensable first step in laying the ground work for 
any conti-ol plan in the atomic field. Until the 
Soviet Union is willing to consider this concept 
little progress can be made toward determining, 
what other elements of control, those contained in 
the U.N. plan or others, may be necessary. We 
are interested in controls not for the sake of con- 
trols nor as an end in itself. We are interested in 
controls as a necessary means for effectively elim- 
inating atomic weapons from national arsenals. 

Elimination of Weapons Adaptable to Blass De- 
struction, Includiruj Bactenological Weapons 

The United States made clear in the Disarma- 
ment Commission that in its view a comprehen- 
sive disarmament program should include not 
only the effective international control of atomic 
energy to insure the elimination of atomic weapons 
and tlie use of atomic energy for peaceful pur- 
poses only but the elimination of all major weap- 
ons adaptable to mass destruction, including 
bacteriological weapons. This position we reit- 
erated in our proposal on essential principles and 
in both the tripartite proposal and supplement. 

Beginning with the very first meeting of the 
Disarmament Commission in New York the Soviet 
Union sought to poison the atmosphere of the 
Commission and obscure the clear and unequivo- 
cal position of the United States on this subject 
by making false and sensational charges that U.S. 
troops were conducting germ warfare in Korea 
and China. The Soviet Union sought to leave the 
false impression that the United States was op- 
posing any effort in the United Nations to devise 
ways and means of eliminating bacteriological 
weapons as a part of a disarmament progi'am. 

The monstrously false charges regarding the use 
of germ warfare in Korea and China, which were 
completely irrelevant to the disarmament discus- 
sions, were categorically denied by the Unified 
Command and by the highest U.S. officials. The 
United States invited the International Commit- 
tee of the Red Cross to investigate the charges. 
But the North Korean authorities and the Chi- 
nese Communist authorities ignored the offer of 
the International Committee of the Red Cross to 
make an investigation. When the United States 
sought to have the Security Council request the 
Red Cross to make such investigation, the Soviet 
Union vetoed the proposal. 

On August 15, 1952, I made in the Disarma- 
ment Commission a statement fully explaining the 
position of the United States on bacteriological 



Jonuory 26, J 953 



151 



disarmament and in particular on the adequacy of 
the Geneva protocol as a means of securing bac- 
teriological disarmament. I tried to make clear 
our conviction that the objectives of the protocol 
could not be more worthy or laudable, but — and 
this cannot be rei)eated too often — that the proto- 
col does not j)i-ovide security against the manu- 
facture, the stockpiling, and the use of bacterio- 
logical weapons. The Soviet representative 
placed great stress on the Geneva protocol in the 
Disarmament Commission, and it was brought to 
the attention of the seventh General Assembly in 
the item introduced by the Polish representative, 
which as of this writing has not yet been consid- 
ered. It might be useful to repeat here certain 
portions of my statement of August 15 to the Dis- 
armament Commission.^ 



In the U.S. statement of August 15 we outlined 
a i^roposa] for the elimination of bacteriological 
weapons and facilities for their production which 
could be made etiective as part of a comprehensive 
progi'am, a plan which would not merely prohibit 
the use of bacteriological weapons but would pro- 
vide assurance and safeguards that such weapons 
would not be available for use. On September 4, 
1952, tlie United States presented a summary of 
these proposals as a worKing paper to the Com- 
mission (DC/20, pp. 191-192). 

The plan we suggested for the elimination of 
bacteriological weapons and facilities for their 
production is inseparably connected with an effec- 
tive and continuous system of disclosure and veri- 
fication of all armed forces and armaments such 
as we have proposed. Such a comprehensive sys- 
tem of disclosure and verification would lay the 
necessary ground work for the elimination of 
germ weapons and facilities for their use and pro- 
duction, within the framework of a comprehensive 
disarmament program. It may be true that there 
are no theoretically foolproof safeguards which 
would prevent the concoction of some deadly 
germs in an apothecary's shop in the dark hours of 
night. But when the United States proposed the 
establishment of safeguards to insure the elimina- 
tion of germ warfare along with the elimination 
of mass ai-med forces and all weapons adaptable 
to mass destruction, we sought what is possible 
and practical, not the impossible. Bacteriologi- 
cal weapons to be effective in modern warfare 
would lequii'e more than the dropping at random 
of a few infected spiders, flies, or fleas. They 
would require industrial establishments, facilities 
for maintaining agents, transport containers, and 
disseminating appliances. Such arrangements 
and facilities will not readily escape detection 
undei' an effective, comprehensive, and continuous 
system of disclosure and verification which the 
General Assenibly has declared to be a necessary 

• For text of Mr. Cohen's statement, see Buixetin of Aug. 
25. 19.52, p. 2fl4. 



prerequisite of any comprehensive disarmament 
program. 

AVe therefore proposed in our working paper of 
September 4 that at appropriate stages in an ef- 
fective system of disclosure and verification agreed 
measures should become effective providing for 
the progressive curtailment of production, the 
progressive dismantling of plants, and the pro- 
gressive destruction of stockpiles of bacteriologi- 
cal weapons and related appliances. Under this 
program, with cooperation m good faith by the 
principal states concerned, all bacteriological 
weapons and all facilities connected therewith 
could be eliminated from national armaments and 
thus not only their use but their very existence 
prohibited. 

If we wish to achieve effective disarmament and 
to reduce the danger and fear of war we must not 
be content with paper promises not to use weapons 
of mass destruction. Such promises would only 
give to treaty-breaking aggressors their choice of 
weapons. We must see to it that prohibited wea- 
pons are not available for use. 

The '■' Phantom'''' Proposals of the Soviet Union 

At the seventh session of the General Assembly 
the Polish delegation reintroduced the proposals 
which the Soviet delegation presented to the sixth 
General Assembly and which that Assembly re- 
ferred to the Disarmament Commission. These 
same proposals had been submitted by the Soviet 
Union to previous assemblies, which refused to 
accept them, and in the Disarmament Commission 
the Soviet Union failed to elaborate their pro- 
posals or to offer any new arguments in support of 
them. 

The Soviet proposals may be described as 
"phantom" or "ghost" proposals because like 
ghosts they constantly appear and reappear, but 
one can never catch hold of them. Tliey are 
shadowy and elusive, and it is impossible to state 
precisely just what they are or are intended to be. 
They call upon the Five Great Powers to reduce 
their armed forces within one year by one-third 
and to submit full data on their armaments. They 
call for immediate adoption of a decision on the 
unconditional prohibition of atomic weapons and 
other weapons of mass destruction and the estab- 
lishment of strict international control over the 
observance of that decision by all states, with the 
right of the international control organ to con- 
duct inspection on a continuing basis but not to 
interfere in the domestic affairs of states. 

Now inasmuch as no data whatsoever are forth- 
coming until these decisions are taken, states can- 
not determine in advance how the reductions 
which are supposed to be made will leave them in 
relation to the armed strength of other states. Nor 
has the Soviet Union ever sought to explain how 
the simple one-third reduction would be applied 
to all the complicated components which make up 



152 



Department of State Bulletin 



tlie armed strength of a nation. On their face, the 
proposals would perpetuate and not remove any 
imbalance of power which now exists and no 
machinery is provided for the implenientation of 
even the vague promises called for in the pro- 
posals. . . , 
Since the proposals call for the prohibition ot 
the atomic weapons and other weapons of mass 
destruction and only a one-third reduction in con- 
ventional armaments, the proposals would in fact 
enormously increase the relative armed strength 
of states with large mass armies. The proposals 
run counter to the basic principles of a balanced 
reduction in armaments. Certainly the Soviet 
Union would object if we reversed their proposals 
and called upon the Soviet Union and all other 
states to abolish immediately all armed forces and 
nonatomic armaments, and to reduce existing 
stocks of atomic weapons by one-third. 

While the proposals profess to recognize the ne- 
cessity of an international control organ's having 
some control over their observance, the Sovnet 
Union has refused not only in the Assembly but 
in the Disarmament Commission to discuss any 
concrete measures of international control. 
^^^u]e insisting that a U.N. control organ must 
not interfere in domestic affairs, the Soviet Union 
has refused to explain what it means by interfer- 
ence in domestic affairs. It has branded any ef- 
fort on our part to work out a system of disclosure 
and verification as an intelligence and espionage 
operation, despite the fact that the General Assem- 
bly has declared that such a system is a prerequi- 
site to any program of guaranteed disarmament. 
It was impossible in the Disarmament Commission 
to prevail upon the Soviet representative to ex- 
plain what the Soviet proposals for strict interna- 
national control meant. 

A few instances from the record of the proceed- 
ings in the Disarmament Commission will serve 
to illustrate the evasiveness of the Soviet repre- 
sentative in giving any explanation of the "phan- 
tom" Soviet proposals. 

On April 4, the representative of France re- 
quested the Soviet representative to clarify two 
points: First, the meaning of the proposal that 
prohibition and establishment of control should 
come into effect simultaneously— Did it mean that 
prohibition began the day agreements were signed, 
or when the control organ was actually in a posi- 
tion to operate? And, second, the precise impli- 
cations of the proposal that the international con- 
trol organ undertake "continuous inspection" but 
"without interference in the domestic affairs of 
States"— in other words what constitutes continu- 
ous control, and how is it to be limited so as not 
to interfere in domestic affairs? 

The Soviet representative replied that the pur- 
pose of the questions "is to obscure these concrete 
proposals, since they are abundantly clear to any 
objective person who has long been acquainted 
with them and since there is nothing obscure about 

January 26, 1953 



them. They can only be obscure to someone who 
does not wish to understand them, is opposing 
the reduction of armaments and the prohibition of 
atomic weapons, and for this purpose is still, as 
before, finding various pretexts." 

The Soviet representative then stated that non- 
interference was self-explanatory— he termed it 
"a very clear and precise formulation"— and that 
simultaneous prohibition and control was also 
self-explanatory, meaning that the two would be 
introduced simultaneously. (DC/C.l/PV.l, pp. 
4 5 24 25 26.) 

' At the meeting on April 9 the representative 
of the United Kingdom asked if the "decision to 
announce the prohibition of atomic weapons and 
the establishment of controls" meant a broad 
agreement that an organ would be set up, or that 
a detailed plan for operations, specifying rights 
and duties of the organ and of states, will have 
been at that stage accepted by the governments 
and written into the decision. Regarding the 
question of interference in domestic affairs, he 
cited the uniquely restrictive attitude of the 
U.S.S.R. toward what free societies consider 
normal practices and asked for a precise under- 
standing of the Soviet proviso. He asked for 
an unequivocal statement of the Soviet Union's 
attitude on this point which we could then dis- 
cuss dispassionately and objectively. 

At the same meeting the representative of Can- 
ada repeated the questions his delegation had 
asked the Soviet representative at the sixth Gen- 
eral Assembly, in order to secure the clarification 
of the Soviet proposals which had not been fur- 
nished at that time. 

In answering these questions, the Soviet repre- 
sentative repeated in substance Mr. Vyshinsky's 
reply at the sixth Assembly to the same questions. 
He said the questions showed "some conspiracy 
among delegations not willing to discuss the ques- 
tion of the prohibition of atomic weapons and the 
question of control." He went on to say, "The 
raising of these questions was in itself a device to 
avoid discussion of the substance of the U.S.S.R. 
proposals. ... in order to obscure the issue, 
they bombarded the Soviet Union delegation with 
questions. That same device is being repeated 
now. Instead of a definite discussion of the clear- 
cut U.S.S.R. proposals, artificial questions are 
being asked. . . ." He called it playing at 
questions and answers. 

And at the same meeting, we ourselves asked the 
Soviet representative to state clearly his concep- 
tion of international control. We asked if the 
Soviet control proposal contemplated national or 
international ownership of fissionable material, 
and national or international ownership, opera- 
tion, and management of facilities producing dan- 
gerous quantities of fissionable material. Would 
the international control organ have the right to 
station inspectors continuously at any particular 
installation? Could inspectors be sent wherever 

153 



and wlienever the control organ considered it nec- 
essary ? Could the control organ "interfere"' with 
the freedom of a state so far as might be necessary 
to insure that tliere was no possible evasion or 
violation ? 

In reply, the Soviet representative stated it was 
necessary to agree on principles before replying 
to our questions. As long as we did not abandon 
the U.N. plan, there was no point in discussing a 
system of inspection on a continuing basis. As 
he said, "This is the fundamental issue, and until 
we get beyond it there is no point in discussing 
details of the how, why, and wherefore. . . . 
Until we clear up this basic question, until we 
reach agreement on it, there is no point in con- 
sidering the details." 

Similarly, he insisted there must be agreement 
on a "decision" to prohibit atomic weapons be- 
fore "discussing details and particular points." 
(DC/C.1/PV.2, pp. 2, 3. 4, .5, 6, 7, 30, 31, 35, 36.) 

On May 8 the representative of France made one 
more attempt. He asked for a yes or no answer 
to the question of whether by "continuing inspec- 
tion" the Soviet representative actually meant 
that international inspectors could be stationed 
day and night in all atomic-energy establishments, 
at all stages of production, so that we are assured 
that at no stage of production can any quantity 
of fissionable material, however small, be diverted 
for the clandestine manufacture of bombs. 

The Soviet representative replied, ""\Mien the 
United States and France . . . are prepared to 
withdraw this obsolete, unacceptable, and worth- 
less proposal" — meaning the U.N. plan — "then I 
shall be prepared to give a concrete explanation 
of how we think control and continuing inspection 
should be carried out. As long as our approach 
to the question remains so utterly different, there 
is no need for me to give any details." (DC/C.l/ 
PV.4, pp. 28, 33.) 

At the meeting on May 14 the representative of 
the United Kingdom tried again, asking the same 
questions, hoping, as he said, to convince the 
Soviet delegation that its position was genuinely 
obscure. The Soviet representative replied as be- 
fore. "The details," he said, "can and should only 
be discussed when we have reached agreement on 
the system to be adopted." Until such time as the 
U.N. plan is abandoned, he said, "it is futile to 
discuss the details of a system of control on a 
permanent basis. It would be so much idle talk. 
That is how the matter stands on this question." 
(DC/C.1/PV.6, pp. 6, 12.) 

Tliere were other attempts by members of the 
Commission to elicit some reasoned explanation 
of the Soviet proposals. They were all met the 
same way. The vague and unexplained slogans 
which constitute the Soviet proposals must be ac- 
cepted before any details could be given. 

The Soviet proposals remain, as they have al- 
ways been "phantom" proposals, elusive shadows 
without substance. 



Conclusion 

Despite the lack of progress toward agreement 
among the Great Powers on disarmament, we must 
not be discouraged. 

The United States and other members of the 
Disarmament Commission worked hard to secure 
a better understanding of the problems which must 
be met if we are to move toward a disarmed world 
free from the danger and fear of war. The con- 
structive proposals submitted to the Disarmament 
Commission during the past year make a signifi- 
cant contribution to the better understanding of 
these problems. 

We do not contend that the constructive pro- 
posals thus far presented to the Commission would 
solve all the problems. They were not intended to 
be final and definitive in terms or complete and ex- 
haustive in details. They were intended only to 
provide the basis for discussion and to open up 
avenues by which we might approach understand- 
ing and agreement. To keep the road to under- 
standing and agreement open to new approaches, 
we sought to avoid freezing our positions or tak- 
ing inflexible stands. 

As the Secretary of State of the United States 
stated in his opening address in the general de- 
bate:* 

. . . disarmament cannot be achieved unilaterally. It 
cannot be achieved by denunciation in a battle of epi- 
thets. It can be achieved only by international agree- 
ments under effective safeguards which will protect law- 
abiding states from the hazards of violations and evasions. 

The Disarmament Commission cannot force dis- 
armament agreements upon recalcitrant states. It 
cannot bridge deep and fundamental differences 
by linguistic sleight of hand. Excessive zeal to 
obtain agreements which gloss over rather than 
resolve these differences may even increase the ten- 
sions and fears which stand in the way of neces- 
sary understanding. 

In the interest of world peace it is important to 
continue, tlirough the Disarmament Commission 
and in every other way open to us, efforts to de- 
velop a better understanding of the problems of 
armaments, and the significance of disarmament 
as a means of reducing the danger and fears of 
war. There is reason To believe that with the de- 
velopment of better understanding of these prob- 
lems the overwhelming common interest of all peo- 
ples in peace and the instinct of self-preservation 
will induce the statesmen of all nations to save 
their peoples from the horrors of war in the twen- 
tieth century. For as new instruments of warfare 
may be developed which would far surpass previ- 
ous weapons in terms of sheer destructiveness, it 
becomes imperative that all nations reexamine 
their self-interest in these problems. All nations 
have an equal stake in their solution. For at stake 
is the survival of our common humanity. 



'Ibid.. Oct. 27, 1952, p. 639. 



154 



Department of State Bulletin 



Report of U.N. Command Operations in Korea 



FIFTY-THIRD REPORT: FOR THE PERIOD SEPTEMBER 1-15, 1952 ' 



U.N. doc. S/2875 

Trausmitted December 19, 1952 

I herewith submit report number 53 of the United 
Nations Command Operations in Korea for the period 
1-15 September 1952, inclusive. United Nations Com- 
mand communiques numbers 1359-1373 provide detailed 
accounts of these operations. 

On each of the first three days of September, Liaison 
Officers at both sides met, and the Communists delivered 
a letter from their Senior Delegate addressed to the 
United Nations Command Senior Delegate. These letters 
were based on United Nations Command news reports of 
three incidents, occurring at United Nations Command 
Prisoner of War Camps, in which two prisoners were 
killed and twenty-eight were wounded. In each letter 
the Communi.'=ts charged the United Nations Command 
with barbarous and inhumane treatment of prisoners, 
lodged a stereotyped protest, and threatened serious con- 
sequences. No reply was made to these letters which 
were obviously designed to further enemy propaganda 
purposes. 

On 4 September, the Delegations reconvened for another 
fruitless session. The Communist opened with an abusive 
and insulting statement which contributed nothing toward 
solving the question of disposition of those Communist 
prisoners who have stated their determination to forcibly 
resist repatriation. In response to the Communist charge 
that the United Nations Command was lying about the 
number of its war prisoners who were unwilling to return 
to their homes, the United Nations Command Senior Dele- 
gate recalled the standing, and often repeated offers of 



■ ' Transmitted to the Security Council by the representa- 
tive of the U.S. to the U.N. on Dec. 19. Texts of the 30th, 
31st, and 32d reports appear in the Bulletin of Feb. 18, 
1952, p. 26(3; the 33d report. Mar. 10, 1952, p. 395 ; the 34th 
report, JIar. 17, 1952, p. 430; the 35th report. Mar. 31, 
1952, p. 512 ; the 36th and 37th reports, Apr. 14, 1952, p. 
594 ; the 3Sth report. May 5, 19.52, p. 715 ; tlie 39th report, 
May 19, 1952. p. 788; the 40th report, .Tune 23, 1952, p. 
998 ; the 41st report, June 30, 1952, p. 1038 ; the 42d report, 
July 21, 1952, p. 114; the 43d report, Aug. 4, 1952, p. 194; 
the 44th report, Aug. 11, 19.52, p. 231 ; the 45th report, 
Aug IS, 1952, p. 272; the 46th report, Sept. 29, 1952, p. 
495 ; the 47th report, Oct. 27, 1952, p. 668 ; the 4Sth report, 
Nov 17, 19.52, p. 795 ; the 49th report, Dec. 1, 1952, p. 883 ; 
the 50th report, Dec. 15, 1952, p. 958; the 51st and 52d 
reports, Dec. 29, 1952, p. 1034. 

January 26, 7953 



the United Nations Command to permit the Communists 
to verify the attitude of those prisoners. In a careful 
summary of the .situation he reminded the Communists 
of the devastation resulting in North Korea because of 
their refusal to conclude an Armistice, and pointed otit 
the fact that the number of Communist casualties suffered 
during the delay in reaching an Armistice over the issue of 
voluntary repatriation, equalled or exceeded the number 
of those prisoners at issue. Contrasting the striking dis- 
advantages of continuing the conflict with acceptance of 
the reasonable proposals of the United Nations Command, 
he seriously questioned the Communist desire for an Ar- 
mistice. He emphasized the inhumanity and illogic of the 
stubborn Communist insistence upon the return of all 
prisoners. He called attention to the fact that by thus 
prolonging the conflict the Communists callously Imposed 
needless sacrifices on the North Koreans and clearly ex- 
posed the hypocrisy of their propaganda utterances. He 
ended his address by repeating the offer to conclude an 
Armistice promptly upon Communist agreement to return 
about 12,000 captured United Nations Command personnel 
in exchange for 83,000 Communist personnel who are not 
opposed to repatriation. He then proposed a recess until 
12 September unless the Communists were prepared to 
exchange lists of prisoners to he repatriated. 

In his customary, repetitious manner the Communist 
Senior Delegate then made an answering statement in 
which he rehashed all his earlier false accusations and 
threats. Reaching new heights of mendacity seldom 
attained by even practiced Communist spokesmen, he 
charged the United Nations Command with tlie purpose 
of reducing Korea to a colony so as to Invade China and 
instigate a world war, and attributed the United Nations 
action in the case of Korea to greed for war profits on 
the part of a few war-mongers and munitions merchants. 
He obstinately adhered to his demand for the return of 
all war prisoners, and without adding the slightest note 
of progress, abruptly agreed to recess for another week. 
Following this meeting there were no further develop- 
ments until 11 September when the Liaison Officers held 
a meeting. The Communists introduced two new Liaison 
Officers. United Nations Command Liaison Officers then 
accepted a letter of protest charging the United Nations 
Command with "persecuting to death" a prisoner who had 
committed suicide by hanging. 

155 



On 12 September, the Delegations of both sides recon- 
vened in a session that made no progress whatever, and 
resulted solely in agreement to recess again until 20 Sep- 
tember. There was no noteworthy variation in the pat- 
tern followed at this meeting which was nearly an exact 
duplicate of earlier meetings. 

On 1.0 September, Liaison Officers held a meeting at 
which the Communists protested an alleged violation of 
the conference site. They charged the United Nations 
Command with scattering slanderous leaflets in the area 
and provocations against their military police. This 
charge is under investigation. In a formal letter of 
protest, similar to earlier letters, the Communist Senior 
Delegate noted news reports of the death of one. and 
wounding of seven Communist prisoners in a United 
Nations Command Prisoner of War Camp incident. 
United Nations Command Liaison Officers then delivered 
a letter from the United Nations Command Senior Dele- 
gate requesting immediate action on the part of the 
Senior Communist Delegate to properly mark, or furnish 
correct locations of Communist Prisoner of War Camps 
Numbers 12 and 14, which United Nations Command 
photo reconnai-ssance revealed to be not in accordance 
with Communist-furnished information. 

Following a detailed, standard plan for all of the United 
Nations Command prisoner of war camps, construction 
improvements and winterization preparations continued 
on a large scale. The transfer of responsibility for pris- 
oner of war installations from Eighth Army to the newly 
created Korean Communications Zone proceeded smoothly 
without any break in the continuity of administration and 
control. 

From the decrease in the number of incidents of viol- 
ence and the growing evidence of obedience and coopera- 
tion throughout pro-Communist Prisoner of War Camps, 
it appears that efforts to contest the control of camp 
authorities have been suspended, at least temporarily. 
Of particular interest has been the attitude of the Com- 
munist Armistice Delegation in attempting to propa- 
gandize on isolated incidents which the United Nations 
Command has openly and promptly released to the public. 
Unable to cope with a free press and apparently realizing 
that their propaganda efforts have become less and less 
effective, the Communists have resorted to writing a sepa- 
rate letter of protest based on each United Nations Com- 
mand news release concerning violence in prisoner of war 
camps. The general temper of these slanderous docu- 
ments makes them unworthy of reply. 

United Nations Command ground forces found the 
enemy increasingly active after a three day lull occa- 
sioned by a tropical storm. This increased Communist 
aggressiveness was demonstrated by a series of deter- 
mined local attacks aimed at seizing disputed territory 
on the western, central and eastern fronts. During the 
night of 6-7 September, the enemy unleashed a series of 
attacks against several United Nations Command outposts 
on each of the three fighting fronts. These unusually 
intensive efforts met with initial successes only on the 
central front and even these limited gains were later 
partially negated by United Nations Command counter- 
attacks. Hostile artillery and mortar fire reached the 
highest volume yet employed In the Korean conflict with 

156 



43,531 rounds falling across the battle line in a single 
day on 7 September. On at least two separate occasions 
in the Yulsa area upwards of 18,000 rounds of artillery 
and mortar were fired in support of local Communist 
attacks. The daily average for the entire front amounted 
to a new high of approximately 12,000 rounds of artillery 
and mortar fire. In addition to repulsing numerous 
enemy probes and intercepting their patrols. United Na- 
tions Command forces conducted many raids. The small 
task forces involved generally endeavored to pierce the 
hostile counter-reconnaissance screen or make the enemy 
disclose his defensive positions. The only significant 
change in front line deployment of hostile forces occurred 
on the eastern front where a North Korean division was 
replaced, on a normal rotation basis, by another division 
formerly in reserve. 

The western front was highlighted by repeated enemy 
attacks against a well-defended United Nations Command 
outpost southeast of Punji. The aforementioned position 
is the same one which ably repelled numerous hostile 
attacks during the latter part of August. The first of the 
recent attacks occurred on the night of 4-5 September 
and was estimated to be of battalion size. In conjunction 
with this attack the enemy hit another United Nations 
Command outpost four miles east of Punji with a rein- 
forced company. Both of these attempts were repulsed 
with heavy loss to the attackers. Again on 6-7 September 
the enemy unleashed five artillery and mortar-supported 
attacks against United Nations Command elements in the 
Hungwang Punji area. Of these attacks, an eight-hour 
battalion strength thrust proved outstanding. This effort, 
as did all others on the western front, terminated in an 
enemy withdrawal. 

On the central front action centered in the Tulsa sector 
where the enemy succeeded initially in forcing United 
Nations Command forces to relinquish two hill positions. 
It was during the fighting for possession of these positions 
that the enemy employed an unprecedented volume of 
artillery and mortar fire in support of local objective at- 
tacks within a limited area. The enemy began his at- 
tacks against the two hill positions southeast of Yulsa on 
6-7 September. United Nations Command elements, al- 
though forced to relinquish both positions, immediately 
launched several counter-attacks which ended in failure 
as a result of the determination of the defenders and their 
previously unequalled volume of supporting fires. One 
of these positions, a mile and a half southeast of Tulsa, 
was the scene of a bitter battle that ended with the enemy 
still in possession after two days of close-in fighting. 
United Nations Command elements succeeded in retaking 
the position on 9 September, only to relinquish it again 
later in the afternoon to a sharp and determined Com- 
munist counter-attack. On 14 September, the hostile 
defenders were again forced to give up the position to 
United Nations Command attacking elements. This 
seizure initiated another furious struggle for the posses- 
sion of the hill. The renewed battle which followed con- 
sisted of several attacks and counter-attacks in which 
the strong point changed hands several times. At the 
close of the period the enemy was entrenched on the hill 
with the final outcome of the contest still in doubt. Three 
thousand yards to the east the other disputed outpost 

Department of State Bulletin 



was retaken, after several unsuccessful attempts, by 
United Nations Command elements on 8 September. Here 
also an enemy attack again forced a slight United Nations 
Command withdrawal later the same day. On 9 Septem- 
ber, a United Nations Command counter-attack carried 
to the top of the hill and during the next two days four 
company-strength hostile attacks were repulsed with the 
assistance of heavy defensive fires by United Nations 
Command artillery. The enemy made another bid, his 
strongest, to retake this position on 13 September when 
he committed a battalion to the task. This attack failed 
after a fireflght of nearly four hours' duration and at the 
close of the period this position remained firmly In the 
possession of United Nations Command elements. 

On the eastern front two enemy companies struck a 
United Nations Command outpost three miles southwest 
of Tupo on 6 September. The hostile force remained en- 
gaged for two and one-half hours before retiring after 
a futile effort. Earlier the same day a smaller but ex- 
tremely aggressive enemy force assaulted another United 
Nations Command outpost four miles southeast of Tupo. 
In the ensuing fight which lasted nine hours, United Na- 
tions Command defenders withdrew slightly only to 
counter-attack and recapture the lost territory after in- 
flicting heavy losses on the Communist aggressors. Ac- 
tivity in other sectors remained comparatively light with 
the usual daily patrol contacts and small nightly probes 
initiated by hostile reconnaissance groups. 

With the end of the rainy season, weather for the next 
several months will be suitable for major ground opera- 
tions. As yet there is no substantial indication that the 
Communists will utilize the improved weather conditions 
for launching a ground offensive. However, this more 
favorable weather has already been reflected by an in- 
crease in the enemy's vehicular traffic over recent levels 
which were reduced as a result of heavy rains. The in- 
creased trafficability of Communist supply routes will 
facilitate the replenishment of any category of supplies 
in the forward areas which may have been temporarily 
reduced during the height of the wet weather. The un- 
precedented increase during this period in the hostile 
expenditure of artillery and mortar ammunition serves 
to clearly portray the enemy's favorable logistical posi- 
tion in regards to these essential items. The advent of 
better weather also witnessed an increase in the number 
and intensity of local enemy attacks. This more aggres- 
sive attitude by hostile elements is not considered as 
preliminary to an imminent offensive as evidenced by 
the enemy's failure to exploit Initial gains where made. 
The enemy's interest in the terrain features which were 
attacked during the period stems from the defensive 
suitability of these positions or results from the recent 
seizure of several of them by United Nations Command 
elements. 

United Nations Command naval jet and propeller 
driven aircraft operating from fast carriers in the Sea 
of Japan ranged over North Korea striking pre-briefed 
targets and targets of opportunity from the bombline to 
the Manchurian border. Strikes were launched almost 
daily against enemy transportation facilities ; supply and 
troop concentration centers; factories, buildings, and 
warehouses of military significance. Three full-effort 

January 26, 7953 



strikes were launched during this period. The first was 
a joint Navy-Air Force strike against military targets in 
the North Korean capital of Pyongyang ; the second was 
at the targets within visual distance of the Manchurian 
border against the Musan iron mines and ore concentrating 
plants, and the synthetic oil refinery at Aoji; and the 
third at barracks, troop concentrations, and other targets 
in the Hoeryong area. Smoke caused by exploding fuel 
tanks and burning buildings prevented accurate assess- 
ment of results of the Pyongyang and Musan-Aoji strikes. 
Pilot claims in the Hoeryong strike include destruction 
of many barracks and warehouses, with extensive dam- 
age to a pulp plant, a vehicle parking and supply area, 
ammunition and gunpowder storage area, two locomotives 
and a number of railroad cars, and a railroad station. 
Attacks continued during this period against hydro- 
electric plants, transformer stations, and industrial 
plants. Attacks on interdiction targets resulted in numer- 
ous rail cuts, destruction or damage to railroad and 
higliway bridges, locomotives, railroad cars, trucks and 
boats. Close support sorties were flown in direct support 
of front line troops. 

United Nations Command land and carrier-based naval 
aircraft operating on the Korean west coast conducted 
offensive strikes against enemy installations as far north 
as Kangso in the Chinnampo area; in the Hwanghai 
Province, and in support of front line troops. Attacks 
continued against enemy transportation facilities, giin 
positions, supply and storage areas, troop concentrations, 
transformer stations, warehouses and buildings of mili- 
tary significance, small boats, junks, and sampans. On 
two occasions MIG-15's were engaged by United Nations 
Command conventional fighters. In one engagement a 
MIG-15 was shot down in the vicinity of the friendly 
Island of Sokto. 

Shore-based naval aircraft provided friendly front line 
units with close air support, and flew strike and recon- 
naissance sorties deep into enemy territory. These sor- 
ties resulted in destruction or damage to numerous gun 
and mortar positions, bunkers, personnel and supply shel- 
ters, warehouses, railroad cars, railroad and highway 
bridges, and rail and road cuts. Numerous personnel 
and troop casualties were also inflicted. 

Patrol planes conducted daylight reconnaissance mis- 
sions over the Sea of Japan, the Yellow Sea, and Tsushima 
Straits. They also flew anti-submarine patrols and 
weather reconnaissance missions for surface units in the 
Japan and Yellow Seas. 

The naval blockade continued along the Korean east 
coast from the bombline to Chongjin with surface units 
making day and night coastal patrols firing on key targets 
along the coastal main supply route daily to maintain rail 
cuts, bridge cuts and blocked tunnels at several points. 
The enemy was denied the use of the coastal waters for 
shipping, and fishing was curtailed. All craft detected 
were taken under fire and either destroyed or driven 
ashore. Enemy coastal movements were kept under sur- 
veillance. Naval gunfire accounted for destruction or 
damage to a number of locomotives, railroad cars, trucks, 
railroad and highway bridges, and sampans, also numer- 
ous rail cuts, tunnel blocks and personnel casualties were 
reported. Other targets destroyed or damaged included 

157 



gim positions, hunkers, troop concentrations, industrial 
buildings, power plants, observation posts, and supply 
areas. 

Navy Task Elements at the east coast bombline pa- 
trolled the area north to Wonsan daily and provided gun- 
tire support on call from the frout line troops. Shore 
batteries were engaged and silenced in many instances, 
and shore fire control parties reported destruction and 
damage to guns, mortars, hunkers, and personnel shelters, 
and numerous enemy troop casualties. 

Typhoon Mary following in the wake of typhoon Karen 
caused high seas that tore enemy mines loose from their 
moorings. As a result many more mines than usual were 
sighted and destroyed, jjarticularly in the Wonsan area. 

Enemy shore batteries were active almost daily against 
the blockading vessels along the Korean east coast. Many 
ships received near misses. While delivering call fire at 
the bombline, one ship was hit by an enemy shore battery 
causing minor structural damage and one personnel cas- 
ualty. Damage to the ship was superficial and her 
operational readiness was not impaired. Another ship, 
while on routine patrol north of Tanchon, received near 
misses which resulted in slight shrapnel damage ; how- 
ever, no personnel casualties were reported and the ship 
continued her patrol. In many cases minesweepers and 
motor torpedo boats, operating close to the shore, received 
machine guns and small arms fire. There were no re- 
ports of damage or casualties. In all cases the ships 
effectively suppres.sed the enemy shore battery fire. 

United Nations Command surface units on the Korean 
west coast manned anti-invasion stations along the coast 
from Chinnampo to the Ilan River Estuary In support of 
the friendly islands north of the battle line. Daylight 
firing into enemy positions destroyed gun positions, com- 
munications and transportation facilities, supply build-ups 
and troop concentrations. Patrols were made nightly, 
and mainland positions opposite friendly islands were 
illuminated to deter any enemy attack plans. 

Vessels of the Republic of Korea Navy conducted close 
inshore patrols and blockade along both coasts and as- 
sisted United Nations Command forces in minesweeping 
duties. 

United Nations Command minesweepers continued op- 
erations to keep the channels, coastal areas and anchor- 
ages free of mines of all types. Enemy fishing sampans 
were dispersed and driven ashore when encountered 
during sweeping operations. 

United Nations Command naval auxiliary vessels, 
Military Sea Transportation ships, and merchant vessels 
under contract provided personnel lifts and logistic sup- 
port for the United Nations Command naval, air and 
ground forces. 

The first two weeks of September were marked by swift 
air battles between United Nations Command interceptor 
aircraft and enemy MIG-lo's on all but five days. During 
these engagements, United Nations Command pilots de- 
stroyed a total of thirty-eight MIG aircraft and damaged 
thirty-seven enemy jets. Other claims against the 
Russian-built jets were withheld pending assessment of 
gun camera film. 

On 1 September, the United Nations Command inter- 
ceptors engaged twenty-eight MIG aircraft and were able 

158 



to damage two of them before the MIGs escaped to their 
sanctuary across the river in JIanchuria. Weather closed 
in until 4 September, when the United Nations Command 
pilots reported sighting 110 MIGs over North Korea. In 
a series of engagements, United Nations Command pilots 
accounted for a total of twelve MIGs destroyed and three 
damaged. Eight of the MIGs exploded in the air, and 
only two pilots were observed to bail out. On the next 
day, one MIG spun in without a shot being fired by United 
Nations Command aircraft. A United Nations Command 
interceptor received minor damage as a result of a mid-air 
collision with a crippled enemy jet. 

On only two occasions were the enemy aircraft able to 
penetrate the interceptor screen to attack the fighter 
bombers operating deep in enemy territory. On one occa- 
sion, MIGs attacked the United Nations Command fighter 
bombers while they were on their bomb run. In this en- 
counter, six JIIGs were destroyed and nine damaged. 

The medium bombers dealt two smashing blows to 
hydro-electric installations in North Korea. The first of 
these took place on 4 September, just after typhoon Mary 
passed through Korea, against the Chosen No. 1 plant 
which the Communist forces had been trying to repair. 

On 12 September, the medium bombers attacked the 
Suiho hydro-electric plant which was also undergoing 
intensive repair. Strike photography showed good pat- 
terns and hits on important facilities, but complete assess- 
ment of damage is not yet available. This plant had been 
under close surveillance by reconnaissance aircraft ever 
since the fighter bomber attack of 23 June 1952. 

Other targets for the medium bombers included a 2,.500 
acre supply center near Yangdok, which was hit by the 
medium bombers for the first time on S September. A 
large manufacturing and supply storage area in the north- 
east section of Pyongyang was also bombed with 145 
buildings reported destroyed. The supply center at Sopo-rl 
was attacked on 9 September, and observers reported good 
coverage of the target area. 

The medium bombers also flew along the front line in 
close support of ground troops. Seven missions of this 
type were flown on the night of 12-13 September. In addi- 
tion, leaflets designed to weaken the morale of North 
Korean civilians and enemy troops were dropped. 

On 5 September, fighter bomber aircraft concentrated 
on destruction of targets at a mine and industrial center 
northeast of Kunu-ri, where eight separate target areas 
were hit. Claims from this action and other targets scat- 
tered through North Korea included destruction of mili- 
tary buildings, warehouses, railroad cars, supply dumps, 
and completion of several rail and highway cuts. 

Other strikes of the jet and propeller-driven fighter 
bombers were carried out against a troop billeting area 
south of Tonan, a military academy at Sakchu, mining 
facilities and supply storage areas at Kunu-ri and supply 
buildings at Sibyon-ui, Singye and Namchonjom. They 
scored rail cuts at Sinanju, hit a rail and bridge complex 
south of Kanggye in North Central Korea and cut rail 
lines between Pyongyang and Sukchon. 

The fighter bombers struck at supply stockpiles near 
the front lines and set off five secondary explosions at 
a hidden ammunition dump near Kumsong. Claims on 
these and other general support sorties during the period 

Department of State Bulletin 



Included destruction at many bunkers, gun positions, 
military buildings, and numerous casualties among enemy 
trcioiis. 

In night and day attacks, United Nations Command 
light bombers hit military targets at Kangdong and in 
the K.vomipo and Sariwon areas. They struck a troop 
concentration and supply area near Sibyon-ni and also 
attacked military supplies north of Chorwon and troops 
in the Yonan area. 

In attacks on interdiction targets the light bombers 
watered highway junctions in the Sinmak, Ichon, Suan 
and Singosan areas. The light bombers continued the 
practice of patrolling the main supply routes after night 
attacks on supply targets. They utilized small frag- 
mentation bombs to create temporary road blocks to slow 
Communist vehicles until fighter bombers on first-light 
missions could make their attacks. 

On 12 September, in a continuation of the policy of 
warning civilians when military targets near populated 
areas were scheduled for attack, a loudspeaker aircraft 
warned the people of Sohung, seventy-five miles northwest 
of Seoul, that military targets in the area would be de- 
stroyed. Within thirty minutes light bombers poured 
bombs into military supply targets at that point. 

Combat cargo transports continued to fly logistical 
sorties, airlifting supplies and personnel in support of 
United Nations Command operations in Korea. 

Reports from refugees fleeing Communist tyranny in- 
dicate that United Nations Command warnings to North 
Korean civilians to avoid military targets are gratefully 
received, but that officials of the Communist police state 
are taking stringent measures to prevent these human- 
itarian messages reaching the people. In addition to 
warnings of a general nature, warnings to specific areas 
in which military targets are located were broadcast as 
much as thirty minutes in advance of bombing attacks. 
By means of news leaflets and news broadcasts, the United 
Nations Command continued efforts to penetrate the bar- 
rier of censorship and to combat Communist distortion 
with factual information. A large portion of this infor- 
mation concerned developments at Panmunjom, reiterat- 
ing United Nations sincere desires to acliieve a realistic 
Armistice and explaining the nature of the problem which 
blocks agreement. 

Rear Admiral B. Hall Hanlon, United States Navy, 
on 30 August was appointed Commander in Chief, United 
Nations Conmiand representative on the Combined Eco- 
nomic Board, vice Major General Thomas W. Herren. 
The Combined Economic Board consists of representatives 
of Commander in Chief, United Nations Command and 
the Republic of Korea Government, as provided in the 
Agreement on Economic Co-ordination between the Unified 
Command and the Republic of Korea signed 24 May 1952. 
General Herren, Commanding General, Korean Commu- 
nications Zone, retains over-all responsibility for United 
Nations Command civil affairs activities in Korea. Ad- 
miral Hanlon has been appointed his Deputy for Civil 
Affairs. The Korean Communications Zone was estab- 
Ushed in July to relieve the Commanding General, Eighth 
Army, of logistical and territorial responsibilities not 
immediately related to the conduct of combat operations 
in Korea. All United Nations Command civil affairs ac- 

January 26, 1953 



tivities in Korea, including relationships with the Repub- 
lic of Korea Government and administration of the United 
Nations Conunand civilian relief and economic aid pro- 
gram are, therefore, in the sphere of responsibilities of 
the Commanding General, Korean Communications Zone. 



U.S. Delegations 

to International Conferences 

Southeast Asia, South Pacific Regional Air 
Navigation Meeting (ICAO) 

The Department of State announced on Janu- 
ary 12 (press release 14) tliat under the auspices 
of the Air Navioation Commission of the Inter- 
national Civil Aviation Organization (Icao), 
the Second Southeast Asia and limited Second 
South Pacific Kegional Air Navigation ISIeeting 
will convene at Melbourne on January i:). The 
U. S. delegation to this meeting will be as follows : 

Deleyate 

Henry S. Chandler, Chief, International Standards 
Branch, Airways Operations Division, Civil Aero- 
nautics Administration, Department of Commerce 

Special assistant to the chairman 

Evan J. Lewis, Chief Adviser, Caa International Field 
Office, Bangkok, Thailand 

Alternate delef/ates 

Gilbert V. Tribhett, Icao Adviser, Air Carrier Safety 
Division, Civil Aeronautics Administration, Depart- 
ment of Commerce 

James F. Ansier, International Air Ground Aids Special- 
ist, Establishment Engineering Division, Civil Aero- 
nautics Administration, Department of Commerce 

Edmond V. Shores, Aeronautical Telecommunications 
Specialist, Airways Operations Division, Civil Aero- 
nautics Administration, Department of Commerce 

Gordon D. Cartwright, Meteorologist-in-Charge, Pacific 
Supervisory Office, U.S. Weather Bureau, (Honolulu), 
Department of Commerce 

Hugh H. McFarland, Regional Icao Representative, Air- 
ways Operations Division, Civil Aeronautics Admin- 
istration, Department of Commerce 

Clement Vaughn, Commander, U.S.C.G., Search and Rescue 
Agency, U.S.C.G., Department of the Treasury 

Adviseis 

B. Thomas Burnard, Operations Division, Air Transport 
Association of America, Inc. 

William B. Hawthorne, Chief. Technical Section, Aviation 
Division, Federal Communications Commission 

Grove C. Johnson, Lt. Col., U.S.A.F., Flight Operations 
Division, Director of Operations, Department of the 
Air Force 

Winton E. Modin. Communications Specialist, Pan Amer- 
ican Airways, Aeronautical Radio, Inc. 

Frank G. Raysbrook, Capt. U.S.N., Office of Director of 
Naval Communications, Office of Chief of Naval Opera- 
tions, Department of the Navy 

Charles A. Stiefelmaier, Lt., U.S.N. Aviation Meteoro- 
logical Adviser, Office of Chief of Naval Operations, 
Department of the Navy 

Secretary of the delegation 

Charles S. Millet, Consul, American Consulate, Mel- 
bourne, Australia 

159 



At the forthcoming meeting, participants will 
discuss matters of air navigation in: (a) the 
Southeast Asia region, which for the purpose of 
the meeting will include the western part of New 
Guinea and that part of Australia in which inter- 
national air routes of the Southeast Asia region 
terminate; and (b) that part of the South Pacific 
region lying west and southwest of Hawaii. 

Delegates will review the existing Icao facil- 
ities plan for the regions and prepare any neces- 
sary amendments to the plan with reference to 
such subjects as: (1) aerodromes, air routes, and 
ground aids; (2) communications facilities and 
services; (3) meteorological facilities and serv- 
ices; (4) the provision and operation of search 
and rescue facilities and services. In this connec- 
tion the participants will list and evaluate, in the 
light of their effect on operations, all known and 
particularly serious deficiencies in the provision of 
facilities and services necessary to the efficiency, 
regularity, and safety of air transport. 

Special attention will be given to the item 
"Aeronautical Fixed Telecommunications Serv- 
ices (Afts) including preparation of a long-term 
plan for the region," since Southeast Asia and the 
South Pacific are the only areas for which an Afts 
long-term plan has not been prepared. The meet- 
ing will also consider the proposed air route Perth- 
Cocos Island-Mauritius-Johannesburg, which lies 
in the African-Indian Ocean region. 

Inland Transport Committee (ECAFE) 

The Department of State announced on Janu- 
ary 16 (press release 31) that at the second session 
of the Inland Transport Committee of the U. N. 
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East 
(Ecafe), which will be held at Bandoeng, Indo- 
nesia, January 19-23, the U. S. delegate will be 
Anthony Bisgood, Chief of the Industrial Divi- 
sion of the Special Technical Economic Mission, 
Bangkok. Lubert Sanderhoff, Second Secretary 
and Consul, American Embassy, Djakarta, will 
serve as adviser to the U. S. delegate. 

In 1951, at its seventh session, Ecate decided to 
establish an Inland Transport Committee as a 
means of furthering regional cooperation in the 
development and improvement of rail, highway, 
and water-transport facilities. The Committee 
was directed to serve in a consultative and ad- 
visory capacity in the field of inland transport in 
Asia and the Far East; to provide a forum for 
discussion among governments of inland-transport 
subjects; to stimulate the development of inland 
transport in the region; and to promote agree- 
ments between governments on long-term inland- 
transport policy for the area. At the same ses- 
sion, Ecafe decided to establish a railway sub- 
committee and also authorized the Inland Trans- 
port Committee to set up subcommittees on high- 
ways and inland waterways to consider and ex- 
amine problems essentially concerning these 
means of transport. The first session of the Sub- 



committee on Highways was held at Bangkok, 
August 18-23, 1952. 

Mr. Bisgood, assisted by Mr. Sanderhoff, is also 
representing the United States at the first sessions 
of the Subcommittees on Railways and Inland 
Waterways of the Inland Transport Committee, 
which are being held at Bandoeng, January 14-17. 

During the forthcoming session of the Inland 
Transport Committee, participants will review 
reports and recommendations submitted by the 
three subcommittees, determine the work program 
and priorities for 1953, discuss the coordination of 
transport in the region, survey library services 
and facilities, and prepare the Committee's report 
for submission to Ecate. 

Restrictive Business Practices (ECOSOC) 

The Department of State announced on Jan- 
uary 12 (press release 15) that on that date the 
fourth session of the Ad Hoc Committee on Re- 
strictive Business Practices of the U. N. Economic 
and Social Council would convene at New York. 
The U.S. Government, at this session is repre- 
sented by the following delegation : 

Repi'escntative 

Corwin D. Edwards, Director, Bureau of Industrial Eco- 
nomics, Federal Trade Commission 

Adviser 

Raymond Vernon, Deputj- Director, Office of Economic 
Defense and Trade Policy, Bureau of Economic 
Affairs, Department of State 

Since its establishment by the Economic and 
Social Council in 1951, the Committee has made 
considerable progress in drafting an international 
agreement, for possible submission to govern- 
ments, looking toward the prevention of restric- 
tive business practices which have harmful effects 
on the expansion of production or on international 
trade. 

At the present meeting, final discussions will be 
held on the Committee's proposals for such an 
agreement, which must be submitted to the Eco- 
nomic and Social Council by March 1953. The 
principal remaining questions concern the recom- 
mendations whicli the Ad Hoc Committee will 
make to the Economic and Social Council regard- 
ing the internal structure of an international body 
to administer the propo.sed agi-eement. The 
United States is a member of the Economic and 
Social Council and will be in a position to discuss 
this matter further at the next session of the Coun- 
cil. The Connnittee will also consider its report 
on restrictive business practices and legislative or 
other measures adopted by various countries to 
counteract them. 



The United States in the United Nations 

A regular feature, will be resumed in a subsequent 

issue. 



160 



Department of State Bulletin 



THE DEPARTMENT 



Secretary Acheson's Farewell 
to His Colleagues 

Press release 32 dated January 16 

Secretary Acheson in an informal ceremony, on 
January 16, hade farewell to the employees of the 
Department and the Foreign Service. The oc- 
casion ivas the presentation, hy the employees of 
the Depai'tment and the Foreign Service, to Mr. 
Acheson of the chair tohich he occupied at Cabinet 
meetings at the White House. The Secretary was 
introduced iy Robert J. Ryan, Assistant Chief, 
Division of Foreign Service Personnel. Mr. Ach- 
cson^s remarks together with those of Mr. Ryan 
follow: 

Mr. Ryan's Introductory Remarks 

Mr. Secretary and Mrs. Acheson : The employ- 
ees of the Department and the Foreign Service are 
very proud of your many and outstanding achieve- 
ments. 

Your high sense of duty, your statesmanship, 
your courage, your patience, and your fortitude 
have been an inspiration to all of us. 

You, sir, are a true public servant. 

As you take your leave of the Office of the 
Secretary of State, may we express to you our 
thanks and sincere appreciation for your leader- 
ship and support. Our most sincere wish, sir, is 
that the years ahead will bring every happiness to 
you and your family. 

Mr. Secretary, this chair is the chair which you 
occupied during your tenure as a member of Presi- 
dent Truman's Cabinet. It is a great privilege and 
honor, on behalf of the employees of the Depart- 
ment and the Foreign Service, to present it to you 
as a small token of our esteem and affection. 



Secretary Acheson's Reply 

Mr. Eyan, and my very dear friends: I am 
more deeply touched than I will be able to tell 
you this morning at what Mr. Ryan lias said, and 
the fact tliat you should have wished to make me 
the gift of this chair, and that so many of you 
should have come here this morning to say good- 
bye to me. 

I hope that I can see many of you again this 
afternoon. My door will be open, and I should 
be delighted to shake hands with any and all of 
my friends from the Department who find it pos- 
sible to come in to see me. 

This chair will be a gift which I shall treasure 



through my life. I think I can say of my Cabinet 
chair what the Supreme Court of the United States 
said of something quite different. The Supreme 
Court in one of its cases, referring to this quite 
dissimilar object, said : "It is not a place of rest 
or final destination." 

I have simply not found in this chair a place 
of rest. 

There were occasions when it seemed likely that 
it might be my place of final destination. 

I shall treasure it because it will bring to my 
mind every time I look at it two memories which 
are very dear to me. It was in this chair that I 
have sat for four crucial, tumultuous, and stren- 
uous years at the right hand of my Chief. 

It was in this chair that I have sought to bring 
him all the help and support and loyalty of which 
I am capable. And it is sitting there that I have 
received from him that unswerving support and 
loyalty without which no one in my position can 
ever hope truly to serve his country. So it will 
bring him very close to my mind when I see it. 

But it is also in this chair that I have attempted 
to lay before him the distillation of all your work 
and all your wisdom and all your experience be- 
cause no Secretary of State by himself can possibly 
be of help to the President of the United States, 
which he can be if he acts as the agent through 
whom your help goes to your President, and that 
is what I have tried to do. 

And through the long years in which we have 
been friends and companions in the same length, 
I have grown every day to know more and more 
that you are a part of a great and goodly company 
which stretches back through the years to the 
very beginning of our Nation and that today, as 
always, there is here that devotion to country, that 
loyalty to your work, that wisdom which is so 
necessary for our country. 

Yours' is not an easy task nor one which is much 
appreciated. You don't ask much of your fellow 
citizens, and if any of you are so inexperienced 
that you ever do, you receive very little. Cer- 
tainly not much in the way of material recom- 
pense; certainly not very much in the form of 
appreciation of your work, because you are deal- 
ing with matters which, though they affect the 
life of every citizen of this country intimately, do 
it in ways which it is not easy for every citizen to 
understand. 

And so you are dealing in a field which I called 
the other day a field of "alien knowledge," which 
seems strange to many of your fellow citizens. 

One thing I think you are entitled to ask, and, 
again, if you have not received that you are en- 
titled to ask that you should not be vilified ; that 
your loyalty should not be brought in doubt; that 
slanders and libel should not be made against you. 
You know, and I know, all of us are aware, that 
in the times in which we live there is a security 
problem before our country. We know that that is 
a problem which must be dealt with wisely and 



January 26, 1953 



161 



justly and quietly by people who are expert in 
dealing with it. It cannot be made the mere ad- 
junct of something of which it is not a part. And 
I believe that the difficulties through which you 
have been will be temporary difficulties because 
they are not in tune with the great traditions of 
American life. 

We have traditions here in the United States 
about the Government, One which grows out of 
our early history sometimes makes our life a little 
uncomfortable. In the early days of our country, 
government was conceived as something alien and 
something which threatened the liberties of the 
citizen. Therefore, we have a tradition in this 
country of skepticism about government, of look- 
ing at it very carefully, of seeing whether our 
public servants can take it. 

That isn't always comfortable, but, on the 
whole, it is good. Any time when there are gov- 
ernments in the world which are dedicated to 
crush the liberties of the citizens, it is good that 
in this great country people look with some skep- 
ticism upon government as such. That is one 
of our traditions. 

But we have another, and I think far deeper, 
tradition and that is the tradition of public 
service. I should like to mention only two people 
who are compatriots of ours, who have worked in 
the field in which you and I have worked. One of 
them, before our country was a nation, worked in 
the field of foreign affairs: Benjamin Franklin — 
one of the first ambassadors this Nation ever had 
and who served it abroad before it was a nation. 
The other, a very great and illustrious predecessor 
of mine, to whom I feel often very close indeed, 
is John Quincy Adams, a peppery old fellow to be 
sure. But he, like Benjamin Franklin, never for 
one moment believed that the holding of office 
was a question of power — it was a question of 
service. 

And both of those men, and other men who have 
served in important positions, and thousands of 
people who have served less prominently, have 
been motivated by that same deep tradition of 
public service. It is only by that that a democ- 
racy, a republic such as ours, can live. And it 
will live, and this Department will continue, as it 
has throughout its history, to be honored by those 
M-hose honoring is really worth while, and prob- 
ably abused by those whose abuse is unimportant. 

In saying one last word to you I should like to 
put it in the words of farewell which appear 
almost as our language began to appear. You 
will find it in Bunyan's Pilgrims'' Progress and 
there another met with his friends to say good- 
bye, and he said to them : "My sword I give to 
him who shall follow in my pilgrimage. My 
courage and skill I give to him who can take it. 
My marks and scars I carry with me to bear wit- 
ness for me that I have fought his battles who will 
be my rewarder." 

Thank you from the bottom of my heart. 



Resignation of Secretary Aclieson 

White House press release dated January 16 

The President has sent the following letter to 
Dean Acheson, accepting his resignation as Sec- 
retary/ of State: 

Dear Dean: 

I have your letter of resignation, effective at 
the end of my term, January 20, 1953, and I accept 
it with warm thanks for a' job well done. I am 
glad I've had you with me all the way. 

You have been my good right hand. There is 
no need for me to go into detail about all that 
you have accomplished. Certainly no man is more 
responsible than you for pulling together the 
people of the free world, and strengthening their 
will and their determination to be strong and 
free. 

I would place you among the very greatest of 
the Secretaries of State this country has had. 
Neither Jefferson nor Seward showed more cool 
courage and steadfast judgment. 

Our association has been a grand experience, 

from start to finish. I hope Mrs. Acheson prevails 

on you to take a good long rest. You deserve it. 

Sincerely yours, 

Harky S. Truman 



Following is the text of Secretary Achesori's 
letter to the President: 

Dear Mr. President : 

I hereb}' present my resignation as Secretary of 
State effective at the end of your Presidential term 
and request your acceptance of it. 

In presenting my resignation, Mr. President, 
may I express my gratitude to you for the con- 
fidence you have placed in me, for your unwaver- 
ing support and for the great kindness which you 
have always shown me. You have given me the 
honor of serving my country under a leader who 
has had and has my full devotion and respect. 

May rest and happiness and peace be yours for 
years to come. 

Kespectfully, 

Dean Acheson 

Resignations 

David K. E. Bruce 

On January 13, 1053, President Truman accepted the 
resignation of David K. E. Bruce as Under Secretary of 
State and as U.S. Alternate Governor of tlie International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development. For tlie texts 
of Mr. Bruce's letter of resignation nnd the President's 
reply, see White House press release of January 13, 1953. 

Edumrd O. Miller, Jr. 

Edward G. Miller, Jr., as Assistant Secretary for Inter- 
American Affairs, effective December 31, 1952. 



^62 



Department of State Bulletin 



THE FOREIGN SERVICE 



Ambassador Locke Resigns 

Press release 917 dated Decem.ber 12 

In commenting on the resignation of Ambassador Locke 
as U.S. rciirescntative on the Advisory Commission of the 
U.N. Relief and Vi'orks Agency for Palestine Refugees in 
the Near East and as the Secretary of State's special rep- 
resentative in the Near East to coordinate economic and 
technical-assistance programs, tvhich teas announced on 
December 12, Secretary Acheson stated that he greatly 
appreciated the contributions made by Ambassador Locke 
in furthering our programs in the Near East. The Secre- 
tary understands that Sir. Locke is returning to private 
business folloiving his year of service with the Department. 

The text of Ambassador Locke's letter of resignation as 
the Secretary's special representative follows:^ 

Decembeb 10, 1952 
My Dear Mr. Seceetabt : 

Since it is my understanding that the Department of 
State finds generally acceptable my recommendations re- 
garding the urgent need of a capital assistance program 
for the Near East, subject of course to the necessary clear- 
ances in the Executive Branch and confirmation by the 
Congress, I feel that we now, in effect, have a sound eco- 
nomic policy for that vital area of the world and that, 
accordingly I can with a clear conscience return again to 
private business. I therefore submit my resignation as 
your Special Representative in the Near East to coordi- 
nate Near Eastern economic and technical assistance 
programs effective January 5, 1953. 

Much of course remains to be done in the political field 
in the Near East, and I should like also to emphasize the 
importance of further progress in that direction if we are 
to move ahead to any significant degree in economic 
matters. 

Sincerely yours, 

Edwin A. Locke, Jr. 




Recent Releases 

For sale bit the Superintendent of Documents, Government 
Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address requests 
direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except in the 
case of free publications, which may be obtained from the 
Department of State. 

Treaties and Other 
4084. 6 pp. 5«f. 



Mutual Assistance in Raw Materials. 

International Acts Series 2472. Pub, 



Agreement, with annex, between the United States and 
the United Kingdom— Dated at Washington Jan. 18, 



' For test of Mr. Locke's letter to the President, ten- 
dering his resignation as representative on the Advisory 
Commission of the U. N. Relief and Works Agency for 
Palestine Refugees in the Near East, and for the Presi- 
dent's reply, see White House press release dated 
Dee. 12. 

January 26, 1953 



1952; entered into force Jan. 18, 1952; and annex 
signed at Washington Jan. 29 and Feb. 12, 1952 ; en- 
tered into force Feb. 12, 1952. 

Health and Sanitation, Cooperation Program in Brazil. 

Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2464. Pub. 
4689. 4 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States and Brazil — 
Signed at Rio de Janeiro Dec. 28 and 29, 1951 ; entered 
into force Dec. 31, 1952. 

Defense, Control of Electromagnetic Radiation in the 
Event of Attack. Treaties and Other International Acts 
Series 2459. Pub. 4690. 3 pp. 5<f. 

Agreement between the United States and Cuba — 
Signed at Habana Dec. 10 and 18, 1951 ; entered into 
force Dec. 18, 1951. 

Technical Cooperation, Establishment and Operation of 
Training Centers and Other Services in Puerto Rico. 

Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2485. Pub. 
4693. 4 pp. 5«(. 

Agreement between the United States and the Or- 
ganization of American States — Signed at Washing- 
ton Feb. 12 and Mar. 3, 1952 ; entered into force Mar. 
3, 1952. 

Cooperative Program of Agricultural Education. Treaties 
and Other International Acts Series 2455. Pub. 4698. 

8 pp. 50. 

Agreement between the United States and Colom- 
bia — Signed at Bogotd Jan. 10 and 12, 1952 ; entered 
into force Jan. 12, 1952. 



Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: Jan. 12-16, 1953 

Releases may be obtained from the OfiBce of the 
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department 
of State, Washington 25, D. C. 

Press release issued prior to Jan. 12 which appears 
in this issue of the Bulletin is No. 917 of Dec. 12, 
1952. 

Subject 

Air navigation commission (Icao) 
Restrictive business practices (Ecosoc) 
Note to U.S.S.R. on Austrian treaty 
New aid agreement with liulont'sia 
Truman : Death of Chilean ambassador 
Acheson : Death of Chilean ambassador 
Baker resignation : Claims commission 
Pt. 4 to study Egyptian industry 
Regulation on collisions at sea 
Kennan : Soviet-American relations 
Cohen: Disarmament commissinn report 
Acheson : Farewell press conference 
Convention on aircraft damage 
Novikov : Persona non grata 
Regional association for Africa (Wmo) 
Semiannual report of Iia 
Air force agreement witli Venezuela 
Inland transport committee (Ecafe) 
Acheson : Farewell to colleagues 
Population commi.ssion (Ecosoc) 
Territorial violations of Japan 

* Not printed 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin 



No. 


Date 


14 


1/12 


15 1/12 


16 1/12 


tl" 


1/12 


*1S 


1/12 


*19 1/12 


•20 


1/13 


t21 


1/13 


t22 


1/14 


*23 


1/14 


24 


1/14 


25 1/14 


t26 


1/15 


27 


1/15 


t2S 1/15 


t29 


1/15 


t30 1/16 


31 


1/16 


32 1/16 


t33 


1/16 


34 


1/16 



163 



January 26, 1953 



Index 



Vol. XXVIII, No. 709 



American Principles 

Challenge of the cold war (excerpt from fare- 
well address by Truman) 127 

Principle of national unity In foreign policy 

(Cowen) 132 

American Republics 

BRAZIL: New manganese project undertaken . 140 

Asia 

JAPAN: Exchange of notes concerning territo- 
rial violations of Japan (texts) .... 134 

KOREA: U.N. Command Operations (53d re- 
port) 155 

Aviation 

Exchange of notes concerning territorial viola- 
tions of Japan (texts) 134 

Southeast Asia. South Paclflc regional air navi- 
gation meeting (Icao) 159 

Disarmament Commission 

Retiring deputy U.S. representative reports to 

the President (Cohen) 142 

Europe 

AUSTRIA: U.S. note to U.S.S.R. on Austrian state 

treaty (text) 135 

SPAIN: Allocation of loan for economic devel- 
opment 139 

U.S.S.R. : U.S. requests departure of Yuri V. 

Novlkov 134 

UNITED KINGDOM : Ten-year development pro- 
gram proposed for Jamaica 141 

YUGOSLAVIA: Special grant by Msa .... 135 

Finance 

Allocation of loan to Spain 139 

Special grant to Yugoslavia 135 

Ten-year development program proposed for 

Jamaica 141 

Foreign Service 

Ambassador Locke resigns 163 

International Meetings 

U.S. DELEGATIONS: 

Inland Transport Committee (Ecafe) .... 160 
Restrictive Business Practises (Ecosoc) . . . 160 
Southeast Asia. South Pacific regional air navi- 
gation meeting (Icao) 159 



Jamaica 

Ten-year development program proposed . . . 141 

Mutual Aid and Defense 

Nature of the Atlantic partnership (Acheson) . 129 

Special grant to Yugoslavia 135 

Year-end report of the Mutual Security Agency . 136 

Presidential Documents 

Challenge of the cold war (excerpt from fare- 
well address) 127 

Publications 

Recent releases igs 

State, Department of 

Resignation of Mr. Acheson 162 

Resignations (Bruce, Miller) 162 

Secretary Acheson's farewell to his colleagues . 161 

U.S. requests departure of Yuri V. Novlkov . . 134 

Strategic Materials 

New manganese project undertaken In Brazil . 140 

Transportation 

Inland Transport Committee (Ecafe) . . . 160 

Treaty Information 

U.S. note to U.S.S.R. on Austrian state treaty 

(text) 135 

United Nations 

Retiring deputy U.S. representative on Disarma- 
ment Commission reports to the President 
(Cohen) 142 

U.N. Command Operations in Korea (53d re- 
port) 155 

Name Index 

Acheson, Secretary 129, 161, 162 

Blsgood, Anthony 16O 

Bruce, David K. E 162 

Cohen, Benjamin V 142 

Cowen, Myron M 132 

Edwards, Corwln D 160 

Locke, Edwin A., Jr 163 

Miller, Edward G., Jr 162 

Novlkov, Yuri V 134 

Truman, President 127, 162 



U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: I9S3 



^J/ie/ u)eha/yl7ne7i(/ xw t/tat& 





Td. XXVIII, No. 710 
February 2, 1953 




PROCLAIMING OUR FAITH ANEW • President 

Eisenhower's Inaugural Address lo< 



HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES: 1951 



178 



WHITHER DISARMAMENT • by Benjamin V. Cohen . 172 



VISA WORK OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE AND 
THE FOREIGN SERVICE. Changes Under the Im- 
migration and Nationality Act: Part I • Article by 
Eliot B. Coulter 195 



For index see hack cover 




*^^y^. bulletin 



Vox- XXVIII, No. 710 • PuBucATiON 4901 
February 2, 1953 



For sale b; the Saperlntendent of Docamenta 

D.8. Goverament Printing Office 

Washington 2fi, D.C. 

Pbice: 

62 Issues, domestic $7.60, foreign (10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1962). 
Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Depaetuent 
Of State Btllktin as the source will be 
»ppreclate<i. 



Th« Department of State BULLETIN, 
a tceekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government tvith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the u>ork of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the White House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as urell as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently. 



Proclaiming Our Faith Anew 



INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER 



My felxow citizens: The world and we have 
passed the midway point of a century of con- 
tinuing challenge. We sense with all our faculties 
that forces of good and evil are massed and armed 
and opposed as rarely before in history. 

This fact defines the meaning of this day. AVe 
are summoned, by this honored and historic cere- 
mony, to witness more than the act of one citizen 
swearing his oath of service in the presence of his 
God. We are called as a people to give testimony, 
in the sight of the world, to our faith that the 
future shall belong to the free. 

Since this century's beginning, a time of tempest 
has seemed to come upon the continents of the 
earth. Masses of Asia have wakened to strike off 
shackles of the past. Great nations of Europe 
have waged their bloodiest wars. Thrones have 
toppled and their vast empires have disappeared. 
New nations have been born. 

For our own country, it has been a time of re- 
curring trial. We have grown in power and in 
responsibility. We have passed through the 
anxieties of depression and of war to a summit 
unmatched in man's history. Seeking to secure 
peace in the world, we have had to fight through 
the forests of the Argonne, to the shores of Iwo 
Jimu. and to the mountain peaks of Korea. 

In the swift rush of gi-eat events, we find our- 
selves groping to know the full sense and meaning 
of the times in which we live. In our quest of 
understanding, we beseech God's guidance. We 
sunnnon all our knowledge of the past and we scan 
all signs of the future. We bring all our wit and 
will to meet the question: How far have we come 
in man's long pilgrimage from darkness toward 
light ? Are we nearing the light — a day of free- 
dom and of peace for all mankind? Or are the 
shadows of another night closing in upon us? 



The President's Prayer 

Following is the text of a fn-ayer whi<ih the Presi- 
dent wrote early on the mwnin-g of his inaugural, 
January 20, 1953, and delivered hefore he began his 
address: 

Almighty God, as we stand here at this moment, 
my future associates in the executive branch of the 
Government join me in beseeching that Thou will 
make ftiU and complete our dedication to the service 
of the people in this throng and their fellow citizens 
everywhere. 

Give us, we pray, the power to discern clearly 
right from wrong and allow all our words and ac- 
tions to be governed thereby and by the laws of this 
land. 

Especially we pray that our concern shall be for 
all the people, regardle.ss of station, race or calling. 
May cooperation be permitted and be the mutual aim 
of those who, under the concept of our Constitution, 
hold to differing ixilltical beliefs — so that all ma.v 
work for the good of our beloved country and for 
Thy glory. Amen. 



Great as are the preoccupations absorbing us at 
home, concerned as we are with matters that 
deeply affect our livelihood today and our vision 
of the future, each of these domestic problems is 
dwarfed by, and often even created by, this ques- 
tion that involves all human kind. 

This trial comes at a moment when man's power 
to achieve good or to inflict evil surpasses the 
brightest hopes and the sharpest fears of all ages. 
We can turn rivers in their coui"ses, level moun- 
tains to the plains. Ocean and land and sky are 
avenues for our colossal commerce. Disease 
dimini.shes and life lengthens. 

Yet the promise of this life is imperiled by the 
very genius that has made it possible. Nations 



February 2, 1953 



167 



amass wealth. Labor sweats to create — and turns 
out devices to level not only mountains but also 
cities. Science seems ready to confer upon us, as 
its final gift, the power to erase human life from 
the earth. 

At such a time in history, we who are free must 
proclaim anew our faith. 

This faith is the abiding creed of our fathers. 
It is our faith in the deathless dignity of man, 
governed by eternal moral and natural laws. 

This faith defines our full view of life. It es- 
tablishes, beyond debate, those gifts of the Creator 
that are man's inalienable rights and that make 
all men equal in His sight ! 

In the light of this equality, we know that the 
virtues most cherished by free people — love of 
truth, pride of work, devotion to country — all are 
treasures equally precious in the lives of the most 
humble and of the most exalted. The men who 
mine coal and fire furnaces and balance ledgers 
and turn lathes and pick cotton and heal the sick 
and plant corn — all serve as proudly and as profit- 
ably for America as the statesmen who draft trea- 
ties or the legislators who enact laws. 

This faith rules our whole way of life. It de- 
crees that we, the people, elect leaders not to rule 
but to serve. It asserts that we have the right to 
choice of our own work and to the reward of our 
own toil. It inspires the initiative that makes our 
productivity the wonder of the world. And it 
warns that any man who seeks to deny equality 
in all his brothers betrays the spirit of the free and 
invites the mockery of the tyrant. 

It is because we, all of us, hold to these princi- 
ples that the political changes accomplished this 
day do not imply turbulence, upheaval, or disorder. 
Rather this change expresses a purpose of 
strengthening our dedication and devotion to the 
precepts of our founding documents, a conscious 
renewal of faith in our country and in the watch- 
fulness of a Divine Providence. 

The enemies of this faith know no god but 
Force, no devotion but its use. They tutor men in 
treason. They feed upon the hunger of others. 
"Wliatever defies them, they torture, especially the 
Truth. 

Here, then, is joined no pallid argument between 
slightly differing philosophies. This conflict 
strikes directly at the faith of our fathei-s and the 
lives of our sons. No principle or treasure that we 



hold, from the spiritual knowledge of our free 
schools and churches to the creative magic of free 
labor and capital, nothing lies safely beyond the 
reach of the struggle. 

Freedom is pitted against slavery; light against 
dark. 

Free Peoples Sharing a Common Bond 

The faith we liold belongs not to us alone but 
to the free of all the world. This common bond 
binds the gi'ower of rice in Burma and the planter 
of wheat in Iowa, the shepherd in southern Italy 
and the mountaineer in the Andes. It confers a 
common dignity upon the French soldier who dies 
in Indochina, the British soldier killed in Malaya, 
the American life given in Korea. 

AVe know, beyond this, that we are linked to all 
free peoples not merely by a noble idea but by a 
simple need. No free people can for long cling to 
any privilege or enjoy any safety in economic soli- 
tude. For all our own material might, even we 
need markets in the world for the surpluses of our 
farms and of our factories. Equally, we need for 
these same farms and factories vital materials and 
products of distant lands. This basic law of in- 
terdependence, so manifest in the commerce of 
peace, applies with thousandfold intensity in the 
event of war. 

So are we persuaded by necessity and by belief 
that the strength of all free people lies in unity, 
their danger in discord. 

To produce this unity, to meet the challenge of 
our time, destiny has laid upon our country the 
responsibility of the free world's leadership. So 
it is proper that we assure our friends once again 
that, in the discharge of this responsibility, we 
Americans know and observe the difference be- 
tween world leadership and imperialism ; between 
firmness and truculence; between a thoughtfully 
calculated goal and spasmodic reaction to the 
stimulus of emergencies. 

We wish our friends the world over to know 
this above all : We face the threat — not with dread 
and confusion — but with confidence and convic- 
tion. 

We feel this moral strength because we know 
that we are not helpless prisoners of history. We 
are free men. We shall remain free, never to be 
proven guilty of the one capital offense against 
freedom, a lack of staunch faith. 

In pleading our just cause before the bar of his- 



168 



Deparfmenf of State Bulletin 



tory and in pressing our labor for world peace, 
we shall be guided by certain fixed principles. 
These principles are : 

The Fir/it Task of Statesmanship 

( 1 ) Abhorring war as a chosen way to balk the 
pui'poses of those who threaten us, we hold it to be 
the first task of statesmanship to develop the 

I strength that will deter the forces of aggression 

and promote the conditions of peace. For, as it 

; must be the supreme pui-pose of all free men, so 

I it must be the dedication of their leaders, to save 

humanity from preying upon itself. 

In the light of this principle, we stand ready 
to engage with any and all others in joint effort to 
remove the causes of mutual fear and distrust 
among nations and so to make possible drastic 
reduction of armaments. The sole requisites for 
undertaking such effort are that, in their purpose, 
they be aimed logically and honestly toward se- 
cure peace for all; and that, in their result, they 
provide methods by which every participating na- 
tion will prove good faith in carrying out its 
pledge. 

The Futility of Appeasement 

(2) Realizing that common sense and common 
decency alike dictate the futility of appeasement, 
we shall never try to placate an aggressor by the 
false and wicked bargain of trading honor for 
security. For in the final choice a soldier's pack 
is not so heavj' a burden as a prisoner's chains. 

Keeping America Strong and Productive 

(3) Knowing that only a United States that is 
strong and immensely productive can help defend 
freedom in our world, we view our Nation's 
strength and security as a trust upon which rests 
the liope of free men everywhere. It is the firm 
duty of each of our free citizens and of eveiy free 
citizen everywhere to place the cause of his coun- 
try before the comfort of himself. 

Respect for Other Nations' Sovereignty 

(4) Honoring the identity and heritage of each 
nation of the world, we shall never use our 
strength to try to impress upon another people 
our own cherished political and economic insti- 
tutions. 

Sharing the Common Defense of Freedom 

(5) Assessing realistically the needs and capac- 
ities of proven friends of freedom, we shall strive 



to help them to achieve their own security and 
well-being. Likewise, we shall count upon them 
to assume, within the limits of their resources, 
their full and just burdens in the conuiion de- 
fense of freedom. 

Indispensahility of Economic Health 

(6) Recognizing economic health as an indis- 
pensable basis of military strength and the free 
world's peace, we shall strive to foster everywhere, 
and to practice ourselves, policies that encourage 
productivity and profitable trade. For the im- 
poverishment of any single people in the world 
means danger to the well-being of all other 
peojDles. 

Strengthening Regional Groupings 

(7) Appreciating that economic need, military 
security, and political wisdom combine to suggest 
regional groupings of free peoples, we hope, 
within the framework of the United Nations, to 
help strengthen such special bonds the world over. 
The nature of these ties must vary with the dif- 
ferent problems of different areas. 

In the Western Hemisphere, we join with all 
our neighbors in the work of perfecting a commu- 
nity of fraternal trust and common purpose. 

In Europe, we ask that enlightened and inspired 
leaders of the "Western nations strive with renewed 
vigor to make the unity of their peoples a reality. 
Only as free Europe unitedly marshals its strength 
can it effectively safeguard, even with our help, 
its spiritual and cultural treasures. 

Holding All Races and Peoples in Equal Regard 

(8) Conceiving the defense of freedom like 
freedom itself to be one and indivisible, we hold 
all continents and peoples in equal regard and 
honor. We reject any insinuation that one race or 
another, one people or another, is in any sense 
inferior or expendable. 

Making the U. N. an Effective Force 

( 9 ) Respecting the United Nations as the living 
sign of all people's hope for peace, we shall strive 
to make it not merely an eloquent symbol but an 
effective force. And in our quest of honorable 
peace, we shall neither compromise, nor tire, nor 
ever cease. 

By these rules of conduct, we hope to be known 
to all peoples. By their observance, an earth of 
peace may become not a vision but a fact. This 



February 2, 1953 



169 



hope — this supreme aspiration — must rule the way 
we live. 



We Must Be Willing to Dare Ail 

We must be ready to dare all for our country. 
For history does not long entrust the care of free- 
dom to the weak or tlie timid. We must acquire 
proficiency in defense and display stamina in 
purpose. 

We must be willing, individually and as a nation, 
to accept whatever sacrifices may be required of us. 
A people that values its privileges above its prin- 
ciples soon loses both. 

These basic precepts are not lofty abstractions 
far removed from matters of daily living. They 
are laws of spiritual strength that generate and 
define our material strength. Patriotism means 
equipped forces and a prepared citizenry. Moral 
stamina means more energy and more productiv- 
ity on the farm and in the factory. Love of liberty 
means the guarding of eveiy resource that makes 
freedom possible — from tlie sanctity of our fam- 
ilies and the wealth of our soil to the genius of our 
scientists. 

So each citizen plays an indispensable role. The 



productivity of our heads, our hands, and our 
hearts is the source of all the strength we can 
coniniand, for both the enrichment of our lives and 
(lie winning of peace. 

Xo person, no home, no community can be be- 
yond tlie reach of this call. We are summoned to 
act in wisdom and in conscience; to work with in- 
dustry, to teach with persuasion, to preach with 
conviction, to weigh our every deed with care and 
witli compassion. For this truth must be clear 
before us: Whatever America hopes to bring to 
pass in the world must first come to pass in the 
heart of America. 

The peace we seek, then, is nothing less than the 
practice and the fulfillment of our whole faith, 
among ourselves and in our dealings with others. 
It signifies more than stilling the guns, easing the 
sorrow, of war. 

More than an escape from death, it is a way of 
life. 

More than a haven for the weary, it is a hope for 
the brave. 

This is the hope that beckons us onward in tliis 
century of trial. This is the work that awaits us 
all, to be done with bravery, with charity — and 
with prayer to Almighty God. 



Secretary Dulles' Message 
to His New Associates 

Statement hy Secretary Dulles ' 

To Mt Associates in the Department of State 
AND the Foreign Ser\'ice 

As I assume the post of Secretary of State, my 
thoughts turn to my future associates in the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign Service. 

We are united by the heavy responsibilities that 
press upon us. We are front-line defenders of 
the vital interests of the United States which are 
being attacked by a political warfare which is as 
hostile in its purpose and as dangerous in its 
capabilities as any open war. President Eisen- 
hower recently stated, "This nation stands in 
greater peril than at any time in our history." 

The peril is of a kind which places a special 
responsibility on each and every member of the 
Department of State and the Foreign Service. 
It requires of us competence, discipline, and posi- 
tive loyalty to the policies that our President and 
the C.'ongress may prescribe. 

' Made on .Ian. 21 immediately after he was sworn in as 
Secretary of State ; circulated among Department otfices 
and Foreign Service i)Osts and released to the press on 
.Ian. 22 (press release 40). 



Less than that is not tolerable at this time. 

Lest any misunderstand, let me add that loyalty 
does not, of course, call for any one to practice 
intellectual dishonesty or to distort his reporting 
to please superiors. Our foreign policies will pre- 
vail only if they are based on honest evaluations 
of the facts. 

Each foreign mission will have its appointed 
task, which will form part of our nation's over- 
all strategy designed to win peacefully the strug- 
gle that has been forced on us. Each mission will 
be expected to accomplish its task. 

It will be necessary, from time to time, to adjust 
our Department and Foreign Service so that we 
shall be best able to discharge our responsibilities 
and reach our chosen goals. Tliis will be done 
with all of the consideration which the situation 
seems to permit. But the national welfare must 
be given priority over individual concerns. 

I luiow, and our fellow citizens know, that those 
who comprise the Department of State and For- 
eign Service are, as a whole, a group of loyal 
Americans dedicated to the presei'vation of Ameri- 
can ideals. You are the worthy heirs of a noble 
tradition. I am honored to be one of you and I 
am confident that, under the leadership of Presi- 
dent Eisenhower, we shall go on to desei-ve well 
of the nation we love and serve. 



170 



Department of State Bulletin 



IIA Provides Inaugural Coverage 

Press release 37 dated January 19 

The International Information Administration 
(Iia) used its broadcasting, film, and press 
facilities to carry the story of the inauguration of 
Dwight D. Eisenhower as President of the United 
States throughout the world. 

A special inaugural program over the Voice of 
America, from 11:45 a.m. to 1 p.m. January 20, 
was beamed simultaneously to Europe, the 
Near and Middle East, Far East, and Latin 
America on a total of 42 frequencies. The massed 
transmission was carried by a score of domes- 
tic transmitters and relayed by medium wave or 
short-wave transmitters"^ in England, Germany, 
Greece, Tangier, Hawaii, and the Philippines, as 
well as by the seagoing relay base, the U. S. Coast 
Guard Cutter Courier, now anchored in the 
Eastern Mediterranean. 

The special radio program originated from 
both the Capitol steps in Washington and Voice 
of America studios in New York. Full inaugvira- 
tion coverage was provided in all of the 46 VOA 
language services. 

The inaugural programs were relayed locally 
in a number of countries. In Japan, for ex- 
ample, the broadcasting corporation of Japan 
relayed over its regular network a half-hour 
VOA Japanese-language program to an estimated 
20 million listeners. 

The IiA gave complete film coverage to the 
speech, parade, and other functions. 

Iia's press service will send the full text of the 
inaugural address to America's missions abroad 
as soon as it is available. Text of the address will 
be sent in English and will also be made available 
in translations. 



Semiannual Report of IIA 

Press release 2S dated January 15 

Secretary Acheson on January 16 sent to Con- 
gress the Ninth Semiannual Report of the Inter- 
national Information and Educational Exchange 
Program, which is administered by the Depart- 
ment of State through the International Infor- 
mation Administration (Iia). 

In the document, the Secretary reported on the 
activities, expenditures, and effectiveness of the 
psychological offensive of the United States. 
The report is required by Public Law 402 (80th 
Cong., 2d sess.). 

In an attached memorandum, Wilson Compton, 
Administrator of the Iia program since January 
1952, stated that the program is "gaining m im- 
pact and effect in most but not all of the countries 
in which its activities are under way."' 

This is the first report since all of the "foreign 
information activities for the administration of 
which the Secretary (of State) is responsible" 

Fefaruory 2, J 953 



were consolidated in the Iia program. The re- 
port is a comprehensive summary of the policies 
and information objectives of the United States 
in four great areas of the world ; it describes the 
"Menace of Communist Propaganda" ; and it gives 
examples, country by country, of the Iia action 
programs now under way. The report also ex- 
plains the technical operations of the Iia serv- 
ices—radio (the Voice of America), press, motion 
pictures, information centers, and the exchange- 
of -persons program, as well as the support of the 
program through private enterprise cooperation. 

In a section headed "Some Assumptions for the 
Future," the rejjort states that "the Soviet Union 
will continue its policy of using all available 
means to defeat our policies and program; and 
that these actions will intensify the pressures on 
the free world." 

The report concludes with two recommenda- 
tions : 

We should maintain and increase our efforts to reach 
beliind the Iron Curtain. 

We must demonstrate our decent and constructive pur- 
poses so effectively that we will Inspire the confidence of 
people in other countries and their fsreater willingness 
to join with us in developing a world community of free 
nations. 

Following is the text of Mr. Compton's memo- 
randum to Secretary Acheson, transmitting the 
report : 

The overseas information program of the United States, 
administered by the Department of State through the 
U. S. International Information Administration, is grad- 
ually gaining in impact and effect in most but not all of 
the countries in which its activities are under way. This 
program is not as good as its most enthusiastic advocates 
claim. It is not as bad as its severest critics say. There 
have been some wasted and misdirected efforts and some 
negligent "housekeeping." Most of these situations have 
been substantially improved. Some have been corrected. 
All of them are having attention. 

Following your order in January 1952 establishing the 
U.S. International Information Administration (Iia), aU 
of the "foreign information activities for the adminis- 
tration of which the Secretary [of State] is responsible" 
have now been consolidated within this program. In addi- 
tion, agreements have been completed or are in process 
with the Mutual Security Agency (Msa) for the practical 
integration of the Iia-Msa information activities in 
Europe, country by country. This has been a great gain. 
Steps toward similar integration In the countries of South- 
east Asia should be undertaken. By agreement with the 
Technical Cooperation Administration (Tca) we are 
handling Its general information activities. 

The report transmitted with this letter covers the pe- 
riod from January 1, 1952, through June 30, 1952. It 
should be noted, however, that beginning as of July 1, 
1952, we have undertaken the responsibility for the in- 
formation programs in Germany and Austria. At the 
request of the Department of the Army the Japan program 
was transferred to the International Information Admin- 
istration at the end of April. Therefore, the overseas in- 

171 



formation program — which on June 30, 1952, covered 85 
countries — now covers 88 countries, including major ac- 
tivities in several "high priority" countries. The desir- 
ability and the financial feasibility of continuing an in- 
formation program In a number of the "low priority" 
countries are under review. 

The contemplated reorganization of constituent units of 
the International Information Administration is under 
way. Its chief goals in each country are : 

Sharper definition of U.S. information objectives. 

More positive, i. e. less defensive, themes. 

Strengthening of overseas staffs with maximum use of 
qualified local nationals ; and concurrently the con- 
version of media divisions into effective means of 
servicing approved country programs. 

Larger initiative, responsibility, and authority in over- 
seas missions. 

Better means of determining effectiveness of each coun- 
try program. 

To complete these changes in organization and func- 
tions is a formidable undertaking. It will take at least 
18 months. We have had much help from the Bureau 
of the Budget, encouragement from the Advisory Com- 



Whither Disarmament? 



by Benjamin V. Cohen ' 



mission on Information and the Advisory Commission on 
Educational Exchange, and useful suggestions from com- 
niittef's and members of the Congress. These improve- 
ments in liasic organization should be diligently pressed. 
In no other practical way may we expect to direct our 
efforts where they will count for the most, with the least 
waste and with the largest return from the funds invested 
in this overseas "crusade of ideas." 

The procedures which you established for assuring the 
day-to-day guidance of the information activities in con- 
formity with United States policy have worked satisfac- 
torily. The International Information Administration 
appreciates the assistance, for this purpose, of the Otfice 
of the Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs and of the 
regional bureaus of the Department of State. 

As currently reported to you, steps have been taken to 
assure that no person of doubtful loyalty to the United 
States will be engaged or continued in this program. 

This oflBce is grateful for the interest and cooperation 
(if your office and of the Office of the Under Secretary in 
these initial stages of the organization of the International 
Information Administration. 

Wilson Compton 
Administrator, International Information 
Administration. 



I 



There is one point on which I should hope there 
would be general agreement. At this stage of the 
struggle for disarmament it is essential that we 
adhere strictly to the principle of rotation in office. 
Having devoted most of my time the past year as 
our representative on the U.N. Disarmament 
Commission, I am keenly aware that we need an 
infusion of new blood and new ideas. The strug- 
gle for disarmament is too important to be handi- 
capped by veterans who are beaten down rapidly 
by their own frustrations and are apt, if they stay 
at the task too long, to lose hope, resiliency, and 
vision. 

During the past year the Disarmament Commis- 
sion has made little progress toward agi-eement 
between the free and the Cominform world on 



' .\ddress made at Washington un .Tan. 16 before the 
Worlsslioji on World Disuruianient sponsored b.v officers 
of vai-ious national organizatiuns. For Ambassador 
Cohen's letter of resignation as deputy U. S. representa- 
tive on the U.N. Disarmament Coumiission and his report 
on the Commission's work, see Bulletin of Jan. 26, 1953, 
p. 142. 



disarmament. But it seems to me that consid- 
erable progress has been made in an educational 
way toward a better understanding of the nature 
and significance of the problem of disarmament. 

In the Commission our Government has tried to 
direct serious attention not only to the basic ob- 
jectives and prineijiles of disarmament but to sug- 
gest various practical approaches toward a dis- 
armament program. We have planted seeds 
which if properly nurtured will, we hope, in the 
future bring forth rich fruit. 

Let me summarize the proposals which we have 
made : ' 

(1) We have submitted a statement of the es- 
sential principles of disarmament. We have 
sought to relate the principles which should gov- 
ern a disarmament program to the law of the 
Charter. We have sought to give effect and mean- 
ing to the basic Charter obligation of states to 
refrain in their international relations from the 
threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent 

" For citations to texts of these proposals, see sum- 
mary printed in Bulletin of Oct. 27, 1952, p. 648. 



172 



DeparlmenI of State Bulletin 



widi the purposes of the Charter. We have in- 
sisted that the goal of an effective disarmament 
program must he not to regulate the armaments 
to be used in war, but to prevent war. 

To achieve this goal, all states have a respon- 
sibility to cooperate to establish and maintain an 
oi)en and substantially disarmed world. That is 
the only way in fact to eliminate armed force or 
till' threat of armed force as an instrument of na- 
tional or ideological policy. In a substantially 
disarmed world, no state should or would be in a 
condition of armed preparedness to start a war. 
In an open world no state should or would be in a 
])osition to undertake preparations for war with- 
out other states having knowledge and warning of 
such preparations long before the offending state 
could start a war. 

These principles must be adhered to if the world 
is to enjoy the fourth freedom — freedom from 
fear — which President Roosevelt proclaimed in 
1!>H. It was President Roosevelt himself who 
(lanslated freedom from fear in world terms to 
mean a world-wide reduction of armaments to such 
a point and in such a thorough fashion that no 
nation will be in a position to commit an act of 
piiysical aggression against any neighbor any- 
where in the world. 

We must therefore approach the problem of dis- 
armament from the standpoint that no state can 
have a sovereign right to wage war or to menace 
the world with its arms. 



Effects on International Relationships 

Before summarizing the other proposals which 
we made in the Disarmament Commission, it might 
be worth while to consider some of the far reaching 
effects that the genuine acceptance of these princi- 
ples of disarmament could have in the course of 
time on international relationships. 

If there were reasonable certainty that no nation 
was in a state of armed preparedness to undertake 
a war with any prospect of success, or to accom- 
plish an act of aggression by a quick, decisive 
blow there would be a profound change in the cli- 
mate of international relationships. Differences 
would remain differences in ideas, in interest, and 
even in power. But the people would know that 
they could not suddenly explode into war. The 
road to genuine understanding and peaceful settle- 
ment would not be blocked by the necessity of con- 
sidering every problem in light of its effect on mili- 
tary potential in some future war rather than in 
light of its effect on human welfare in a peaceful, 
friendly world. The barriers to East- West trade, 
for example, would fall of their own